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[Illustration: title page]


  THE WORKS
  OF
  JOHN KNOX


  COLLECTED AND EDITED BY
  DAVID LAING, LL.D.


  VOLUME SECOND.


  EDINBURGH:
  JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.
  MDCCCXCV.


  WORKS
  OF
  JOHN KNOX.

  THE WODROW SOCIETY,

  INSTITUTED MAY 1841,

  FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND EARLY
  WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.


  AD SCOTOS TRANSEUNTIBUS PRIMUS OCCURRIT MAGNUS ILLE JOANNES
  CNOXUS, QUEM SI SCOTORUM IN VERO DEI CULTU INSTAURANDO, VELUT
  APOSTOLUM QUENDAM DIXERO, DIXISSE ME QUOD RES EST EXISTIMABO.

                                                  THEOD. BEZA.

  Manufactured in the United States of America

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.


                                                           PAGE

  ADVERTISEMENT,                                            vii

  HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.

    BOOK THIRD, 1559-1561,                                    1

    THE CONFESSION OF FAITH, 1560,                           93

    THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE, 1560,                           183

  HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.

    BOOK FOURTH, 1561--1564,                                261

    INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH,                      465

    BOOK FIFTH, 1564-1567,                                  469

  APPENDIX.

    No. I.--INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN BOOK
      THIRD AND FOURTH IN BUCHANAN'S EDITIONS OF
      THE HISTORY, IN 1644,                                 569

      NOTICES OF THE EDITOR, DAVID BUCHANAN,                584

    No. II.--ON SPOTTISWOOD'S EDITION OF THE FIRST BOOK OF
      DISCIPLINE,                                           587

    No. III.--FUNERALS OF MARY OF GUISE, QUEEN REGENT OF
      SCOTLAND,                                             590

    No. IV.--NOTICES OF JOHN BLACK, A DOMINICAN FRIAR,      592

    No. V.--NOTICES OF DAVID RICCIO,                        595

    No. VI.--THE ABBOTS OF CULROSS AND LINDORES IN 1560;
      AND JOHN LESLEY, BISHOP OF ROSS,                      598

  GLOSSARY,                                                 603

  INDEX OF PERSONS,                                         619

  INDEX OF PLACES,                                          639

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ADVERTISEMENT.


THE present Volume completes THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN
SCOTLAND, and includes Book Fifth, which was published under Knox's
name in 1644, but of which no manuscript copy has been discovered.
Separate title pages are given, along with a Glossary and Index, as
the History forms a distinct portion of the Reformer's Works; and
these two volumes will probably be in the hands of many Members of the
WODROW SOCIETY who may not be inclined to procure the remaining three,
or more probably, four volumes of the series, in the event of some
arrangement being made by which their publication, as proposed, shall
ultimately be secured.

                                                               D. L.

EDINBURGH, _May_ 1848.




  THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE PROGRESSE OF
    TREW RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME
    OF SCOTLAND.


[Sidenote: NOTA.--HEBBURN AGAINST THE ERLE OF ARRANE BEING INNOCENT.]

[Sidenote: THE DROWNYNG OF THE FRENCHE.]

AFTER this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh,[1] the furye and the
raige of the Frenche increassed; for then durst neither man nor woman
that professed Christ Jesus within that toune be seyn. The housses of
the most honest men war gevin by the Quene to Frenchemen for a parte
of thair reward. The Erle Bothwell, by sound of trumpett, proclaimed
the Erle of Arrane traytour,[2] with other dispytefull wourdes: whiche
all was done for the pleasure and by the suggestioun of the Quene
Regent,[3] who then thought the battell was won without farther
resistance. Great practising sche maid for obteaneing of the Castell
of Edinburgh. The Frenche maid thair faggottis, with other
preparationis, to assault the said Castell either by force, or ellis
by treassone. But God wrought so potentlie with the Capitane, the Lord
Erskin,[4] at that tyme, that neither the Quene by flatterye, nor the
Frenche by treassoun prevailled. Advertisementis with all diligence
past to the Duck of Gwise, who then was King of France (as concerneing
power to command[5]), requiring him then to make expeditioun, yf he
desyred the full conquest of Scotland. Who delayed no tyme, but with a
new armye send away his brother, Marquis Dalbuf, and in his company
the Martikis,[6] promissing, that he himself should follow. But the
rychteouse God, who in mercy looketh upon the afflictioun of those
that unfeanedlye sob unto him, fought for us by his awin out-stretched
arme; for, upon one nycht, upon the coast of Holand, war drowned of
thame aughttein ensenzeis, so that onlye rested the schip in the
whiche war the two principallis foirsaid, with thair Ladyis; who,
violentlie dreven back agane to Deape,[7] war compelled to confesse,
That God fawght for the defence of Scotland.

  [1] As related in vol. i. page 462, the Lords of the Congregation,
  after the unfortunate skirmish at Restalrig, on the 6th November 1559,
  retreated to Linlithgow that night, leaving their artillery on the
  streets of Edinburgh. See also Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 271; and
  Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 554. Sadler describes the
  Protestants as retiring from Edinburgh, "bytuene one and two a clocke
  in the mornyng;" and adds, "And the Quene Dowager and her French be
  now in Edynburgh in gret tryumphe, the most parte of the substanciall
  men of the same being fled out of the towne, with their hole
  families."

  [2] In a letter to Sadler, dated Stirling, 11th November 1559, Thomas
  Randall says, "Upon Thursdaye last (9th November) the Erle of Arraine
  received a cartell of defiance from the Erle of Bothwell, requyering
  of him the combate; the copie whereof, and aunswer to the same, I will
  bring with me." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 565.)

  [3] The Earl of Bothwell had previously joined himself to the party of
  the Queen Regent. According to the Treasurer's Account, on the 29th
  October 1558, a messenger was sent with "clois writtingis of the Quene
  to the Erle Bothwell, Lieutennant." On the 12th January 1558-9, James
  Earl of Bothwell received £100, "be the Queen's precept, for keiping
  of the Castell of Armitage, from the 15th day of September to the 15th
  of Januar instant last bipast."

  [4] John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar: see vol. i p. 416.

  [5] That is, Francis the Second, the young King of France, was wholly
  governed by the Duke of Guyse, brother of the Queen Regent of
  Scotland.

  [6] In MS. G, "Marquis D'Albufe, and his cumpanie the Maritickis." In
  the MS. of 1566, the name was originally written "Marquis D'Omall,"
  but is corrected to "Dalbul," or "Dalbuf."--René de Loraine, Marquis
  of D'Albeuf, was the seventh son of Claude de Loraine, first Duke de
  Guyse. He was born in 1536, and died in 1566. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal.,
  vol. iii. p. 492.) He was General of the French galleys.

  [7] The town of Dieppe, in France.--On the 11th January 1559-60, Queen
  Elizabeth wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "Our shipps have bene stayed
  with contrary wynds, and so be the French also;" and referring to what
  Knox has stated, it is added, "We be advertised that Martiges is
  dryven by wether into Denmark; and one thousand Frenchmen lost by
  tempest in Zeland; so as it shuld seme that God is pleased the French
  purposees should not so speedely be accomplished, as their meaning
  is."--(Burghley State Papers, by Haynes, p. 223.)

Frome England returned Robert Melven,[8] who past in cumpanye to
London with the Secreatarie,[9] a lytill befoir Christenmesse,[10]
and brought unto us certane Articles to be ansuered, as by the
contract that after was made, more planely shall appeir. Whairupon the
Nobilitie convened at Striveling, and returned ansuer with diligence.
Whairof the Frenche advertisshed, thei marched to Lynlythqw, spoiled
the Duckis house, and waisted his landis of Kynneill;[11] and
thairefter came to Striveling,[12] whair thei remaned certane dayis:
(the Duck, the Erles of Ergyle and Glencarne, with thair freindis,
passed to Glaskow; the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, past to
Sanctandrois; for charge was gevin to the haill Nobilitie,
Protestantis, to keap thair awin bodyis, till that God should send
thame farther supporte.) The Frenche took purpose first to assault
Fyffe; for at it was thair great indignatioun. Thair purpose was, to
have tacken and fortifyed the Toune and Abbay, with the Castell of
Sanctandrois; and so thei cam to Culross, after to Dumfermeling, and
then to Bruntyland, whair thei began to forte; but desisted thairfra,
and marched to Kynghorne, upoun the occasioun as followeth.

  [8] Robert Melville was the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith
  (whose death is recorded by Knox, vol. i. p. 284.)

  [9] William Maitland of Lethington, younger, was appointed by the
  Queen Regent, Secretary of State, 4th December 1558. (Reg. Secr.
  Sigilli.) He had previously been employed in her affairs. In September
  1555, the Treasurer paid to William Maitland, "be the Quenis grace
  precept, for his pensioun of this instant zeir," £150. On the 11th
  February 1557-8, when sent in embassy to London, he received from the
  Treasurer 600 crowns of the Sun, extending to £765; and on the 30th
  March 1558-9, he received a similar sum, when "passand of Edinburgh to
  London and France, on the Quenis grace affairis." He joined the
  Protestants in October 1559.

  [10] Maitland was accompanied by Thomas Randall, under the assumed
  name of Barnabie, and they were expected at Newcastle on the 21st
  November. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 592.) Some of Maitland's
  letters at this time, also the "Instructions for the Lorde of
  Lidington, how to conceyve and directe the sute and complaynte of us
  the Nobles, Gentlemen, and Burgesses of Scotland, in this our
  distresse, to the Quenis Majestie of England," dated 24th November,
  are preserved by Sadler. (Ib. pp. 604, 628, 686, 716.)

  [11] Kinneill House, in the parish of that name, now conjoined with
  Borrowstounness, is the property, and was occasionally used as the
  family residence of the Dukes of Hamilton.--The Treasurer, in October
  1553, paid, "Be my Lord Gouernouris commande, to the masonis in
  Kynnele, in drinksyluer, _at the laying of the ground-stane of the
  Palice of Kynnele_." The house has a beautiful exposure on the south
  side of the Frith of Forth, near where the old Roman Wall terminated.

  [12] In the MS. of 1566, and Vautr. edit., "Stirveling."--It may be
  remarked that several leaves of the MS. in this place form one of
  those quires or sets which appear to have been rewritten, about 1570,
  with very little attention to minute accuracy. Occasional corrections,
  chiefly in orthography, have therefore been made on the authority of
  the Glasgow MS., but few of such importance as to require special
  notice.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF SUDDERLANDE SCHOTE]

When certane knowledge came to the Erle of Arrane, and to Lord James,
that the Frenche war departed from Striveling, thei departed also from
Sanctandrois, and begane to assemble thair forces at Cowper, and send
thair men of warr to Kinghorne;[13] unto whome thair resorted diverse
of the coast syd, of mynd to resist rather at the begynnyng, than when
thei had destroyed a parte of thair townes. But the Lordis had gevin
ane expresse commandiment, that thei should hasard nothing whill that
thei thameselfis war present. And for that purpose was send unto thame
the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferiour to few in
stowtnes. In his cumpany was the Erle of Sudderland,[14] send from the
Erle of Huntley, as he alledged, to conforte the Lordis in thair
afflictioun; butt otheris whispered, that his principall commissioun
was unto the Quene Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurte in the arme
by the schote of ane haquebute; for the men of warr, and the rascall
multitude, perceaving certane boatis of Frenchemen landing, whiche cam
from Leyth, purposed to stoppe thair landing; and so, nott considering
the ennemeis that approched from Bruntyland, unadvisedlie thei russhed
doune to the Petticurr, (so is that bray be-west Kynghorne[15]
called,) and at the sea-coast began the skarmissing, butt never took
head to the ennemye that approached by land, till that the horsemen
charged thame upon thair backis, and the hole bandis cam directlie in
thare faces; and so war thei compelled to geve backis, with the loss
of sex or sevin of thair men, and with the takein of some, amangis
whome war twa that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paule
Lambert,[16] a Ducheman, and a Frenche boy, fervent in religioun, and
cleane of lyef, whome, in despyte, thei hanged ower the steaple.[17]
Thou shall revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed tyme! The caus that in so
great a danger thair was so small a losse, nixt unto the mercyfull
providence of God, was the suddane cuming of the Lord Ruthven; for
evin as our men had gevin backis, he and his cumpany came to the head
of the bray, and did not onlie stay the Frenche footemen, but also
some of ours brack upoun thair horsemen, and so repulsed thame that
thei did no farther hurte to oure footemen. In that rencontare was the
Erle of Sudderland foirsaid schote in the arme, and was caryed back to
Cowper. The Frenche took Kinghorne, whair they lay, and wasted the
countrey about, alsweall Papistis as Protestantis; yea, even those
that war confidderat with thame, suche as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto,
Balwearry, and otheris,[18] ennemyes to God and traytouris to thair
countrey. Of those (we say) thei spaired not the scheipe, the oxen,
the kyne, and horse; and some say that thair wyffis and doughtaris
gatt favouris of the Frenche soldiouris. And so did God recompense the
Papistis in thair awin bosomes, for, besydis the defoulling of thair
housses, as said is, tuo of thame resavit more damage then did all the
gentilmen that professed the Evangell within Fyff, the Laird of
Grange onlye excepted, whose [house][19] of the Grange the Frenche
owerthrew by gun pouder.

  [13] On the 8th of January 1559-60. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p.
  684.)

  [14] John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Arran, and Lord James
  Stewart, in a letter to Sadler, dated Dysart, 19th January, make
  mention of the Earl of Huntly having sent "in commission to us, his
  cousen the Erle of Sutherland, to offer unto us adjunction in our
  common actioun in his name, and all his assistance; and, at the first
  skirmishe, hazarding himself too farre, was shott in the left arme,
  and hurt very evill; for which cause he is departed home, and shall
  cause the Erle Huntley performe his promesse." (Vol. i. p. 691.) "The
  Lorde of Southerland, sithens he was hurte, is becom a greate enemye
  of the Franches." (Letter to Sadler, 4th February 1559-60. Ib. p.
  702.) His wound did not prove fatal, but he died from the effects of
  poison, in 1567, in the forty-second year of his age.

  [15] In MS. G, "that Bey betuix Kinghorne."--The places here mentioned
  are all well known, stretching along the coast of Fife, on the north
  side of the Frith of Forth, to the west of Kirkaldy.

  [16] In MS. 1566, "Paule Lambett."

  [17] In MS. G, "over the stipell of Kinghorne."

  [18] The persons here referred to, with other gentlemen of Fife, are
  afterwards noticed by Knox, as having been apprehended by the Earl of
  Arran and Lord James Stewart for the assistance they had rendered to
  the French. Seafield and Balmuto are in the parish of Kinghorn; Wemyss
  in the parish of that name; and Balweary in that of Abbotshall.

  [19] Omitted in the MS.--The House of Grange is about a mile to the
  north-east of Kinghorn, and in that parish.

[Sidenote: THE CASTEIN DOUN OF THE HOUSE OF THE GRANGE.]

The Quene Regent, proude of this victorie, burst furth in hir
blasphemous rayling, and said, "Whair is now Johne Knox his God? My
God is now stronger than his, yea even in Fyff." Sche posted to hir
freindis in France news[20] that thousandis of the heretickis war
slaine, and the rest war fled; and thairfoir requyred, that some
Nobleman of hir freindis wald cum and tak the glorie of that victorye.
Upon that informatioun was the Martikkis, with tuo schippis, and sum
Captanis and horse, directed to cum to Scotlande; but litill to thair
awin advantage, as we sall after heare.

  [20] In MS. 1566, "of new."

[Sidenote: JOAN. 6]

The Lordis of the Congregatioun, offended at the folisheness of the
rascall multitude, called to thameselfis the men of warr, and remaned
certane dayes at Cowper; unto whome repaired Johne Knox, and, in our
greatest disperatioun, preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His
text was, "The danger in whiche the disciplis of Christ Jesus stude
quhen thei wer in the mydest of the sea, and Jesus was upon the
mountaine." His exhortatioun was, "That we sould not faint, but that
we sould still row aganis these contrarius blastis, till that Jesus
Christ sould come; for (said he,) I am as assuredlie persuaded that
God sall delyver us frome the extreme trowbill, as that I am assured
that this is the Evangell of Jesus Christ whiche I preche unto [you]
this day. 'The fourth watche is nocht yet come;' abyde a lytill: the
boit salbe saved, and Peter, whiche hes left the boit, sall not
droune. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure[21] you, be reason of
this present rage; God grant that ye may acknawlege his hand, after
that your eyes hes seine his delyverance."

  [21] In MS. G, "affirme."

In that sermon he comforted manye. And yit he offended the Erle of
Arrane; for, in his discourse upoun the manifald assaultis that the
Churche of God had sustained, he brocht for exampille the multitude of
strangeris that persewed Jehosaphat after that he had reformed
religioun. He entreted the fear of the pepill, yea, and of the King
himself att the first; but after, he affirmed, that Jehosaphat was
stout, and to declair his courage in his God, he conforted his pepile
and his souldiouris; he come fourth in the mydest of thame; he spak
lovinglie unto thame. He keipit not himself (said he) inclosed in his
chalmer, but frequented the multitude, and rejoised thame with his
presence and godlie comforte. These, and the lyik sentences, took the
said Erle to be spoken in reproache of him, because he keipit himself
more close and solitary then many men wald half wisshed.

After these thingis, determinatioun was tacken that the Erle of
Arrane, and Lord James, with the men of warr, and sum company of
horsemen, sould goe to Dyserte, and thair lye to wait upoun the
Frenche, that they distroyed not the sea-cost, as thei intendit
utterlie to have doun. The said Erle, and Lord James, did as thei war
appointed, albeit thair company was very small; and yet thei did so
valiantlie, that it passed all credabilitie:[22] for twentie and ane
dayis thei lay in thair clothes; thair buttis never come of: thei had
skarmissing almost everie day; yea, some dayis, from morne to
evin.[23] The Frenche war foure thousand souldiouris,[24] besyde thair
favoreris and factioun of the countrey. The Lordis war never togidder
fyve hundreth horsmen, with a hundreth souldiouris; and yitt thai held
the Frenche so busye, that for everie horse thai slew to the
Congregatioun, thai lost foure Frenche souldiouris.

  [22] Several joint letters written by the Earl of Arran and Lord James
  Stewart, between the end of November 1559, and February following,
  communicating intelligence of their proceedings in Fife, are preserved
  among Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. pp. 620, _et seqq._)

  [23] In MS. 1566, "inevin."

  [24] Bishop Lesley estimates their number at about 2000.--(Hist. p.
  281.)

[Sidenote: THE SLAUCHTER OF A FRENCHE CAPITANE, WITH HIS BAND.]

Willyeaume Kirkaldie of Grange, the day efter that his housse was
cassein doun, send in his defiance to Monsieur D'Osell, and unto the
rest, declaring, that to that hour had he used the Frenche
favourablie: He had saved thair lyves, when that he mycht have
suffered thair throttis to have been cuttit; bot seing thai haid usit
him with that rigor, let thame not luik for that favour in tymes to
cum. And unto Monsieur D'Osell he said, "He knew that he wald not gett
him in the skirmissing, becauis he knew he was bot a cowart; bot it
mycht be that he sould quyte him a commoun ather in Scotland, or ellis
in France." The said Willyeaume Kirkaldie, and the Maister off
Lyndsay, eschaped mony dangeris. The Maister had his hors slaine under
him: the said Willyeaume was almost betrayed in his hous at
Hawyairdis.[25] But yet thei never seased, bot nycht and day thai
waitted upon the Frenche. Thai laid thameselves in a secreit place,
with sum gentilmen befoir the day, to await upoun the Frenche, quho
usit commonlie to isch in companyis, to seik thair pray; and so cam
fourth ane Capitane Battu,[26] with his hundreth, and begane to
spoilzie; quhom the said Maister, now Lord of Lyndsay,[27] and the
said Wilyeaume, suffered, without declaratioun of thameselfis, or of
thair cumpany, till that thai had thame more than a myle fra
Kinghorne, and then begane the horsmen to brek; whiche perceved, the
Frenche altogither drew to a place callit Glenniss[28] House, and maid
for debait: sum tuik the housse, and utheris deffended the close and
yaird. The hasard appereth verry unliklie, for oure men had na thing
bot speris, and war compellit to lycht upoun thair feit. The other war
within dykis; and everie man had culverinis: the schote was feirfull
to mony, and dyverse war hourt, amongis quhome war Robert
Hamiltoun,[29] and David Kirkaldie, brother to the said Laird, quho
both war supposed to have bein slaine. The said Laird perceving men to
faynt, and begyne to recule, said, "Fy, lett us never leive efter this
day, that we sall recule for Frenche schybaldis;" and so the Maister
of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett, and so utheris followed. The
Maister struik with his speir at La Battu, and glansing upoun his
harness, for feirceness stamered almost upoun his kneis. But
recovering suddendlie, he fessned his speir, and bare the Capitaine
bakward, who, becauis he wald not be takein, was slaine, and fyftie of
his cumpanie with hym. Those that war into the house, with sum
utheris, war saved, and [sent] to Dundye to be kept. This mischance to
the Frenche men maid thame to be more circumspect in scatring abrod
into the countrie; and so the poore creaturis gat sum releive. To
fourness thame[30] of victuelis, was appointed Capitane Cullen,[31]
with tuo schippis, quho traveled betuix the south schoire and
Kinghorne, for that purpois. For his waiges he spoilzied Kinghorne,
Kirkaldie, and so muche of Dyserte as he mycht. For remedy quhairof
war appointit tuo schippis from Dundye: Andro Sandis, a stout and
fervent man in the cause of religioun, was the principall. This same
tyme arrived the Martekis,[32] quho, without delay, landit himself,
his cofferis, and the principall gentilmen that were with him at
Leith,[33] leiving the rest in the schippis till better oportunitie.
But the said Andro, and his companioun, streicking saill and making as
thai wald cast anker hard besyde thame, burded thame both, and carried
thame to Dundye. In thame war gotten sum horse, and muche harness,
with sum uther triffilis; but of money we hard nocht. Heareat the
Frenche offended, avowed the distructioun of Sanctandrois and Dundye;
and so, upoun a Mononday in the morning, the xxiij. day of
Januare,[34] thai marchit frome Dyserte, and passed the water of
Levein;[35] ever keaping the sea-cost, be reassoun of thaire schippis
and victuallis, as said is. About tuelf houris thai espyed schippis,
(quhiche war seine that morning by us that war upoun the land, but war
not knawin.) Monsieur D'Osell affirmed thame to be Frenche schippis,
and so the souldiouris triumphit, schot thair volie for salutatioun,
and marchit fordward till Kincraige,[36] fearing no resistance.

  [25] Or, Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. It afterwards came
  into the possession of the Family of Skene.

  [26] In Vautr. edit., &c., "Battu," and "Le Battu." Elsewhere he is
  called Labast, Labatt; by Pitscottie "Labattie."

  [27] Patrick, Master of Lyndesay, succeeded to the title as sixth Lord
  Lyndesay of Byris, on the death of his father, in 1563.

  [28] In Vautr. edit. "Glennish House." There is a place still named
  Gleniston, near Loch Gelly, a few miles from Kinghorn, which belonged
  in the 14th and 15th century, to Glen of Balmuto; the property, by
  marriage, afterwards came into the family of Boswell. There was also
  Glammis Tower, or Castle, an old stronghold which stood upon the
  rising ground that overlooks the town of Kinghorn. (New Stat. Account,
  Fife, p. 804.)

  [29] This was probably Robert Hamilton whose name occurs in the
  Treasurer's Accounts in the years 1561 and 1562, as Master of the
  Artillery.

  [30] In MS. G, "to furneis the Frenche;" Vautr. edit. has, "to furnish
  them."

  [31] The Queen Regent, in 1558, had made Captain James Cullen one of
  the keepers of the town of Perth. As noticed, in the following page,
  on the 24th January 1559-60, he and Captain Farny, "being in ane pink,
  were taken; and also ane uther schip callit the Hoy, quhilkis were to
  pas in Fyff, with munitioun to furneis the Frenche Campe." (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, pp. 55, 272.) In January 1559-60, letters had been sent
  "to caus all maner of provision, sic as breid, drink, flesche, fische,
  and utheris necessaris, to follow the Frenche army in Fyffe."
  (Treasurer's Accounts.) Payments to Captain James Cullen, then in the
  Queen's service, occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, June and September
  1566. His ultimate fate is recorded in the Diurnal of Occurrents, and
  in Richard Bannatyne's Memorials: having been taken prisoner in the
  Canongate on the 14th June 1571, he was tried at Leith, and beheaded
  on the 17th July, at the instigation, it is said, of the Earl of
  Morton.

  [32] Count Stephen de Martigues. In a letter from Sir N. Throkmorton
  to Queen Elizabeth, 7th October 1559, in reference to the levying of
  troops to be sent from France to Scotland, he says, "for the
  transporting whereof, it is said, one Monsieur Martigues is appointed
  chief conducteur; who is a Gentleman of the Kingis chamber, of the
  state of a Conte, in good estimacioun, and heretier to the Duke de
  Temps: and there be ships already in order at Calais, and other parts
  upon this side." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 248.) In another
  letter, it is said, "The Marques D'Albeuf and Martigues are appointed
  to take shipping at Calice, the last of this monethe, November," (Ib.
  p. 257;) and letters of a subsequent date contain other allusions to
  their progress. See _supra_, page 4, note 3. In a letter to Cecil,
  written from Dover, 24th January 1559-60, Throkmorton, reports the
  information he had then received, "That Martigues hath been all this
  his missinge tyme in the North Isles of Orkeney; and that he is now
  salfflie arryved in Scotlande, with his viii enseignes of footemen,
  and well landed them all," with the exception of one of the ships
  which was driven away by the violence of the weather, before the men
  were put ashore, and was supposed to be lost. (Ib. p. 307.) He also
  mentions the capture, at night, of one of the ships, after all the
  stuff had been taken out of it. On the 22d February he informs the
  High Admiral of England, that the Marquis D'Elbeuf, "now soddenly,
  upon the newes of the late overthrow of fyve ensigns of their foote in
  Scotland, not far from Inskieth, and a good personage lost, (referring
  to La Battu,) which are lately brought hither, as I wrote to you
  before, he is now hastened away." (Ib. p. 333.) Bishop Lesley calls
  him "Monsieur Martigo, ane valyant and curageous Capitane," and says,
  that upon his arrival at Leith, in the month of November, "with ane
  thousand guid souldiouris, he was appointed crownell of the hoill
  Frenche army." (Hist. p. 280.)

  [33] Martigues landed at Leith on the 11th January 1559-60, (Diurnal
  of Occurrents. pp. 55, 272.)

  [34] Monday was the 22d of January.

  [35] The Water of Leven is a small river which comes from the
  celebrated Loch of that name, in Kinross-shire, and flows into the sea
  at the town of Leven on the Frith of Forth.

  [36] Kincraig is in the parish of Kilconquhar, and the headland under
  the name of Kincraig Hill, rises to the height of about 200 feet above
  the level of the sea, with a small bay between Earlsferry point.

But schorte efter, the Ingliche schippis mett with Capitain Culein,
and seased him and his schippis,[37] quhiche maid thame a litill to
muse. But suddentlie come Maister Alexander Wood, who had bein upoun
the Admirall,[38] and assured Monsieur D'Osell, that thai wer
Inglissmen, and that thai war the foir-ryderis of a gretter number
that followed, who war send for the supporte of the Congregatioun.
Thair mycht have bein seine the ryveing of a baird, and mycht have
bein hard suche dispyte, as cruell men use to spew furth quhile as
God[39] brydellis thair furie. Weariness and the nycht constrained
thame to luge thair. Thai sowped skarslie,[40] becaus thair schippis
war takein, in the quhilk was thair victuellis and ordinance, quhiche
thai intendit to have placed in Sanctandrois. Thai thameselvis durst
nocht stray abrod to seake; and the Laird of Weymmes cariage, whiche
lykwyis was cumming with fournissing unto thame, was stayit. And
thairfoir, bytymes in the mornyng, thai retired towardis Kinghorne,
and maid more expeditioun in one day in returning, then thai did in
two in marching fordward.

  [37] See note 3, page 11.

  [38] Mr. Winter, Vice-Admiral of the English fleet, which arrived at
  this time in the Frith of Forth, in the view of aiding the Protestants
  against the French auxiliaries. In the Appendix to Keith's History,
  (vol. i. p. 408,) are inserted the "Instructions given by the Queen's
  Majesty, to William Winter, Esq., Master of the Ordnance of her
  Majesty's Admiralty, sent at this present to the seas with fourteen
  armed ships to sail to Scotland," from a MS. in the Cottonian Library,
  written in the hand of Secretary Cecil, and dated 16th December 1559.

  [39] In Vautr. edit. "when God."

  [40] In Vautr. edit. "they supped scarsly." MS. G. reads, "they
  sleiped scarsly."

The storme, whiche had continuit neire the space of a moneth, brak in
the verry tyme of thair reteiring, quhairby mony thocht thei sould
have bein stayit, till that reasonabill cumpanie mycht have bein
assemblit to have fouchtein thame; and for that purpois did Wilyeaume
Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Toullibody.[41] But the Frenche, expert
aneuch in suche factis, tuik doun the roofe of a parish kirk, and maid
a brig over the same watter,[42] called Dovane; and so thai eschapit,
and come to Striveling, and syne to Leith. Yit in thair retourning
thai lost dyverse; amongis quhome thair was one quhois miserable end
we man rehers. As the Frenche spoilyied the countrye in thair
retourning, one capitaine or soldiour, we cannot tell, bot he had a
reid cloik and a gilt morrion,[43] entered upoun a poore woman, that
dwelt in the Whytsyd, and began to spoyle. The poore woman offered
unto him suche breid as sche had reddy prepared. But he, in no wayis
thairwith content, wald have the meill and a lytill salt beiff whiche
the poore woman had to susteine hir awin lyfe, and the lyves of hir
poore chylderein; neather could tearis, nor [pitifull] wourdis,[44]
mittigat the merciles man, but he wald have quhatsoever he mycht
carie. The poore woman perceving him so bent, and that he stoupped
doun in hir tub, for the taking foorth of suche stufe as was within
it, first cowped up his heillis, so that his heid went doun; and
thairefter, outher[45] by hirself, or if ony uther cumpanie come to
help hir, but thair he endit his unhappie lyfe; God so punissing his
crewell hairt, quho could nocht spair a misserable woman in that
extremetie. "Let all suche soldiouris receve suche rewaird, O Lord,
seing that thou art the revenger of the oppressed."

  [41] The village of Tullibody, in the parish of Alloa, and county of
  Clackmannan. Tullibody House, the seat of Lord Abercromby, is situated
  near the banks of the Forth. The Church, which was partially
  demolished by the French in January 1559-60, is a building of great
  antiquity. In the course of the last century, it was new roofed and
  repaired, to serve as the burial-place of the family, and has
  occasionally been used as a preaching station. The destruction of the
  Church of Tullibody is mentioned in the several histories of the time.
  Although the French were enabled to "make ane sure passage, baith for
  horsemen and footemen," to cross the water, and came to Stirling on
  the 28th of that month, Pitscottie relates, that they had to remain
  "all that night in Fotherik Muire, without either meat or drink, and
  many of them were slaine or they could get the bridge prepaired."

  [42] In MS. G, "the said water;" in Vautr. edit. "the same water."
  Evidently the Black Devon, a small river which rises in the western
  part of Fife, and falls into the Forth below the town of Clackmannan;
  and, therefore, to be distinguished from the Devon itself, which has
  its source on the northern declivity of the Ochil Hills, and after
  passing through Glen Devon, celebrated for its romantic scenery, falls
  into the Frith of Forth about two miles above Alloa.

  [43] In MS. 1566, "morrow."

  [44] Both MS. G, and Vautr. edit. have, "nor pitifull words."

  [45] In MS. 1566, "houyer:" MS. G has "quhidder;" and Vautr.
  "whither."

       *       *       *       *       *

And now, because that frome this tyme forward, frequent mentioun will
be maid of the comfortable support that we, in oure greattest
extremetie receved, by Goddis providence, frome oure nychtbouris of
Ingland, we think it expedient simply to declair by quhat instrumentis
that mater was first moved, and by quhat meanis it come to passe, that
the Quene and Counsell of Ingland schew thameselves sa favorable unto
us.

As Jhonne Knox had foirwairned us, by his letteris frome Geneva, of
all dangeris that he foirsaw [to] ensew on our enterpryse; so quhen he
come to Deip, myndfull of the same, and revolveing with himself quhat
remedy God wald pleis to offere, he tuike the boldnes to wreit to Sir
Williame Cycill, Secretarie of Ingland, with quhome the said Jhonne
had bein befoire familiarlie acquented, intending thairby[46] to
renew acquentence, and so to oppen farther of his mynd.[47] The
tennour of his first Letter followis:--

"_The Spreit of Jugement, Wisdome, and Sanctificatioun, I wishe unto
you, by Jesus Chryst._

  [46] In MS. 1566, "in sending."

  [47] In Vautrollier's editions, and in the later MSS. (A., E., I., L
  2, &c.) the whole of this paragraph is omitted, and also the following
  Letter from Knox to Cecil, written from Dieppe in April 1559. The free
  strain of the letter was not calculated to conciliate the favour of
  the English statesman; and we need not be surprised to find Cecil, in
  a letter dated "from the Court," on the last of October, saying to
  Sadler, "_Of all others Knoxees name_, if it be not Goodman's, _is
  most odious here_; and therefore I wish no mentioun of hym
  hither."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 532.)

[Sidenote: Jhone Knox first letter to Sir Williame Cecyll.]

"As I have no plaisour with long wretting to trouble you, Rycht
Honorable, quhois mynd I knaw to be occupyed with most grave
maters,[48] so mynd I nott greattlie to lawboure by long preface to
conciliat your favouris, quhilk I suppoise I have allreddy, (howsomer
rumouris bruit the contrarie,) as it becummeth one member of Chrystis
body to have of ane uther. The contentis, thairfoire, of these my
presentis sal be absolved in tuo pointis. In the former, I purpois to
discharge, in breve wordis, my conscience towardis you: and in the
uther, somquhat must I speik in my awin defence, and in defence of
that poore floke, of lait assembled in the most godlie Reformed
Churche and citie of the warld, Geneva. To you, Sir, I say, that as
frome God ye have receavit lyfe, wisdome, honoris, and this present
estait, in the quhilk now ye stand, so aucht you whollie[49] to employ
the same to the advancement of his glorie, who onlie is the author of
lyef, the fountaine of wisdome, and quho most assuredlie doeth, and
will honour and glorifie these, that, with sempill hairtis, do
glorifie him; quhiche, allace, in tymes past ye have nott doun; bot
bein overcum with comoun iniquitie, ye have followed the warld in the
way of perditioun. For to the suppressing of Christis trew Evangell,
to the erecting of idolatrie, and to the schedding of the blood of
Goddis most deare childrein have you, by silence, consented and
subscryvit. This youre most horrible defectioun frome the treuth
knawin, and anis professed, hath God to this day mercifullie spared;
yea, to manis judgement, he hath utterlie forgottin and pardoned the
same. He hath not intreated you as he hath done utheris, (of lyke
knawlege,) quhome in his anger, (bot yet most justlie, according to
thair desertis,) he did schoirtlie stryk efter thair defectioun. But
you (gyltie in the same offenses) he hath fostered and preserved, as
it wer in his awin bosome, during the tyme of that most miserable
thraldome of that professed ennemie of God, mischeivous Marie: and now
hath he sett you at such liberty, as the furie of Goddis ennemeis can
nott hurt you, except that willinglie aganis his honour, ye tak
pleisour to conspyre with thame. As the benefeit quhiche ye hath
received is greit, so most Goddis justice requyre of you a thankfull
hairt; for seing that his mercie hath spared you, being trator to his
Majestie; seing farder, that amanges youre ennemeis he hath preserved
you; and, last, seing, although wourthie[50] of hell, he hath promoted
you to honoris and dignitie,[51] of you must he requyre (becauis he is
just) earnest repentence for your former defectioun, a hairt myndfull
of his mercifull providence, and a will so reddy to advance his
glorie, that evidentlie it may appeire, that in vaine ye have nott
receved these graces of God; to performance quhairof, of necessitie it
is, that carnall wisdome and wardly policie, (to the which both, ye
are bruitted too muche inclyned,) gif place to Goddis simple and naked
treuth. Verry love compellit me to say, that except the Spreit of God
purge youre hairt frome that vennum, which your eis have seine to have
bein distructioun till utheris, that ye sall nott lang escaip the
rewaird of dissembleris. Call to mynd quhatt your earis heard
proclamed in the chapell[52] of Sanct James, quhen this verse of the
first Psalme was entreated, "Not so, O wicked, nott so; bot as the
dust which the wind tossed," etc. And consider, that now ye travaill
in the same way which then thai did occupy; plainlie to speak, now are
ye in that estait and creddit, in the whiche ye sall ather confort the
sorrowfull and afflicted for rychteousness saik, or ellis ye sall
molest and oppugne the Spreit of God speaking in his messingeris. The
confortares of the afflicted for godlines have promise of confort in
thair greatest necessiteis; but the trubleris of Goddis servandis,
(how contemned that ever[53]thai appeir befoire the warld,) are
threatned to leive thair names in execratioun to the posteriteis
following. The examples of the one and of the uther are nott onlye
evident in Scriptures, bot also have bein laitlie manifested in
England. And this is the conclusioun of that, whiche to youre self, I
say, Except that in the cause of Chrystis Evangell ye be found semple,
sincear, fervent, and unfeaned, ye sall taist of the same copp, whiche
politick headis have drunkein in befoire you.

  [48] In MS. 1566, "grevous matter."

  [49] In MS. 1566, "holylie."

  [50] In MS. 1566, &c., "that you, wourthie of."

  [51] Sir William Cecil, the eminent statesman, had been Secretary of
  State in the reign of Edward VI. Under Queen Mary, he acted with so
  much caution, although known to be a Protestant, that he remained
  unmolested, professing, among other reasons, "that he thought himself
  bound to serve God first, and next the Queen; but if her service
  should put him out of God's service, he hoped her Majesty would give
  him leave to chuse an everlasting rather than a momentary service."
  From the strain of Knox's letter to him, it might be inferred he had
  complied more ostensibly with the Romish party; but immediately upon
  Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Cecil became a Privy
  Councillor, and was reinstated in his office of Secretary. He was
  afterwards raised to the peerage as Lord Burghley, and was appointed
  Lord High Treasurer. He died in 1598.

  [52] In MS. G, "what you hard proclamed in the chapell."--This
  probably refers to a discourse by Knox himself, in 1553, when
  preaching as one of the King's chaplains, before Edward the Sixth.

  [53] In MS. 1566, "how contemp that iver."

[Sidenote: THE WARST IS NOTT YITT COME.]

"The uther poynt concerning my self, and that poore flocke now
dispersed, and (as I heir say) rudelie intreated, is this: By dyverse
messingeris I have requeisted suche previleges as Turkis comounlie do
grant to men of everie natioun; to wit, that fredome sould be granted
unto me peceablie to travell throucht England,[54] to the end that
with greater expeditioun I mycht repair towardis my awin countrie,
quhilk now beginneth to thrist for Chrystis treuth. This requeist I
thocht sa reassonable, that almost I had entered the realme without
licence demandit; and yeit I understand that it had bein so rejected,
that the solistaris thairof did hardlie eschaip empresement.[55] And
some of that flocke I heir to be so extremelie handled, that those
that most cruellie have shed the blood of Goddis most deare childrein,
find this day amangis you greattar favouris then thei do. Allace, this
appereth muche to repugne to Christiane cheritie; for quhatsoevir hath
bein my offence, this I feare nott to affirme in thair causses, that
if ony whiche have suffered exyle in these most dolorus dayis of
persecutioun, deserve prais and commendatioun, for peace, concorde,
sober and quiet liveing, it is thei. And as for me, how criminall that
ever I be in Goddis presence, for the multitude of my synnes; yet
befoire his justice-seat I have a testimonie of guid conscience, that
sence my first acquentance with England, willinglie I never offended
persone within it, (except in oppin chayre to reprove that whiche God
condemneth) can be judged offense. But I have, (say you,) wreittin a
treassonable [booke] aganis the Regiment and Impyre of Women: If that
be my offense, the poore flocke is innocent, (except suche as this day
do fastest cry treasoun:) For, Sir, in Goddis presence I wreitt, with
none in that cumpany did I consult befoire the finisheing of the same;
and, thairfoire, in Chrystis name, I requyre that the blame may ly
upoun me allone. The wreitting of that Booke I will nott deny, but to
prove it treassonable I think it salbe hard. For, Sir, no more do I
doubt of the treuth of my principall propositioun, then that I doubt
that this was the voce of God whiche first did pronunce this penaltie
aganis woman, "In doloure sall thou beare thy chyldrein." It is
bruitted, that my Booke is or salbe writtin against. Yf so be, Sir, I
greatlie feare that flattereris sall rather hurte nor mend the mater,
which thei wald seame to mainteine; for, except that my error be
plainlie schawin and confuted be better authoritie then by suche lawis
as frome yeir to yeir may and do change, I dar nott promitt silence in
so wechtie a besines, leist that in so doing, I sall appear to betray
the verretie whiche is not subjected to the mutabilitie of tyme. And
if ony think me ather ennemye to the Persone or yet to the Regiment of
her quhome God hath now promoted, thei are utterlie deceived of me.
For the miraculouse wark of God, conforting his afflicted by ane
infirme veschell, I do acknawlege, and the power of his most potent
hand (raiseing up quhome best pleiseit his mercie to suppresse such as
fecht aganis his glorie) I will obey, albeit that boyth nature and
Goddis most perfyt ordinance repugne to suche regiment. Moir plainlie
to speik, yf Quene Elizabeth sall confesse, that the extraordinarie
dispensatioun of Goddis great mercie macketh that lauchfull unto her,
whiche boyth nature and Goddis law do deny to all women, then sall non
in England be more willing to mainteine her lauchfull authoritie then
I salbe: But yf (Goddis wonderouse werk sett asyd) scho ground (as
God forbid) the justnes of her title upoun consuetude, lawis, or
ordinances of men; then I am assured, that as suche foolishe
presumpcioun doeth heyghlie offend Goddis supreame majesty, so do I
greatlie feare that her ingratitude sall nocht lang lack punishement.
And this in the name of the eternall God, and of his sone Jesus
Chryst, (befoire quhome boyth you and I sall stand, to mak accomptes
of all counsall we geve,) I requyre you to signifie unto Her Grace in
my name; adding, that onlie humilitie and dejectioun of herself before
God salbe the firmitie and stabilitie of her throne, quhilk I knaw
sall be assulted mo wayis then one. Yf this ye conceill[56] frome Her
Grace, I will mak it patent to the warld that thus far I have
communicated with you, haveing also farther to speik, yf my weik
judgement may be hearde. Allace, Sir, is my offense (althocht in that
tyme, and in that mater, I had writtin ten bookis) so haineuse that I
can nott have licence, by preacheing of Christ Jesus, to refreshe
thoise thrustye saulles whiche long have laicked the watter of lyffe.
No man will I presentlie accuse; butt I greatlie fear, that the
leprouse have no plaisour to behald thair faces in the cleir glasse.
Lett none[57] be affrayed that I requyre to frequent the Courte, ather
yet of any continuance to remaine in England; but onlye thristis in
passing furthe to my awin native countrie to communicat with you and
sum uther, suche thingis as willinglie I list nott to committ to
paper, neither yet to the knawledge and creddit of many; and then, in
the Northe pairtes, to offer Goddis favouris to suche as I suppoise do
murne for thair defectioun. And this I trust salbe no less profitable
to Her Grace, and to all godlie within England, then it sould be
pleiseing to me in the flesche.

  [54] This desire of Knox, repeated so frequently in subsequent
  letters, to be allowed to visit England, was ungraciously refused, or
  allowed for many months to pass unnoticed. On the 9th of July, after
  Knox had reached Scotland, but still expressing the same anxious
  desire to see his brethren in the North of England, Cecil wrote to Sir
  Nicholas Throkmorton: "_Knoxe desireth to come hyther_: if he might
  come secretly, I wold allow it; otherwise not." On the 13th of June,
  Throkmorton, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, had mentioned that Knox's
  wife and his mother-in-law were then in Paris, intending to return
  through England, and that he had promised letters in their favour to
  Secretary Cecil; and he entreated her Majesty to overlook "his former
  faultes." On the 19th of July, after stating "of what importance the
  successe of thinges touching religion in Scotland is for us,"
  Throkmorton strongly urges upon Cecil the expediency "that Knokes have
  liberty to repair into England, how short soever his abode be there."
  (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 129, 155, 167.) From Cecil's own
  letter, on the 28th of July, (see page 34,) it appears that he had
  requested Knox to meet him at Stamford; but the course of events, as
  related at page 32, prevented his travelling beyond Berwick.

  [55] In MS. G. "imprisonment."

  [56] In the MS. of 1566, "thei counsall."

  [57] In MS. G, "Lat no man."

    "This is the thrid tyme that I have beggit licence to visite
    the hungrie and thristie amangs you, whiche, yf now be
    denyed, as befoire God I have a testimonie, that so muche I
    seik nott myself, as the advancement of Chrystis Evangell,
    and the conforte of suche as quhome I knaw afflicted; so sall
    the godlie understand that England, in refuseing me, refuseth
    a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mychtie
    Spreit of the Lord Jesus muve youre hairte deaplie to
    consider youre dewtie unto God, and the estait of that Realme
    in whiche, by his appointement, ye now serve. From Deape, the
    [22d][58] of Aprile 1559.

    (_Sic subscribitur_,) "Youris to command in godlines, "JHONE
    KNOX."

  [58] This date is supplied from the original, in the Harl. MSS.
  (British Museum) No. 7004. In the MSS. of Knox's History, it is dated
  the 10th of April.

To this letter was no answer maid; for schorte thairefter the said
Jhone Knox maid forduard to Scotland by sea, where he landed the thrid
day of Maij;[59] and had suche successe as in the Secound Booke is
declaired. The said Jhone being in Sanctandrois efter Cuper Mure,[60]
entred in deipe discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangeris war
evident, butt the supporte was nott easie to be seine. Efter many
wordis, Jhone Knox burstit furth as followis: "Yff England wald
foirsie thair awin comoditie, yea, yf thai did consider the danger
quhairin thei thameselfis stand, thai wald nott suffer us to perishe
in this quarrell; for France hath decreit no less the conquest of
England then of Scotland." After long reassoning, it was concluded
betuix thame two, that supporte sould be cravit of England; and for
that purpois, the said Laird of Grange first wreit to Sir Harie
Percie,[61] and efter raid frome Edinburgh and spak with him; to
quhome he maid so plaine demonstratioun of the danger appeiring to
England, that he tooke upoun him to wreit to the Secretarie Cycill;
quho with expeditioun returned answer bak agane, geving him to
understand, thatt oure interpryse altogitther myslyked nott the
Counsall, albeit that thei desyrit farther resolutioun of the
principall Lordis. Whiche thing understand, it was concluded by
some[62] to wreitt unto him plainlie oure hoill purpois. The tennor of
oure letter was this:--

  [59] There is a slight discrepancy in the date of Knox's arrival in
  Scotland. Here it is the 3d of May 1559, but at page 318 of vol. i.,
  the 2d of that month is the day specified.

  [60] In June: see vol. i. p. 325.

  [61] See _infra_, note 1, page 33.--Letters from Kirkaldy of Grange to
  Sir Henry Percy, between the 23d June and 1st July 1559, are preserved
  in the State Paper Office.

  [62] The words, "by some," are omitted in MS. G.


THE FIRST LETTER TO [SIR] WILLYAUME CYCILL, FRA THE LORDIS OF THE
CONGREGATIOUN.

[Sidenote: LETT THE ENNEMYE SAY, GIF THAIR HOPE BE NOTT FRUSTRAT.]

    "THE contentis of a letter direct by you (rycht worschipfull)
    to Sir Harie Percie, was notifeid unto us by Mr. Kircaldie of
    Grange, this Sonday the [16th][63] of Julij, by the whiche we
    perceave, that the said Grange, of zeill and faithfull hairt
    whiche he bereth to the furtherance of this our great, and,
    befoire the warld, dangerous interpryse, hath travelled with
    you as with ane unfeaned favorer of Chrystis trew religioun,
    and of the libertie of our countrye, for knawlege of your
    myndis towardis us, incais that we be assaulted by ony
    forayne invasioun, or greater power then we be weill able to
    resist. Youre confortable answer to this questioun we have
    considered, to our joy and conforte, as also youre motiouns,
    and quhatt ye demand; to witt, What we, the Protestantis
    within this realme, do purpois? To quhatt end we meane to
    directe oure actiouns? How we will, and how we be[64] able to
    accompleis the same? What doubtis we have of ony adversare
    powar? And finallie, incais that supporte sould be send frome
    you, what maner of amytie mycht insew betuix these twa
    realmes? To the whiche in breve we answer, That oure hoille
    and only purpois (as knaweth God) is to advance the glorye of
    Chryst Jesus, the trew preaching of his evangell[65] within
    this realme; to remove superstitioun, and all kynd of
    idolatrie;[66] to brydeill to our poweris the furie of those
    that heirtofoir have cruellie sched the bloode of our
    bretherein; and, to our utermest, to meanteine the libertie
    of this oure countrye frome the tirranie and thraldome of
    strangeris, as God sall assist us. How we [sall] be able to
    accompleiss these premisses, is to us unknawin; onlye oure
    hoip is guid that He that hes begune this guid wark in us,
    and hathe, by his power, to this hour confounded the faces of
    our adversaries, will performe the same to his glorie, whiche
    chieflie we seik in this oure interpryse. Because we
    suppoise, that neither oure present danger, neither yett the
    weirlyke preparatioun whiche France maketh aganis us, be hyd
    frome you nor frome the Counsall, we omitt that pairt. As
    tuicheing the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betuix
    these twa Realmes; as no earthlie [thing] of us is more
    desyred, so crave we of God to mak us instrumentis by whiche
    this unnaturall debaite, whiche long hath continued betuix
    us, may anis be composed, to the prais of Goddis name, and to
    the confort of the faithfull in boyth realmes. And gif youre
    wisdomes can foirsie and devyse the meanes and assurances,
    how the same may be brocht to passe; perswade youreselfis,
    not onlye of oure consent and assistance, but also of oure
    constancie, as men may promeise, to oure lyves end; yea, and
    farther, of a charge and commandement by us to be left to
    oure posteritie, that the amity betuix [us], in God
    contracted and begun, may be by thame kept inviolat for ever.
    And for the revolting frome you to France, whiche yee seeme
    to fear and suspect, at thair pleisour, we utterlie abhor
    that infidelitie; for now doeth the voyce[67] of God
    continualie sound in our earis, 'That suche as profaine the
    terrible and reverent name of God, sall nott eschaip
    veangence.' Oure confederacie, amitie, and leigue, sall nott
    be lyke the pactions maid by wardlie men for wardlie
    proffeit; but as we require it for Goddis caus, so will we
    incall his name for the observatioun of the same. Moirover,
    gif we sould laike any thing to temporall commoditie, yitt
    sould we never have occasioun to returne to thame; ffor we
    now perceave and feill the wecht of thair yoke, and intend
    (by Goddis grace) to cutt away suche instrumentis[68] as by
    quhome this realme wes befoire abused. Trew it is, that as
    yeit we have maid no mentioun of ony change in Authoritie,
    neither yeit were we myndit to [do] any suche thing, till
    extreme necessitie compelled us thairto: but seing it is now
    more than evident, that France, and the Quene Regent heir,
    with hir preistis, pretend to nothing bot the suppressing of
    Chrystis Evangell, the ruyne of us, and the subversioun of
    [this] poore realme; committing oure innocencie to God, and
    unto the judgment of all godlie and naturall men, we are
    determined to seik the nixt remedie, in whiche we hairtlie
    requyre youre counsaill and assistance. And this far we have
    interprysit, to mak you participant of oure purpois; becauis
    in the said letteris you requyred of the [said] Mr.
    Kirkcaldie sum farther assurance then his awin woord of
    wreitting, whiche we dout nott bot ye sall schoirtlie receave
    frome mo then frome us. We dar nott haistellie mak the whole
    assemblie, neither of noblis, neither of barronis, prevy in
    this cause, for dangeris that may insew by policie and craft
    of the adversaries; youre Wisdomes, we doubt not, will
    communicat these onlye, with suche as ye knaw favoraris of
    such ane godlie conjunctioun. It should much help in oure
    opinioun, gif the preacharis boyth in persuasioun and in
    publict prayeris, (as ouris do heire,) wald commend the same
    unto the peopill. And thus, efter oure humill commendatiounis
    to the Quenis Majestie, (quhois reigne we desyre to be
    prosperous and long, to the glorie of God, and conforte of
    his Churche,) we hairtlie committ you to the protectioun of
    the Omnipotent. Fra Edinburgh, the [19th][69] of Julij 1559."

  [63] In Vautr. edit, "the 26th of Julie;" MS. G. has "the 25th." In
  the MS. 1566, it might either be 25 or 28. The original letter reads
  distinctly, "this Sounday, the 15 of Julij;" but the 3d Sunday of July
  fell on the 16th; and it has been seen, that such mistakes on the part
  of Knox are not unusual.

  [64] Vautr. edit. has, "how we be able;" MS. G, "how we sall be able."

  [65] In MS. G, "his holie evangell;" in Vautr. edit. "his gospell."

  [66] In MS. G, "externall idolatrie."

  [67] In MS. 1566, "wolce."

  [68] In the original letter, the words, "the papisticall clergye," are
  added in the margin.

  [69] In all the copies of Knox's History, this letter is dated the
  17th of July; the original has the 19th.

With this oure letter,[70] Jhonne Knox wreat two, one to the said
Secratarie, and ane uther to the Quenis Majestie hirself, in tennour
as efter followis:

JHONE KNOX[71] SECOUND LETTER TO MR. CYCILL, FOR DELIVERANCE OF ANE
UTHER TO THE QUEIN OF ENGLAND.

  [70] The original of this letter, in the hand-writing of Knox, is
  preserved in the State Paper Office. It is signed by the Earls of
  Argyle and Glencairn, the Prior of St. Andrews, and Lords Ruthven,
  Boyd, and Ochiltree. The original draft of Cecil's answer, in the same
  collection, is dated 28th July 1559. (See Tytler's Hist. of Scotland,
  vol. vi. pp. 122, 124.)

  [71] This second letter to Cecil, and the following one to Queen
  Elizabeth, are omitted in Vautrollier's edition and the later MSS. It
  is highly probable that these letters were purposely suppressed while
  that edition was at press, in order to avoid giving offence to Queen
  Elizabeth.--As already mentioned, the originals of several of Knox's
  Letters of this period, are still preserved, and copies of them will
  be inserted in a subsequent volume.

    "WITH my humill commendatiounis. Pleise you, SIR, to delyver
    this other letter inclosit to the Quenis Grace. It containeth
    in few and in semple wourdis my confessioun, quhat I think of
    hir Authoritie, how it is just, and quhat may mak it odious
    in Goddis presence. I heir that thair is ane Confutatioun
    sett furth in prent aganis 'The First Blast.'[72] God grant
    that the wreitter have no more socht the favoris of this
    present estait, no less the glorie of God, and the stable
    commoditie of his countrey, then did he quho enterprysed in
    that 'Blast' to utter his conscience. When I sall have tyme,
    (whiche now is sumquhatt precious unto me,) to peruse that
    werk, I will communicat my judgement with you.

    "The tyme is now, Sir, that all that either thrist Chryst
    Jesus to reigne in this yle, or yett the hairtes of the
    inhabitantes of the same to be joyned togidder in love
    unfained, aucht rather to studie how the same mycht be brocht
    to passe, then vanelie to travaill for the mantenance of
    that, quhairof we have allreddy seine the danger, and felt
    the smarte. Gif the most pairt of women be wicked, and suche
    as willinglie we wald nott reigne over us; and gif the most
    godlie, and suche as have rare graces be yett mortall, we
    aucht to tak heid, least in establissing one judged godlie
    and profitable to hir countrey, we mak ane entres and tytill
    to mony; off quhome not only sall the treuth be impugned, bot
    also sall the countrey be brocht in bondage. God give you,
    and utheris favoraris of your countrey, eyis to foirsee, and
    wisdome to avoyd the dangeris appeareing.

    "By dyverse [letteris], I have requyred licence to have
    visited the North pairtis of England; but as yitt I have
    ressaved no favorabill answer.[73] The longer, Sir, that it
    be delayed, the less conforte sall the faithfull thair
    receive, the weaker sall the Quenis Grace be. Gif I war nott
    to hir Grace are unfeaned friend, I wald not instantlie begg
    suche libertie, whiche to me I knaw sall neither be
    profitable nor pleising in the flesche. The estait of thingis
    here comoun, I dout nott ye knaw. Some thingis I have, (as
    oft I have wreitten,) whiche gladlie I wald communicat,
    quhilk I mynd nott to committ unto paper and ynk: find,
    thairfoir, the meanis that I may speik suche one as ye will
    credit in all thingis. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest with
    you.

    "I hairtlie beseik you to have my service humblie commended
    to the Quenis Grace; adding, that quhosoever maketh me odious
    to hir Grace, seiketh somequhatt besydis the glorie of God,
    and hir Grace's prosperitie; and thairfoir can nott be
    assured and unfayned freindis. From, &c."

  [72] Alluding to the publication by John Aylmer, afterwards
  Bishop of London, which will be more particularly noticed in
  a subsequent volume, entitled, "An Harborowe for faithfull
  and trewe subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste
  concerninge the Government of Wemen." &c., Anno 1559. 4to.

  [73] See _supra_, page 19, note 1.


The letter sent be the said Jhonne, to the Quenis Majestie of England,
being inclosed in the foirsaid Mr. Cycillis letter.


     "TO THE VERTEOUS AND GODLIE ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD
         QUEIN OF ENGLAND, &C., JHONNE KNOX DESYRETH THE PERPETUALL
         CONFORTE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.

    "As youre Grace's displeisoure aganis me, most injustlie
    conceaved, hath bein, and is to my wretched hearte a burdene
    greavouse, and almost intollerable; so is the testimony of
    ane cleir conscience to me ane stay and uphald, that in
    disperatioun I synk nott, how vehement that ever the
    tentatiouns appeir. For, in Goddis presence, my conscience
    beareth me record, that maliciously, nor of purpoise, I never
    offended youre Grace, nor youre realme; and, thairfoir,
    howsoever I be judged of man, I am assured to be absolved of
    him quho only knaweth the secreitis of hairtis. I can not
    deny the wreiting of a booke aganis the usurped Authoritie,
    and injust Regement of Women;[74] neither [yit] am I myndit
    to retract or call back any principall point, or propositioun
    of the same, till treuth and verritie do farder appeir. But
    quhy, that either youre Grace, either yitt ony suche as
    unfeanedlie favore the libertie of England, be offendit at
    the authore of suche ane warke, I can perceave no just
    occasioun. For, first, my booke tueched nott youre Grace's
    persoune [in speciall,] neither yitt is it prejudiciall till
    any libertie of the realme, gif the tyme of my wretting be
    indifferentlie considdered. How could I be ennemy to youre
    Grace's persone, for delyverance quhairof I did more studie,
    and interpryse farther, then ony of these that now accuise
    me? And, as concerning youre Regiment, how could or can I
    invy that whiche most I have thristit, and for the quhilk (as
    oblivioun will suffer) I render thankis unfeandlie unto God?
    That is, 'That he hath pleised him, of his eternall goodness,
    to exalt your head, (which some tymes was in danger,) to the
    manifestatioun of his glorie, and extirpatioun of idolatrie.'
    And as for my offense, quhilk I have committed against
    England, either in wreitting that, or of any uther werk, I
    will nott refuise that moderat and indifferent man judge and
    discerne betwix me and those that accuise [me]: to witt,
    quhither of the parties do maist hurt to the libertie of
    England, I that affirme, 'That no woman may be exalted above
    any[75] realme, to mak the libertie of the same thrall to ane
    strange, proude, and cruell natioun;' or, they that approve
    quhatsoever plaeseth Princes for the tyme. Gif I war alsweill
    disposed to accuse, as some of thame (till thair awin schame)
    have declaired thame selfis, I no thing doubt, bot that in
    few wourdis I sould lett reassonable men understand, that
    some that this day lawlie crouche to your Grace, and laubor
    to mak me odiuss in your eyes, did, in your adversitie,
    neather schaw thame selfis faithfull freindis to your Grace,
    neather so loveing and carefull over thair awin native
    countrey, as thei wald be estemed. But omitting the
    accusatioun of utheris, for my awin purgatioun, and your
    Grace's satisfactioun, I say, that nothing in my booke
    contained, is, nor can be prejudiciall to your Grace's just
    regiment, providit that ye be nott found ungrate unto God:
    Ungrate ye sallbe provein in presence of his throne,
    (howsoever that flattereris justifie your factioun,) gif ye
    transferr the glorye of that honor, in quhilk ye now stand,
    to any uther thing, then to the dispensatioun of his mercie,
    which only maketh that lauchfull to your Grace, quhilk nature
    and law denyeth to all woman. Neither wald I that your Grace
    should feare that this your humiliatioun before [God] sould,
    in ony caise, infirme or weaken your Grace's just and
    lauchfull authoritie befoire men. Nay, Madame, such unfeaned
    confessioun of Goddis benifits receaved shalbe the
    establissement of the same, nott only to youre self, but also
    to youre seid and posteritie; whair, contrariwyse, a proude
    conceat and elevatioun of youre self, salbe the occasioun,
    that youre reigne salbe unstable, troublesome, and schorte.
    God is witnesse, that unfeanedlie I boyth love and reverence
    youre Grace; yea, I pray, that youre reigne may be long,
    prosperouse, and quyet; and that, for the quyetnes which
    Christis membres, befoire persecuted, have receaved under
    you.

    "Bot yett, gif I should flatter youre Grace, I war no friend,
    bot ane deceavable traitor. And thairfoire of conscience, I
    am compelled to say, that neather the consent of people, the
    process of tyme, nor multitude of men, can establische a law
    which God sall approve; bot quhatsoever he approveth by his
    eternall wourd, that shalbe approved, and quhatsoever he
    condempneth salbe condempned, thocht all men in earth wald
    hasard the justificatioun of the same. And, thairfoire,
    Madame, the only way to reteane and kept those benefites of
    God, aboundantlie poured now of laitt dayis upoun you, and
    upoun youre realme, is unfeanedlie to rander unto God, to his
    mercie, and undeserved grace, the [whole] glorie of this
    youre exaltatioun. Forgett youre birth, and all tytill which
    thairupoun doeth hing; and considder deiplie, how for feir of
    your lyef, ye did declyne from God, and bow till idollatrie.
    Lett it not appeire ane small offence in your eyes, that ye
    have declyned from Christ Jesus in the day of his batteill.
    Neither yett wald I, that ye sould esteme that mercie to be
    vulgare and commoun which ye have received; to witt, that God
    hath covered your former offense, hathe preserved you quhen
    ye war most unthankfull; and in the end, hath exalted and
    raiseit you up, nott only from the dust, bot also from the
    portis of deith, to reule above his people, for the confort
    of his Kirk. It apperteneth to you, thairfoire, to ground the
    justice of your Authoritie, nott upoun that law, which from
    year to year doeth change, but upoun the eternall providence
    of Him, who, contrair to nature, and without your deserving,
    hath thus exalted your head. Gif thus, in Goddis presence, ye
    humill your self, as in my heart I glorifie God for that
    rest granted to his afflicted flocke within Ingland, under
    you a weik instrument; so will I with toung and penn justifie
    your Authoritie and Regiment, as the Holy Ghost hath
    justified[76] the same in Debora, that blissed mother in
    Israell. Bot gif the premisses (as God forbeid) neglected, ye
    sall begin to bragg of your birth, and to builde your
    Authoritie and Regiment upoun your awin law, flatter you quho
    so list, your felicitie salbe schorte. Interpreit my rude
    wordis in the best pairte, as written by him who is no
    ennemye to your Grace.

    "By dyverse letteris I have requyred license to veseit your
    Realme, nott to seik my self, neither yett my awin ease nor
    commoditie; which, gif ye now refuise and deny, I most remit
    my caus to God; adding this for conclusioun, that commonlie
    it is seine, 'That such as refuise the counsaill of the
    faithfull, (appeir it never so scharpe,) ar compelled to
    follow the deceat of flattereris to thair awin perditioun.'
    The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your hairt to
    understand quhat is said; give unto you the discretioun of
    spreittis, and so rewll you in all your actions and
    interpryses, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk
    edified, and ye your self as ane lyvlie member of the same,
    may be an example of vertew and godlie lyffe till all
    utheris. So be it. Of Edinburgh, the [20th][77] day of Julij
    1559."

  [74] Referring to his "First Blast of the Trumpet," &c.,
  published at Geneva, in 1558.

  [75] In MS. G, "over any."

  [76] In the MS. of 1566, "institued."

  [77] MS. G. makes it the 28th; but the date of the original letter, as
  Mr. Tytler has noticed, is the 20th of July. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 122.)

       *       *       *       *       *

These letters war directed by Alexander Quhytlaw,[78] a man that oft
hath hazarded him self, and all that he had, for the cause of God, and
for his freindis being in danger for the same cause.

  [78] See a brief notice of Whytelaw, in vol. i. p. 393. Throkmorton,
  in a letter dated at Paris, 21st June 1559, says, "One Sanders Whitlo,
  a Scottishman, who was heretofore pensioner in England, in King
  Edward's tyme," and "being a very honest, sober, and godly man, and
  the most truely affectionat to England of any Scottishman I know here,
  hath been with me, and given me diverse advertisements of things which
  be trew;" and he recommends that he should receive the same pension he
  had enjoyed, after his lands in Scotland had been forfeited by the
  Earl of Huntley. (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i p. 137.) On the 28th
  June, he was the bearer of a letter from Throkmorton to Secretary
  Cecil.--(Ib. p. 147.) A postscript to the letter adds, "This bearer is
  greatly estemyd of John Knokes, and he doth also favour him above
  other: nevertheles, he is sory for his boke rashly writen."

Within a day or twa efter the departing of the said Alexander, thair
come a lettre from Sir Harye Percye to Jhone Knox, requyring him to
meitt him at Annyk,[79] the threid of August, for such effairis as he
wald nott wreit, nor yitt communicat with any but with the said Jhone
him self. While he was preparing him self for the journay, (for
Secretary Cycill had appointed to have mett him at Stampfourd,)[80]
the Frenche men furiouslie come furth of Dumbar, of purpose to have
surprised the Lordis being in Edinburgh, as in the Secound Booke
befoir is declared: Which stayit the journay of the said Jhonne, till
that God had delyvered the innocentis from that great danger; and then
was he, having in his company,[81] Maister Robert Hamyltoun,[82]
minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lordis,
with full commissioun and instructiouns to expone thair hole cause and
estait quhairin thei stoode.

  [79] In MS. G, "Anwich," the town of Alnwick, in the county of
  Northumberland, 84 miles from Newcastle.

  [80] Stamford, an ancient borough town in the county of Lincoln. The
  Castle, of which scarcely any vestiges are now visible, was granted by
  Queen Elizabeth to Sir William Cecil.

  [81] In Vautr. edit. "then was he hated of his companie."

  [82] Mr. Robert Hamilton was educated at St. Andrews. As witness of a
  deed, dated 1558, he is styled Rector of Torrens.--(Lyon's St.
  Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) He afterwards became Minister of St.
  Andrews.

[Sidenote: SIR JAMES CROFTIS COUNSALE.]

Thair passage was from Petinweame,[83] by sea. Thei arryvit at
Holy-Iland; and being advertissed that Sir Harye Percie was absent
from [the North], thei addressed thame selfis to Sir James Croftis,
then Capitane of Berwik, and Wardein of the East Marches of England.
Thei schew unto him thair creddit and commissioun. He receaved thame
gentlie, and comforted thame with his faithfull counsall, which was:
"That thei sould travaill no farther,[84] neather yitt sould thei be
seine in publict, and that for dyverse consideratiouns. First, The
Quene Regent had her espyellis in England. Secoundarlie, The Quene and
the Counsall that favored our actioun, wald that all thingis should be
secreat so long as thei mycht. And last, (said he,) I think it nott
expedient, that in such raritie of preachearis, ye two be ony long
tyme absent from the Lordis. And thairfoire, (said he,) ye shall do
best to committ to wreating your hoile mynd and creddit, and I shall
promeise to you, upoun my honour, to haif answer at you, and at the
Lordis againe, befoire that ye your selfis can be at Londoun. And
quhaire that your letteris can nott expresse all thingis so fully as
your presence could, I sall supplie the same, not only by my penne,
but also by my awin presence, to suche as will informe the Counsall
sufficientlie of all thingis."

  [83] Pittenweem, a royal burgh and sea-port on the east-coast of Fife.

  [84] As this portion of the History supplies a defect in the previous
  Book, where the application made by the Protestants for aid from
  England is scarcely alluded to; and as there is an apparent confusion
  in some of the dates, owing to the letters being partially or
  inaccurately copied, a few words of explanation may here be added.
  Knox's conversation with Kirkaldy of Grange, (see page 21,) took place
  at St. Andrews, after Cupar Muir, before the end of June 1559; and
  letters from Kirkaldy, to Cecil and Percy, on the 23d and 25th of that
  month, and on the 1st of July, are still preserved. Knox himself wrote
  to Cecil, on the 28th June. The result of their correspondence was,
  that Whytelaw, who had then returned from France, and having passed
  through England, had brought letters from Sir William Cecil, was sent
  back on the 20th of July, as the bearer of the letters from the Lords
  of the Congregation, and from Knox, to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth,
  which are printed in pages 22 to 30. After Whytelaw's departure, Knox
  received a letter from Sir Henry Percy, wishing that they should meet
  at Alnwick. His journey thither was delayed, in consequence of the
  Queen and the French troops having advanced from Dunbar, on Monday the
  23d of July, and the Congregation having retired from Edinburgh on the
  24th; but Knox, after a short delay, passed through Fife to
  Pittenweem, and crossed the Firth to Holy Island. Having acceded to
  the suggestions of Sir James Crofts, instead of proceeding farther, he
  remained at Berwick until Whytelaw came with Cecil's letter, on the 2d
  or 3d of August: (see page 35, note 1.)

The said Jhone and Maister Robert followed his counsall,[85] for it
was faithfull, and proceidit of luif at that tyme. Thei taried with
him verry secretly, within the Castell of Berwick, two dayis. In the
which tyme, returned Alexander Quhytlaw foirsaid, with answer to the
Lordis, and to Jhone Knox;[86] the tennour of whose letter was this:--

  [85] The Articles and Instructions, written by Knox, and left with
  Crofts to be transmitted to the English Privy Council, are dated 31st
  July 1559. (See Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 128.)

  [86] MS. G. makes it, "Maister Knox."


MAISTER CYCILLIS LETTER TO JHONE KNOX.

"MAISTER KNOX,

"_Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum
sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit
Dominus fiducia ejus._[87]

  [87] That is, "There is neither male nor female, for as saith Paul,
  they are all one in Christ Jesus. (Galat. iii. 28.) Blessed is the man
  who trusteth in the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence."

"I have resavit your letteris, at the same tyme that I have thocht to
have sein your self about Stampfurd. Quhat is now hitherto the caus of
your [lett], I knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the bottome of
thingis, untill I may conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire,
gif your chance shalbe heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed
with good credite, and power to mak good resolutioun. Althocht my
answer to the Lordis of Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt
upoun farther understanding ye sall find the matter plaine. I neid
wishe to you[88] no more prudence then Goddis grace, quhairof God send
you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford, the 28th of Julij 1559.

                    (_Sic subscribitur,_)
       Youris as ane member of the same body in Christ,
                                                 "W. CECILL."[89]

  [88] In MS. 1566, "need you writ."

  [89] In MS. 1566, "M. Cecill;" and this mistake is followed in all the
  copies.

Albeit the said Jhone ressaved this letter at Berwyk, yett wald he
answer no thing till that he had spokein the Lordis; quhome he fand in
Striveling, and unto quhome he delyvered the answer send from the
Counsall of England; (for Alexander Quhytlaw tuik seakness betwix
Berwyk and Edinburgh, and was troubled be the Lord Seatoun, as in the
formar booke is declaired.[90]) The answer send by Maister Cycill, was
so generall, that many amanges us war dispaired of ony comforte to
come from that countrey; and thairfoire war determined that thei wald
requeast no farder. Jhone Knox laboured in the contraire;[91] but he
could prevaill no farther, but that he should have licence and
libertie to writt as he thocht best. And so tuik he upoun him to
answer for all, in forme as follows:--

  [90] Dr. M'Crie says, Knox, "at this time, prudently returned by sea
  to Fife:" the above statement, I think, clearly shows, he must have
  returned by land. He set out from Berwick, in company with Whytelaw,
  on the 3d of August, but the latter _being detained on the road_ by
  sickness, Knox proceeded, without delay, and reached Stirling on or
  before the 6th of August, on which day he addressed letters to Sir
  James Crofts: see Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. pp. 127, 130. Soon
  afterwards, Whytelaw having recovered, and set out on his journey,
  along with William Knox, _when between Preston and Edinburgh_, they
  were pursued by Lord Seaton, and narrowly escaped: see vol. i. p. 393.

  [91] The result of Knox's previous communications was very important,
  having led to the resolution of the English Council to support the
  Protestants in Scotland in their contest with the Queen Regent, but
  with so much secrecy as might not infringe the treaty of peace between
  the two kingdoms. For this purpose a commission was granted on the 8th
  of August to Sir Ralph Sadler, in conjunction with the Earl of
  Northumberland and Sir James Crofts, to reside at Berwick, ostensibly
  to settle some Border disputes, and to strengthen the fortifications
  of that city; and the sum of £3000 was placed at Sadler's disposal. A
  similar sum was paid to him on the 5th of October; and a third payment
  in November. It was part of this money that was sent to Scotland with
  Balnaves, and with Cockburn of Ormiston. (See Letter of Queen
  Elizabeth to Sadler, in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, 3d Series,
  vol. iii. p. 332.)--Sadler's Correspondence, extending from August
  1559 to April 1560, (included in his "State Papers and Letters,"
  Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to,) furnish copious and most important
  materials for illustrating the negotiations and proceedings at this
  time.


                 ANSWER TO MR. CYCILLIS LETTER.[92]

     "Two causes impeded me, Richt Worschipfull, to visite you at
     any pairt of England. Formar, no significatioun of your mynd
     and plaisour was maid unto me, for only did Sir Harye
     Percye[93] will me to cum and speak him, which,
     convenientlie at that tyme I could nott do, be reasone that
     the Frenche men, (which was the Secound cause of my stay,)
     did then most furiouslie persew us, whill our company was
     dispersed; and then durst I nott be absent for dyverse
     inconvenientis. Neather did I think my presence greatlie
     necessarie with you, considdering that the mater, which I
     desyred maist, was opened and proponed. To the quhilk I wald
     have wished that a more plaine and especiall answer should
     have bein maid. For, albeit Mr. Quhitlaw, by his credite,
     Mr. Kirkcaldie, by his letter, and I, boyth by letteris, and
     by that which I had ressaved from Sir James Croftis, did
     persuade your goode mindis; yitt could not the Counsall be
     uthairwayis persuaded, but that this alteratioun in France
     had altered your former purpois. It is nott unknawin what
     favor we three do beare to England; and, thairfoir, I wishe,
     that rather your pen then our credite, or ony thing writtin
     to ony of us, should assuire the Lordis and otheris, of your
     goode myndis, (who ar bot now in nomber fyve hundreth).
     Onless that money be fournissed without delay to pay the
     soldiouris with, for thair servise bypast, and to reteane
     ane uther thousand footmen, with three hundreth horsmen,
     till some stay be had in this danger, these gentilmen will
     be compelled to leave the feildis. I am assured, as fleshe
     may be of fleshe, that some of thame will tak a verry harde
     lyve befoir that ever they compone eather with the Quene
     Regent, eather yitt with France; but this I dar nott
     promeise of all, onless in you they see a greatter
     fordwardness. To support us will appeir excessive, and to
     break promeisse with France, will appeir dangeruss. But the
     loss of expensses, in my opinioun, aucht nott to be esteamit
     from the first payment; neather yitt the danger from the
     first appearance. France is most fervent to conqueise us,
     and avoweth, that against us thei will spend thair Croune,
     (so did my awin earis heare Buttencourt brag[94]). But, most
     assuredlie I knaw, that onless by us thei thocht to mak ane
     enteress to you, that thei wald nott bye oure povertie at
     that price. Thei labour to corrupt some of oure great men by
     money, (and some of oure nomber ar poore, as befoire I
     wraitt, and can nott serve without supporte); some thei
     threattin; and against utheris thei have raised up ane
     partie in thair awin countrey. In this meane tyme, gif ye
     lye by as neutrallis, quhat wilbe the end, ye may easellie
     conjecture. And, thairfoire, Sir, in the bowellis of Christ
     Jesus, I requyre you to mak plaine answer; What the
     gentillmen heir may lippin to, and quhatt the Quenis
     Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in
     executioun. Rest in Christ Jesus. Off Sanct Johnstoun, the
     &c. day of, &c."[95]

  [92] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit., "to Maister Cicillis writing."

  [93] "Sir Henry Percy, second son of Sir Thomas Percy, who was
  executed in 1537, on account of Aske's rebellion, and brother of
  Thomas seventh Earl of Northumberland. Having remained attached to the
  Queen, and even taken arms against the insurgents, in the great
  northern rebellion, headed by his brother and Westmoreland, he escaped
  one great peril, and succeeded to the family titles and domains upon
  his brother's execution, in 1572. But having engaged in Lord Paget's
  enterprise for setting Queen Mary at liberty, and being imprisoned, he
  shot himself through the heart to prevent the attainder and forfeiture
  which must have attended a conviction for treason."--(Note by Sir
  Walter Scott, in Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 409.)

  [94] In Vautr. edit. this name occurs as two words, "Butteau Court;"
  in MS. G, "Buttincourt." The person referred to, the Sieur de
  Béthencourt, is already mentioned in a note to vol. i. p. 384. Sir N.
  Throkmorton, in his correspondence from Paris, notices that on "the
  11th of this present, (_i. e._ the month of June) there arrived here
  in post out of Scotlande, _one Butomcourt, a Frenchman, Maister
  d'hostel_ to the Quene Dowagier there, &c." (Forbes's State Papers,
  vol. i. p. 130.) On the 21st June, he is called "Betoncourt, the
  Scotishe Quenis Master d'hostel," (ib. p. 141); again, on the 29th
  July, "Butomcourt, which I thinke passed through to England, had in
  charge to will the Quene Douagier of Scotland _to conforme herself to
  the Scotts procedings in religion, and to dissemble with them_;
  supposing that to be the best meane to worke theyr purposes." (Ib. p.
  183.) And on the 8th August, he further says, there was "sent by
  Botuncourt, at his last dispetche, diverse blankes to the Quene
  Dowager, signed by the French King and Queen." (Ib. 193.) His arrival
  in Scotland, with these letters, is noticed by Knox: see vol. i. p.
  384.

  [95] This date is left blank in the various copies of Knox's History.
  But the above is neither a full or accurate copy of the letter, of
  which Mr. Tytler has given an extract from the original in the State
  Paper Office.--(Hist. vol. vi. pp. 136, 386.) It is dated not from St.
  Johnstone (or Perth,) but from "St. Andrews, 15th August 1559;" and
  will afterwards be given entire.

Answere with great expeditioun was returned to this letter, desyring
some men of credite to be sent frome the Lordis to Berwyk,[96] for the
receaving of money for the first supporte, with promeise, that gif the
Lordis of the Congregatioun meant no utherwyse then befoire thei had
writtin, and gif thei wald enter in league with honest conditionis,
thei sould neather lack men nor money to thair just caus. Upoun this
answer, was directed from the Lordis to Berwik, Maister Henrye
Balnaves, a man [of] goode credit in boyth the realmes, who suddenlie
returned with such a somme of money as served all the publict effaris
till November nixt; when Jhonne Cokburne of Ormistoun send[97] for the
second supporte, and receaving the same, unhappelie fell in to handis
of the Erlle Bothwell, was wounded, tane, and spoilzed of a great
somme.[98] Upoun whiche mischance followed all the rest of oure
troubles befoire rehersed.

  [96] In Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. p. 401), there is a letter,
  dated 20th August 1559, addressed by Sir James Crofts to Knox,
  mentioning that Sadler and himself were desirous "to have som
  conference eyther with Mr. Henry Balnaves, or som other discrete and
  trusty man, for the better expedicion of this grete and weightie
  busyness, which you have in hande;" and suggesting, that he should
  come by sea to Holy Island, and afterwards to be conveyed in secret
  manner to Berwick. On the same day, Sadler and Crofts wrote to Cecil,
  representing that some aid should be granted, along with the sum of
  2000 or 3000 crowns, to relieve the Protestant party in Scotland in
  their present necessities: see page 35, note 2.

  [97] In MS. G, "being sent;" in Vautr. edit., "sent."

  [98] The sum of £1000 sterling, on the last of October: see note in
  vol. i. p. 455.

In the Secound Booke preceading, we have declaired how Secretarye
Lethingtoun[99] was directed to England: but one thing we have befoire
past by. In that, oure greatest dejectioun, this ordour was tackin,
That the Duike his Grace, the Erlle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord
Uchiltrie, and thair freindis, should remain togither at Glaskow, for
conforte of the countrey, and for geving of answeris, as occasioun
should requyre; and that the Erlle of Arrane, the Lord James, the
Erlle of Rothess, the Maister of Lyndsay, and thair adherantes,
should continew togither within Fyffe, for the same causses, that
advertissementis mycht go frome the one to the other, as neid
requyred. In the negotiatioun of the Secretary Lethingtoun with the
Quene and Counsall of England, (in whiche he travailed with no less
wisdome and faithfulnes then happy successe,) mony thingis occurred
that requyred the resolutioun of the hole Lordis,[100] amanges which
thair was one quhairof befoir no mentioun is maid.

  [99] William Maitland, see _supra_, p. 4, note 2.

  [100] In MS. 1566, "holye;" in MS. G. "haill."

Efter that the Quene and Counsall of England had concluded to send
thair army into Scotland, for expelling of the Frenche, the Duke of
Northfolk was sent to Berwyk,[101] with full instructionis, power, and
commissioun, to do in all thingis concerning the present effaris of
Scotland, as mycht the Quene and Counsellis in thair awin
personis[102] do. Heirupoun the said Duke requyred sicke a pairt of
the Lordis of Scotland, as had power and commissioun from the whole,
to meet him at suche day and place as pleised thame to appoint. This
advertissement came first to Glaskow, by the meanis of the Maister of
Maxwell. Quhilk redd and considdered by the Lordis, conclusioun was
takin, that thei wald meitt at Carleill;[103] and that was the
procurement of the said Maister of Maxwell, for his ease. Heirupoune
war letteris direct fra the Lordis, lyeing in Glaskow, to Lord James,
requyring him, with all possible expeditioun, to repair towardis thame
for the purpois foirsaid. Which letteris redd and advised upoun,
commandment was gevin to Jhone Knox to mak the answer: For so it was
appointed at the devisioun of the Lordis, that he should answer for
the pairte of thoise that war in Fyffe; and Maister Henrye Balnaves
for the pairte of thame that abaide at Glaskow. The said Jhone
answered as followis:--

  [101] The Queen's letter to Sadler, intimating the appointment of the
  Duke of Norfolk as Lord Lieutenant in the Northern Counties, is dated
  the last of December 1559. He arrived at Newcastle on the 6th or 7th
  of January. The whole of his correspondence with the Privy Council of
  England, while he exercised that office, has been printed in Haynes's
  Collection of Original State Papers, from the Cecil or Burghley
  Papers. (Lond. 1740, folio.) Sir Ralph Sadler has also preserved
  several other letters of a less public nature: see note by Sir Walter
  Scott, in Sadler, vol. i. p. 718.

  [102] In MS. G, "thair awin proper persons."

  [103] The town of Carlisle.


            "TO THE LORD DUKE HIS GRACE, AND THE LORDIS
                              AT GLASKOW.

     "AFTER humill commendatioun of my service. Albeit I have
     writtin ofter then anes to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, what thingis
     have myslyked me in youre slaw proceideings, alsweill in
     supporting youre brethrein, quho many dayes have susteined
     extreame danger in these pairtes, as in making provisioun
     how the ennemye mycht have bein annoyed,[104] quho lay in
     few nomber nye to youre quarteris in Striveling; and in
     making lykewayis provisioun, how the expectatioun of your
     freindis, quho long have awaited for youre answer, mycht
     have bein satisfied;--Albeit, (I say,) that of thoise
     thingis I have befoire complained, yet of verry conscience,
     I am compelled to signifie unto youre Honoris, that onless
     of these, and other inormiteis, I sall espye some redress, I
     am assured that the end shalbe suche as godlie men shall
     murne, that ane good cause shall perishe for lack of wisdome
     and diligence. In my last letteris to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, I
     declared, that youre especiall freindis in England wounder
     that no gritter expeditioun is maid, the weycht of the mater
     being considdered. Gif the falt be in the Lord Duke, and his
     freindis, I wrait also, that the greatest loss should be his
     and thairs in the end. And now, I can nott cease, boyth to
     wonder and lament, that youre hoile Counsall was so
     destitute of wisdome and discretioun as to charge this poore
     man, the Priour,[105] to come to you to Glaskow, and
     thairefter to go to Carleill, for suche effearis as ar to be
     entreated. Was thair none amangis you, quho did foirsee
     quhat inconvenientis mycht insew his absence frome these
     partis? I cease to speake of the dangeris in the ennemy.
     Youre freindis have lyen in the Frith now xv. dayis bypast,
     (what was thair formar travaill is nott unknawin); thei have
     never receaved conforte of any man (him only excepted), more
     then thei had lyen upoun the coast of thair mortall ennemye.
     Do ye nott considder, that suche a companye sall neide
     conforte and provisioun from tyme to tyme? Remove him, and
     quho abydeth that cairfullie will travaill in that or any
     uther wechty materis in these pairtis? Did ye nott farther
     considder, that he had begune to meddle with the
     gentilmen[106] who had declaired thameselfis unfreindis
     heirtofoir; and also that ordour wald have bein taekin for
     suche as haif bein neutrall: now, be reassoun of his
     absence, the one shall escaip without admonitioun, and the
     other shalbe at thair formare libertie? I am assured that
     the ennemye sall nott sleip, neather in that nor in uther
     effairis, to undermynd you and your hoile caus; and
     especiallie to hurte this pairt of the countrey to revenge
     thair formare foly. Gif none of these formar causses should
     have moved you to have considered that such a journay (at
     suche a tyme,) wes nott meet for him, neather yit for thame
     that must accompany him; yit discreit men wald have
     considdered, that the men that have lyen in thair jackes,
     and travailled thair horse continuallie the space of a
     moneth, requyreth some longer rest, boyth to thame selfis,
     but especiallie to thair horsses, (befoire thei had bein
     charged to suche a journey,) then yitt they have had. The
     Priour may, for satisfactioun of your unreasonable myndis,
     interpryse the purposse; but I am assured, he shall nott be
     able to have sex honnest men in all Fyiff to accompany him:
     And how that eather standis with youre Honoris, or with his
     safetie, juge ye youre selfis. But yitt, wonder it is, that
     ye did nott considder, to quhatt paine and fascherie shall
     ye putt youre freindis of England, especiallie the Duke of
     Northfolke, and his Counsall, whome ye shall caus travaile
     the most wearesoum and fasschous gaitt that is in England.
     In my opinioun, quhosoever gaif you that counsall eather
     laicked rycht judgement in thingis to be done, or ellis had
     too much respect to his awin ease, and too small regaird to
     the travaill and danger of thair bretherein. A comoun cause
     requireth a comoun concurrance, and that everie man beare
     his burdein proportionablie. But prudent and indifferent men
     espy the contrair in this caus, especiallie of lait dayis;
     for the weakest ar maist greavouslie charged, and to quhome
     the mater maist belongeth, and to quhome justlie greatest
     burthein is dew, ar exempted in a manor boyth from travaill
     and expensses. To speik the mater plainlie, wyse men do
     wonder what my Lordis Dukis freindis do meane, that thei ar
     so slaike and backward in this caus: In uther actionis, thei
     have bein judged stout and fordward; and in this, whiche is
     the greatest that ever he or thei had in hand, thei appeir
     destitut bayth of grace and of courage. I am nott ignorant,
     that thei that are most inward of his counsall ar ennemyes
     to God, and thairfoire can nott bot be ennemyes to his
     cause. But wounder it is, that he and his uther freindis
     should nott considder, that the tinsale of this godlie
     interpryse, shalbe the routing of thame and thair posteritie
     frome this realme. Considdering, my Lordis, that by Goddis
     providence ye ar joyned with the Dukis Grace in this comoun
     cause, admonishe him plainlie of the danger to cum: will him
     to beware of the counsale of those that ar plainlie infected
     with superstitioun, with pryde, and with vennome of
     particulare proffeit; whiche gif he do not at your
     admonitioun, he shall smarte, befoir he beware: and gif ye
     cease to putt him in mynd of his deutie, it may be that, for
     youre silence, ye shall drynk some portioun of the plague
     with him. Tak my plaine speking, as proceeding from him that
     is nott youre ennemye, being also unceartaine when I shall
     have occasioun to writt heareafter. God, the Father of oure
     Lord Jesus Christ, assist you with the spreit of wisdome and
     fortitude, that to his glorie, and to youre Lordschipis and
     oure commoun conforte, ye may performe that thing, which
     godlie wes ones begun. Amen. From Sanctandrois, the vj. of
     Februare, in haist, 1559.[107]

                   (_Sic subscribitur_,)
         "Your Lordschipis to command in godliness,
                                                       "J. K."

  [104] In the MS. of 1566, "anoyned;" MS. G. has "anoyit."

  [105] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews: see vol. i. p. 249,
  note 5.

  [106] See notes to pages 7 and 43-4.

  [107] That is 1559-60. In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. this letter is dated
  "the 6th of Februare in haist." In the former it is signed, "Your
  Grace's, &c.--JOHNE KNOX." The MS. 1566, makes it "the 5th of
  Februarie, in Christ."

Upoun the receatt of this letter, and consultatioun had thairapoun,
new conclusioun was tackin: to witt, that thei wald viseit the said
Duke of Northfolke at Berwyke,[108] quhair he was.

  [108] Thomas Randall wrote to Sadler from Glasgow, on the 10th
  February 1559-60, mentioning that the Lords of the Congregation had
  come to that town to consult; and that Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the
  Master of Maxwell, Wishart of Pittarrow, and Henry Balnaves, had been
  appointed by the whole Council to meet with the Duke of Norfolk at
  Berwick, on the 23d of that month. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 704.)

Thus far have we digressed fra the style of the Historie, to lett the
posteritie that shall follow understand, by quhat instrumentis God
wrocht the familiaritie and freindschipe, that after we fand in
Ingland. Now we returne to oure formare Historie.

       *       *       *       *       *

The pairtis of Fyiff sett at fredome frome the bondage of those
bloodie wormes, solempned thankis war gevin, in Sanctandrois, unto God
for his mychtie delyverance. Schorte after the Erlle of Arrane and
Lord James, apprehended the Lardis of Wemes, Seafeald, Balgonye, and
Durye,[109] and utheris, that assisted the Frenche; but thei war sett
schoirtlie at fredome, upoun suche conditionis as thei mynded never to
keape: for sick men have neather fayeth nor honnestie. Mr. James
Balfoure,[110] who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the band
of the Balfouris, eschaiped. The Ingliss schippis daylie multiplied,
till that thei war able to keape the whole Firth: whairatt the Frenche
and Quene Regent, enraged, begane to executt their tirranye upoun the
pairtes of Lowthiane that lay neye to Edinburgh. Lett Mr. David
Borthwick[111] witnesse quhat favoris[112] his wyffe and place of
Adenstoun[113] fand of the Frenche, for all the service that he had
maid to the Quene Regent.

  [109] In MS. G, "Balgone, Durie;" in MS. 1566, "Bawgane,
  Druye."--Supra page 7, Knox alluding to the ravages committed by the
  French on the coast of Fife, in the beginning of 1560, says, they did
  not spare even their own friends, the Lairds of Senfield, Wemyss,
  Balmuto, and Balweary. In reference to the statement in the text, Sir
  Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th February 1559-60, says, "In Fife,
  all suche gentlemen as were of any power or creditt, that tooke ony
  parte with the Franches, as the Lorde of Wymes, the Lorde Bawerye,
  Syfeld, Bagonye, and other, have promised their fidelitie, and given
  pledgis never to stand against the Congregation. This hath bene the
  Lord James's action since the Franches cam their way." (State Papers,
  vol. i. p. 701.)

  The persons mentioned by Knox, (using _Lord_ for _Laird_,) I suppose,
  were, (1) Sir John Wemyss of Wemyss, the ancestor of Lord Wemyss; (2)
  George Moutray of Seafield, the ruins of whose castle or tower stands
  close upon the sea, to the west of Kinghorn; (3) Andrew or Robert
  Lundie or Lundin of Balgonie, in the parish of Markinch, a property
  that gives a second title of the Earl of Leven and Melville; and (4)
  David Durie of Durie, in the parish of Scoonie. This property was
  afterwards acquired by the father of the eminent lawyer, Sir John
  Gibson of Durie.

  [110] Afterwards Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich: see notes, vol. i.
  pp. 202, 235.

  [111] Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill was appointed Lord Advocate, and
  one of the Judges in the Court of Session, on 20th October 1573. He
  was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Determinants,
  in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. He probably spent some time on the
  Continent; and passed Advocate, 1st March 1549. He was twice married;
  Marion Blyth, his first wife, died 24th March 1570, (Register of
  Confirmed Testaments.) His second wife, Margaret Guthrie, having
  survived him, married Mr. John Lindesay, second son of Sir David
  Lindesay of Edzell, and Parson of Menmuir. According to Scot of
  Scotstarvet, Borthwick had acquired "many lands in Lothian and Fife,
  as Balnacreiff, Admiston, Balcarras, and others; but having infest his
  son, Sir James, therein in his own time, he rested never till he had
  sold all." Borthwick died in January 1581.

  [112] In the MS. 1566, incorrectly written "Borwick," and "that
  favoris."

  [113] In MS. G, "Audistoun." The property of Addiston is in the parish
  of Ratho. It now belongs to the Earl of Morton; but the old house,
  situated on an elevated terrace, was pulled down a few years ago.

In the middest of Februarie war directed to England, frome the Dukis
Grace and the Congregatioun, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Maister
of Maxweill, the Maister of Lyndsay, Maister Henrye Balnaves, and the
Laird of Pittarrow; who, with thair honnest cumpanyeis and
commissioun, departed by sea, all, except the Maister of Maxwell, to
Berwick, whair thair mett thame the Duke of Northfolke, lievetennent
to the Quenis Majestie of England, and with him a great company of the
gentillmen of the north, with some also of the south, having full
power to contract with the nobillitie of Scotland, as that thei did,
upoun suche conditionis as in the same Contract are specified. And
becaus we have hard the malicious tounges of wicked men mak false
reporte of that our fact, we have faithfullie and trewlie inserted in
this oure Historie the said Contract, alsweill thatt whiche was maid
at Leyth, during the seige, as that whiche first was maid at Berwick,
that the memorie thereof may byde to our posteritie; to the end that
thei may judge with indifference, whither that we have doun ony thing
prejudiciall to our comoun wealth, or yitt contrarius unto that
debtfull obedience whiche trew subjects aw to thair supperiouris whose
authoritie aucht to deffend and mainteine the libertie and fredome of
the Realmes committed to thair charge; and nott to oppress and betray
the same to strangearis. The tennour of oure Contract followis:--

THE CONTRACT AT BERWICK.

"JAMES DUKE OF CHASTELARAULT, Erlle of Arrane, Lord Hamyltoun, second
persone of the realme of Scotland, and appearand [air] to the Croune,
the Counsalle, Nobilitie, and principall Estaittis of the same: To all
and sindrie, whais knawlege thir presentis shall come, greitting. We
have weill considerat, and be fullie persuaded in what danger,
desolatioun, and miserie, the lang enmytie with the kingdome of
Ingland, hath brocht oure Countrey heirtofoir: how wechtie and
florishing it shall become, gif those two kingdomes, as thei be
joyned in one Iland by creatioun of the warld, so may be knytt in a
constant and assured friendschip: These considerationis, groundit
upoun a most infallible treuth, aucht no less to have moved our
progenitouris and foirfatheris then us: but the present danger hanging
over oure heades, by the injust dealing of those of whome we have
alwayis best deserved, hathe caused us to wey thame more earnestlie
then thei did. The misbehaveour of the Frenche ministeris[114] heere
hathe of laitt zeris beine so greatt; the oppressioun and crueltie of
the soldiouris, the tyranny and ambitioun of thair supperiouris and
rewlleris so greavouse to the people; the viollent subversioun of our
libertie, and conqueast of the land, whair at thei have by maist
craftie and subtile meanes continuallie preassit,[115] so intollerable
to us all, that at last, when we could nott obteane the redresse by
humill suitis and earnest supplicationis presented to the Quene
Dowager, who bayth for deuties saik and place scho did occupy, aucht
to have bene most cairfull of oure estait; we have bene by verry
necessitie, constrained nott only to assay our awin forces, but also
to imploir the Quenis Majestie of England aide and supporte, quhilk
hir Majestie hes maist gentillie granted upoun certaine covenantes,
specified in ane Treaty, past at Berwick, betuix the Duck of Northfolk
his good Grace, Lievtennent for hir Majestie, on that ane pairte, and
ceartaine our Commissioneris, on that uther parte: Whairof the tennour
followeth:--

  [114] In Vautr. edit., "Frenche monsters."

  [115] In MS. 1566, "pressed."

"AT BERWICK, the twentie sevin day of Februare, the year of our Lord
God J^m V^c fyftie and nyne yeris. It is appointed and finallie
contracted betwix the noble and mychtie Prince, THOMAS DUKE OF
NORTHFOLKE, Erlle Marschell of England, and lievtennent to the Quenis
most excellent Majestie of the said realme, in the name and behalf of
hir Hienes, on the one pairte, and the rycht honorable Lord James
Stewart,[116] Patrik Lord Ruthven, Sir Jhone Maxweill of Terreglis
knycht, William Maitland of Lethingtoun younger, Jhone Wischarte of
Pittarrow, and Maister Henry Balnaves of Halhill, in the name and
behalf of the noble and mychtie Prince, James Duke of Chasteaularault,
second persone of the realme of Scotland, and the remanent Lordis[117]
of his parte, joyned with him in this cause, for the mainteanance and
defence of the ancient rychtes and liberteis of thair countrey, on the
other parte, in Forme as heireafter followeth: That is to say, That
the Quenis Majestie, having sufficientlie understanded, alsweill by
information sent from the Nobilitie of Scotland, as by the [manifest]
proceadings of the Frenche, that thei intend to conqueir the realme of
Scotland, suppress the liberties thairof, and unite the same unto the
Croune of France perpetuallie, contrarie to the Lawis of the same
Realme, and to the pactis, aithes, and promisses of France; and being
thairto most humblie and earnestlie requyred by the said Nobilitie,
for and in name of the hole Realme, shall accept[118] the said Realme
of Scotland, the said Duke of Chasteaularault being declared by Act of
Parliament in Scotland to be heyre appearand to the Croun thairof, and
the Nobilitie and Subjectis thairof, unto her Majesties protection and
meantenance, onlie for preservatioun of the same in thair auld
fredomes and liberties, and frome conquest during the tyme that the
mariage shall continue betwix the Queen of Scottis and the Frenche
King, and ane yeare efter: and for expelling out of the samin realme
of suche as presentlie and appearandlie goeth about to practise the
said conqueist; hir Majestie shall with all speid send unto Scotland a
convenient aide of men of warr, on horse and foote, to joyne with the
poware of Scottis men, with artelzearie, munitioun, and all uther
instrumentes of warr meitt for the purpoise, alsweill by sea as by
land, nott onlye to expell the present poware of Frenche within that
realme, oppressing the same, bot also to stopp, als far as
convenientlie may be, all greater forces of Frenche to enter thairin
for the lyke purpose; and shall continue hir Majesties aide to the
said realme, Nobilitie, and Subjectis of the same, unto the tyme the
Frenche (being ennemyes to the said realme) be utterlie expelled
hence; And shall never transact, compone, nor aggrie with the Frenche,
nor conclude any leigue with thame, except the Scottis and the Frenche
shalbe aggreit, that the Realme of Scotland may be left in dew fredome
by the Frenche; Nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobilitie
and Subjectis, quhairby thei mycht fall as ane pray unto thair
ennemeis handis, alse lang as thei shall acknowlege their Soveraine
Lady and Quene, and shall indure thameselfis to mainteine the libertie
of thair country, and the estait of the Croun of Scotland: And if in
caise any fortis or strenthis within the realme be wonne out of the
handis of the Frenche at this present, or at any tyme heareafter, by
hir Majesties aide, the same shalbe immediatlie demolished by the
Scottis men, or delyvered to the said Duck and his partie foirsaid, at
thair optioun and choise; neather shall the power of England fortifie
within the ground of Scotland, being out of the boundis of England,
but be the advyse of the said Duck, Nobilitie, and Estaites of
Scotland.

  [116] Knox's amanuensis here introduces, as a parenthetical
  explanation, "NOW ERLE OF MURAY," a clear proof of this portion of the
  MS. having been transcribed before 1570. These words, also copied in
  MS. G, are omitted in Vautr. edit.

  [117] In Rymer, &c., "the remanent of the rest of the Lordis."

  [118] In MS. 1566, "except."

"For the quhilkis causses, and in respect of hir Majesties most gentle
clemencie and liberalle supporte, the said Duck, and all the
Nobillitie, alsweill suche as be now joyned, as suche as shall
heireafter joyne with him for defence of the libertie of that Realme,
shall, to the utermaist of thair powar, aide and supporte hir
Majestie's arme aganis the Frenche, and thair partaikaris, with horse
men, and foote men, and with victuallis, by land and by sea, and with
all maner of uther ayde to the best of thair powar, and so shall
continue during the tyme that hir Majesties armye shall remaine in
Scotland.

_Item_, Thei shalbe ennemyes to all such Scottis men and Frenche, as
shall in anywyse shaw thame selfis ennemyes to the realme of Ingland,
for the aiding and supporting the said Duck and Nobilitie, to the
delyverie of the Realme of Scotland frome conqueist.

_Item_, Thei shall never assent nor permitt, that the Realme of
Scotland shalbe conquered, or utherwyse knett to the Croun of France,
then it is at this present only by mariage of the Quene thair
Soveraine to the Frenche King, and by the lawes and liberties of the
Realme, as it aucht to be.

_Item_, In caise the Frenche men shall, at any tyme heirafter, invaid,
or caus to be invaded, the realme of England thei shall fournishe the
nomber of twa thousand horsmen and twa thousand[119] footmen, at the
least, or suche parte of ather of thame, at the choise of the Quenes
Majestie of England; and shall conduct the same to pas frome the
Bordaris of Scotland nixt Ingland, upon hir Majesties charges, to anie
pairte upoune the realme of England, for the defence of the same. And
in caise the invasioun be upon the northe partes of England, on the
northe parte of the water of Tyne, towardis Scotland, or against
Berwick, on the north syd of the water of Tweid, thei shall convent
and gather thair haill forces upon thair awin charges, and shall joyne
with the Ingliss poware, and shall contenew in goode and earnest
prosecutioun of the quarrell of England, during the space of thretty
dayis, or so muche langer as thei ware accustumed to tarye in the
feildis for defence of Scotland, at the commandiment of thair
Soverane, at any tyme bypast.

  [119] In MS. 1566, "ane thousand;" MS. G. has "200 horsemen and 1000
  foot."

And also, the Erlle of Argyle, Lord Justice of Scotland, being
presentlie joyned with the said Duck, shall employe his force and good
will, whair he shalbe requyred by the Quenes Majestie, to reduce the
north pairtis of Ireland to the perfyte obedience of England, conforme
to ane mutualle and reciproque contract, to be maid betwix hir
Majesties lieutenent or depute of Ireland being for the tyme, and the
said Erlle; quhairin shalbe conteaned what he shall do for his parte,
and quhatt the said lieutennent, or depute, shall do for his supporte,
in caise he shall have to do with James Mackonnell,[120] or ony
utheris of the Iyles of Scotland, or realme of Ireland; for
performance and sure keaping whairof, thei shall for thair pairte
enter to the foirsaid Duck of Northfolk the plaiges presentlie named
by him, befoire the entrie of hir Majesties armye in Scottis ground,
to remaine in England for the space of six monethis, and to be
exchanged upoun delyverance of new hostages, of lyke or als goode
conditioun as the formare; or being the lauchfulle sones, bretheren,
or heires of ony of the Erlles or Baronis of Parliament, that have, or
hereinafter schaw thame selfis, and persist open ennemyes to the
Frenche in this quarrell; and so forth, from sex monethis to sex
monethis, or foure monethis to foure monethis, as shall best pleis the
partie of Scotland; and the tyme of continuance of the hostages salbe
during the marriage of the Quene of Scottis to the Frenche King, and
ane yeare efter the dissolutioun of the said marriage, untill farder
ordour may be had betwix boyth the realmes for peace and concorde.

  [120] In the Cotton. MS., "Monneil." Sadler (State Papers, vol. i. pp.
  431, 517) calls him, "James M^cDonell," and "Macconnell," and says,
  8th Sept. 1559, that the Queen Regent had endeavoured to stir him,
  "and others of the Scottish Irishrie, against the Erle of Argyle," to
  prevent Argyle from rendering aid to his associates, the Lords of the
  Congregation.

  In a Report on the state of the West Isles of Scotland drawn up by the
  Dean of Limerick, in 1595 or 1596, James M^cConnell is specially
  mentioned as having been "holden in great jealousie by the house of
  Argyle." It is further added, that "Anne Cambell, halfe syster to the
  aforesayde Erle, the wife to the Sherif of Bute, by whome she was
  hardlie entreated; ... by reason of her hard usadge jorneyinge towards
  Argeile, she was intercepted by the said James, and marryed; by whome
  she had five sonnes and a daughter." (Miscellany of the Maitland Club,
  vol. iv. p. 44.) As James Stewart, Sheriff of Bute, had lawful issue
  by a second marriage, he probably had obtained a divorce from his
  first wife.

And, farder more, the said Duck, and all the Nobilitie, being Erlles
and Barronis of Parliament, joyned with him, shall subscryve and seall
these Articles and comptis within the space of xx or threttie dayis,
at the uttermost, nixt following the day of the delyverance of the
said hostages; and shall also procure and persuad all utheris of the
Nobilitie that shall joyne tharne selfis heirefter with the said Duck,
for the causses above specified, lykwyis to subscryve and seall these
articles at any tyme efter the space of twentie dayis efter thair
conjunctioun, upoun requisitioun maid to thame on the partie of the
Quenes Majestie of England.

And, finallie, the said Duck, and the Nobilitie joyned with him,
certainlie perceaving, that the Quenis Majestie of England is
thairunto moved onlie upoun respect of princelie honour and
nychtbourehead, for the defence of the fredome of Scotland from
conqueist, and not of any uther sinister intent, doeth by these
presentis testifie and declair, that [neither] thai, nor any of thame,
meane by this compt to wythdraw ony dew obedience to thair Soveraine
Lady the Quene, nor in any lefull thing to withstand the Frenche King,
hir husband and head, that during the marriage shall nott tend to the
subversioun and oppressioun of the just and ancient liberties of the
said kingdome of Scotland; for preservatioun whairof, boyth for thair
Soveranis honour, and for the continuance of the kingdome in ancient
estait, thei acknowlege thameselfis bound to spend thair guidis,
landis, and lyves. And for performance of this present Contract for
the part of England, the Quenes Majestie shall confirme the same, and
all clauses thairinto contained, by hir letteris patentis, under the
Great Seall of England, to be delyvered to the Nobilitie of Scotland,
upon the entress of the pledges afoirsaid within the ground of
England.

[In witnes wheirof, the Commissionaris for the Ducke of
Chasteaularault and Nobilitie of Scotland befoir named, haif
subscryved these presentis, and thereunto affixed their seales, the
day, yeare, and place afoirsaidis:--

      JAMES STEWART.
      PATRICK L. RUTHWEN.
      JOHNE MAXWELL.
      W. MAITLAND.
      JHONE WYSHART.
      HENRICUS BALNAVES.]

In witnes quhairof, the said Duck his Grace of Northfolke,[121] hath
subscryved these presentis, and thairinto affixit his seall, the day,
yeare, and place foirsaid.
                                     [THO. NORFFOLK.]

  [121] Knox has here inserted the Articles of the Convention at
  Berwick, 27th February 1559-60, as confirmed by the Duke of
  Chattelherault, at Leith, 10th May 1560, "after the incoming of the
  English armies," (Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 578.) In this
  confirmation the signatures of the Scotish Commissioners to the
  Articles are omitted, as the copy it embodied was that exchanged with
  the said Commissioners, and attested by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Earl
  Marischal of England, as Commissioner from Queen Elizabeth. The
  original Articles, with the signatures of the Scotish Commissioners,
  as given in the text above, along with the clause enclosed within
  brackets, are inserted in Rymer's Foedera, etc., vol. xv. p. 569;
  edit. 1740, vol. vi. par. iv. p. 95, under this title, "Conventiones
  Scotorum contra Reginam Unionem Franciæ et Scotiæ designantem, et pro
  Defensione contra Francos." A copy of these Articles, from a minute
  endorsed by Secretary Cecil, and printed among the Burghley State
  Papers, p. 253, omits the testing clause altogether. In the same
  volume, there is a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to the Privy
  Council, last of February, stating,--"that these three daies have we
  been in conference and consultation with the Lords of Scotland, upon
  this great and weighty matter." Copies of this Convention are also
  preserved among the Cotton. MSS. Calig. B. ix. fol. 34, and B. x, fol.
  69. The Commission, dated 29th March 1560, added to one of these MSS.,
  has thefollowing marginal note by Sir Robert Cotton:--"It seems by the
  Commission given by the Queen for confirmation of these Articles,
  dated in the month of March following, that this treaty was concluded
  before the Queen would openly profess herself a party, which is to be
  noted."

Whiche Contract we find honest, reassonable, and that our saidis
Commissioneris thair hathe consideratlie respected to the comoun
wealth of this realme, of us, and our posteritie; and thairfoire do
ratifie, allow, confirme, and approve the same, with all clauses and
articles thairin contained, by thir presentis.

In witnes heirof, to the same subscryved with our handis, our seallis
of armes, in sick caises accustomed, are appended. At the camp
foiranent Leyth, the tent day of May, the year of God J^m V^c and
thriescoir yearis.

                (_Follow the Subscriptionis._[122])

[Sidenote: THE SUBSCRIPTIONIS.]

  THE DUCK OF CHASTEAULARAULT.
  EARLE OF ARRANE.
  EARLE OF HUNTLIE.
  EARLE OF GLENCARNE.
  EARLE OF MORTOUN.
  EARLE OF ROTHESS.
  EARLE OF MOUNTEITH.
  LORD OGULVIE.
  LORD OCHILTRIE.
  LORD ROBERT STEWARTE.
  GAWIN HAMYLTOUN OF KILWYNING.[123]
  ERLE OF ARGYLE.
  LORD BORTHWICK.
  LORD JAMES STEWARTE.
  LORD OF SANCT JHONE.
  ALEXANDER GORDOUN.
  LORD JHONE OF ABERBROTHOK.[124]
  LORD BOYDE.
  LORD SOMMERVAILL.
  ABBOT OF KINLOSS.
  ABBOT OF CULROSS.
  JAMES STEWART OF SANCT COLMES INCHE.[125]

  [122] These Subscriptions obviously exhibit the names and not the
  actual signatures of the Subscribers.

  [123] Commendator of Kilwinning.

  [124] Lord John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothock.

  [125] Commendator of the Monastery of Inchcohn, or St. Colme's Inch.

THE INSTRUCTIONIS GEVIN, SUBSCRYVIT TO THE SAID COMMISSIONARIS [THAT
WENT TO BERWICK, AR THIR AS][126] FOLLOW:--

  [126] The words enclosed in brackets, are supplied from MS. G.

AND for the first, Gif it shalbe askyt of yow be the said Duck of
Northfolk his Grace, and otheris, [by] the Quenes Majesties
appointment, appointed Commissionaris, gif our pledges be in reddines?
Ye shall answer, that thei ar, and in Sanctandrois, the xxiiij of this
instant, and shalbe reddy to delyver in hostages for securitie of our
promisses, and part of contract, thei offering and macking securitie
for thair part by the Quenes Majesties subscriptioun and great sealle,
and delyvering the same unto you; provyding that thei chuse and mack
thair electioun of the pledges as is convenient.

Secoundlie, Gif the saidis Commissionaris shall demand of yow, what
interpryse the armye of England shall tak upoun hand at thair first
incumminges? Ye shall answer, in generall the expulsioun of the
Frenches soldiouris furth of this realme: and first and in specialle
furth of the toun of Leyth, seing thair great forces ar thair.

3. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit of yow, at what place our freindis and
bretherin of England shalbe mett, and what day, what nomber, and what
Nobill men in cumpany? Ye shall referr all those thingis to thair
electioun and choise.

4. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit of yow how the armyes shalbe fournissed
with victuallis, and especiallie the horse men? Ye shall answer, that
with thair advyses ane sufficient order shalbe tackin thairin.

5. _Item_, Gif it be requyred, how the munitioun shalbe carryed, and
oxen furnissed to that effect? Ye shall answer, as we have gevin in
commissioun to Lethingtoun, quhilk we ratifie.

6. _Item_, Gif it beis asked, wha shalbe Lievtennent to the armie of
Scotland? Ye shall answer, my Lord Duckes Grace.

7. _Item_, Gif it shalbe inquyred, what nomber our haill armye
extendis to? Ye shall answer, thai will, God-willing, be fyve thousand
men.

8. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit, what maner of way Leyth shalbe
assaulted? Ye shall desyre all preparationis to be in reddenes, and
the advyse to be taine after the placing of the armyes and view of the
strenth schoirtlie.

9. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit of the Castell of Edinburgh, gif thei
will stand freindis or nott? Ye shall declair our diligence maid, and
to be maid schoirtlie heirinto; but for the present can assure thame
of nothing.

10. _Item_, Gif it beis askit, in caise the Castell be unfriend, whair
the armye shalbe placed? Ye shall ansueir, for the first in
Musselburgh and Tranent, and thei partis, till the battery, and all
preparationis be in reddenes.

11. _Item_, In caise it beis inquyred of all bye-lyeris, and in
speciall of my Lord Huntlie, in the North? Ye shall ansueir in
generall, ane goode hope is had of the maist pairt thairof; and
tuiching my Lord of Huntlie in speciale, ye shall schaw how he hes
send writtingis to my Lord of Arrane, with ane servand in creddite, to
assure him of his assistance; and for that caus hes desyred letteris
of suspensioun of the Quene Dowageris commissioun, to be send to him,
to be usit by him in thei partis, and utheris letteris to arreist the
Clergies rentis and her's[127] boyth in thei partis, with
proclamationis to cause all men to be in reddines to pass foruardis,
for maintening of the religioun and expulsioun of strangeris. My Lord
hes writtein to him, that he may come to him in proper persone,
whairof the answer is nott returned as yitt.

  [127] In MS. 1566, "hires;" MS. G, "hyres."

12. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit, the place and maner of meiting of
oure folkis, or of us and thame, in caise Striveling be kept? We
referr the ansueir heirof to youre discretionis.

13. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit that thair layed money shall have
passage for thair viveris? Ye shall reasoun the commoditie and
incommoditie thairof with the Counsale.[128]

  [128] In Vautr. edit., "the Comishall."

14. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit, what pioneris shalbe had? Ye shall
answer, the nomber being expressed, and money be in reddenes to
seld[129] thame, thei shall have sufficientlie.

  [129] In. MS. G, "to pay;" in Vautr. edit. "to sell," and in both
  copies, "have sufficiencie," at the end of the sentence.

15. _Item_, Gif thei shall desyre that we declair our cause unto the
Princes of Alamagne, and the King of Denmarke, desyring thair
assistance? Ye shall answere, that we think the same good, and shall
speedelie tak ordour thairwith.

16. _Item_, Gif it shalbe askit of yow to confirme for us, and in oure
name, the thingis past and granted be oure formare Commissionare the
young Laird of Lethingtoun? Ye shall in all poyntis for us, and in
oure name, confirme the same, sa far as it shall mak either for the
weill and conjunctioun of the twa realmes, or this present cause, or
yitt for the securitie of oure pairt for fulfilling of the samein: and
also, ye shall accept thair offeris, tending to the same fyne, and sic
securitie on that parte, as ye may purchese, and especiallie sic as we
heirtofoir exprimit. Gevin at Glaskow, the tent of Februar 1559.

_Item_, We gif and grantis you full power to augment, or diminische
thir saidis heidis and Articles, as ye think the weall of the cause
sall requyre in all pointis.

      JOHNNE OF MENTEITH.[130]
      ANDRO OF ROTHESS.
      R. BOYD.
      WILLIAME MURRAY _of Tullibardin_.
      JOHNNE ERSKIN _of Dun_.
      JAMES HAMYLTOUN.
      ALEX^R. GORDOUN.
      AR^D. ERGYLE.
      GLENCARNE.
      VCHILTRE.
      JAMES HALIBURTOUN.

  [130] The names of these Commissioners are mostly well known:--John
  Earl of Menteith, Andrew Earl of Rothes, Robert Lord Boyd, Sir William
  Murray of Tullibardine, John Erskine of Dun, James Hamilton Earl of
  Arran, Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, and Commendator of
  Inchaffray, Archibald Earl of Argyle, Alexander Earl of Glencairn,
  Andrew Lord Ochiltre, and James Halyburton, Provost of Dundee.

Schort efter this Contract, war oure pledgeis delyverit to Maister
Winter, Admirall of the Navye, that came to Scotland, a man of great
honestie, sua far as ever we could espy of him, quha war saiflie
convoyit to New Castell. And sua the Ingliss army began to assembill
towardis the Bordour; quhairof the Frensche and Quene Regent assurit,
thay began to distroy quhat thay could in the tounis and cuntrey
about; for the haill victuallis they careit to Leith; the mylnes thay
brak; the scheip, oxin, and kyne, yea, the horse of poore lauboraris,
thay maid all to serve thair tyrannye. And, fynallie, they left na
thyng quhilk the verray ennemeis could have devisit, except that thay
demolischit not gentilmenis housses, and brunt not the tonne of
Edinburgh: in quhilk poynt, God brydillit thair furye, to lett his
afflictit understand that he tuik cair for thame.

[Sidenote: The Crewell Fact of Martyckis.]

Befoir the cuming of the land armye, the Frensche past to Glasgu, and
distroyit the cuntrey thair about. Quhat tyrannye the Martyckis[131]
usit upone ane poore Scottis suldiour, it is feirfull to heir, and
yitt his fact may not be omittit. Silver wald thay gif nane to the
poore men, and sua war thay slow to depairt of the toun; for albeit
the drum struik, the enseingze could not be gottin. Thair was ane
poore craftis man, quha haid bocht for his victuallis are gray laif,
and was eitting ane morsell of it, and was putting the rest of it in
his bosome. The tyranne cam to him, and with the poore catyveis awin
quhynger first straik him in the breist, and after cast it at him, and
sua the poore man, stagring and falling, the mercyless tyranne ran him
through with his rapper, and thairefter commandit him to be hingit
ower the stair. Lord, thow wilt yitt luik, and recompense sick
tyrrannye; how contemptable that ever the persoun was!

  [131] See _supra_, page 12, note 1.

The secunde of Aprile, the yeir of God, J^m V^c and threscoir yeiris,
the army be land enterit in Scotland, the conducting quhairof was
commitit to the Lord Gray,[132] quha haid in his company the Lord
Scrope, Sir James Croftis, Sir Hary Peircey, Sir Francis Laike, with
mony uthir capitaneis and gentilmen having charge, sum of futmen, sum
of horsmen. The armye be land was esteimit to ten thowsand men. The
Quene Regent past to the Castell of Edinburgh,[133] and sum utheris of
hir factioun.[134] At Prestoun met thame the Duckes Grace, the Erle of
Argyle, (Huntlie came not till that the seige was confirmit,) Lord
James, the Erlles of Glencairne and Menteith, Lordis Ruthwen, Boyd,
Ochiltre, with all the Protestantis gentilmen of the West Fyffe,
Anguss, and Mearneis. Swa that for few dayis the armye was greit.

  [132] William Lord Gray de Wilton, "a gallant warrior," who
  distinguished himself on several occasions, and who, in 1559, was
  appointed Warden of the Middle and Eastern Marches.

  [133] In a letter to Sadler, Randall writes on the 25th January
  1559-60,--"It is thought that the Quene Douagier shalbe received very
  shortlie into the Castell of Edinburgh, for any travaile that can be
  to the contrarie, with her onlie howsholde servaunts and
  gentlewoomen." Two months later, on the 28th March 1560, he says, "It
  hath been longe in doubte whether the Quene Douagier woolde either to
  the Castell of Edinburgh or to Lythe; it is saide, that it is now
  resolved, that it will to the Castell this daye."--(State Papers, vol.
  i. pp. 696, 712.) That the Queen had the purpose of entering the
  Castle at the time first specified, is evident from an incidental
  notice in the Treasurer's Accounts of his having paid £8 on the 26th
  January 1559-60, "to Maister Johne Balfour, for transporting of the
  Quenis Grace cofferis fra the Abbay of Halierudhous to the Castell of
  Edinburgh." On the same day, a messenger was sent "with clois
  writtingis of the Quenis Grace to Monsr. Dosell;" and two days later
  17s. was paid "to ane boy passand of Edinburgh, with clois writtingis
  of the Quenis Grace to Monsr. Labroce, rynnand all the nycht." On the
  last of January, the Queen herself received the sum of £250. The
  actual date when the Queen passed from Holyrood House to the Castle,
  was the 1st of April. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 56, 274.)

  [134] The chief persons who remained in the Castle of Edinburgh with
  the Queen Regent, were John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,
  William Earl Marischal, William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, Robert
  Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, Abraham Crichton, Provost of the Church
  of Douglass, and James Makgill, Clerk-Register.--(Lesley's History, p.
  284; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 274; Holinshed's Chronicles, &c.)

Efter the deliberatioun of twa dayis had at Enneresk,[135] the haill
camp marchit fordwart with ordinance, and all preparatioun necessar
for the seige, and came to Restalrig upoun the Palme Sunday Evin.[136]
The Frensche haid put thamselffis in battell array upoun the Linkis
without Leith, and had send furth thair skyrmissaris; quha begynning
befoir ten houris, contyneuit skyrmissing till efter foure houris at
efter none, quhan thair was gevin upone thame ane charge be sum
horsmen of Scotland, and sum of Yngland. Bot because the principall
Capitane of the horsmen of Yngland was not present, the haill troupis
durst not charge; and swa was not the owerthraw and slawchter of the
Frensche sa greit as it anis appeirit to haif bene; for the greit
battell was anis at the trote; bot quhen thay persevit that the greit
force of the horsemen stuid still, and chargeit not, thay returnit and
gaif sum rescourse to thair fallowis that fled; and swa thair fell
onlie in that defait about three hundreth Frenschmen. God wald nocht
gif the victorie swa suddanlie, leist that man sould glorye in his
awin strenth. The small victorie that was gottin, putt baith the
Yngliss and Scottis in ower greit securitie, as the ischew declairit.
The Frensche inclosit within the toun, the Yngliss armye began to
plant thair palyeanis[137] betwix Leith and Restalrig.[138] The
ordinance of the toun, and especiallie that quhilk lay upoun Sanct
Anthonies Stepill[139] did thame greit annoyance: aganist quhilk
place war bent aucht cannounis, quhilkis schott sa continewallie, and
sua just, that within few dayis, that Stepill was condemnit, and all
the ordinance that was on it dismontit, quhilk maid the Ynglismen sum
quhat mair negligent than it became guid men of war to have bene; for
persaiving that the Frensche maid na persute without thair wallis,
they tuik oppinioun that they wald never ishe mair, and that maid sum
of the Capitanis for pastyme, go to the toun:[140] the soldiouris, for
thair ease, did lay thair armour besyde thame, and, as men without
daingear, fell to the dice and cairtis. And sua, upoun the Pasche
Mononday,[141] at the verray hour of noon, the Frenche ischeit baith
on horse and fute, and with greit violence, enterit in to the Yngliss
trynscheis, slew and putt to flycht all that was fund thairin. The
watche was negligentlie keipit, and so was the succourse slow, and
lang in cuming; for the Frenche, befoir that any resistance was made
unto thame, approcheit hard to the greit ordinance. Bot than the
horsmen troupit togidder, and the futemen gat thameselffis in array,
and sua repulsit the Frenche back agane to the toun. Bot the slauchter
was greit: sum sayis it doubill exceidit that quhilk the Frenche
resavit the fyrst day. And this was the frute of thair securitie and
oures, quhilk efter was remeidit; for the Ynglismen maist wyslie
considdering thame selfis not abill to beseige the toun round about,
devysit to mak montis at dyverse quarteris of it, in the quhilk thay
and thair ordinance lay in as gude strenth as thay did within the
toun. The common soldiouris keipit the trynscheis, and had the said
montis for thair saifgaird and refuge, in case of any greiter persute
than thay war abill to sustene. The patience and stowt curage of the
Englismen, hot principallie of the horsmen, is worthy of all prayse:
for, quhair was it ever hard that aucht thousand (thay never exceidit
that number that lay in camp) sould beseige four thousand of the maist
despairit throt-cuttaris that were to be found in Europe, and lye sua
neir unto thame in daylie skyrmissing, the space of thre monethis and
mair. The horsmen nycht and day keipit watche, and did sa valiantlie
behaif thameselffis, that the Frenche gatt na advantage fra that day
back to the day of the assault, quhairof we shall schortlie heir.

  [135] In MS. G, "Inneresk;" in Vautr. edit., "Enresk." The village of
  Inveresk may be said to form part of Musselburgh, and is situated on
  the east side of the River Esk, near its confluence with the Frith of
  Forth, about six miles from Edinburgh.

  [136] Saturday, the 6th of April, was the eve of Palm Sunday.

  [137] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "pavilliones."

  [138] The village of Restalrig lies about a-mile to the south-east of
  Leith.

  [139] The building thus converted by the French troops into a place of
  defence, was the Hospital or Preceptory of St. Anthony, founded by
  Robert Logan of Restalrig, in 1435. It stood near the Kirkgate Street,
  at the south-west corner of what is still called St. Anthony's Wynd;
  and is said to have been the only establishment in Scotland belonging
  to the Canons of St. Anthony. During the siege in May 1560, the
  building was probably nearly all demolished. On the 17th of that
  month, the English troops having raised earthen mounds for their great
  ordinance, "beganne to shoote at Sanct Anthonyes steeple in Leith,
  upon the which steeple the Frenche had monted som artillerie, which
  was very noisome to the campe; bot within a few hours after, the said
  steeple was broken and shott doune; likewise they shott doune some
  part of the east end of the kirk of Leith." (Historie of the Estate of
  Scotland, in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 84.) Another old
  authority states,--"Upon the 20th day [of April] the principell
  blokhous within Leith, callit St Anthonies Kirk, was dung doun with
  cannones, and also the High Street where the viveris (provisions) lay,
  and many uther houssis upon the east syd of the toun."--(Lindesay of
  Pitscottie's Chronicles.)

  [140] MS. G. has "go upe to the toun of Edinburgh."

  [141] Easter Monday fell on the 15th of April.

In this meanetyme was this uther Band made of all the Nobilitie,
Barronis, and Gentilmen, professing Chryst Jesus in Scotland, and of
dyveris utheris that joynit with us, for expelling of the Frenche
army; amangis quham, the Erle of Huntlie was principall. The Band
followis:--

[ANE CONTRACT OF THE LORDS AND BARONS, TO DEFEND THE LIBERTY OF THE
EVANGELL OF CHRIST.][142]

  [142] In the MS. copies of Knox, this Band of Association by the Lords
  and Barons of Scotland, for setting forward the Reformation, is simply
  entitled, "The Last Band at Leyth." It was printed "from the Original"
  at Hamilton Palace, by Bishop Burnet, in his History of the
  Reformation, vol. iii. p. 287. It was probably not very accurately
  transcribed, but some slight corrections from that work have been
  adopted. It was reprinted in the Appendix to Crawford's Officers of
  State, p. 444; and in Keith's History, vol. i. p. 273. In all these
  copies, as well as in Knox, the names of the Lords and Barons who
  subscribed the Band are omitted. A contemporary copy in the British
  Museum, among the Harleian MSS. (No. 289. fol. 70.) has enabled me to
  supply this important omission.

[Sidenote: _NOTA._--HEIRUPONE CAME THE PERSUTE.][143]

  [143] In Vautr. edit. "Now hereupon," &c.

AT EDINBURGH, the xxvij day of Aprile, the yeir of God ane thousand
fyve hundreth threescoir yeiris: We, quhais namis ar underwrittin,
haif promittit and oblist oure selffis faithfullie, in the presens of
oure God, and be thir presentis promittis, that we altogidder in
generall, and every ane of us in speciall, be him selff, with oure
bodeis, guidis, freyndis, and all that we may do, sall sett fordwart
the Reformatioun of Religioun, according to Goddes word; and procure,
be all meanis possibill, that the treuth of Goddes word may haif free
passage within this Realme, with due administratioun of the
sacramentis, and all thingis depending upoun the said word: And
siclik, deiplie weying with oure selfis the misbehavour of the Frenche
Ministeris heir; the intollerabill oppressiouns commitit be the
Frenche men of weir upon the poore subjectis of this Realme, by
meyntenance of the Quene Dowager, under cullour and pretence of
authoritie; the tyrannye of thair Capitanis and leadaris; and manifest
danger of conqueist, in quhilk this countrey presentlie standis, be
reasoun of dyverse fortificatiouns upoune the sea-coast; and uther
novelties of lait attemptit be thame; promittis, that We sall, als
weill every ane with uther, as altogidder, with the Quene of Englandis
armie, presentlie cumit in for oure delyverance, effectuallie concur
and joyne togidder, taiking anefald plane pairt,[144] for expulsioun
of the said strangeris, oppressouris of oure libertie, furth of this
Realme, and recovery of oure ancient fredomis and liberteis; to the
end, that in tyme cuming, we may, under the obedience of the Kyng and
Quene our Soveranis, be onlie rewllit be the lawis and customeis of
the cuntrey, and borne men of the land: And that never ane of us sall
haif pryvey intelligence be writting, message, or communicatioun with
ony of oure saidis ennemeis or adversareis in this cause, bot be the
advise of the rest (at least of fyve) of the Counsale. Attour, that we
sall tender the commun cause, as gif it war the cause of everie ane of
us in particular; and that the causses of everie ane of us now joinit
togidder, being leifull and honest, sall be all oure causses in
generall: And he that is ennemy to the causses foirsaid, sall be
ennemy to us all: in sa far, that quhatsoever persone will planelie
resist thir oure godlie interpryseis, and will not concur as ane guid
and trew member of this Common weill, we sall fortifie the auctoritie
of the Counsale, to reduce thame to thair dewitie. Lyke as we sall
fortifie the auctoritie foirsaid of the Counsale, in all thyngis
tending to the furtherance of the saidis causses: And gif ony
particular debait, quarrell, or contraversie, sall arryse, for
quhatsoever cause, bygane, present, or to cum, betwix ony of us, (as
God forbid,) in that caise, we shall submit our selfis and oure saidis
questionis, to the decisioun of the Counsale, or to arbitratouris to
be namit[145] be thame. And providing alwayis, that this be not
prejudiciall to the ordinarie jurisdictioun of Judgeis, but that men
may persew thair actiouns by ordour of law civilie or criminallie,
befor the Judges Ordinaris[146] gif thai please.

  [144] In MS. G, "taking and hald plain parte;" Vautr. edit. has "take
  and holde ane playne parte." In Burnet, "taking one fold and plain
  part of the expulsion."

  [145] In MS. G, "to be maid."

  [146] In Knox these four words are omitted.

[In wytnes of the quhilk we have subscrivit this present Band with our
hands, day, zeir, and place above wryttine.

      JAMES.
      JAMES HAMMYLTON.
      HUNTLEY.
      AR^D. ARGILL.
      GLENCARN.
      ROTHES.
      MORTOUN.
      A. GORDOUN.

      JAMES JOHNSON, _Apparand of Elphistoun_.
      PATRYK DOWGLASS.
      ROBERT CAMPBELL.
      ANDREW JHONSON.
      ROBYN CAR.

      JAMES STEWART.
      JHON MONTEY^T.
      RUTHWEN.
      R. BOYD.
      OGYLWYE.
      VCHILTREE.
      JHON MAXVEL.
      PATRYK LYNDSAY.
      JHON MAISTER PHORBES.
      LORD SOMERWELL.
      JAMES HALYBURTOUN.

      ALEX^R. DUNBAR _of Cumnok_.
      GRAYTLY.
      W^M. DOUGLAS _of Whyttingeym_.
      GEORGE HWME _of Spott_.
      JHON GORDON, _of Finlatter_.
      ALEX^R. SETON, _Younger of Meldrum_.
      HENRY GRAHAME, _Youngar of Morphy_.
      ALEX^R. GORDOUN _of Abyrzelde_.
      DRUMLAYNRYK.
      FAUNHAUS.[147]
      CRAYNSTON _of that Ilk_.
      WEDDERBURN.
      ALEX^R. HUME.
      JHONSON.

      GEORGE NYSBYT, _with my hand at the pen_.
      CUNNYNGAYMHYD.
      LESLYE _of Bowquhane_.
      JHON INNES _of that Ilk_.
      ARTHUR PHORBES.
      W^M. LESLEY _Youngar of Wardes_.
      JHON WISHART.
      DRUMLOYGHIE.

      CESFUIRD.
      HUNDHILL.
      MARK KAR.]

  [147] I suspect some of these names may have been mistaken; such as
  "Graytly," and "Faunhaus," which an examination of the original might
  correct.

[Sidenote: THE DOCHTER WILL NOT TAK EXAMPILL BY THE MOTHER.]

[Sidenote: THE 20 OF MAIJ, ANNO 1566.][148]

  [148] In all the other copies this marginal note forms part of the
  text. It is in the same hand with the MS.: see note 1, page 68.

This Contract and Band came not onlie to the eiris, bot alssua to the
sycht of the Quene Dowager; quhairat sche stormit nott a little, and
said, "The maledictioun of God I gif unto thame that counsaleit me to
persecute the prechearis, and to refuise the petitiouns of the best
pairt of the trew subjects of this realme. It was said to me, That the
Yngliss army could not ly in Scotland ten dayis; bot now thay [have]
lyin near ane moneth, and ar mair lyk to remane than the first day
thay came." Thay that gaif sick informatioun to the Quene, spak as
wardlie wyise men, and as thingis appeirit to have bene; for the
cuntrey being almaist in all the partis thairof waistit, the
victuallis nixt adjacent to Leith either brocht in to thair
provisioun, or ellis destroyit; the mylnis and uther placeis, as
befoir is said, being cassin doun, it appeirit that the camp could not
have bene furnissit (except it haid bene by thair awin schippis, and
as that could nocht have bene of ony lang continewance, sua sould it
have bene nathing confortable:) Bot God confoundit all warldlie
wisdome, and maid his awin benedictioun als evidentlie to appeir as
gif in ane maner he had fed the army from above. For all kind of
victuallis thair was mair aboundante, and of mair easie priceis, in
the camp all the tyme that it lay, efter that aucht dayis war past,
than either thay haid bene in Edinburgh any of the twa yeires of
befoir, or yit hes bene in that toun to this day. The pepill of
Scotland sa mekill abhorrit the tyrrannye of the Frenche, that thay
wald have gevin the substance that thay had, to have bene ridd of that
chargeable burding, quhilk oure synnis had provockit God to lay upoun
us, in geving us in the handis of ane woman, quhom our Nobilitie in
thair fulischnes sauld unto strangearis, and with hir the libertie of
the Realme. "God, for his greit mercies saik, preserve us yitt from
farther bondage, in the quhilk we ar lyke to fall, gif he provyde not
remedy; for oure Nobilitie will yett remane blynd still, and will
follow hir affectiouns, cum efter quhat sua may." Bot to returne to
oure Historie.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: THE ASSAULT OF LEITH, THE 7 OF MAIJ 1560.]

The campe abounding in all necessarie provisioun, ordour was taikin
for confirmatioun of the Seige;[149] and sa the trynches war drawin
als neir the toun, as thay gudlie mycht. The greitt campe removit fra
Restalrig to the west syde of the Watter of Leith; and sa war the
cannounis plantit for the batterie, and did schute at the south-west
wall. But be reassone all was eird, the brek[150] was nott maid sa
greit upoun the day bot that it was sufficientlie repairit upoun the
nycht. Quhairof the Inglismen begynning to weary, determinit to gyve
the brusche and assault; as that thay did upoun the sevint day of
Maij, beginning befoir the day-licht, and contineuing till it was neir
sevin houris. And albeit that the Ingliss and Scottis, with greit
slauchter of the suldiouris of baith, were repulsit, yitt was thair
never ane scharpar assault gevin of so few handis; for thay exceidit
not ane thousand men that assaultit the haill twa quarteris of the
toun, and yitt thay dampnit the haill blok-housses; yea, thay anis pat
the Frenche clene of thair wallis, and were upoun baith the west and
eist blokhousses. Bot thay wantit baking; for thair ledderis wantit
sax quarteris of the just hicht; and sua quhill the former wer
compellit to fecht upoun the tope of [the] wall, thair fellowis could
nott win to support thame, and sa war thay be multitude dung back
agane, quhen it was anis thocht the Toune was win.

  [149] In Holinshed's Chronicles is contained a minute account of the
  Siege of Leith, in May 1560. Thomas Church-yard, the English Poet, who
  was present among the troops commanded by Lord Gray de Wilton,
  published in "The First Part of Churchyarde's Chippes," (a kind of
  Poetical Miscellany,) "The Siege of Leith," written in stanzas of
  seven lines. It was first printed at London in 1565; again in 1575,
  and 1578. This poem referred to, is included in the volume of
  "Churchyard's Chips concerning Scotland," edited by George Chalmers,
  Lond. 1817, 8vo.

  [150] In MS. G, "Bot be ressoun the wall was eirthe, the breiche," &c.;
  Vautr. edit. has, as in the text, "But by reason all was earth, the
  breache," &c.

Sir James Croftis[151] was blamit of mony for not doing his dewitie
that day; for he was appoyntit, with ane sufficient nomber of the
maist abill men, to haif assaultit the north-west quarter upoun the
sey-syde, quhair, at an low-water (as at the tyme of the assault) [the
passage] was easy:[152] bot neather he nor his approchit to thair
quarter appoyntit. He had befoir, at thair first cuming in, spokin
with the Quene Regent[153] at the foir blok-house of the Castell of
Edinburgh. Quhidder sche had enchantit him we knew nott, but by
suspitioun of that day, in the quhilk he desaivit the expectation of
many, and, sa far as man could judge, was the caus of that greit
repulse; for sum ascribit the schortnes of the ledderis to him: bot
that omittit, quhilk mycht have proceidit of negligence, his absens
frome the persute of his quarter, was the cause that sick Frenche as
war appointit thair to defend, seing na persewar, came to the releif
of thair fellowis, and sa the twa joyning togidder, with greit
slauchter gaif the repulse to oure company. The Frenche menis
harlotis, of quhom the maist pairt war Scottis hureis, did na less
creweltie than did the souldiaris; for besydis that thay chargeit
thair peceis, and ministrit unto thame uther weaponis, sum
continewallie cast staneis, sum careit chymnayis of burnyng fyre, sum
brocht tymmer and uther impedimentis of wecht, quhilk with great
violence thay threw over the wall upoun oure men, bot especiallie
quhen thay began to turne backis. Now, albeit in all this we
acknawlege the secreit wark of God, quha by sick meanis wald beat doun
alsweill the pryde of Ingland as of Scotland, yitt neather aucht the
febilnes nor falsett of man to be excusit, neather yitt the cruelty of
the adversareis be conceilit. The Quene Regent satt all the tyme of
the assault (quhilk was baith terribill and lang) upon the foir-wall
of the Castell of Edinburgh; and quhen sche perceivit the overthraw of
us, and that the ensenyeis of the Frenche war agane displayit upoun
the wallis, sche gaif ane gawfe of lauchter, and said, "Now will I go
to the Messe, and prayse God for that quhilk my eyes have sene!" And
sa was Freir Black[154] reddy for that purpose, quhom sche hir self a
little of befoir had deprehendit with his harlott in the chapell: But
huredome and idolatrye aggre weill togidder, and that oure Courte can
witnesse this day, 16 Maij 1566.[155]

  [151] As mentioned by Knox, _supra_, page 31, Sir James Crofts was
  captain of the Town and Castle of Berwick, and warden of East Marches.
  "He had," says Sir Walter Scott, "a good military reputation; having
  governed Ireland, and defended Haddington (in 1547) against the French
  and the Scotch. He was attainted by Queen Mary, but restored by Queen
  Elizabeth, and made Governor of Berwick; an office which he enjoyed at
  the date of these letters." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 387.) But
  Crofts, for his conduct at this time, was impeached by the Duke of
  Norfolk, and removed from his office as Governor, which was conferred
  on Lord Gray. He afterwards became Comptroller of the Household, and
  died in 1595.

  [152] In MS. 1566, "of the assault it was easy."

  [153] The interview of Crofts with the Queen Regent that Knox alludes
  to, took place on the 6th April 1560, during the skirmish at
  Restalrig. "In this meantyme (says Bishop Lesley) the Lord Gray, and
  Sir George Hawart, and Sir James Croftis to the Castell of Edinburgh,
  to speik with the Quein to this effect (viz. the cause of the coming
  of the army, &c.); quha had long conference with hir upoun the blok
  hous at the uter yeit of the saide Castell, the same day, during the
  tyme of the scarmishe," &c. (Hist. p. 283.) See also the Historie of
  the Estate of Scotland, in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 82.

  [154] Some notices of this Frier Black will be given in the Appendix.

  [155] This date, like that on the margin at page 65, is in the same
  hand with the MS., and serves to show that this portion of the volume
  was written or transcribed in May 1566. In MS. G. the date, by
  mistake, is May 1560.

[Sidenote: THE INUMANITIE OF THE MERCYLES FRENCHE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENE REGENTIS CREWELL HART.]

The Frenche, prowd of the victorie, strypeit naikit all the slayne,
and laid thair deid[156] carcassis befoir the hot sune alang thair
wall, quhair thay sufferit thame to lye ma dayis nor ane: unto the
quhilk, quhen the Quene Regent luikit, for myrth sche happit and said,
"Yonder are the fairest tapestrie that ever I saw: I wald that the
haill feyldis that is betwix this place and yon, war strowit with the
same stuiffe." This fact was sene of all, and hir wordis war hard of
sum, and mislykeit of many. Against the quhilk Johnne Knox spak
oppinlie in pulpeit, and baldlie affirmeit, "That God sould reveange
that contumelye done to his image, not onlie in the furiouse and
godless souldiaris, bot evin in sick as rejoysit thairat." And the
verray experience declairit, that he was nott deceavit; for within few
dayis thair efter, (yea sum say that same day,) began hir bellie and
lothsome leggis to swell, and sa continewit, till that God did execute
his judgementis upoun hir, as efter we sall heir.

  [156] In MS. G, "dead" is omitted.

The defait receavit, it was fully perswadit to the Queen Regent and
hir factioun, that the Seige wald ryse, and that the Ingliss army wald
depairt: and sua began the Papistis wondrouslie to brag; and yitt God
did frustratt thair expectation; for the army concludit[157] to remane
till new adverteisment came fra the Quene in Counsall.

  [157] In MS. G, "determined."

[Sidenote: THE COMFORTABLE LETTER OF THE DUICK OF NORTHFOLK.]

The Duck of Northfolk, quha than lay at Berwick, commandit the Lord
Gray to continew the seige, and promeisit "That he sould not laick men
sa lang as ony war to be had betwix Trent and Tweid, for sa far was
he lieutennent." He farther promeisit his awin presens, in caise he
sould be requyreit; and for assurance thairof, he send his awin
palzeounis,[158] sic as seldome befoir had bene sene in Scotland, with
his officiaris and provisioun. And with expeditioun war send twa
thousand fresche men, quhairby the campe, greitlie confortit, began to
forgett the former disconfiture, and to sustene the daylie skyrmissing
as thay did befoir; in the quhilk the Frenche, efter the day of the
assault, did ever resaif the hurt and the repulse, as the slauchter of
many that came to the cockill-raik[159] did witnesse. The greatest
damage that ather Ingliss or Scottis receavit efter that day, was the
slauchter of twa gentilmen, the ane Master of Househald to my Lord
James, Robert Colvene of Cleysche,[160] ane man stowt, modest, and
wise; quha was schot in the thigh with ane falcone or haquebute of
crock, and depairtit the miserie of this lyfe within twa houris efter.
The uther was Alexander Lockart, brother to the Laird of Barr,[161]
quha raschelie discovering him selff in the trynschis, was schot in
the heid, and immediatlie thairefter depairtit this lyff.

  [158] In MS. G, "paviliounes;" in Vautr. edit., "pallions."

  [159] In MS. G, "the Cole-raik;" Vautr. edit. follows the text.

  [160] Robert Colville of Cleish, has already been mentioned, in a Note
  to vol. i. p. 348. The property of Cleish, in the parish of that name,
  Kinross-shire, had belonged to William Meldrum of Cleish and Binns,
  whom Sir David Lyndesay has celebrated in his well-known poem, "The
  History of Squyer Meldrum." There is every reason to believe that this
  Robert Colville was the person who detected the imposture of the
  pretended miracle of restoring sight to a blind person at
  Loretto.--See Row's History, Wodrow Society edition, pp. 449-455. He
  was Master of the Household to Lord James Stewart, Prior of St.
  Andrews.

  [161] This was probably Alexander Lockhart, styled Burgess of Ayr, who
  was convicted for an unlawful convocation of the lieges within the
  borough of Ayr, 19th January 1539-40. He had a charter of the lands of
  Quhitstanes, in that County, in 1547. His brother, John Lockhart of
  Bar, is elsewhere mentioned by Knox.

Quhill the seige thus continewit, ane suddane fyre chanceit in Leith,
quhilk devourit many housses and mekill victuall; and sa began God to
fecht for us, as the Lord Erskin in plane wordis said to the Quene
Regent: "Madam, (quod he,) I can se na mair, but seing that men may
not expell injust possessouris furth of this land, God him self will
do it; for yon fyre is nocht kindellit be man." Quhilk words offendit
the Quene Regent not a littill; quhais seiknes daylie increassing,
greit craft sche usit that Monsieur D'Osell mycht have bene permitit
to have spokin with hir; belyke sche wald have biddin him fairweill
(for auld familiaritie was greit); bot that denyit, sche wrait as it
[had] bene to hir chyrurgian and apothecar, schawing hir seiknes, and
requyreing sum droggis. The letter being presentit to the Lord Gray,
he espyit the craft; for few lyneis being writtin above and sa mekill
quhyte paper left, he said, "Drogis ar aboundand and freschear in
Edinburgh than thay can be in Leith: thair lurkis heir sum uther
misterie." And sa he began to try; and be halding the paper to the
fyre, he persavit sum writting [to] appeir, and sa began he to reid.
Bot quhat it was, na uther man can tell; for immediatelie he brunt the
bill, and said to the messinger, "Albeit I have bene hir Secretary,
yitt tell hir I sall keip hir counsall. But say to hir, Sik wairis
will nocht sell till a new marcatt."

[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF THE QUENE REGENT.]

The answer receavit, sche was nathing content: and than travellit sche
earnistlie that sche mycht speik with the Erlles Argyle, Glencairne,
Merschell, and with the Lord James. Efter deliberatioun it was thocht
expedient that they sould speik hir, bot nocht altogidder, leist that
sum pairt of the Guysianis practise had lurkit under the cullour of
[sik] freindscheip. Hir regrait was unto thame all, "That sche haid
behavit hir self sa fulischlie, that sche had compellit thame to seik
the support of otheris than of thair awin Soverane; and said, that
sche soir repentit that ever it came to that extremitie. Bot sche was
nocht the wyte, bot the wickit counsell of hir freyndis on the ane
pairt, and the Erle of Huntley upoun the uther; for gif he had nocht
bene, sche wald have fully aggreit with thame at thair communyng at
Prestoun." Thay gave unto hir baith the counsale and the confort
quhilk thai could in that extremitie, and willit her to send for sum
godlie learnit man, of quhom sche mycht resaif instructioun; for these
ignorant Papistis that war about hir, understude nathing of the
mysterie of oure Redemptioun. Upoun thair motyve was Johnne Willock
send for, with quhom sche talkit ane reassonabill space, and quha did
planelie schaw unto hir, alsweill the vertew and strenth of the death
of Jesus Christ, as the vanitie and abominatioun of that idole the
Mess. Sche did oppinlie confesse "That thair was na salvatioun, bot in
and by the death of Jesus Christ." Bot of the Mess we hard not hir
confessioun. Sum said sche was annoyntit of the Papisticall maner,
quhilk was ane sygne of small knawledge of the treuth, and of less
repentance of hir former superstitioun. Yitt quhowsoever it was,
Christ Jesus got na small victorie over sick an ennemy. For albeit
before sche had avowit, that in dyspite of all Scotland, the
preachearis of Jesus Christ sould ather die or be banischeid the
realme; yitt was sche compellit not onlie to heir that Chryst Jesus
was precheit, and all idolatrie oppinlie rebuikit, and in many placeis
suppressit, bot alssua sche was constraineit to heir ane of the
principall ministeris within the realme, and to approve the cheif heid
of oure religioun, quhairin we dissent frome all Papistis and
Papistrie. Schort thairefter sche fynischeit hir unhappy lyfe;
unhappy, we say, to Scotland, fra the fyrst day sche enterit into it,
unto the day sche depairtit this lyfe, quhilk was the nynt of
June,[162] the zeir of God J^m V^c threscoir zeiris. "God, for his
greit mercyis saik, red us frome the rest of the Guysiane blude. Amen,
Amen." For of the tyrranie of the Guysiane blud in hir,[163] that for
our unthankfulness now reignis above us, we have had sufficient
experience. Bot of any vertew that ever was espyit in Kyng James the
Fyft (quhais dochter sche is callit) to this houre we have never sene
any sparkle to appeir.

  [162] Instead of the 9th of June, the Queen Regent died on the 10th of
  that month. Her body, by her own desire, was transported to France,
  after an interval of several months; and towards the close of this
  Third Book, Knox takes occasion to notice the delay of her
  funerals.--See note on the passage referred to.

  [163] Mary of Lorraine was the daughter of Claude, Duke of Guyse.--See
  vol. i. p. 61, note 6.

Upone the saxtene day of June, efter the death of the Quene Regent,
came in Scotland[164] Monsieur Randan,[165] and with him the Bischop
of Valance,[166] in commissioun fra France, to entreat of peace. Fra
Ingland thair came Sir Williame Cicill,[167] chief Secretary, and
Doctor Wottoun.[168] Thair negotiation was langsum; for baith Ingland
and we feiring deceat, socht be all meanis that the contract sould be
sure. And thay upoun the uther pairt, meanyng to gratifie sick as had
send thame, (quha menit nathing bot mere falsett,) protractit tyme to
the uttermost; yea, quhill thame of Leith war verray skairce of
victualls, and thay of the Insche had perescheit, had not bene that by
policy thay gatt ane schip with victuallis, and some munitioun, quhilk
was upoun Mydsomer evin, quhairof thay maid no small tryumphe; quhilk
alsua for ane seassone stayit the Appoyntment. Yitt in the end peace
was concludit, in forme as follows:--

  [164] The Articles agreed upon, at Berwick, 14th June 1560, are
  printed by Keith.

  [165] Charles de la Rochefaucault, Seigneur de Randan. In the Latin
  treaty, he is designed "Dominus de Randan, Miles et Eques Auratus." In
  his passage through England, he had an interview with Queen Elizabeth,
  in May 1560. Throkmorton, in his letters 4th May, calls him "Monsieur
  de Randan, brother to the Comte Rochefaucault, and to the Abbot of
  Cormery," and says, "he is a faire spokesman, and a good courtesan,
  very well esteemed in this court, and of the faction of Guise." His
  journey was delayed for some days; and Cecil, on the 22d May, informs
  Throkmorton,--"Monsieur de Randan hath taken good leasure, and cam
  yesterdaye hyther to the Court, with the Embassador, and the Bishop of
  Vallence."--(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 432, 433, 449, 460.)

  [166] Monsieur John de Monluc, Bishop of Valence. On the 13th May
  1560, Henry Killegrew, at Cecil's desire, informed Throkmorton, "Yt
  was lang ere the Bishope of Valence cold have save condyt of the Lords
  of Scotland, to repaire into the Quyne Doujar, by cause they did
  mistrust the sufficiencye of his authoritie; bot yet at length yt was
  granted. So as he went and spak with the Quyne in the Castell of
  Edenburgh," &c.--(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 456.)

  [167] See _supra_, p. 17, note 2.

  [168] In the copies of Knox, "Wittoun." Dr. Nicholas Wotton, was Dean
  of Canterbury and York. "He was much employed (says Sir Walter Scott)
  in foreign negotiations, during the Reigns of Henry VIII. and his
  successor, and died in 1566, after having served in nine embasies to
  the several States of Europe."--(Note in Sadler, vol. i. p. 395.)

     THE ARTICLES TRANSACTIT AND AGGREIT BE THE REVEREND FATHER
         IN GOD, JOHNE BISCHOP OF VALANCE, AND MONSIEUR RANDAN,
         DEPUTTIS TO THE KING AND QUENE OF SCOTLAND, UPOUN THE
         MATTERIS PRESENTIT TO THAME, BE WAY OF PETITIOUN, FOR THE
         PAIRT OF THE NOBILITIE AND PEPILL OF SCOTLAND.[169]

  [169] The following Articles form only part of the last Convention or
  Treaty of Peace, which was signed at Edinburgh, on the 6th July 1560.
  It is printed at full length in Rymer's Foedera. See also Keith's
  History, vol. i. pp. 298-306. It has not, therefore, been thought
  necessary to supply the variations or omissions in this document.

  In Rymer's collection there will likewise be found, (1.) The
  Commission from Francis and Mary, King and Queen of France and
  Scotland, appointing Commissioners for a Treaty of Amity and Peace
  with England, dated 12th May 1560. (2.) The Convention (also in
  French) for the demolition of the Fortifications at Leith, 5th July
  1560. (3.) The Treaty or Convention (in Latin) alluded to, as signed
  at Edinburgh, on the 6th July. The last two are signed,

        J. MONLUC E. DE VALENCE.
        RANDAN.
        W. CECIL.
        N. WOTTON.

  (4.) Rymer also inserts the Ratification of this Treaty, by Queen
  Elizabeth, dated at Windsor, 20th September 1560.

In the first, Upoun the complaynt and petitioun of the said Nobilitie
and pepill of this cuntrey, anent the number of men of weir sustenit
be thair Majesties in thir pairtis in tyme of peace; It is humblie
requeistit to the saidis Deputis, that thay wald provide oportune
remedy thairupoun, to the solace and releif of the cuntrey. The saidis
Deputis considerand the said desyre to be just, and conforme to
reasone, concludit, concordit, and affirmit, That the Kyng and Quene
sall procure na Frenche men of weir, nor na uther natioun to cum to
thir pairtis in tyme cuming; bot gif strangearis wald pretend to enter
in this realme with ane navy or army to occupy the same; in the quhilk
caise provisioun sall be maid be thair Majesties, the judgement and
counsale of the Estaitis of the realm be haid thairto: And that the
Frenche men of weir, being now in the toun of Leith, sall be send to
France the same tyme that the navy and army of Inglissmen and
Scottismen has scaillit and depairtit baith be sey and land; the
quhilk sall be done in the best maner may be, as at mair lenth
consideratioun sall be had thairupone. As to the bandis of Scottismen
of war being at the said place, thay sall be brokin, and the men of
war licentiat[170] to depairt. Mairover, as to the fortis of Dumbar
and Insche Keyth,[171] thair sall remane in thame ane hundreth and
twenty Frenche men of weir[172] allanerlie, quhilkis sall be pairtit
and distributit in thir twa placeis; and thair sall remane na ma in
Dumbar bot threscoir men of war, sua it be not affirmit be the
Capitaneis chosin to that effect be baith the pairteis, that for the
keiping of the same ane greitar number is not neidfull; alssua to
depairt quhen the Estaitis of the realme can fynd ane guid and sure
remedy, upoun the expensses maid in the saidis placeis, to keip the
same fra perell of invasioun, or deprivatioun thairof fra thame that
wald pretend to occupy the samyn, thay sall schaw the same to thair
Majesties alse haistilie as may be done: and in the menetyme, the
number of the said men of war sall not be augmentit. And in lyk maner
it sall nocht be lefull to the said men of war to do ony injureis to
ony personis, or yitt to menteyne or defend ony Scottismen, of what
qualitie so ever thay be of, againis the will and authoritie of the
magistratis of the realme, nor to resaif thame in the saidis placeis
that the minister of justice may not putt handis in thame; nor yitt
sall intromett with tham any maner of way, with the quarrellis and
discordis of the Lordis, or uthir particular men of this realme; bot
thay thame selffis sall be obligit, in caise of ony quarrell to be
punischitt efter the lawis and consuetude[173] of this Realm, and to
answer for thame selffis befoir the Judgeis Ordinaris of the same.
Last of all, that fra this furth[174] thay be not compellit to taik
ony credeit, they sall be every moneth satisfeit of thair wageis; sua
that twa Scottis Lordis chosin be the Counsale, may present it, at
weappon-schawing and mustouris of the said men of weir; and alsua to
viseit the saidis fortis to se gif the number of thame be eikit; and
it sall not be lesum to the said men of war to tak ony victuallis for
thair sustentatioun, to the munitioun of the saidis placeis, bot be
payment of reddy money, numerat, and with the plesour of thame that
delyveris the same to thame: And thairfoir, the saidis Lordis oblisses
thame to gif thame sa mekill as is neidfull to thame, thay having to
pay thairfoir.

  [170] Vautr. edit. "licensed."

  [171] Vautr. edit. makes it, "Dunbar, and in such that."

  [172] In MS. G, "of weir" is omitted.

  [173] In MS. 1566, it is "constitute;" in Vautr. edit.
  "constitutions."

  [174] In Vautr. edit., "from henceforth;" in MS. G, "fra this tyme
  furth."

_Item_, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Lordis Deputis,
anent the demolitioun of the fortificationis, the saidis Deputis
consentit, concordit, and affirmit, That the fortificatioun of Leith
sall be demolischit, and that twa, thre, or four capitaneis sall be
chosin be baith of the pairteis, to visite the Castell of Dumbar; and
gif it beis fundin be thame, that the reparatioun, amplificatioun, and
fortifeing[175] maid thairof now efter the peace, greittar nomber of
men to the keiping thairof is requyreit, the reparatioun and
fortificatioun thairof sall be demolischeit, sua sone as may be done,
and sall remane onlie untuicheit, that thing quhilk may mak the said
Castell mair sure, and leist dainger fra invasioun; provyding nocht
the less that na grettar nomber of men thairin be requyreit for
keiping of the same. Mairover, in tymeis cuming the Kyng and Quene
sall mak na ma new fortis within this realme, and sall nocht augment
thame that ar ellis maid, nor sall repair thame that are demolischeit,
without counsal and consent of the Estaites; nor yitt sall transport
to uthir partis ony artailyerie, munitioun of war, powder, or
victuallis, bot sa mekill as may gayne for keiping of the saidis
placeis be the space of sax monethis or ane yeir.

  [175] In MS. G, "fortificatioun."

_Item_, Anent the petitioun maid anent the debtis contractit be the
Frenche men of weir in this countrey, the saidis [Deputis] concordit,
That the Kyng and Quene sall cause restoir all that quhilk happinis to
be fund gevin and grantit to the Kyngis Lieutennent and his
Capitaneis, and uthiris Officiaris, for the nureisment, sustentatioun,
and menteinance of the said Frensche men, or that quhilk beis fundin
aucht be the lieutennent for service of his Majestie, that may appeir
be writt, or confessioun of parteis.

_Item_, Upoun the petitioun maid anent the Conventioun of Estaitis of
this Realme, the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, &c., That the
Estaites of the Realme may convene and hald Parliament, the twenty
day[176] of the moneth of Julij nixt to cum; upone the quhilk day the
Parliament sall be contyneuit, as use is, unto the fyrst day of the
moneth of August following. Provyding alwayis, that befoir or thay
begin to treat ony thyng in the said Parliament, all tumult of weir be
dischargeit and ceise, that they that are present may be free without
feir of men of weir or uthiris; and that in the menetyme ane messinger
be send be the saidis Deputis to the Kyng and Quene, to certifie thame
of thay thyngis aggreit, treatit, and concordit, requeisting thair
Majesteis humbillie to be contentit with the samyn: And the said
Conventioun sall be alse lauchfull in all respectis, as the samyn had
bene ordanit and done be expres commandyment of thair Majesteis;
providing that na mater be treatit thairintill befoir the said fyrst
day of August.

  [176] See note _infra_, page 84.

_Item_, Upoun the article presentit anent Weir and Peace, the saidis
Deputis consentit, concordit, etc., That the Kyng and Quene neither
mak peace nor weir in thir pairtis, bot be counsale, judgment, and
consent of the Thre Estaitis, according to the ordinance and
consuetudis of the countrey; and as was observit be thair
predecessouris.

_Item_, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Deputis, anent
the governament and regiment of the Policey, thay have consentit,
etc., That twenty-four worthy men of this realme be chosin be the
Three Estaitis, of the quhilkis the Kyng and the Quene sall chuse
sevin, and the Estaitis sevintene; quhilkis in thair Majesteis absens
sall tak ordour, and mak an ordinarie counsall for administratioun
foirsaid, sua that na man, of quhatsoever qualitie he be, sall have
the power to ordour ony thing to be done touching the saidis busynes,
without the mediatioun, authorities, and consent of thame: sua that
the saidis counsallaris sall convene togidder alse oft as thay may,
but thay sall convene na less nor sax[177] togidder; And quhen ony
mater of importance occurris, thay sall be all callit to counsale, and
tak ordour be thame, or the maist pairt of thame, gif neid beis. And
gif it happinis ony of the said sevin chosin be the Kyng and Quene to
deceis, thair Majesties sall choise ane uthir furth of the said nomber
of xxiv. in place of him that deceassit; and gif ony of the saidis
xvii. chosin be the Estaitis deis, the remanent foirchosen be thame
sall name are uther of the said nomber of twentie foure. Mairover, gif
it beis thocht expedient be the saidis Estaitis, that uther twa be
augmentit to the said nomber of twelf, than and in that caise, the
Kyng and Quene sall choise ane, and the Estaitis ane uther. And sua
was this Article aggreit under conditioun, that is to say, That the
samyn be na prejudice in tyme cuming to the Kyng and Quene, and
rychtis of the Croune: And the saidis Deputis offerrit thair laubouris
to mak mediatioun to the Kyng and Quene, for menteining pensiouns and
expensses of the said Counsellouris, and ordinar officiaris of the
said counsall, to be providit of the rentis and proventis[178] of the
Croun.

  [177] In MS. G, "no les than twelf."

  [178] In Vautr. edit., "rents and reuenewes."

_Item_, Upoun the petitioun maid to the saidis Deputis anent the
Officiaris of this realme, thay consentit and concordit, &c., That in
tyme cuming the King and Quene sall not depute ony stranger in the
administratioun of the civile and criminall Justice; and in lykwyise
in the office of Chancellarie, Keipar of Seall, Thesaurer,
Compttrollar, and uther lyk officeis, and sall not use thame, but sall
be content with thair awin subjectis borne in this realme. Mairover,
it sall not be lefull to put the office of Thesaurarie, Comptrollarie,
in the handis of any kirk man, or utheris quhilkis ar not abill to
exercise the saidis officeis; the quhilkis Thesaurer and Compttrollar
sall be providit of sufficient commissioun to use the saidis officeis.
Bot it sall not be lefull to thame to dispone or sell wairdis of
mariageis, or uther casualiteis, or any uther thyngis quhatsumever
thay be perteinyng to thair officeis, without counsall or consent of
the said Counsale, to that effect that the Counsale may know that all
thyngis be done to the proffitt of the Kyng and Quene; and yitt thay
will not bynd, or astrict the Kyng and Quene be this article, that
thay may not gif quhen thay think expedient.

_Item_, Thay concordit, That in the first conventioun of the Estaitis
of this Realme, thair sall be constitut, ordanit, and establischeit
ane law of oblivioun, quhilk efterward sall be confirmit be the Kyng
and Queneis Majesties; be the quhilk all rememberance of beiring of
armour, and utheris thyngis quhilk it hes bene done, sall be eirdit
and forgett,[179] fra the saxt day of the moneth of Marche, in the
yeir of God J^m V^c fyftie aucht yeiris:[180] And be the samyn law,
thay quhilkis hes contravenit the lawis of the realme, sall be exemit
and fre of all payne contenit thairin, siclik as gif it never had bene
contravenit; providing that the privilegis of the said law be not
extendit to thame, quhilkis the Estaitis of the Realme sall judge[181]
unworthie thairof.

  [179] In MS. G, "sall be buryed, earthed, and forget;" in Vautr.
  edit., "shalbe buried and forgotten."

  [180] That is, the year 1558-9.

  [181] In MS. G, "sall think;" in Vautr. edit., "shall judge."

_Item_, It is aggreit and concludit, That in the said Conventioun or
Parliament, the Estaitis of the Realme, as use is, and of the maner
is requireit, sall be callit; in the quhilk all thay that hes usit to
convene, and be present, may cum without all feir or force done, or to
be done to thame be any persone, sua that the saidis sall oblisse
thame, that quhair in tyme cuming ony seditioun, or conventioun of men
of war sall happin to be, without command of the Counsall, being of
the number of twelf, the realme and cuntrey sall repute the causseris
thairof, and thame that conveneis as rebellis, and sall persew thame
as siclyk, that thay may be punischeit be the lawis of the Realme, sua
that the Kyng and Quene sall not be compellit in tyme cuming to send
ony men of war, or strangeris in thir pairtis, for obtenying of dew
obedience of thair subjectis.

_Item_, Thay offerit, concordit, and aggreit, That thair sall be
generall peace and reconciliatioun amang all Lordis and subjectis of
this Realme; so that thay that are callit of the Congregatioun, and
thay quhilkis are not of the samyn, sall put na reproche to utheris of
the thingis quhilk are done fra the said saxt day of Marche 1558 [-9.]

_Item_, Thay offerrit, concordit, and affirmit, That the King and
Quene sall not persew, revenge, nor mak ony persecutioun of the
thyngis that hes bene done, nor yitt sall thay suffer the samyn to be
done be thair subjectis, Frenche men, bot sall have all thyngis in
oblivioun, as the samyn had never bene done. And siclyk, the Lordis of
this Realme of Scotland sall do of all busynes betwix thame and the
Frenche men in thir pairtis. And gif, be sinister informatioun, or ony
uther occasioun, thair Majesteis hes conceavit ony evill opinioun
against thair subjectis, thay sall alluterlie forgett, and change the
samyn; nor thay sall not depryve any of thame, nor denude any of
thame, or of thair subjectis, of the officeis, beneficeis, or
estaitis, quhilkis thay have bruikit in the said Realme befoir, be
rassone of ony thyngis thay have middillit with, fra the said saxt day
of Marche 1558 [-9.] And farther, sall mak na occasioun of
deprivatioun, or deposing of thame be any uther cullour without caus;
bot rather thay sall esteme and treit thame in tyme cuming as gude and
obedient subjectis, providing that the saidis Lordis and uther
subjectis, on thair pairtis, mak to thair Majesteis haill obedience,
siclyk as utheris faithfull and naturall subjectis aucht to thair
Soveraneis.

_Item_, It is concordit and aggreit, That it sall be lefull to nane of
the Lordis of the Nobilitie of Scotland, or ony utheris, to mak
convocatioun of men of weir, bot in the ordinarie causses approvit be
the lawis and consuetude of the Realme; and that nane of thame sall
cause ony men of weir, strangeris, to cum in thir pairtis, and mekill
less sall attempt to do ony thyng against the Kyng and Quene, or
aganeis the authoritie of the Counsall, and utheris Magistratis of the
Realme; and thay quhilkis hes presentit the said petitioun sall be
obleist thairunto. And in caise any of thame, or utheris, find
occasioun to invaid, or tak armour aganist any man, as he pretendis,
efter that he have communicatit the mater with the counsall of the
Realme, he sall present his complaynt to thair Majesteis: and
generallie, thay sall obliss thame, under the saidis paines, to do the
thyngis quhilkis pertenis to guid and faithfull subjectis, for the
quyetnes and tranquillitie of the Realme, and rychtis of thair
Soveraneis.

_Item_, It is aggreit, &c., That gif ony Bischopis, Abbotis, or uther
kyrk men sall playnt, or allege thame to have resavit any injureis,
eyther in thair personeis or guidis, the playnt sall be sene and
considderit be the Estaitis in the said Conventioun and Parliament;
and thair sall be maid redress, as thay sall find according to
reassone: And in the meinetyme, na man sall stopp thame, bot thay sall
bruik thair guddis; nor sall do any skaith, injurie, or violence to
thame: and gif ony dois contravene to this article, he sall be
persewit be the Lordis as ane perturbar of ane guid communwelth.

_Item_, It is concordit, &c., That the saidis Lordis sall obliss thame
to observe, and cause be observit, all and sindrie pointis and
articleis aggreit in this Treateis: and gif it happinis that any of
thame, or ony uther, wald contravene the same, the remanent Lordis and
residew of the haill pepill, sall be ennemeis to him, and sall persew
him till he be chaistisit and puneisit according to his demereitis.

_Item_, It is concordit, &c., That all the haill Realme may know that
the Kyng and Quene ar not willing to keip any rememberance of the
trubillis and differencis bygane; and sa far as concernis the
Nobilitie and utheris subjectis of the Realme, that thair Majesteis
desyris to treit thame humanelie, and to be favourabill to thame; the
saidis Deputis hes promeist and concordit that the Duck of
Chastellarault, and all uthiris Nobillmen of Scotland, sall be
remittit, and put again in all thair guddis and beneficeis, quhilkis
thay haid and joysit in France, that thay may bruik and joyse the same
in the samyn maner as thay did of befoir thay differenceis, the said
saxt day of Marche, and yeir foirsaid, evin as the saidis
contraverseis had never chanceit. And alssua, that all capitulatiouns
and articleis aggreit upoun in tymeis bigane, and speciallie thay that
war appointit in the Kyng and Queneis contract, sall be observit and
keipit, alsweill for the pairt or thair Majesteis as for the pairt of
the Nobilitie and pepill of Scotland. And as concerning David, sone to
the said Duck of Chastellarault,[182] now being in Boys de Vincent,
libertie sall be grantit to him to returne to Scotland, and to do as
he pleise.

  [182] Lord David Hamilton, the third son of the Duke of Chatelherault:
  see note, vol. i. p. 383. He returned to Scotland in October 1560.

Mairover, quhen the saidis Deputis exponit, that sum tyme it mycht
chance that the Kyng mycht mister of his greit gunis and artailyerie
in France, the saidis Lordis having consideratioun thairof, concordit,
That na uther artailyerie be translatit out of this Realme, bot thay
quhilkis war send and brocht in fra the day and deceise of Francis,
King of France,[183] of guid memorie to thir pairtis; and that all
uther artailyerie and munitioun be reponit in placeis quhair thay war
takin furth, and speciallie [those] that hes the armeis[184] of
Scotland sall be put in the placeis quhair thay war takin furth of;
and their sall be Nobill men of Scotland [appointed] thairfoir, and
twa for the pairt of the Kingis Majestie is to be deput, to recognosce
the samyn befoir the schipping thairof.

  [183] Francis the First, died 31st March 1547.

  [184] In MS. G, "and in speciall that have the armes."

And, mairover, that quhair for the pairt of the Nobilitie and pepill
of Scotland, certane Articles concerning the Religioun[185] and
uthiris pointis war presentit, quhilkis the saidis Deputis wald not
tuyche, bot considering the wecht and importance of thame, remittit
the samyn to be recognoscit and decidit be thair Majesties; the saidis
Lordis and Nobilitie promeisit, that ane certane number of Nobill men
sall be chosin in the nixt Convention and Parliament, to be sent to
their Majesties, quhilkis sall expone to thair Hienes the thingis
quhilkis sall be thocht neidfull for the estait of thair busyness, and
for the foirmentionat and utheris articles and pointis undecidit with
the saidis Deputis, to the effect that thay may knaw thair Majesties
intention and benevolence upon the thingis quhilkis sall be exponit
for the pairt of the country; the quhilkis alsua sall have with thame
ane confirmatioun and ratificatioun be the Estaitis of the Realme of
the Articleis quhilkis ar concordit and aggreit be the saidis Deputis,
to quham alsua the same tyme, or of befoir, sall be gevin and
delyverit ane lyk confirmatioun and ratificatioun maid be thair
Majesties, sua being that the saidis Estaitis send thair ratificatioun
foirsaid.

  [185] In mentioning "the soum and effect" of this Treaty, in which,
  "as to the state of religions, the same was deferrit to ane new
  Treatie," Bishop Lesley subjoins the following explanation: "Heir is
  necessar to be rememberit, the caus quhy in this Treatye thair was
  nothing aggreit tueching Religione; becaus the Commissioners of
  Ingland wald haif wished the Congregatione of Scotland to haif
  ressavit the discipline and ceremonies conforme to the Order
  establishit laitly befoir in thair Parliament of Ingland, so that
  boith the Realmes micht haif ben uniforme in religione and ceremonies;
  bot the Ministers and Congregatione of Scotland, thinking thair awin
  profession eftir the order and discipline of Geneva, to be moir puir,
  as conteyning no uther ceremonies nor is expressely mentioned in the
  Scriptour, thairfore wald not ressave or admitt any uther; and the
  Commissioners for France walde not appreve nane of the twa; and
  thairfoir that mater was delayit."--(History, p. 292.)

[In witness whereof, &c.]

     THE PROCLAMATIOUN OF THE THYNGIS ABOVE WRITTIN, MAID THE
         AUCHT DAY OF JULIJ, THE YEIR OF GOD J^M V^C THRESCOIR
         YEIRIS.

     TO THE LOVING OF THE MAIST PUISSANT LORD, AND CONFORT OF ALL
     CHRISTIANIS: The maist puissant Prince and Princess, and
     maist Christiane Kyng and Quene Francis and Marie, be the
     grace of God Kyng and Quene of France and Scotland, and the
     maist puissant Princess Elizabeth, be the samyn grace Quene
     of Ingland, Ireland, &c.: It is concordit, and
     reconciliatioun of peace and amitie maid, quhilk is to be
     observit inviolablie amangis thame, thair subjects, realmes,
     and countreys: Forsamekle in name of the said Prince and
     Princesses, it is commandit and straitlie chargeit, to all
     maner of personis under thair obedience, or being in thair
     service, fra this furth,[186] to desist fra all hostilitie,
     baith by sey and land, and to keip ane good peace the ane
     with the uther; and with charge to the brekaris under their
     greit parrell, &c.

  [186] In MS. G, "from this tyme furth;" in Vautr. edit., "from
  henceforth." In the Diurnal of Occurrents, "fra this day furth, to
  desist and ceis fra all."

[Sidenote: THE PROFFITT THAT LEYTH GAT OF THAIR PROMESIT LIBERTIE.]

Thir thingis transactit, and the peace proclamit, as said is, suddane
provisioun was maid for the transporting of the Frensche to France, of
whom the maist pairt were put into the Ingliss schippis, quha alsua
careit with thame the haill spulzie of Leith; and that was the secund
benefite quhilk thay resavit of thair lait promeisit libertie, the end
quhairof is not yitt cum. The Ingliss army be land depairtit the
sextene day of Julij, the yeir of God J^m V^c threscoir yeiris. The
maist pairt of oure Nobilitie, Protestantis, honorabillie convoyit
thame (as in verray deid thay had weill deservit): Bot the Lord James
wald nocht leave the Lord Gray, with the uther nobill men of Ingland,
till that thay enterit in Berwick. Efter quhaise returnyng, the
Counsall began to luik, alsweill upoun the effairis of the
commonwelth, as upoun the matteris that mycht concerne the stabilitie
of Religioun.

       *       *       *       *       *

As befoir we have heard, the Parliament [was] concludit to begyn the
xx. [10th] of July, and to be contynewit to the first of August
nixt;[187] and thairfoir the Lordis maid the greater expeditioun, that
all thyngis mycht be put in convenient ordour. Bot befoir all thyngis
the Preachouris exhortit thame, (for than in Edinburgh war the maist
pairt of the cheif Ministeris of the Realme) to be thankfull unto God,
and nixt to provyde, that the ministeris mycht be distributeit as the
necessitie of the countrey requyreit. Ane day was statute, quhen the
haill Nobilitie, and the greitest pairt of the Congregatioun
assembillit in Sanct Geilis Kirk in Edinburgh, quhair, efter the
sermond maid for that purpoise, publick thankis war gevin unto God for
his mercifull deliverance, in forme as followis:--

  [187] The Treaty of Peace thus concluded and signed, peace was
  proclaimed, as above, on the 8th of July; and Parliament was assembled
  on the 10th of that month, to adjourn, as had been determined, until
  the first of August. The 10th of July occurs also in the Acts printed
  immediately after the Confession; but both here, and at page 76, Knox
  specifies the 20th of that month. The solemn public thanksgiving held
  in St. Giles's Church, on the 19th July, was undoubtedly conducted by
  Knox himself, although he withholds his own name, in the above
  narrative.

       THANKIS GEVING FOR OUR DELYVERANCE, WITH PRAYERIS.

     O Eternall and Everlasting God, Father of oure Lord Jesus
     Chryst, quha hes nocht onlie commandit us to pray, and
     promeisit to heir us, but alsua willis us to magnifie thy
     mercies, and to glorifie thy name quhen thou schawis thy
     self pitiefull and favorabill unto us, especiallie quhen
     thow delyveris us frome disperatt daingearis: ffor sa did
     thy servantis Abraham, David, Jehosaphatt, and Ezekias; yea,
     the haill pepill of Israell omittit nott the same, quhen
     thow by thy mychtie hand did confound thair ennemeis, and
     deliver thame frome feir and daingear of death intentit. We
     aucht not, nor can not forgett, O Lord, in how miserabill
     estait stude this poore countrey, and we the just
     inhabitants of the same, not many dayis past, quhen
     idolatrie was menteynit, quhen creuell straingearis did
     impyre, quhen virgennis war deflorit, matronis corruptit,
     mennis wyfeis violentlie and vylanouslie oppressit, the blud
     of innocentis sched without mercie; and finallie, quhen the
     unjust commandementis of proud tyrannis war obeyit as ane
     law. Out of thir miseries, O Lord, could nather our witt,
     policey, nor strength delyver us; yea did schaw unto us how
     vayne was the help of man, quhair thy blessing gevis not
     victorie. In thir our anguischeis, O Lord, we suitit[188]
     unto thee, we cryit for thy help, and we reclameit[189] thy
     name, as thy trubillit flock, persecutit for thy treuth
     saik. Mercifullie hes thow hard us, O Lord, mercifullie, we
     say, becaus that neither in us, neither yitt in our
     confederatis was thair any caus quhy thou souldest have
     gevin unto us sa joyfull and suddane a delyverance: for
     neither of us bayth ceassit to do wickitlie, evin in the
     myddis of oure greitest trubillis. And yitt hes thow lukit
     upoun us sa pitifullie as that we haid gevin unto thee maist
     perfyte obedience, for thou hes disapoyntit the counsals of
     the crafty, thow hes brydillit the rage of the crewell; and
     thow hes of thy mercie sett this oure perisching Realme at
     ane reasonabill libertie. Oh, gif us hartis (thou, Lord,
     that onlie gifis all guid gyft,) with reverence and feir, to
     meditat thy wondrouse warkis lait wrocht in oure eyes. Let
     not the remembrance of the same unthankfullie to slip frome
     oure wavering myndis. We grant and acknawlege, O Lord, that
     quhat soever we haif resavit sall fall in oblivioun with us,
     and so turne to oure condempnatioun, unless thou, by the
     power of thy Holie Spreit, keip and reteyne us in recent and
     perpetuall memorie of the same. We beseik thee thairfoir, O
     Father of mercyis, that as of thy undeservit grace thow hes
     partlie removit our darknes, suppressit idolatrie, and
     taikin frome above oure heidis the devouring sword of
     mercyless strangearis, that sa it wald pleise thee to
     proceid with us in this thy grace begune. And albeit that in
     us thair is nathing that may move thy Majestie to schaw us
     thy favour, O yit for Christ Jesus, thy onlie weilbelovit
     Sonis saik, quhais name we beir, and quhais doctrin we
     profess, we beseik thee never to suffer us to foirsaik or
     deny this thy veritie quhilk now we professe. Bot seing that
     thou hes mercifullie heard us, and hes caussit thy veritie
     to triumphe in us, sa we crave of thee continewance unto the
     end, that thy godlie name may be glorifeit in us thy
     creaturis. And seing that nathing is mair odiouse in thy
     presence, O Lord, than is ungratitud and violatioun of ane
     aith and convenant maid in thy name; and seing that thou hes
     maid our confederatis of Ingland the instrumentis by quhom
     we are now sett at this libertie, to quhom we in thy name
     have promeisit mutuall fayth agane; lett us never fall to
     that unkyndnes,[190] O Lord, that ather we declair oure
     selfis unthankfull unto thame, or prophanaris of thy holie
     name. Confound thow the counsalls of thame that go about to
     brek that maist godlie liegue contractit in thy name, and
     reteyne thou us sa firmlie togidder by the power of thy
     Holie Spreit, that Sathan have never power to sett us agane
     at variance nor discord. Geve us thy grace to leif in that
     Christiane cheritie quhilk thy Sone, our Lord Jesus, hes sa
     earnestlie commandit to all the memberis of his body; that
     uther natiouns, provockit be our example, may sett asyde
     all ungodlie weir, contentioun, and stryff, and studie to
     leif in tranquilitie and peace, as it becumis the scheip of
     thy pasture, and the pepill that daylie luikis for our
     finall delyverance, by the cuming agane of oure Lord Jesus;
     to whom with Thee, and the Holie Spreit, be all honour,
     glorie, and prayse, now and ever. AMEN.

  [188] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "we sobbed."

  [189] In MS. G, "proclaimed;" in Vautr. edit., "reclamed."

  [190] In MS. G, "unthankfulness."

Heirefter war the Commissionaris of Bruchis, with sum of the Nobilitie
and Barronis, appoyntit to see the equall distributioun of Ministeris,
to change and transport as the maist pairt sould think expedient. And
sua was Johne Knox appointit to Edinburgh; Christopher Gudman, (quha
the maist pairt of the trubillis had remanit in Ayre,) was appointit
to Sanctandrois: Adame Heryot to Abirdene; Maister Johnne Row to Sanct
Johnestoun; Paull Meffen, (to quhom was no infamie than knawin,) to
Jedburgh; Williame Crystesoun to Dundie; and David Fergusoun to
Dumfermling, and Maister David Lyndsay to Leith. Thair war nominat for
Superintendantis, Maister Johnne Spottiswod for Lowtheane; Maister
Johnne Wynrame for Fyff; Maister Johnne Willok for Glasgow; the Laird
of Dun for Anguss and Mearnis; Maister Johnne Carswall for Ergyle and
the Iles.[191] Thir to be electit at the dayis appointit, unless that
the countreyis quhairto thay war to be appointit could in the menetyme
fynd out men mair abill and sufficient, or ellis schaw sick causses as
mycht inhabill thame from that dignitie.

  [191] The first appointment of Ministers and Superintendents to the
  chief towns and districts in Scotland, was made about the 20th of July
  1560, or previously to the meeting of Parliament.

The Parliament[192] approaching, dew adverteisment was maid, be the
Counsall, to all sick as by law and ancient custome had or mycht clame
to have vote thairin. The assembillie was great, nochtwithstanding
that sum, alsweill of thame that be callit Spirituall as Temporall
Lordis, contemptuouslie did absent thame selffis: And yit the cheif
pillaris of the Papisticall Kirk gave thair presence, sick as the
Bischoppis of Sanctandrois,[193] Dumblane,[194] and Dunkell,[195] with
otheris of the inferiour sort, besydeis thame that had renunceit
Papistrie, and oppinlie professit Jesus Chryst with us; sick as the
Bischop of Galloway,[196] the Abbotis of Lendorse,[197] Culroiss,[198]
Sanct Colmeis Insche,[199] Newbottill,[200] Halyrudhouse,[201] the
Priour of Sanctandrois,[202] Coldinghame,[203] and Sanct-Marie
Ile,[204] the Suppriour of Sanctandrois,[205] and dyverse otheris
quham we observit not.

  [192] In the Diurnal of Occurrents, it is stated, that "Upon the first
  day of August, the Parliament tuke begyning, and few or na Lordis came
  to the samyn, quhill the aucht day of the samyn moneth," (pp. 61,
  278.) The names of the persons present at this memorable Parliament
  are preserved among the Cecil Papers, (MS. Cotton. Calig. ix. fol.
  144.) Although printed both in the Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 525,
  and in Keith's History, I shall insert the list in the Appendix.

  [193] John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.

  [194] William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, who succeeded his brother
  of the half-blood in 1527, and who survived till 1564. His nephew
  William Chisholm, was constituted his coadjutor and future successor
  in the See, by a brief from Pope Pius IV. dated 4 Non. Junij 1561.
  (Keith's Catal. p. 180).

  [195] Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, who had previously been
  Provost of St. Giles's Church, Edinburgh.

  [196] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, and Bishop of
  Galloway: see a subsequent note.

  [197] Probably John Lesley: see Abbots of Lindores, in the Appendix to
  this volume.

  [198] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see Appendix.

  [199] James Stewart, of the family of Beath, Commendator of Inch-Colm,
  or St. Colme. He was afterwards knighted, and raised to the peerage.

  [200] Mark Ker, Commendator of Newbattle, ancestor of the Earls of
  Lothian.

  [201] Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of King James the Fifth,
  Commendator of Holyrood House, afterwards titular Bishop of Caithness
  and Earl of Orkney: see a subsequent note.

  [202] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews, and afterwards Earl of
  Murray, and Regent of Scotland.

  [203] Lord John Stewart, another natural son of King James the Fifth,
  was Prior of Coldingham. In Book Fourth, Knox mentions his death at
  Inverness.

  [204] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, Kirkcudbright: see
  note to vol. i. p. 372. It is a mistake, however, in saying that he
  died in 1571; as will afterwards be explained.

  [205] John Wynrame, Prior of Portmoak, and Sub-prior of St. Andrews:
  see vol i. p. 150; and a subsequent note in the present volume.

[Sidenote: WILLIAM MAITLAND'S MOCKAGE OF GOD]

At the samyn tyme of Parliament, Johne Knox taught publicklie the
propheit Haggeus. The doctrin was proper for the tyme; in applicatioun
quhairof he was so speciall and so vehement, that sum (having greater
respect to the warld than to Goddis glory,) feilling thair selffis
prickit, said in mockage, "We mon now forget our selffis, and beir the
barrow to buyld the housses of God."[206] God be mercifull to the
speikar; for we feir that he shall have experience that the buylding
of his awin house (the house of God being despisit) sall not be so
prosperouse, and of sick firmitie, as we desyre it were. And albeit
sum mockit, yitt utheris were godlie movit, quha did assembill thame
selffis togidder to consult quhat thyngis were to be proponit to that
present Parliament, and efter deliberatioun, was this subsequent
Supplicatioun offerit:--

  [206] William Maitland of Lethington, who made use of this expression,
  had been chosen Speaker in this Parliament and had "opened the
  proceedings in an oration, of which Randolph has given us the
  principal heads."--(Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 177.)

     THE BARRONIS, GENTILMEN, BURGESSES, AND UTHERIS, TREW
         SUBJECTIS OF THIS REALME, PROFESSING THE LORD JESUS CHRYST
         WITHIN THE SAMYN: TO THE NOBILITIE AND ESTAITIS OF
         PARLIAMENT, PRESENTLIE ASSEMBLIT WITHIN THE SAID REALME,
         DESYRE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE, FROME GOD THE FATHER OF OUR
         LORD JESUS CHRYST, WITH THE INCRESS OF HIS HOLY SPREIT:

     PLEIS youre Honouris to reduce to remembrance, how dyverse
     and sundrie tymeis we (with sum of youre selffis) maist
     humbillie suitit at the feit of the lait Quene Regent
     fredome and libertie of conscience, with a godlie
     reformatioun of abuseis, quhilk by the malice of Sathane and
     negligence of men, are cropin in Religioun of God, and are
     menteynit by sick as tak upoun thame the name of Clergye.
     And albeit that oure godlie and maist reassonable suyte was
     then disdainfullie rejectit, quhairof na small trubillis
     have ensewit, as your Honouris weill knaw, yit seing that
     the same necessitie yit remaneis that then movit us, and,
     mairover, that God of his mercie has now put into your
     handis to tak sic ordour as God thairby may be glorifeit,
     this communwelth quietit, and the policie thairof
     establischeit: We can not cease to crave of youre handis the
     redress of sick enormiteis, as manifestlie are (and of lang
     tyme have bene) committit be the placehalderis of the
     Ministerie, and utheris of the Clergy within this Realm.

     And _First_, Seing that God of his greit mercy by the lycht
     of his word, has manifestit to no small number of this
     Realme, that the doctrin of the Roman Kyrk, resaveit be the
     said Clergy, and menteynit throu thair tyrannie by fyre and
     sword, conteinit in the self many pestiferous errouris,
     quhilk can not but bring dampnatioun to the saullis of sick
     as thairwith sall be infectit; sick as are the doctrine of
     Transsubstantiatioun; of the Adoratioun of Chryst his body
     under the forme of breid, as thay term it; of the mereitis
     of Warkis, and Justificatioun that thay allege cumis
     thairby; togidder with the doctrin of the Papisticall
     Indulgencis, Purgatorie, Pilgrimage, and Praying to Sanctis
     depairtit; quhilk all either repugne to the plane
     Scripturis, or ellis have no ground of the doctrine of our
     Maister Jesus Christ, his Propheitis, nor Appostillis. We
     humbillie thairfoir crave of your Honouris, that sick
     doctrine and idolatrie as by Goddis word are condempnit, so
     may thay be abolischeit be Act of this present Parliament,
     and punischement appointit for the transgressouris.

     _Secundlie_, Seing that the Sacramentis of Jesus Chryst are
     maist schamefullie abusit and prophanit by that Romane
     harlot and hir sworne vassallis; and alssua because that the
     treu disciplyne of the ancient Kirk is utterlie now amangis
     that sect extinguischeit: for quha within the Realme are
     mair corrupt of lyff and maneris than are thay that are
     callit the Clergye, living in huredome, adultery, defloring
     virgeinis, corrupting matronis, and doing all abominatioun,
     without feir of punischement; We humbillie thairfoir desyre
     youre Honouris to fynd remedy against the ane and the
     uther.

     _Thirdlie_, Because that Man of Syn often maist falslie
     clames to him self the titillis of "The Vicare of Chryst;
     the successour of Peter; the heid of the Kirk; that he can
     not err; that all power is grantit unto him," &c., by the
     quhilk usurpit authoratie, he taikis upoun him the
     distributioun and possessioun of the haill patrimony of the
     Kirk, quhairby the trew Ministeris of the word of God lang
     tyme hes bene altogidder neglectit, the godlie learning
     dispysit, the sculeis not providit, and the poore not onlie
     defraudit of thair portioun, but alssua tyrannouslie
     oppressit; We lykwise heirof desyre remedy.

     And least that your Honouris sould dowt of any of thir
     premisses, we offer oure selfis evidentlie to prove, that in
     all the [rabill of the] Clergye thair is not ane lauchfull
     minister, gif Godis word, the practise of the Apostillis,
     and thair awin ancient Lawis, sall judge of lauchfull
     electioun. We farther offer oure selfis to prove thame all
     thevis and murtheraris, yea, rebellis and tratouris to the
     lauchfull authoritie of Empriouris, Kyngis, and Prenceis;
     and thairfor unworthy to be sufferrit in any Reformeit
     Commonwealth. Quhow malitiouslie thay have murtherit oure
     brethren, for na uther cause, bot for that thay offerrit to
     us the licht of Godis word, your Honouris can not be
     ignorant; and in quhat hasard thair tyrranie hes brocht this
     haill Realme, the ages after will considder. Gif ye luik of
     thame any uther fruit in tymeis cuming, than ye have sene in
     thame quham we accuse, we ar assurit ye sall be desavit. Now
     hes God, beyond all expectatioun of man, maid youre selfis,
     quha sum tymeis war suppliantis with us for Reformatioun,
     jugeis, as it war, in the caus of God. At least he hes
     subdewit your ennemeis unto you, that by violence thay ar
     nocht abill to suppress the veritie, as heirtofoir thay haif
     done.

     We thairfoir, in the bowellis of Jesus Chryst, crave of your
     Honouris, that ather thay be compellit to answer to our
     former accusationis, and to sick uthiris as we justlie have
     to lay to thair chargeis, or ellis that, all affectioun
     laid asyde, ye pronunce thame be censement of this
     Parliament sick, and cause thame to be sua reputit, as by us
     maist justlie thay ar accusit; especiallie, that thay be
     decernit unworthy of honour, authoritie, charge, or cure
     within the Kyrk of God, and sa from hencefurth never to joy
     vote[207] in Parliament. Quhilk gif ye do not, than in the
     feir of God, and by the assurance of his word, We foirwairne
     you, that as ye haif ane grevouse yock, and ane burding
     intollerabill upoun the kyrk of God within this Realme, so
     sall thay be thornis in youre eyes, and pryckis in your
     sydis, quhom efter, quhen ye wold, ye sall have no power to
     remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Chryst give yow
     upricht hartis, seiking his glory; and trew understanding
     quhat this day he quha delyverit yow fra bondage, baith
     spirituall and temporall, cravis of yow by his servandis:
     And youre Honouris Answer maist humbly we requyre.

  [207] In Vautr. edit. "to enjoy voice."

This oure Supplicatioun being red in audience of the haill assembly,
dyverse men war of dyverse jugementis; for als sone thair war that
uprichtlie favourit the cause of God, sa war thair many that for
warldlie respectis abhorrit ane perfect Reformatioun, (for how many
within Scotland that have the name of Nobilitie, ar not injust
possessouris of the patrimony of the Kyrk.) And yitt war the Barronis
and Ministeris callit, and commandement gevin unto thame, to draw, in
playne and severall heidis, the summe of that Doctrine, quhilk thay
wald menteyne, and wald desyre that present Parliament to establische,
as hailsome, trew, and onlie necessarie to be beleivit, and to be
resavit within that Realme: Quhilk thay willinglie acceptit, and
within foure dayis presentit this CONFESSIOUN as it followis, without
alteratioun of any ane sentence:--


     THE CONFESSIOUN OF FAITH PROFESSIT AND BELEVIT BE THE
         PROTESTANTIS WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND, PUBLISCHEIT BY
         THAME IN PARLIAMENT, AND BE THE ESTAITIS THAIROF RATIFEIT
         AND APPROVIT, AS HAILSOME AND SOUND DOCTRINE, GROUNDIT UPOUN
         THE INFALLABLE TREWTH OF GODIS WORD.

                                MATHEI 24.

     AND THIS GLAID TYDINGIS OF THE KYNGDOME SALL BE PRECHEIT
         THROUGH THE HAILL WARLD, FOR A WITNES UNTO ALL NATIOUNS, AND
         THEN SALL THE END CUM.

[Illustration: first edition title page]

         (_Title-page of the first printed edition._)

               The Confessione of the fayht and
             doctrin beleued and professed by the
            Protestantes of the Realme of Scotland
               exhibited to the estates of the
                sam in parliament and by thare
                 publict votes authorised as a
                    doctrin grounded vpon
                     the infallable wourd
                          of God.

                           Matth. 24

     And this glaid tydinges of the kingdom shalbe preached
   throught the hole world for a witness to all nations and
                   then shall the end cum.

                    Imprinted at Edinburgh,
                     be Robert Lekprewik.

                        Cum priuilegio.

                             1561.




THE PREFACE.

     The Estaitis of Scotland, with the Inhabitants of the samyn,
         professing Chryst Jesus his Holy Evangell,[208] To thair
         naturall Cuntreymen, and to all utheris Realmeis and
         Natiouns, professing the samyn Lord Jesus with thame, wische
         grace, peace, and mercy from God the Father of our Lord
         Jesus Chryst, with the Spreit of rychteouse jugement, for
         Salutatioun.

  [208] In Vautr. edit. &c., "Gospell."


LONG have we thristit,[209] deir Brethren, to haif notifeit unto the
warld the summe of that doctrin quhilk we professe, and for the quhilk
we haif sustenit infamy and daingear. Bot sik hes bene the rage of
Sathan against us, and against Chryst Jesus his eternall veritie
laitlie borne amangis us, that to this day na tyme hes bene grantit
unto us to cleir our consciencis, as maist glaidlie we wald have done;
for how we have bene tossit ane haill yeir past, the maist pairt of
Europe (as we suppoise) dois understand. Bot seing that of the
infinite gudnes of our God (quha never sufferris his afflictit to be
utterlie confoundit) above expectatioun, we have obteinit sum rest and
libertie, we could not bot sett furth this breve and playne
Confessioun of sik doctrine as is proponit unto us, and as we beleif
and professe, pairtlie for satisfactioun of oure Brethren, quhais
hartis we dout not have bene and yitt ar woundit be the dispytefull
railling of sik as yitt have not leirnit to speik weill; and pairtlie
for stopping of the mouthis of impudent blasphemaris, quha baldlie
condempne[210] that quhilk thay have neither hard nor yet understand.
Not that we judge that the cankerit malice of sik is abill to be cured
be this sempill Confessioun: Na, we knaw that the sweit, savour of the
Evangell[211] is, and sall be death to the sonis of perditioun. Bot we
haif cheif respect to our weak and infirme brethren, to quham we wald
communicat the bottome of oure hartis, least that thay be trubillit or
careit away be the diversiteis of rumouris quhilk Sathan sparsis
contrar us,[212] to the defecting of this oure maist godlie
interprise; Protesting, that gif any man will note in this oure
Confessioun any article or sentence repugning to Godis holie word,
that it wald pleis him of his gentilnes, and for Christiane cherities
saik,[213] to admoneise us of the samyn in writt; and We of our honour
and fidelitie do promeis[214] unto him satisfactioun fra the mouth of
God, (that is, fra his holy Scriptures,) or ellis reformatioun of that
quhilk he sall prove to be amyss. For God we taik to record in our
conscienceis, that fra oure hartis we abhoir all sectis of heresye,
and all techaris of erroneous doctrine; and that with all humylitie we
embrace the puritie of Christis Evangell, quhilk is the onlie foode of
our saullis; and thairfoir sua precious unto us, that we ar determinit
to suffer the extremitie of warldlie daingear, rather than that we
will suffer oure selvis to be defraudit of the same. For heirof we ar
maist certainlie persuaidit, "That quhasoever denyis Chryst Jesus, or
is eschameit of him, in presens of men, sall be denyit befoir the
Father, and befoir his holie angellis." And thairfoir be the
assistance of the mychtie Spreitt of the same, oure Lord Jesus, we
firmlie purpoise to abyde to the end in the Confessioun of this oure
Faith.[215]

  [209] In the printed copies 1561, "thrusted;" and in the London edit.
  1561, lines 5-6, of the title, "by their publicke voices
  authorised."--Some notices of the early editions of this Confession
  will be given in the Appendix to this volume.

  [210] In the printed copies 1561, "dampne," and "damne."

  [211] In Lond. edit. 1561, "Gospell."

  [212] In Lond. edit. 1561, "spreads abrode against us."

  [213] In Edinb. edit. 1561, "for Christes and cherites sake."

  [214] In Lond. edit. 1561, several words are here omitted, and the
  passage reads: "repugnyng to God's holye worde, and do admonishe us of
  the same in writyng, we by God's grace do promesse," &c.

  [215] In the printed copies 1561, "oure Faithe, as by articulis
  followeth."


OFF GOD.--CAP. I.[216]

[Sidenote: Deut. 6. Esai. 44.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 4. Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 1.]

[Sidenote: Esai.]

[Sidenote: Proverb. 16.]

WE confesse and acknawledge ane onlie God, to quhom onlie we must
cleave, [quhom onlie we must serve,][217] quhom onlie we must
wirschip, and in quhom onlie we must put our trust; quha is eternall,
infinite, unmesurable, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invysible: ane in
substance, and yit distinct in thre personis, the Father, the Sone,
and the Holie Ghost: Be quhom we confesse and beleif all thyngis in
hevin and in earth, alsweill visible as invisible, to haif bene
creatit, to be reteanit in thair being, and to be rewllit and gydeit
be his inscrutabill Providence, to sick end as his eternall wisdome,
gudnes, and justice hes appointit thame, to the manifestatioun of his
awin glorie.

  [216] The numbers of the Chapters, and the marginal Scriptural
  references are not contained in any of the MS. copies of Knox's
  History. They are here supplied from the first edition of the
  Confession, printed by Lekprevik in 1561, compared with the Acts of
  Parliament of 1567, printed in 1568.

  [217] These words, and such others as are inclosed within brackets,
  are omitted in the copies of Knox. By "the old printed copies," in the
  following notes to the Confession, is signified the editions printed
  in 1561, and the several editions of the Acts of Parliament 1567.

OFF THE CREATIOUN OF MAN.--CAP. II.

[Sidenote: Gen. 1. 2.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 3.]

We confesse and acknawledge this oure God to haif creatit Man, (to
witt, our fyrst father Adam) of quhom also God formit the Woman to his
awin image and similitude;[218] to quhom he gaif wisdome, lordschip,
justice, fre-will, and cleir knawledge of him selff; sua that in the
haill nature of man thair could be notit na imperfectioun: Frome
quhilk honour and perfectioun man and woman did baith fall; the woman
being desavit be the Serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the
woman, baith conspyring against the Soverane Majestie of God, quha in
expressit wordis of befoir had threatnit death, gif thay presumeit to
eit of the forbiddin tree.

  [218] The words, "of quhom also God formit the woman to his awin image
  and similitude," are omitted in the editions of the Confession 1561,
  and of the Acts of Parliament 1567: also in Adamson's Latin
  translation, 1572.


OFF ORIGINALL SYN.--CAP. III.

[Sidenote: Ephes. 3. Rom. 5. Joan. 3. Rom. 5. 8.]

By quhilk transgressioun, commonlie callit Originall Syn, was the
image of God utterlie defaceit in man; and he and his posteritie of
nature became ennemeis to God, slavis to Sathan, and servantis to syn;
in samekill that death everlesting hes haid, and sall have power and
dominioun over all that hes not bene, ar not, or sall not be regenerat
frome above: quhilk regeneratioun is wrocht be the power of the Holy
Ghost, wirking in the hartis of the elect of God ane assureit faith in
the promeise of God, reveillit to us in his word; by quhilk faith thay
apprehend[219] Chryst Jesus, with the graces and benefites promesit in
him.

  [219] In the old printed copies, "we apprehend."


OFF THE REVELATIOUN OF THE PROMEIS.--CAP. IV.

[Sidenote: Gen. 5. Gen. 12. 15. Esai. 7. 8.]

For this we constantlie beleif, that God, efter the feirfull and
horribill defectioun of man frome his obedience, did seik Adam agane,
call upoun him, rebuk his syn, convict him of the same, and in the end
maid unto him a maist joyfull promeisse, to witt, "That the seid of
the woman sould brek doun the serpentis heid;" that is, he sould
destroy the warkis of the Devill. Quhilk promeis, as it was repeitit
and maid mair cleir from tyme to tyme, sua was it embraceit with joy,
and maist constantlie retenit[220] of all the faithfull, frome Adam to
Noah, frome Noah to Abraham, from Abraham to David, and sua furth to
the incarnatioun of Chryst Jesus: quha all (we mene the faithfull
Fatheris under the law,) did se the joyfull dayis of Christ Jesus, and
did rejoyse.

  [220] In the old printed copies, "ressavit."


THE CONTINUANCE, INCREASE, AND PRESERVATIOUN OF THE KIRK.[221]--CAP.
V.

  [221] In the editions 1561, "Church."

[Sidenote: Ezech. 16.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 12. 13. Exod. 1. 2. Exod. 20.]

[Sidenote: Josu. 1. 2. 3. 1 Sam. 1. 23. 2 Reg. 17.]

[Sidenote: 2 Reg. 24. 25. Deut. 28. Jere. 39. Esdr. 1. Agg. 1, 2.
Zach. 3.]

We maist constantlie beleif, that God preservit, instructit,
multipleit, honourit, decoirit, and frome death callit to lyfe his
Kirk in all aiges, fra Adam, till the cuming of Chryst Jesus in the
flesche: for Abraham he callit frome his fatheris cuntrey, him he
instructit, his seid he multipleit, the same he marvalouslie
preservit, and mair marvelouslie delyverit frome the bondage [and
tyranny] of Pharao; to thame he gaif his lawis, constitutiouns, and
ceremoneis; thame he possessit in the land of Canaan; to thame efter
Jugeis, and efter Saule he gaif David to be kyng, to quham he maid
promeise, "That of the fruit of his loynis sould ane sitt for ever
upoun his regall saitt." To this same pepill from tyme to tyme he send
propheittis to reduce thame to the recht way of thair God, frome the
quhilk often tymis thay declyneit by idolatrie. And albeit for thair
stubburne contempt of justice, he was compellit to gif thame in the
handis of thair ennemeis, as befoir was threatnit by the mouth of
Moyses, in samekill that the halye citie[222] was destroyit, the
tempill brynt with fyre, and the haill land left desolat the space of
sevintie yeiris; yitt of mercy did he reduce thame agane to Jerusalem,
quhair the citie and tempill war reedifeit, and they, against all
temptatiounis and assaultis of Sathan, did abyde till the Messias
came, according to the promeise.

  [222] In the MSS. of Knox, "the haill citie."


OFF THE INCARNATIOUN OF CHRYST JESUS.--CAP. VI.

[Sidenote: Gal. 4.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 1, 2.]

[Sidenote: Esai.]

Quhan the fulnes of tyme came, God send his Sone, his Eternall
Wisdome, the substance of his awin glory, in this warld, quha tuik the
nature of manheid of the substance of ane woman, to witt, of ane
Virgin, and that be the operatioun of the Holie Ghost: And sa was
borne the just seid of David, the angell of the greit counsall of God;
the verray Messias promesit, quham we acknawledge and confesse
Emanuell; verray God and verray man, twa perfyte naturis unitit and
joynit in ane persona. By quhilk oure confessioun we dampne[223] the
damnabill and pestilent hereseyis of Arrius, Marcion, Eutiches,
Nestorius, and sick utheris, as either deny[224] the eternitie of his
Godheid, either the veratie of his human nature, either confound
thame, either yit devyde thame.

  [223] In the old printed copies, "condempne."

  [224] In the old printed copies, "did deny;" and "or," instead of
  "either," in the two next lines.

QUHY IT BEHOVIT THE MEDIATOUR TO BE VERRAY GOD AND VERRAY MAN.--CAP.
VII.

We acknawledge and confesse, that this maist wonderous conjunctioun
betwix the Godheid and the Manheid in Chryst Jesus, did proceid frome
the eternall and immutabill decree of God, quhence alssua oure
salvatioun springis and dependis.[225]

  [225] In the edition 1561, and MS. G, "whence also our salvation
  springeth, and dependeth;" in the Acts of Parliament 1567, "fra quhilk
  all our salvatioun springs and depends."


ELECTIOUN.--CAP. VIII.

[Sidenote: Eph. 1.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 2.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 10.]

[Sidenote: Joan 1.]

[Sidenote: Joan 20.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 53.]

For that samyn Eternall God, and Father, quha of mere mercy electit us
in Chryst Jesus his Sone, befoir the fundatioun of the warld was laid,
appoyntit him to be oure Heid, our Brother, our Pastoure, and greit
Bishop of oure Saullis. Bot becaus that the enmitie betwix the justice
of God and our synnes was sick, that no flesche by it self could or
mycht have atteanit unto God, it behovit that the Sone of God sould
discend unto us, and tak him selff ane body of oure body, flesche of
oure flesche, and bane of oure baneis, and sua became[226] the perfyte
Mediatour betwix God and man; giffing power to sa mony as beleif in
him to be the sonis of God, as him selff dois witnesse--"I pas up to
my Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your God." By
quhilk maist halie fraternitie, quhatsoever we have lost[227] in Adam
is restoirit to us againe. And for this cause ar we not effrayit to
call God our father, not samekill in that he hes creatit us,[228]
(quhilk we have common with the reprobat,) as for that he hes gevin to
us his onlie Sone to be our brother, and gevin unto us grace to
[acknawledge and] embrace him for oure onlie Mediatour, as befoir is
said. It behovit farther, the Messias and Redeemer to [be] verray God
and verray Man, becaus he was to underly[229] the punishment dew for
oure transgressiouns, and to present him selff in the presence of his
Fatheris jugement, as in oure persone, to suffer for our
transgressioun and inobedience, by death to ovircum him that was
author of death. Bot becaus the onlie Godheid could not suffer death,
neyther could the onlie Manheid ovircum the same; he joynit baith
togidder in ane persone, that the imbecilitie of the ane sould suffer,
and be subject to death, (quhilk we haid deservit,) and the infinite
and invincible power of the uther, to wit, of the Godheid, sould
tryumphe and purchese till us lyfe, libertie, and perpetuall victorie.
And so we confess, and maist undowtedlie beleif.

  [226] In the old printed copies, "become."

  [227] In the Acts 1567, "have tint."

  [228] In the editions 1561, "not so much because he hath created us."

  [229] In the London edition 1561, "to beare upon him."


CHRYSTIS DEATH, PASSIOUN, BURYALL, &C.--CAP. IX.

[Sidenote: Heb. 12.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 53.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 21.]

[Sidenote: Gal. 3.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 10.]

That our Lord Jesus Chryst offerrit him self ane voluntarie sacrifice
unto his Father for us; that he sufferrit contradictioun of synneris;
that he was woundit and plaigit for our transgressiouns; that he being
the clene and innocent Lamb of God, was dampnit in the presence of an
earthlie juge, that we mycht be absolvit befoir the tribunall seat of
our God; that he sufferit not onlie the creuell death of the croce
(quhilk was accursit be the sentance of God,) bot alssua that he
sufferrit for a seassone the wrath of his Father, whilk synnaris had
deservit. Bot yitt we avow, that he remaneit the onlie and weilbelovit
and blissit Sone of his Father, evin in the myddis of his anguysche
and torment, quhilk he sufferrit in body and saull, to mak the full
satisfactioun for the synnis of his pepill.[230] Efter the quhilk, we
confesse and avow, that thair remaneis na uther sacrifice for synnis;
quhilk gif any affirme, we nathing dowt to avow that thay are
blasphemaris against Chrystis death, and the everlesting purgatioun
and sattisfactioun purchessit till us by the same.

  [230] In the old printed copies, "the people."


RESURRECTIOUN.--CAP. X.

[Sidenote: Act. 2. 3.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 6.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 27.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 20. 21.]

We undoutedlie beleif, that insamekill as it was impossibill that the
dolouris of death sould reteane in bondage the Author of lyff, that
our Lord Jesus Chryst crucifeit, deid, and buryit, quha discendit into
hell, did raise agane for our justificatioun, and distroying [of] him
who was [the] author of death, brocht lyfe agane to us that war
subject to death and to the bondage of the same. We knaw that his
resurrectioun was confirmit be the testimonye of his verray ennemeis;
by the resurrectioun of the deid, quhais sepulturis did oppin, and
thay did arise and apperit to many within the Citie of Jerusalem. It
was alssua confirmit be the testimonie of [his] Angellis, and be the
senses and jugementis of his Apostleis, and [of] utheris, quha had
conversatioun, and did eit and drynk with him efter his resurrectioun.


ASCENSIOUN.--CAP. XI.

[Sidenote: Act. 1.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: 1 Joan. 2.]

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 2.]

[Sidenote: Psal. 110.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 20.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 66.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 7.]

[Sidenote: Collos. 1.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 9. 10.]

We nathing dowt, bot that the selff samyn body, quhilk was borne of
the Virgine, was crucifeit, deid, and buried, and quhilk did ryse
agane, did ascend into the heavinis for the accompleischment of all
thingis; quhair, in oure names, and for our confort he hes resavit all
power in hevin and in earth, quhair he sittis at the rycht hand of the
Father inaugurat in his kingdome, advocat and onlie Mediatour for us;
quhilk glorie, honour, and prerogatyve he allone amangis the brethren
sall possesse, till that all his ennemyes be maid his futestule, as
that we undoubtedlie beleif thay sall be in the finall jugement; to
the execution quhairof we certainlie beleif that the same oure Lord
Jesus sall visibillie returne as that he was sene to ascend: And than
we firmlie belief, that the tyme of refresching and restitutioun of
all thingis sall cum, in samekill that thay that from the begynning
have sufferit violence, injurie, and wrang for rychteousnes saik, sall
inherit that blissit immortalitie promesit from the begynning; bot
contrariewyse, the stubburne, inobedient, cruell, oppressouris, filthy
personeis, adulteraris, and all sortis of unfaithfull [men] sall be
cast in the dungeoun of utter darknes, quhair thair worme sall not
dye, neather yitt thair fyre [sall] be extinguischeit. The remembrance
of the quhilk day, and of the jugement to be executit in the same, is
not onlie to us ane brydill quhairby oure carnall lustis ar refranit;
but alsso sick inestimabill confort, that neather may the threatning
of wardlie princeis, neyther yitt the feir of temporall death and
present daingear move us to renunce and forsaik that blissit societie,
quhilk we the members have with oure Head and onlie Mediatour Christ
Jesus, whome we confesse and avow to be the Messias promissed, the
only Head of his Kirk, our just Lawgevar, oure onlie Hie Preast,
Advocat, and Mediatour. In whiche honouris and offices, yf man or
angell presume to intruse thame selfis, we utterlie detest and abhorre
thame, as blasphemous to oure Soverane and Supreame Governour, Christ
Jesus.


FAITH IN THE HOLY GHOST.--CAP. XII.

[Sidenote: Mat. 16.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 14. 15. 16.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 5.]

[Sidenote: 2 Corin. 3.]

This our Faith, and the assurance of the same, proceidis not frome
flesche and blood, that is to say, frome no naturall poweris within
us, but is the inspiratioun of the Holy Ghost: Whome we confesse God,
equall with the Father and with the Sone; who sanctifieth us, and
bringeth us in all veritie by his awin operatioun; without whome we
should remane for ever enemyes to God, and ignorant of his Sone,
Christ Jesus. For of nature we ar so dead, so blynd and so perverse,
that neather can we feill when we ar pricked, see the lycht when it
schynes, nor assent to the will of God when it is reveilled; onlie[231]
the Spreit of the Lord Jesus quickinneth that which is dead,
removeth[231] the darknes from our myndis, and boweth oure stubburne
heartis to the obedience of his blessed will. And so as we confesse
that God the Father created us when we war not; as his Sone, our Lord
Jesus redeamit us when we war ennemyes to him: so also do we confesse
that the Holy Ghost dois sanctifie and regenerat us, without all
respect of any merite proceading from us, be it befoir, or be it after
oure regeneratioun. To speak this one thing yit in more plane wordis,
as we willinglie spoyle oureselves of all honour and glorie of oure
awin creatioun and redemptioun; so do we also of oure regeneratioun
and sanctificatioun: For of our selves we ar nott sufficient to think
ane good thoght; but he who hes begune the good work in us, is onlie
he that continueth us in the same, to the praise and glorie of his
undeserved grace.

  [231] In the old printed copies, "unless the Spirite, &c. quickin
  that;" and "remove the," &c.: "and bow."


THE CAUSE OF GOOD WORKIS.--CAP. XIII.[232]

  [232] In the old printed copies, including the Acts of Parliament
  1567, this Chapter is numbered 14, and the mistake is continued
  throughout, so that the last Chapter 25, is numbered 26.

[Sidenote: John. 15.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 2.]

[Sidenote: Gal. 5.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 8.]

[Sidenote: Joan 15.]

So that the caus of Good workis, we confess to be, nott our free will,
but the Spreit of the Lord Jesus, who dwelling in oure heartis be trew
faith, bringis furth sick good workis as God hath prepared for us to
walk into: for this we most boldlie affirm, that blasphemy it is to
say, that Christ Jesus abydis in the heartis of sick as in whome thair
is na spreit of Sanctificatioun. And thairfoir we fear nott to
affirme, that murtherraris, oppressouris, cruell persecutaris,
adulteraris, whoremongaris, filthy personis, idolateris, drounkardis,
theavis, and all workaris of iniquitie, have neather trew faith,
neather any portioun of the spreat of Sanctificatioun, whiche
proceadeth frome the Lord Jesus, so long as thei obstinatlie continew
in thair wickednes. For how sone that ever the spreit of the Lord
Jesus, (whiche Godis elect children resave by trew fayth,) takis
possessioun in the heart of any man, so soon dois he regenerat and
renew the same man; so that he begynnis to hate that whiche befoir he
luffit, and begynnis to luif that whiche befoir he hated; and from
thence cumis that continewall battell which is betwix the flesche and
the spreit in Godis children; while the flesche and naturall man
(according to the awin corruptioun) lustis for things pleasing and
delectable unto the self, grudges in adversitie, is lyfted up in
prosperitie, and at everie moment is prone and reddye to offend the
Majestie of God. Bot the Spreit of God, whiche giveth witnessing till
our spreit, that we ar the sones of God, makis us to resist the
devill, to abhorr[233] fylthy pleasouris, to groane in Godis presence
for deliverance from this boundage of corruptioun; and finally, so
triumphe over syne that it reigne not in our mortall bodyes. This
battell hes nott the carnall men, being destitut of Goddis Spreitt;
but do follow and obey syn with greadynes, and without repentance,
evin as the devill and thair corrupt lustis do prick thame. But the
sonnes of God (as befoir is said) does feght against syn, do sobb and
murne, when they perceave thame selfis tempted to iniquitie; and gif
they fall, they ryse agane with earnest and unfeaned repentance. And
these thingis they do nott by thair awin power, but the power of the
Lord Jesus (without whome thai war able to do nothing) wyrketh in
thame all that is good.[234]

  [233] In the old printed copies, the words, "the devill, to abhorr,"
  are omitted.

  [234] In the editions 1561, and in the Acts 1567, the last seven words
  are omitted: the sentence runs thus, "but by the power of the Lord
  Jesus, without whom thai war hable to do nothing."


WHAT WORKIS AR REPUTED GOOD BEFOIR GOD.--CAP. XIV.[235]

  [235] The marginal notes on this and the following Chapters, (with the
  exception of the Scripture references,) are not contained in
  Lekprevik's edition 1561: they are copied from the edition of the
  Confession, printed at London by R. Hall, 1561, small 8vo.

[Sidenote: Exod. 20. Deut. 4.]

[Sidenote: The Law.]

[Sidenote: The workes of the First Table.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 6.]

[Sidenote: The workes of the Second Table.]

[Sidenote: Ezek. 22. Jere. 22. Esai 50. 1 Thes. 4. Luc. 2.]

[Sidenote: Things contrari to the Firste and Second Table.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 13. Ezek. 22.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 29. Matt. 15.]

We confesse and acknawledge, that God hes gevin to man his holy law,
in whiche not onlie ar forbiddin all sick workis whiche displease and
offend his Godlye Majestie; but also ar commanded all sick as please
him, and as he hath promised to rewarde. And these workis be of two
sortis; the one ar done to the honour of God, the other to the proffit
of our nychtbouris; and baith have the reveilled will of God for thair
assurance. To have one God, to wirschepe and honour him; to call upoun
him in all our trubles; to reverence his holy name; to hear his word;
to beleve the same; to communicat with his holy sacraments;--ar the
workis of the First Table. To honour father, mother, princes,
reullaris, and superiour poweris; to love thame; to supporte thame,
yea, to obey thair charges (not repugnyng to the commandiment of God);
to save the lyves of innocents; to represse tyranny; to defend the
oppressed; to keep our bodyes cleane and holy; to lyve in sobrietie
and temperance; to deall justlie with all men, boyth in word and in
deed; and, finallie, to represse all appetite of our nychtbouris
hurte;--ar the good workis of the Second Table, whiche ar most
pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those workis that are commanded
by him self. The contrarie whairof is syn most odiouse, whiche always
displeasses him, and provokes him to anger,--as, nott to call upoun
him allone when we have nead; not till hear his word with reverence;
to contempne and despyse it; to have or to wyrschipe idolles; to
mainteane and defend idolatrie; lychtlie to esteame the reverent name
of God; to prophane, abuse, or contempne the sacramentis of Christ
Jesus; to disobey or resist any that God hes placed in authoritie,
(while thei pas not ower the boundis of thair office); to murther, or
to consent thairto, to bear hattrent, or to suffer innocent blood to
be schedd geve we may ganestand[236] it; and, finallie, the
transgressing of any other commandiment in the First or Secound Table,
we confesse and affirme to be syn, by the which Goddis hote
displeasour is kendilled[237] against the proude and unthankfull
world. So that Good workis we affirme to be these onlie that ar done
in faith, [and] at Goddis commandiment, who in his law hes expressed
what be the thingis that please him: And Evill workis, we affirme,
nott onlie those that ar expressedlie done against Goddis
commandiment, but those also that, in materis of religioun and
wirschipping of God, have no [uther] assurance butt the inventioun and
opinioun of man, whiche God frome the begynning hes ever rejected; as
by the prophete Esaias, and by our maister Christ Jesus, we ar taught
in these wordis--"In vane do they wirschepe me, teiching the doctrine
being preceptis of men."[238]

  [236] In the old printed copies, "withstand."

  [237] In the old printed copies, "Goddis hait and displesoure is
  kendlit."

  [238] In the old printed copies, "the doctrines the preccptes of men."

THE PERFECTIOUN OF THE LAW AND IMPERFECTIOUN OF MAN.--CAP. XV.

[Sidenote: Rom. 7.]

[Sidenote: Psal. 19.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 5.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 10.]

[Sidenote: 1 Joan 12. Rom. 10. Gal. 3.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 26. Eph. 1. Rom. 4.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 17.

To put trust in our own workes, is damnable idolatrie.]

The Law of God, we confesse and acknawledge most just, most equall,
most holy, and most perfite; commanding those thingis, whiche being
wrocht in perfectioun, war able to geve lyfe, and [able] to bring man
to eternall felicitie: But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and
imperfite, that we ar never able to fulfill the workis of the Law in
perfectioun; yea, "Yf we say we have no syn, (evin after we ar
regenerat,) we deceive our selfis, and the veritie of God is not into
us." And thairfoir it behoved us to apprehend Christ Jesus, with his
justice and satisfactioun, who is the end and accomplishment of the
Law, to all that beleve, by whome we ar sett at this libertie, that
the curse and maledictioun of God,[239] fall not upoun us, albeit that
we fulfill not the same in all pointis. For God the Father beholding
us in the body of his Sone Christ Jesus, accepteth oure imperfyte
obedience as it ware perfite, and coverith our workis, whiche ar
defyled with many spottis, with the justice of his Sone. We do not
meane that we ar so set at libertie, that we awe no obedience to the
Law, (for that befoir we have plainelie confessed); but this we
affirme, that no man in earth, (Christ Jesus onlie excepted,) hath
gevin, geveth, or shall geve in work, that obedience to the Law which
the Law requyreth. But when we have done all thingis, we must fall
doun and unfeanedlie confess, "That we ar unprofitable servandis." And
thairfoir whosoever boast thame selves of the merittis of thair awin
workis, or putt thair trust in the workis of supererogatioun, they
boast thame selfis of that whiche is not, and putt thair trust in
damnable idolatrie.

  [239] In the MSS. of Knox, "maledictioun of the Law."


OF THE KIRK.[240]--CAP. XVI.

  [240] Here and elsewhere, in the editions 1561, "Church" is uniformly
  substituted in place of "Kirk."

[Sidenote: Matth. 28.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 1.]

[Sidenote: Collos. 3.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 5.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 7.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 2.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 5. 6.]

As we believe in one God, Father, Sone, and Holy Ghost, so do we most
earnestlie beleave[241] that from the begynning thair hes bein, now
is, and to the end of the warld shalbe a Churche; that is to say, a
company and multitude of men chosin of God, who rychtlie worschip and
embrace him, by trew fayth in Christ Jesus, who is the onlie Head of
the same Kirk, whiche also is the body and spous of Christ Jesus;
whiche Kirk is Catholik, that is, universall, becaus it conteanes the
Elect of all aiges, [of] all realmes, nationis, and tounges, be thai
of the Jewis, or be thai of the Gentiles, who have communioun and
societie with God the Father, and with his Sone Christ Jesus, throcht
the sanctificatioun of his Holy Spreit; and thairfoir it is called
[the] communioun, not of prophane personis but of sanctis, who, as
citizens of the heavinlie Jerusalem, have the fruitioun of the most
inestimable benefitis, to witt, of ane God, ane Lord Jesus, ane faith,
and of ane baptisme; out of the[242] whiche Kirk thair is neather
lyfe, nor eternall felicitie. And thairfoir we utterlie abhorr the
blasphemye of those that affirme, that men quhilk live according to
equitie and justice, shall be saved, what religioun soever they have
professed. For as without Christ Jesus thair is neather lyfe nor
salvatioun, so shall thair nane be participant thairof but sik as the
Father has gevin unto his Sone Christ Jesus, and those [that] in tyme
come to him, avow his doctrine, and beleve into him, (we comprehend
the children with the faythfull parentis). This Kirk is invisible,
knowin onlie to God, who allone knoweth whome he hes chosin, and
comprehendis alsweall (as said is) the Elect that be departed,
(commounlie called the Kirk Triumphant), as those that yit leve and
feght against syne and Sathan as shall leve hearefter.

  [241] In the old printed copies, "constantlie believe."

  [242] In the MSS. of Knox, "without the."


THE IMMORTALITIE OF THE SAULLIS.--CAP. XVII.

[Sidenote: Apoc. 14.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 7.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 16.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 6.]

The Elect departed are in peace and rest from thair laubouris; not
that thai sleap and come to ane certane oblivioun (as some fantastick
headis[243] do affirme,) but that thai ar delivered from all fear, all
torment, and all tentatioun, to whiche we and all Godis elect ar
subject in this lyfe; and thairfoir do bear the name of the Kirk
militant. As contrariewyse, the reprobat and unfaythfull departed,
have anguishe, torment, and paine, that can nott be expressed; so that
neather ar the ane nor the other in sick sleap that thai feill not joy
or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the saxtene of Luke, his
wordis to the theaf, and these wordis of the saullis crying under the
altar, "O Lord, thou that arte rychteous and just, how longe shalt
thow not revenge our blude upoun thame that dwell upoun the earth!"
doeth playnlie testifie.

  [243] In the old printed copies, "some fantastickis."


OF THE NOTIS BY WHICHE THE TRUE KIRK IS DISCEARNED FROM THE FALS, AND
WHO SHALBE JUDGE OF THE DOCTRINE.--CAP. XVIII.

[Sidenote: Gen. 4. 21. 27.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 23.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 12.]

[Sidenote: Act. 5.]

[Sidenote: Notes of the Trew Church.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 1. 10.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 4.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 5.]

[Sidenote: Act. 16. 18.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 1.]

[Sidenote: Act. 20.]

[Sidenote: To whom the interpretation of the Scripture appertayne.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 11.]

Because that Sathan from the begyning hes lauboured to deck his
pestilent Synagoge with the title of the Kirk of God, and hes
inflambed the heartis of cruell murtheraris to persecute, truble, and
molest the trew Kirk and members thairof, as Cain did Abell; Ismaell,
Isaac; Esau, Jacob; and the whole preasthead of the Jewis, Jesus
Christ him self, and his apostles after him; it is a thing most
requisite, that the trew Kirk be discernit frome the filthy synagoge,
be cleare and perfite nottis, least we being deceaved, resave and
embrace to our awin condemnatioun the ane for the other. The nottis,
signes, and assured tokenis whairby the immaculat spouse of Christ
Jesus is knawin from that horrible harlote the Kirk malignant, we
affirme ar neyther antiquitie, title usurped, lineall discente, place
appointed, nor multitude of men approving ane errour; for Cain in aige
and title was preferred to Abell and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative
above all places of the earth, whair also war the preastis lineally
descended from Aaron; and greattare multitude[244] followed the
Scribes, Pharaseis, and Preastis, then unfeanedlie beleaved and
approved Christ Jesus and his doctrin; and yit (as we suppoise) na man
of sound judgment[245] will grant that any of the foirnamed war the
Kirk of God. The Notis, thairfoir, of the trew Kirk of God we beleve,
confesse, and avow to be, first, The trew preaching of the word of
God; into the whiche God hes reveilled him self to us, as the
writtingis of the Prophettis and Apostles do declair. Secoundlie, The
rycht administratioun of the sacramentis of Christ Jesus, whiche mun
be annexed to the worde and promisse of God, to seall and confirme the
same in our hartis. Last[ly], Ecclesiasticall discipline uprychtlie
ministred, as Godis word prescribed, whairby vice is repressed, and
vertew nurished. Whairsoever then these former nottis ar sene, and of
any tyme continew (be the number never so few above twa or thre)
thair, but all dowbt, is the trew Kirk of Christ, who according to his
promeise is in the myddis of thame: not that universal (of whiche we
have befoir spokin) but particulare; sick as was in Corinthus,
Galatia, Ephesus, and utheris places in whiche the ministerie was
planted by Paule, and war of him self named the Kirkis of God. And
sick kirkis, we, the Inhabitants of the Realme of Scotland,
professouris of Christ Jesus, confesse us to have in our cities,
townis, and places reformed; for the doctrine taught in our kirkis is
conteaned in the writtin word of God, to witt, in the buikis of the
Auld and New Testamentis. In these buikis we meane, whiche of the
ancient have bene reputed canonicall, in the whiche we affirme that
all thingis necessarie to be beleaved for the salvatioun of mankynd,
is sufficientlie expressed; the interpretatioun whairof, we confess,
neather apperteaneth to privat nor publict persone, neather yit to any
kirk for any preheminence or prerogative, personall or locall, whiche
one hes above another; butt apperteaneth to the Spreit of God, by the
whiche also the Scripture was writtin. When contraversie then
happinneth for the rycht understanding of any place or sentence of
Scripture, or for the reformatioun of any abuse within the Kirk of
God, we aucht not sa mekle to look what men befoir us have said or
done, as unto that whiche the Holy Ghost uniformelie speakis within
the body of the Scriptures, and unto that whiche Christ Jesus him self
did, and commanded to be done. For this is a thing universallie
granted, that the Spreit of God, which is the Spirit of unitie, is in
nothing contrarious unto himself. Yf then the interpretatioun,
determinatioun, or sentence of any doctour, kirk, or counsall, repugne
to the plane word of God writtin in any other place of [the]
Scripture, it is a thing most certane, that thairis is nocht the trew
understanding and meanyng of the Holy Ghost, supposing that
Counsallis,[246] Realmes, and Nations have approved and receaved the
same: For we dar nott receave and admitt any interpretatioun whiche
directlie repugneth to any principall point of our fayth, [or] to any
other plane text of Scripture, or yitt unto the rewll of charitie.

  [244] In the old printed copies, "greater number."

  [245] In the MSS. of Knox, "of holle judgment."

  [246] In the old printed copies, "although that Counsellis."


THE AUTHORITIE OF THE SCRIPTURIS.--CAP. XIX.

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 3.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 10.]

As we beleve and confesse the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct
and maik the man of God perfect, so do we affirme and avow the
authoritie of the same to be of God, and neather to depend on men nor
angellis. We affirme thairfoir that sick as alledge the Scripture to
have na [uther] authoritie, but that whiche is receaved from the Kirk,
to be blasphemous against God, and injuriouse to the trew Kirk, whiche
alwayis heareth and obeyeth the voice of hir awin Spouse and pastour,
but taketh nott upoun her to be maistres over the same.


OF GENERALL COUNSALLIS, OF THAIR POWER, AUTHORITIE, AND CAUSES OF
THAIR CONVENTIOUN.--CAP. XX.

[Sidenote: How far the Counsells are to be allowed.]

[Sidenote: Wherein they are to be rejected.]

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 4.]

[Sidenote: Why they were assembled.]

[Sidenote: Why Counsels were called.]

[Sidenote: Ceremonies ought to be changed when they foster
superstition.]

As we do nott raschelie dampne that whiche godlie men, assembled
togidder in Generall Counsallis, lauchfullie gathered, have
approved[247] unto us; so without just examinatioun dar we not resave
whatsoever is obtrused unto men, under the name of Generall
Counsallis: for plane it is, that as they war men, so have some of
thame manifestlie erred, and that in materis of great weght and
importance. So far then as the Counsall proveth the determinatioun and
commandiment that it geveth by the plane word of God, so far do we
reverence and embrace the same. But yf men, under the name of a
Counsall pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith, or to
maik constitutionis repugnyng to the word of God, then utterlie we
mone refuise the same, as the doctrin of devillis which drawis our
saullis from the voice of our onlie God, to follow the doctrines and
constitutionis of men. The caus, then, why [that] Generall Counsallis
convened, was neather to mak any perpetuall law (whiche God befoir had
nott maid,) neather yitt to forge new articles of our beleve, neather
to give the word of God authoritie, mekle less to make that to be his
worde, or yitt the trew interpretatioun of the same, which was not
befoir by his holy will expreassed in his worde. But the caus of
Counsallis, (we meane of sick as merite the name of Counsallis,) was
partlie for confutatioun of heresyes, and for geving publict
confessioun of thair faith to the posteritie following; whiche baith
they did by the authoritie of Goddis writtin worde, and nott by any
opinioun or prerogative that they could nott err, be reassoun of thair
Generall assemblie: And this we judge to have bene the cheaf caus of
Generall Counsallis. The other was for good policie and ordour to be
constitut and observed in the Kirk, in whiche (as in the house of God)
it becumis all thingis to be done decentlie and into ordour. Not that
we think that ane policie, and ane ordour in Ceremonies can be
appointit for all aigis, tymes, and plaicis; for as ceremonies (sick
as men hes devised) ar but temporall, so may and aucht they to be
changed, when they rather foster superstitioun, then that they edifie
the Kirk using the same.

  [247] In the old printed copies, "have proponit."


OFF THE SACRAMENTIS.--CAP. XXI.

[Sidenote: The use of Sacraments.]

[Sidenote: Baptisme.]

[Sidenote: The Lordis Supper, perfythe and plainly described.]

As the Fatheris under the Law, besydis the veritie of the sacrifices,
had two cheaf Sacramentis, to witt, Circumcisioun and the Passover,
the despysaris and contemnaris whairof war not reputed for Godis
people; so [do] we acknawledge and confesse that we now, in the tyme
of the Evangell, have two[248] Sacramentis onlie, institutit be the Lord
Jesus, and commanded to be used of all those that will be reputed
members of his body, to witt, Baptisme and the Supper, or Table of the
Lord Jesus, called The Communioun of his body and bloode. And these
sacramentis (alsweill of the Auld as of the New Testament) war
institut[248] of God, not onlie to maik ane visible difference betwixt
his people, and those that war without his league; but also to
exercise the faith of his children; and by participatioun of the same
sacramentis, to seall in thair heartis the assurance of his promeis,
and of that most blessed conjunctioun, unioun, and societie, whiche
the Elect have with thair head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterlie
dampne the vanitie of those that affirme Sacramentis to be nothing
else but naked and bair signes. No, we assuredlie beleve, that by
Baptisme we ar ingrafted in Christ Jesus to be maid partakaris of his
justice, by the whiche our synes are covered and remitted; and also,
that in the Supper, rychtlie used, Christ Jesus is so joyned with us,
that he becumis the verray nurishement and foode of our saullis. Not
that we ymagine any transsubstantiatioun of bread into Christis
naturall body, and of wyne in his naturall bloode, (as the Papistis
have perniciouslie taught and dampnablie beleved;) but this union and
communioun whiche we have with the body and bloode of Christ Jesus in
the rycht use of the sacraments, is wrocht by operatioun of the Holy
Ghost, who by trew faith caryes us above all thingis that ar visible,
carnall, and earthlie, and maikis us to feid upoun the body and bloode
of Christ Jesus, whiche was ones brokin and schedd for us, whiche now
is in the heavin, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us.
And yit, notwithstanding the far distance of place, whiche is betwix
his bodye now glorifeid in the heavin, and us now mortall in this
earth, yit we most assuredlie beleve, that the bread which we break is
the communioun of Christis body, and the cupp which we bliss, is the
communion of his bloode. So that we confesse, and undowttedlye beleve,
that the faithfull, in the rycht use of the Lordis Table, so do eatt
the body, and drynk the bloode of the Lord Jesus, that he remaneth in
thame and thai in him: yea, that thai ar so maid flesche of his
flesche, and bone of his bones, that as the Eternall Godheid hath
gevin to the flesche of Christ Jesus (whiche of the awin conditioun
and nature was mortall and corruptible) lyfe and immortalitie, so
doeth Christ Jesus his flesche and bloode eatten and drunken by us,
give to us the same prerogatives: Whiche albeit we confesse, are
neather gevin unto us at that onlie tyme, neather yit by the propir
power and vertew of the Sacramentis onlie; yit we affirme, that the
faithfull in the rycht use of the Lordis Table hes sick conjunctioun
with Christ Jesus, as the naturall man can not comprehend: yea, and
farther we affirme, that albeit the faithfull oppressed be negligence,
and manlie infirmitie, doeth not proffeitt so mekill as thei wold att
the verray instant actioun of the Supper, yit shall it after bring
furth frute, as livelie seid sawin in good ground; for the Holy
Spreit, whiche can never be devided frome the rycht institutioun of
the Lord Jesus, will not frustrat the faythfull of the frute of that
misticall actioun. But all this, we say, cumis by trew fayth, whiche
apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who onlie maikis his Sacramentis effectuall
unto us; and, thairfoir, whosoever sclandereth us, as that we affirmed
or beleved Sacramentis to be onlie naiked and bair signes, do injurie
unto us, and speak against a manifest treuth. But this liberallie and
francklie we most confess, that we maik ane distinctioun betwix Christ
Jesus, in his naturall substance,[249] and betwix the elementis in the
Sacramentall signes; so that we will neather wirschip the signes in
place of that which is signifeid by thame; neather yit do we dispyse
and interprete thame as unprofitable and vane; but do use thame with
all reverence, examyning our selfis diligentlie befoir that so we do,
becaus we ar assured by the mouth of the Apostle, "That sick as eat of
that bread, and drynk of that cupp, unworthelie, ar guyltie of the
body and bloode[250] of the Lord Jesus."

  [248] In the old printed copies, "two chief;" and "now instituted."

  [249] In the old printed copies, "in his eternall substance."

  [250] In the editions 1561, "and of the blood of Christ Jesus."


OFF THE RYCHT ADMINISTRATIOUN OF THE SACRAMENTIS.--CAP. XXII.

[Sidenote: Christians may not participate with the Papists in their
Sacraments.]

[Sidenote: Women may not Baptise.]

[Sidenote: The Papists commit sacriledge.]

[Sidenote: Such as think not rightly of the Lords Supper receive it
not worthely.]

That Sacramentis be rychtlie ministred, we judge twa thingis requisit:
the one, That thei be ministred be lauchfull ministeris, whome we
affirme to be onlie thei that ar appointed to the preaching of the
worde, or into whose mouthis God hes putt some sermoun of
exhortatioun, thei being men lauchfullie chosin thairto by some Kirk.
The other, That thei be ministred in sic elementis, and in sic sorte
as God hath appointed. Ellis we affirme, that thei cease to be rycht
Sacramentis of Christ Jesus. And, thairfoir, it is, that we flye the
societie with the Papisticall Kirk, in participatioun of thair
Sacramentis; first, becaus thair ministeris ar no ministeris of Christ
Jesus; yea, (whiche is more horrible) thei suffer wemen, whome the
Holy Ghost will not suffer to teache in the congregatioun, to Baptise.
And, secoundlie, Becaus thei have so adulterat, both the one sacrament
and the other, with thair awin inventionis, that na pairte of Christis
actioun abydeth in the originall puritie; for oyle, salt,
spattle,[251] and siclyk in baptisme, are but menis inventionis;
adoratioun, veneratioun, bearing throcht streittis and townes, and
keaping of bread in boxes or buistis, are prophanatioun of Christis
Sacramentis, and no use of the same: For Christ Jesus said, "Tak, eat,
&c.; Do ye this in remembrance of me." By which wordis and charge he
sanctifeid bread and wyne to be the sacrament of his body[252] and
blude; to the end, that the one should be eatten, and that all should
drink of the other; and not that thei should be keapt to be wirschiped
and honoured as God, as the blynd Papistis have done heirtofoir, who
also have committed sacriledge, stealling frome the people the one
parte of the Sacrament, to witt, the blissed cupp. Moreover, that the
Sacramentis be rychtlie used, it is requyred, that the end and caus
why the Sacramentis war institut, be understand and observed, alsweall
of the minister as of the receaveris; for yf the opinioun be changed
in the receavare, the rycht use ceasseth; whiche is most evident by
the rejectioun of the sacrifices, (as also yf the teachar teache[253]
fals doctrin,) whiche war odiouse and abominable unto God (albeit
thei war his awin ordinances,) becaus that wicked men use thame to ane
other end than God hath ordeaned. The same affirme we of the
sacramentis in the Papisticall Kirk, in whiche we affirme the haill
actioun of the Lord Jesus to be adulterat, alsweill in the externall
forme, as in the end and opinioun. What Christ Jesus did, and
commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelistis [quho speak
of the Sacrament,][254] and by Sanct Paule: What the preast does at
his altare we neid not to rehearse. The end and caus of Christis
institutioun, and why the self same should be used, is expressed in
these wordis,--"Do this in remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eatt
off this bread and drynk of this cupp, ye shall schaw furth, (that is,
extoll, preache, and magnifie,[255]) the Lordis death till he come."
But to what end, and in what opinioun the preastis say thair masses,
lett the wordis of the same, thair awin doctouris and writtingis
witness, to witt, that thei, as mediatouris betwix Christ and his
Kirk, do offerr unto God the Father ane sacrifice propitiatorie for
the synnes of the quick and the dead. Which doctrine, as blasphemous
to Christ Jesus, and macking derogatioun to the sufficiencie of his
onlie sacrifice, ones offered for purgatioun of all those that shalbe
sanctified, we utterlie abhorr, detest, and renunce.

  [251] In some copies, "spittle."

  [252] In some copies, "his holy body."

  [253] In the old printed copies, "gif the teacher plainly teach, &c.
  befoir God."

  [254] Supplied from MS. G; but the old printed copies also read, "by
  the Evangelistis, and by Sanct Paule;" omitting the word "three."

  [255] In the old printed copies, "preach, magnifie, and prayse."


TO WHOME SACRAMENTIS APPERTEANE.--CAP. XXIII.

We Confesse and acknawledge that Baptisme apperteaneth alsweall to the
infantis of the faithfull, as to those that be of age and discretioun.
And so we dampne the errour of [the] Anabaptistes, who deny baptisme
to apperteane to children, befoir that thei have faith and
understanding. But the Supper of the Lord, we confesse to apperteane
onlie to sick as[256] have bene of the houshold of faith, [and] can
try and examyn thame selfis, asweill in thair faith, as in thair
dewtie towardis thair nychtbouris. Such as eat [and drink] at that
holy table without fayth, or being at dissentioun and divisioun with
thare brethren, do eat unworthelye: and thairfoir it is, that in our
Kirkis our Ministeris tackis publict and particulare examinatioun of
the knowledge and conversatioun of suche as are to be admitted to the
table of the Lord Jesus.

  [256] In the old printed copies, "to sic onlie as be of the houshald."


OF THE CIVILE MAGISTRAT.--CAP. XXIV.

We Confesse and acknawledge impyres, kyngdomes, dominiounis, and
cities to be distincted and ordaned by God: the powers and authorities
in the same (be it of Emperouris in thair impyris, of Kingis in thair
realmes, Dukis and Princes in thair dominiounis, or of otheris
Magistratis in free cities,) to be Godis holy ordinance, ordeaned for
manifestatioun of his awin glorie, and for the singulare proffeit and
commodite of mankynd. So that whosoever goes about to tack away or to
confound the haill state of civile policies, now lang establisched, we
affirme the same men not onlie to be ennemyes to mankynd, but also
wickedlie to feght against Godis expressed will. We farther Confesse
and acknawledge, that sic personis as are placed in authoritie are to
be loved, honoured, feared, and holdin in most reverent estimatioun;
becaus [that] thei are the lieutennentis of God, in whose sessioun God
him self doeth sitt and judge, (yea evin the Judges and Princes thame
selfis,) to whome by God is gevin the sweard, to the praise and
defence of good men, and to revenge and puniss all open malefactouris.
Moreover, to Kingis, Princes, Reullaris, and Magistratis, we affirme
that cheiflie and maist principallie the reformatioun[257] and
purgatioun of the Religioun apperteanes; so that not onlie thei are
appointed for civile policey, bot also for mantenance of the trew
Religioun, and for suppressing of idolatrie and superstitioun
whatsomever, as in David, Josaphat, Ezechias, Josias, and otheris,
heychtlie commended for thair zeall in that caise, may be espyed. And
thairfoir we confesse and avow, that sick as resist the Supreme power,
(doing that thing which apperteanis to his charge,) do resist Goddis
ordinance, and thairfoir can not be guyltless. And farther, we
affirme, that whosoever deny unto thame thair aid, counsall, and
conforte, while the Princes and Reullaris vigilantlie travaill in the
executing[258] of thair office, that the same men deny thair help,
supporte, and counsall to God, who by the presence of his lieutennent
craveth it of thame.

  [257] In the old printed copies, "conservatioun."

  [258] In the old printed copies, "in executioun."


THE GIFTIS FRELIE GEVIN TO THE KIRK.--CAP. XXV.

Albeit that the word of God trewlie preached, [and] the Sacramentis
rychtlie ministred, and discipline executed according to the word of
God, be the certane and infallible signes of the trew Kirk; yit do we
nott so meane, that everie[259] particulare persone joyned with sick
ane cumpany, be ane elect member of Christ Jesus. For we acknawledge
and confesse, that darnell, cokle, and chaff, may be sawin, grow, and
in great abundance lye in the myddis of the wheat; that is, the
reprobat may be joyned in the societie of the elect, and may
externallie use with thame the benefites of the word and sacramentis;
but sic being butt temporall professouris in mouth, but not in heart,
do fall back and continew not to the end: and thairfoir haif thei no
fruit of Christis death, resurrectioun, nor assentioun. But sick as
with heart unfeanedlie beleve, and with mouth boldlie confesse the
Lord Jesus, (as befoir we have said,) shall most assuredly resave
these giftis; first, In this lyfe, remissoun of synnes, and that by
faith onlie in Christis blude, insamekle, that albeit syne remane and
continuallie abyd in these our mortall bodyes, yit it is not imputed
unto us, but is remitted and covered with Christis justice. Secondlie,
In the generall judgement thair shalbe gevin to everie man and woman
resurrectioun of the flesche; for the sea shall geve hir dead, the
earth those that thairin be inclosed; yea, the Eternall, our God,
shall stretche out his hand upoun the dust, and the dead shall aryse
incorruptible, and that in the substance of the [self] same flesche
that everie man now bearis, to resave, according to thair warkis,
glorie or punishment: for sik as now delyte in vanitie, creueltye,
filthynes, superstitioun, or idolatrie, shalbe adjudged to the fyre
inextinguishable, in the whiche thei shalbe tormented for ever,
alsweall in thair awin bodyes, as in thair saullis, whiche now thei
give to serve the devill in all abominatioun. Butt sik as continew in
weall doing to the end, boldlie professing the Lord Jesus, [we
constantly beleve, that they sall receive glorie, honour, and
immortalitie, to reigne for ever in life everlasting with Christ
Jesus,][260] to whose glorifeid body all his Elect shalbe [made] lyke,
when he shall appeir agane to judgement, and shall render up the
kingdome to God his Father, who then shalbe, and ever shall remane all
in all thingis, God blessed for evir: To whome, with the Sone, and
with the Holy Ghost, be all honour and glorie, now and ever. AMEN.

  [259] In the old printed copies, "the trew Kirk; we meane not that
  every."

  [260] This clause, omitted by Knox's amanuensis, is not contained in
  Vautr. edit., or in the later MSS.

_Aryse, O Lord, and lett thy ennemyes be confounded: Lett thame flye
frome thy presence that hait thy godlie name: Give thy Servandis
strenth to speak thy word in boldnes; and lett all Nationis atteane
to[261] thy trew knowledge._

  [261] In the old printed copies of the Confession, "cleif," "cleve,"
  or "cleave to."

     THIE ACTIS AND ARTICLES WAR RED[262] IN FACE OF PARLIAMENT,
         AND RATIFIED BE THE THRE ESTAITIS OF THIS REALME, AT
         EDINBURGH, THE SEVINTENE DAY OF AUGUST,[263] THE YEAR OF GOD
         J^M. V^C. AND THRESCOIR YEARIS.

  [262] In the Acts 1560 and 1567, "ar red."

  [263] In the MSS. of Knox, and in Vautrollier's edition, the erroneous
  date, 17th July, is given instead of the 17th August, as the day when
  the Confession of Faith was ratified by Parliament. The same mistake
  occurs in the rare edition of the Confession, printed at Edinburgh by
  John Scott, 1561, 4to.--See Herbert's Typographical Antiquities, vol.
  iii. p. 1817.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE MERSCHELLIS VOTE IN PARLIAMENT]


THIS oure CONFESSIOUN was publictlie red, first in audience of the
Lordis of Articles, and after in audience of the haill Parliament;
whair war present, not onlie suche as professed Christ Jesus, but also
a great number of the adversaries of our religioun, suche as the
foirnamed Bishoppis, and some others of the Temporall Estate, who war
commanded in Goddis name to object, yf thei could, any thing against
that doctrine. Some of our Ministeris war present, standing upoun
thair feit, reddye to have ansuered, in caise any wald haif defended
the Papistrie, and impugned oure affirmatives: but whill that no
objectioun was maid, thair was a day appointed to voting in that and
other headis. Oure Confessioun was redd, everie article by itself,
over agane, as thei war wryttin in ordour, and the vottis of everie
man war requyred accordinglie. Of the Temporall Estate onlie voted in
the contrair, the Erle of Atholl,[264] the Lordis Somervaill[265] and
Borthwik;[266] and yit for thair disassenting thei produced no bettir
reassone, but, "We will beleve as oure fatheris beleved." The
Bischoppis, (Papisticall, we meane,) spack nothing. The rest of the
haill thre Estaittis, by thair publict votes, affirmed the doctrine;
and many, the rather, becaus that the Bischoppis wold nor durst say
nothing in the contrair; for this was the vote of the Erle
Merschell,[267]--"It is long since I have had some favour unto the
trewth, and since that I have had a suspitioun of the Papisticall
religioun; but, I praise my God, this day hes fully resolved me in the
one and the other. For seing that my Lordis Bischoppis, who for thair
learing can, and for the zeall that thei should bear to the veritie,
wold, as I suppose, ganesay any thing that directlie repugnes to the
veritie of God; seing, I say, my Lordis Bischoppis heir present
speakis nothing in the contrair of the doctrine proponed, I can nott
but hold it to be the verie trewth of God, and the contrarie to be
deceavable doctrine. And thairfoir, so far as in me lyeth, I approve
the one and dampne the other: And do farther ask of God, that not
onlie I, but also all my posteritie, may enjoy the comforte of the
doctrin that this day our earis have hearde. And yitt more, I man
vote, as it war by way of protestatioun, that yf any persones
ecclesiasticall shall after this oppone thame selfis to this our
Confessioun, that thei have no place nor credite, considdering that
thei having long advisement, and full knawledge of this oure
Confessioun, none is now found in lauchfull, free, and quyete
Parliament to oppone thame selfis to that whiche we professe: And
thairfoir, yf any of this gencratioun pretend to do it after this, I
protest he be repute rather one that loveth his awin commoditie and
the glorie of the world, than the trewth of God, and the salvatioun of
menis saullis."

  [264] John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl. He succeeded his father in
  1542. He enjoyed the favour of Queen Mary, and promoted her marriage
  with Darnley. He afterwards joined in the Association, and signed the
  warrant for the Queen's custody in Loch-Leven. In 1577, he became Lord
  Chancellor of Scotland, and died 24th April 1579.

  [265] James sixth Lord Somerville, succeeded to the title in 1550.
  From Sadler's Correspondence it appears he was in England in 1543, as
  a hostage for his father, who had been taken prisoner at Solway.
  (State Papers, vol. i. pp. 182, 348.) His name occurs as signing the
  Bond in April 1560: (see page 63.) It may be questioned, therefore,
  whether Knox is quite correct in the names of the persons whom he
  mentions as having openly opposed the Confession in Parliament. See in
  the Appendix an extract from Randolph the English envoy's letter to
  Sir William Cecil, on the 19th of August, in which he says, "of the
  Temporal Lords, the Earl of Cassillis, and the Earl of Caithness, said
  Noe; the rest of the Lords, with common consent, allowed the same."
  (Tytler's Hist. of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 184, note.) Lord Sommerville,
  who continued his adherence to the Queen's party, at the battle of
  Langsyde, in May 1568, was severely wounded; and he died in the month
  of December following.

  [266] John fifth Lord Borthwick, in 1543, was served heir of his
  father, William fourth Lord Borthwick, (his elder brother, the Master
  of Borthwick, having died without issue.) He assisted the Queen Regent
  in her contests with the Lords of the Congregation, and died in 1565.

  [267] William Keith, fourth Earl Marischall, who succeeded his
  grandfather in 1530. In 1541 he was appointed Extraordinary Lord of
  Session. See vol. i. p. 251. note 2. He died 7th October 1581, having
  spent many of his latter years in retirement, in his Castle of
  Dunnottar.

After the voting and ratificatioun of this oure Confessioun, by the
haill body of the Parliament, thair war also pronunced two Actis, the
one against the Masse and the abuse of the Sacramentis, and the other
against the Supreamacye of the Pape;[268] the tenouris whairof
followis:--

  [268] The Acts referred to were renewed in the Parliament, held by the
  Regent Earl of Murray, in December 1567. There was likewise another
  Act annulling all former Acts made for the maintenance of Idolatry, or
  "contrary to the Confession of Fayth, published in this Parliament."
  It was only by such ratifications that any proceedings of the
  Parliament in 1560 were recorded. The Acts alluded to were republished
  in a separate form, along with some of a subsequent date, connected
  with Religion.--1st, in an edition "Imprintit at Edinburgh, be Johne
  Ros, Anno Do. 1580," 4to; and 2dly, at "Edinburgh, prentit be Robert
  Waldegrave," 1593, 4to.

THE ACT AGAINST THE MESSE.[269]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent of Julij, the year of
God J^m fyve hundreth threscoir yearis, the said Parliament being
continewed to the first of August nixt thairafter following, with
continewatioun of dayis, upoun the twenty-four day of the said moneth
of August, the Thre Estaitis then being present: The whiche day,
forsamekle as Almychtie God be his maist trew and blessed worde, hes
declaired the reverence and honour quhilk should be gevin to him: and,
be his Sone Jesus Christ, has declaired the trew use of the
Sacramentis, willing the same to be used according to his will and
worde: Be the quhilk it is notour and perfitlie knawin that the
Sacramentis of Baptisme and of the body and bloode of Jesus Christ,
hes bene in all tymes bygane corrupted be the Papisticall Kirk, and be
thair usurpit ministeris; and presentlie, notwithstanding the
Reformatioun allreaddy maide according to Goddis worde, yit nottheless
thair is some of the same Papis Kirk that stubburnelie perseveris in
thair wicked idolatrie, sayand Messe, and Baptizand conforme to the
Papis Kirk, prophanand thairthrow the Sacramentis foirsaidis, in
quyett and secreatt places, regardand thairthrow nowther God nor his
worde: Thairfoir it is statut and ordeaned in this present Parliament,
that na maner of persone nor personis, in ony tyme cuming, administrat
ony of the Sacramentis foirsaidis secreatlie, or ony other maner of
way, but thei that ar admitted and havand power to that effect; nor
say Messe, nor yit hear Messe, nor he present thairat, under the paine
of confiscatioun of all thair goodis, [movabill and unmovabill,] and
punisheing of thair bodyis at the discretioun of the Magistrattis,
within whais jurisdiction sick personis happynnis to be apprehended,
for the first fault; banisching of the Realme, for the secound fault;
and justifieing to the dead, for the thrid falt: And ordainis all
Schireffis, Stewartis, Bailleis, and thair deputtis, Provestis, and
Bailleis of Burrowis, and otheris judges whatsumever, within this
Realme, to taik diligent suyt and inquisitioun within thair boundis,
whair ony sick usurped ministerie is used; Messe saying, or thei that
beis present at the doing thairof, ratifeand and apprevand the samyn,
and tack and apprehend thame, to the effect that the panis above
wrettin may be execut upon thame.

_Extractum de libro Parliamenti, per me, etc._

                                    (_Sic subscribitur_,)
                                             JACOBUS M^CGILL.[270]

  [269] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the Messe
  abolischit, and punisching of all that heiris or sayis the
  samin.--Cap. v."

  [270] Mr. James M^cGill, Clerk Register: see a subsequent note.


THE ACT FOR ABOLISHING THE JURISDICTIOUN OF THE PAPE.[271]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent day of Julij, the year
of God J^m V^c lx yearis, and thairefter continewit to the first day
of August nixt thairefter following, with continewatioun of dayes,
upoun the xxiiij of the said moneth of August:[272] The thre Estaitis,
then being present, understanding that the jurisdictioun and
authoritie of the Bischope of Rome, callit the Pape, usit [with]in
this Realme in tymes bypast, hes [not onlie bene contumelious to the
Eternall God, but also] verry hurtsome and prejudiciall to our
Soveranis authoritie, and commoun weall of this Realme: Thairfoir hes
statut and ordainit, that the Bischope of Rome, [callit the Paip,]
have na jurisdictioun nor authoritie [with]in this Realme in tymes
cuming; and that nane of oure said Soveranis subjectis sute or desyre,
in ony tyme heirefter, tytill or rycht, be the said Bischope of Rome
or his sect, to ony thing within this Realme, under the panis of
Barratrie; that is to say, proscriptioun, banishment, and never to
bruik honour, office, nor dignitie within this Realme: And the
contraveaneris heirof, to be callit befoir the Justice or his
deputtis, or befoir the Lordis of the Sessioun, and punist thairfoir
according to the lawis of this Realme: And the furnessaris of thame
with fynance of money, and purchessaris of thair tytle of rycht, or
manteaneris and defenderis of thame, sall incurr the samyn panis: And
that na Bischope, nor uther Prelatt of this Realme, use ony
jurisdictioun in tymes to cum, be the said Bischope of Rome's
authoritie, under the paine foirsaid.

                                               _Extractum, etc._

  [271] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the
  abolissing of the Pape, and his usurpit authoritie.--Cap. iii."

  [272] See note to the preceding Act, which was passed on the same day.

These and other thingis ordourlie done in lauchfull and free
Parliament,[273] we direct to France, to our Soveranis, Sir James
Sandelandis, Lord of Sanct Johne,[274] with the Actes of the said
Parliament, that by thame thei mycht be ratifeid according to the
promeisse of thair Heyghness Commissionaris maid to us, as by the
Contract of Peace most evidentlie may appear. Bot how the said Lord of
Sanct Johne was entreated we list nott reherse; but alwyis no
Ratificatioun brought he unto us.[275] But that we litill regarded, or
yit do regarde; for all that we did was rather to schaw our debtfull
obedience, then to bege of thame any strenth to our Religioun, whiche
from God hes full powar, and neideth nott the suffrage of man, but in
so far as man hath neid to beleve it, yf that ever he shall have
participatioun of the lyfe everlesting. But somewhat most we answer to
suche as since hes whispered, that it was but a pretended Parliament
and a privye conventioun, and no lauchfull Parliament. Thair reassonis
ar, the King and Quene war in France; thair was neather sceptour,
sweard, nor croune borne, &c., and some principall Lordis war absent.
We answer, That we rather wishe the Papistis to be quyett, nor too
curiouslie to travell in that head; for it may be, that whill thei
think to hurte us, thei tack the Quene and hir authoritie a great
blawe, and yitt amend thame selffis nothing. For in whose defalt, we
pray yow, was the Quene absent frome this Realme? We think thei will
not be so schameless as that thei will blame the Protestantis thairof.
Her persone was absent, and [that] to no small greaff of our hartis.
But war nott the Estaitis of hir Realme assembled in hir name? Yea,
had thei nott hir full power and commissioun, yea, the commissioun
and commandiment of hir head the King of France, to convocat that
Parliament, and to do all thingis that may be done in lauchfull
Parliament, evin as yf oure Soveranis had bene thair in proper
personis? Yf thei will limitat the power of princes to the places
onlie whair thair bodelye presence is, it will be thocht strange; for
so not onlie shall Kingis be compellit to content thame with one
Realme, but also with one citie; for the bodilie presence of Kingis
can no more be in diverse cities in one instant, then that thei can be
in diverse Realmes. Hitherto we haif understand, that whairsoever the
Counsallouris of the King, with his power and commissioun, ar
assembled to do any thing at his commandiment, that thair is the
Kingis sufficient presence and authoritie, whairsoever his awin body
be leving at fredome and libertie. Which, yf the Papistis deny, we
will find faultis with thame, and with the princes whome thei have
abused, that more will annoy thame then anything that we can lose by
the insufficiencie of that Parliament; whiche not the less we ar bold
to affirme, to have bene more lauchfull, and more free then any
Parliament that thei ar able to produce this hundreth year befoir it,
or yitt any that hath ensewed since it was; for in it, the votes of
men war free, and gevin of conscience: in otheris thei war bought or
gevin at the devotioun of the prince. All thingis in it concluded ar
able to abyde the tryall, and nott to be consumed at the prufe of the
fyre. Off otheris the godly may justly call in dowbt thingis
determined.

  [273] As already mentioned, no record of the proceedings of this
  Parliament in August 1560, was included in any of the printed
  collections of the Public Statutes, until Mr. Thomson restored the
  three Acts, (see page 123, note 1,) along with the Confession of
  Faith, in his edition of Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. pp. 525-535. An
  abstract of the proceedings was furnished to Bishop Keith, by Father
  Innes, from Archbishop Beaton's MSS. in the Scots College, Paris: a
  copy of this abstract will be given in the Appendix, along with the
  extract of Randolph's letter, mentioned at page 121, note 2.

  [274] James Sandilands, second son of Sir James Sandilands of Calder,
  (see vol. i. page 301,) became Preceptor of Torphichen, (ib. page
  249,) and in virtue of this office, under the title of Lord St. John,
  he had a seat in Parliament. He was employed in several embassies; and
  with the rest of his family he joined the Reformers; this mission to
  France shews the estimation in which he was held. Having obtained a
  grant of the possessions of the Knights Templars and Hospitallers in
  Scotland in 1563, the same were erected into a Free Barony or a
  Temporal Lordship, in his favour, by Queen Mary, as Lord Torphichen;
  and he relinquished his former title of Lord St. John. See the copy of
  the Charter, dated 24th January 1563-4, with several interesting
  notices regarding the Templar Lands and Dignities, by Mr. Maidment, in
  the Spottiswoode Miscellany, (vol. ii. pp. 17-32,) Edinb. 1845, 8vo.
  James Lord Torphichen, died 29th November 1596, leaving no issue, and
  his estates and title devolved on his grand-nephew, James Sandilands
  of Calder.

  [275] See note 1, page 131.

To the sweard and sceptour, nor yitt to the absence of some Lordis, we
ansuere nothing; for oure adversaries know weall yneuche that the one
is rather a pompe and gloriouse vane ceremonye, than a substantiall
point of necessitie, requyred to a lauchfull Parliament; and the
absence of some prejudges nott the poweris of the present, providing
that dew advertisement be made unto thame. But now we returne to oure
Historye.

THE Parliament dissolved, consultatioun was had, how the Kirk mycht be
establissed in a good and godlie Policy, whiche by the Papistes was
altogether defaced. Commissioun and charge was gevin to Mr. Johne
Winram[276] Suppriour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne Spottiswoode,
Johne Willok, Mr. John Douglas Rectour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne
Row, and Johne Knox, to draw in a volume the Polecey and Disciplyn of
the Kirk, as weill as thei had done the Doctrin; whiche thei did and
presented to the Nobilitie, who did peruse it many dayis. Some
approved it, and willed the samyn have bene sett furth be a law.
Otheris, perceaving thair carnall libertie and worldlie commoditie
somewhat to be impaired thairby grudged, insomuche that the name of
the Book of Discipline became odious unto thame. Everie thing that
repugned to thair corrupt affectionis, was termed in thair mockage,
"devote imaginationis." The caus we have befoir declaired; some war
licentious; some had greadelie gripped to the possessionis of the
Kirk; and otheris thought that thei wald nott lack thair parte of
Christis coat; yea, and that befoir that ever he was hanged, as by the
Preachearis thei war oft rebuked. The cheaf great man that had
professed Christ Jesus, and refuissed to subscrive the Book of
Discipline, was the Lord Erskyn;[277] and no wonder, for besydis that
he has a verray Jesabell to his wyffe, yf the poore, the schooles, and
the ministerie of the Kirk had thair awin, his keching wald lack two
parttis and more, of that whiche he injustlie now possesses.
Assuredlye some of us have woundered how men that professe godlynes
could of so long continewance hear the threatnyngis of God against
theavis and against thair housses, and knowing thame selfis guyltie in
suche thingis, as war openlie rebucked, and that thei never had
remorse of conscience, neather yitt intended to restore any thingis of
that, whiche long thei had stollen and reft. Thair was none within the
Realme more unmercyfull to the poore Ministeris then war thei whiche
had greatest rentis of the Churches. But in that we have perceaved the
old proverbe to be trew, "Nothing can suffice a wreche;" and agane,
"The bellie hes none earis." Yitt the same Book of Discipline was
subscrived by a great parte of the Nobilitie: to witt, the Duckis
Grace, the Erle of Arrane, the Erles Ergyle, Glencarne, Merschall,
Menteth, Mortoun, Rothes, Lord James, now Erle of Murray; Lordis
Yester, Boyd, Vchiltree; Maister of Maxwell,[278] Lord Lyndesay elder,
and the Maister now Lord;[279] Baronis Drumlanryg, Lochinwar,
Garleise, Bargany; Mr. Alexander Gordoun Byschop of Galloway,
Alexander Campbell Deane of Murray, with a great number mo, subscrived
and approved the said Book of Discipline,[280] in the Tolbuyth of
Edinburgh, the twenty-sevin day of Januare, the year of God J^m V^c
threscoir yearis, by thair approbatioun, in these wordis:--

  [276] In Knox's MS. 1566, the names of Winram and Douglas are added on
  the margin, apparently in his own hand; in the text being simply
  styled, "_the_ Suppriour," &c., and "_the_ Rectour," &c., "the," being
  afterwards deleted. In Vautr. edit., and the later MSS., the names are
  introduced into the text. The transcriber of MS. G, has, however,
  omitted the name of "John Willok," as one of the compilers of the Book
  of Discipline.

  [277] This charge of avarice was made against John Lord Erskine,
  afterwards Earl of Mar, and Regent of Scotland; who had married
  Annabella Murray, eldest daughter of Sir William Murray of
  Tullibardine, and Catherine, daughter of Sir Duncan Campbell of
  Glenurchy.

  [278] In MS. G, "Maister of Maxwell, thairefter Lord Herise." Sir John
  Maxwell, in virtue of his marriage with the eldest daughter and
  co-heiress of William third Lord Herries, assumed that title in 1567.

  [279] John fifth Lord Lindesay of Byres, died in 1563, and was
  succeeded by his eldest son Patrick, Master of Lindesay.

  [280] Upon comparing this list of names with the signatures attached
  to the Book of Discipline, it will be seen that Knox's amanuensis has
  unfortunately copied them only in part, as the names of the Earls of
  Marischal, Monteith, and Morton, and a few others here specified, are
  not given. See the end of Book Third, in the present volume.

"WE quhilk have subscrivit thir presentis, havand advised with the
Articles herein specified, and as is above mentionat, from the
begyning of this Book, thinkis the samyn goode, and conforme to
Goddis word in all poyntis, conforme to the notes and additionis
thairto eikked; and promittis to sett the same fordwarte at the
uttermost of oure poweris, providing that the Bischoppis, Abbottis,
Priouris, and utheris Prelattis and beneficed men, quhilkis ellis have
adjoyned thameselfis to us, bruik the revenues of thair benefices
during thair lyfetymes, thei susteanyng and upholding the Ministerie
and Ministeris, as is heirin specified, for preaching of the worde,
and ministring of the sacramentis."

What be the contentis of the haill Book, and how that this promeise
was illuded frome tyme to tyme, we will after hear.

       *       *       *       *       *

Schort after the said Parliament, war send from the counsall
Ambassadouris to England, the Erles Mortoun and Glencarne, togidder
with William Maitland of Lethingtoun youngare. The cheaf poynt of
thair commissioun was earnestlie to crave the constant assistance of
the Quenis Majestie of England, against all forane invasioun, and to
propone the Earle of Arrane (who then was in no small estimatioun with
us) to the Quene of England in mariage.[281]

  [281] In the Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 605, "The Commission of the
  Estates to move Queene Elizabeth of England to tak the Erle of Arran
  to hir husband," in August 1560, is inserted, with the signatures,
  from the original, preserved among the Hamilton archives. This
  Commission authorized "that honorable personis be sent in ambassat fra
  and on behalf of the Estates." The ambassadors, the Earls of Morton
  and Glencairn, and Maitland of Lethington, set out from Edinburgh,
  accompanied with fifty-four horse, on the 11th or 12th October 1560.
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 62.) They returned on the 3d of January
  1560-61. (Ib. pp. 63, 281.)

That same tyme was the Castell of Sempill[282] besieged and tane,
because the Lord thairof disobeyed the lawes and ordinances of the
Counsall in many thingis, and especiallie in that, that he wold
manteane the idolatrie of the Messe, and also that he besett the way
to the Erle of Arrane, with a great gathering, as he was ryding with
his accustumed companye.

  [282] "My Lord Duke and the Earl of Arrane, his son, on the 24th
  September 1560, departit to cast doun my Lord Sempills hous;" and on
  the 14th October, "the Castell of Sempill was tane be my Lord Duke."
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 62, 63.)

Castle Semple is in the parish of Lochwinnoch, and county of Renfrew,
and stood at the northern end of the lake called Lochwinnoch, from
which the parish derived its name: it was demolished in the year 1735,
and replaced by a modern mansion.

The Papistis war proude, for thei looked for ane new armye from France
at the nixt spring, and thairof was thair no small appearance, yf God
had not otherwyse provided. For France utterlie refused the
confirmatioun of the peace contracted at Leyth, wald ratifie no parte
of oure Parliament, dismissed the Lord of Sanct Johne without any
resolute ansure,[283] begane to gather new bandis of throte-cuttaris,
and to maik great preparatioun for schippes. Thei farther send befoir
thame certane practisaris (amonges whome the Lord Seatoun,[284] who
had departed with the Frenche out of Leyth was one) to rouse up new
trubles within this Realme. And all this came partlie of the malice of
the house of Gwise, who had avowed to revenge the displeasour of thair
sister, boyth upoun England and Scotland, and partlie by instigatioun
of proud Beatoun, falslie called Bischope of Glasgu, of Dury, Abbot of
Dumfermeling, Saulles Seatoun,[285] and Mr. John Sinklar, Dene of
Restarick,[286] with suche utheris of the Frenche factioun,[287] who
had openlie spokin, that thei had refused all portioun of Scotland,
onless that it war under the government of a Frenche man. "Recompense
thame, O Lord, as thou knowest maist expedient for thy awin glorie,
and for the perpetuall schame of all tratouris to thair
commoun-wealth."

  [283] The journey of Lord St. John seems to have been delayed for
  nearly a month after the dissolution of Parliament. Robert Melville,
  who was to have accompanied him, addressed a letter to the Lady
  Cecill, on the 21st September, in which he says, "quhilk journay is
  alterit, and thought mare expedient that my Lord of Senjhone pass in
  France, quhaire I daire not go at this tyme. Seeing my Lord is
  desirous to offer his service untoyour Ladyship," &c. (Haynes's State
  Papers, p. 362.)--"Upoun the xxiij day of September, the zeir of God
  1560 zeiris, James Lord of Sanctjohne was directit as ambassadour, and
  departit to France, throw the Realme of Ingland, to obtane
  eonfirmatioun of the Quenis grace of this Realme, and hir Spouse,
  upoun the Actis maid of the Parliament foirsaid." (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, pp. 62, 280.) The same authority states, that on the 19th
  December, "James Lord Sanctjohne come furth of France to Edinburgh,
  and obtenit little or nathing of his errands expeid." (ib. p. 281.)

  [284] George sixth Lord Seaton, was one of the Commissioners sent to
  France in 1558, at the marriage of Queen Mary. On the Queen's return
  to Scotland, he was appointed Master of the Household, and remained
  attached to her in all her misfortunes.

  [285] So in the different MSS.; but it may be suggested, whether the
  name is not a mistake for the Abbot of Sauls Seat, (_Sedes Avimarum_,)
  in Wigtonshire.

  [286] In MS. G, "Restalrig."--Sinclair's name is added on the margin
  of MS. 1566.

  [287] The persons of the French faction here named, have been
  previously mentioned by Knox, viz. James Beaton, Archbishop of
  Glasgow, (vol. i. p. 252, note 2,) who survived till the year 1603;
  George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, (vol. i. p. 183, note 2); and John
  Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, (vol. i. p. 265, note 2,) became Bishop
  of Brechin in 1563. See _infra_, p. 141. Beaton and Seaton arrived at
  Paris on the 3d of August. (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 176.)

[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF THE YONG KING OF FRANCE, HUSBAND TO OUR
JESABELL.]

The certane knowledge of all these thingis came to our earis, whairat
many war effrayed; for diverse suspected that England wald nott be so
fordwarde in tymes to cum, considering that thair formar expensses war
so great. The principall conforte remaned with the preacheouris; for
thei assured us in Goddis name, that God should performe in all
perfectioun that worke in our handis, the begyning whairof he had so
mychtelie mainteaned, becaus it was not ouris, but his awin; and
thairfoir exhorted us that we should constantlie proceid to reforme
all abuses, and to plant the ministerie of the Churche, as by Goddis
word we mycht justifie it, and then committ the successe of all to our
God, in whose power the dispositioun of kingdomes standis. And so we
begane to do, for troubles appearing, maid us give ear to the
admonitionis of Goddis servandis. And whill that we had skarslie
begune agane to implore the helpe of our God, and to schaw some signes
of our obedience unto his messingeris, and holy worde, lo! the potent
hand of God from above send unto us a wonderfull and most joyfull
deliverance: For unhappy Francis, husband to our Soverane, suddandlie
perissheth of a rottin ear. But becaus the death of that child was
nott onlie the cause of joy to us in Scotland, but also by it war the
faythfull in France delivered, as it ware, from the present death, we
think expedient to entreat the same somewhat more largelie.

[Sidenote: CORRECTED BE MR. GEORGE.][288]

  [288] There can be little doubt that by "Mr. George," we are to
  understand Mr. GEORGE BUCHANAN. He was in France at the time of the
  King's death, and it is highly probable he may not only have furnished
  Knox with the information contained in this paragraph, but also have
  supplied him with the translation of the Latin verses on page 136. The
  style of this version corresponds so much with the prose writings and
  the few letters of Buchanan written in his native tongue, as to
  warrant this ascription: but in either case, whether translated by
  Buchanan or Knox, these lines may be esteemed a literary curiosity.
  Buchanan returned to Scotland about the same time with Mary Queen of
  Scots, in the summer or autumn of 1561.

These cruell and conjured ennemyes of God, and of all godlynes, the
Duck of Gwyse, the Cardinall of Lorane, and thair factioun, who then
at thair awin appetite plaide the tyrantis in France, had determined
the destructioun[289] of all that professed the trew knowledge of
Jesus Christ within that Realme. What tyranny laite befoir thei had
used at Amboyse, the historie of France doth witness. Now, in
Orleance, in the moneth of November, conveyned the King, unhappie
Francis, the Quene oure Soverane, and the Quene Mother, the Duck of
Gweise, with all his factioun, the King of Navar, and the Prince his
brother.[290] So that great was the confluence of the Nobilitie; but
greater was the assemblie of the murtheraris; for thair was nott a
hangman in all France whiche was nott thair. The preasonis ware full
of the trew servandis of God: the King of Navar and the Prince war
constitut preasonaris. The Schereff of Orleance, a man fearing God,
was tackin, and so war many otheris of the toune. Breiflie, thair was
none that professed God or godlyness within that toune, that looked
nott for the extreamitie; for the walles and yettis war nycht and day
keapt with tha garnysonis of the Gwysianes: miserable men war dalie
browght in to suffer judgement, but none was suffered to departe furth
butt at the devotioun of the tyrantis. And so thei proceided till the
tent or twelft[291] of December, when that thei thowght tyme to putt
thair bloody counsall in executioun, and for that purpoise conclusioun
was tackin that the King should departe of the toune, and lye at a
certane place; whiche was done to this intent, that thair should no
suyte be maid to the King for the saiftie of any manis lyfe, whome
thei thowght worthy of death. And so was the Kingis house in Orleance
broken up, his beddis, cofferis, and tapistree sent away; his awin
buttis putt on, he sitting at the Messe, immediatlie thairafter to
have departed, and so thair tyrannie to have begune,--when all
thingis, we say, war into this readdyness to sched the bloode of
innocentis, the Eternall, our God, who ever watches for the
preservatioun of his awin, begane to work, and suddandlie did put his
awin werk in executioun. For as the said King satt at Messe, he was
suddandlie strikkin with ane aposthume, in that deaf eare that never
wald hear the treuth of God; and so was he caryed to ane void house,
layd upoun a palliase unto suche tyme as a cannabie was sett up unto
him; whair he lay till the fyftene day of December, in the year of God
J^m V^c threscoir yearis,[292] when his glorie perished, and the pryde
of the stubburne heart evanished in smok. And so was the snare brokin,
the tyrantis disappoynted of thair crueltye; those that war appointed
to death rased, as it war out of thair graves; and we, who by our
foolischnes had maid our selves slaves to strangearis, war restored
agane to freedome and libertie of a free Realme.

  [289] The account here given is not exaggerated, as the French
  Protestants were subjected to fearful persecutions, and the number of
  persons brought to the stake on account of religion, from time to
  time, would scarcely be credited, unless for the undeniable testimony
  of contemporary writers. The sudden death of Francis the Second, had
  undoubtedly the effect of preventing some intended atrocities against
  the Reformed party in France.

  [290] A blank space of about two lines left here in MS. 1566, as if to
  insert some additional names.

  [291] See next page, note 2.

  [292] The date here assigned for the death of the French monarch, is
  incorrect. He died on the 5th, not the 15th of December 1560,
  (although Mezeray, the French historian, says it was on the 4th of
  that month,) after a short reign of sixteen months and twenty-four
  days, in the 17th year of his age.

"Oh! that we had heartis deaplie to considder what ar thy wonderouse
workis, O Lord, that we mycht praise Thee in the myddest of this most
obstinat and wicked generatioun, and leave the memoriall of the same
to oure posterities, whiche, allace, we fear, shall forget thy
inestimable benefites." The godlie in France, upoun this suddane
death, sett furth in these verses ane admonitioun to Kingis:--

AD HUJUS TEMPORIS MONARCHAS PROTREPTICON CARMEN.[293]

    Consiliis Christum oppugnans et fraudibus, ingens
          Regum ille terror Carolus:
    Ipsis ridiculis pueris, furiosus, et excors,
          Totus repente corruit.
    Tuque Henrice, malis dum consultoribus utens,
          Sitis piorum sanguinem:
    Ipse tuo vecors, inopina, cæde peremptus
          Terram imbuisti sanguine.
    Henrici deinceps, sectans vestigia patris
          Franciscus infoelix puer,
    Clamantem Christum surda dum negligit aure,
          Aure putrefacta corruit.
    Versuti, fatui, surdi, hæc spectacula, Reges,
      Vos sapere vel mori jubent.

  [293] The writer of these verses is unknown. They occur in an
  anonymous work, containing much curious and important matter relating
  to the state of Religion in France, entitled, "Commentaires de l'Estat
  de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois Henry et Francois seconds,
  et Charles neufieme. (1556-1561.)--M.D.LXV." 8vo. foll. 262. The above
  "Vers Latins faicts sur la mort du Roy Francois," are thus introduced
  at fol. 100:

  "Non long temps apres furent divulguez quelques vers Latins faicts sur
  la mort dudict Roy Francois, du Roy Henry son pere, et de l'Empereur
  Charles cinquieme, qui m'ont semblé estre dignes de memoire, et
  d'estre conservez a la posterité: lesquels pourtant i'ay voulu icy
  adiouster, la superscription estant telle qu'il s'ensuit ey apres.

               "AD HVIVS TEMPORIS
προτρεπτικον
    Monarchas προτρεπτικον Carmen.

    _Consiliis Christum oppugnans," &c._

  There is a similar work entitled, "Commentariorum de Statu Religionis
  et Reipublicæ in Regno Franciæ, Pars I-V." by Joannes Serranus, a
  learned divine. The author of the "Commentaires," was Peter de la
  Place, an eminent lawyer, whom Henry the Second had appointed King's
  Advocate and President of the Court of Aids, in Paris. In 1560, he
  openly avowed himself a Protestant, which obliged him to leave Paris,
  and in the troubles that followed, his library and effects were
  pillaged or destroyed; and he himself eventually became one of the
  victims in the atrocious massacre of the Protestants on the eve of St.
  Bartholomew, 25th August 1572.


THE MEANYNG WHAIROF IS, THAT CHARLES--

    KYNGE CHARLES that tyrane terrible,
      Withstanding Christ with witt and craft,
    As mocking stock most miserable,
      Endit at ones ragine and daft.[294]
    Then Henrie through evill cumpany,
      Thristing the blood of godlie men,
    With his awin blood, schedd suddantlie,
      Was maid to wait the end ye ken.[295]
    Last, Francis, that unhappie child,
      His Father's footsteps following plane,
    To Christ crying, deafe eares did yeild,
      Ane rotten eare then was his baine.
    O craftie, deif, and foolische Kyngs,
      These fearfull judgments gone befoir you,
    Biddeth you be wyser in your reignes,
      Or schamefull death will sone devoir you.

  [294] The Emperor Charles the Fifth, and King of Spain. After having
  abdicated his throne to his son Philip the Second, in October 1555, he
  took up his retreat in the convent of St. Just, in the Province of
  Estramadura, in Spain. The change from an active life, and his
  mortified ambition, led to acts of fantastic devotion, which betrayed
  a weakness of understanding. He died 21st September 1558.

  [295] Henry the Second, King of France. His death, on the 10th July
  1559, is previously mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 371.

The death of this King maid great alteratioun in Fraunce, England, and
Scotland. France was erected in some esperance, that the tyranny of
the Gwysianis should no longar ring above thame, becaus that God at
unwares had brokin the staff whairupoun thei leaned. But, allace, thei
war deceaved: for the simplicitie of some was so abused, that, against
the lawes of the Realme, to the Quene Mother was committed regiment:
which lifted up asweill the Duck of Gwyse, as the cruell Cardinall for
a seassone.

The Quene of England and the Counsall, remitted our Ambassadouris with
answer, "That sche wald nott marye hastelye, and, thairfoir, willed
the Counsall of Scotland, and the Erle of Arrane, foirsaid, nott to
depend upoun any hope thairof."[296] What motives she had, we omitt.

  [296] This projected alliance with Elizabeth was the chief object, as
  mentioned at page 130, for which the Parliament had sent ambassadors
  to the Court of England. This scheme being thus frustrated, the death
  of Francis the Second suggested a similar alliance with Queen Mary.

The pryde of the Papists of Scotland begane to be abated, and some
that ever had schawin thame selfis ennemyes unto us, begane to think,
and planelie to speak, (amanges whom the auld Schiref of Ayr[297] was
one,) that thei perceaved God to feght for us. The Erle of Arrane him
self did more patientlie abyd the repulse of the Quene of England,
becaus that he was nott altogitther without hope that the Quene of
Scotland bare unto him some favour. And so he wrait unto her, and send
for credite a ryng, whiche the said Quene our Soverane knew well
yneuch. The letter and ring war baith presented to the Quene, and of
her receaved. Answer was returned to the said Erle, after the whiche
he maid no farther persuyte in that mater: and yitt, not the less, he
bare it heavelie in harte,[298] and more heavelie then many wold have
wissed.

  [297] Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, heritable Sheriff of the county of
  Ayr, had succeeded his father, Sir Hugh, in the year 1508. He survived
  till February 1561-2. His son and successor, Sir Matthew Campbell, was
  a zealous and decided supporter of the Reformation.

  [298] The disappointment that attended his overtures of marriage with
  Queen Mary, seems to have preyed on the Earl of Arran's spirits, and
  before long to have unfitted him for all public employment.

       *       *       *       *       *

The certaintie of the death foirsaid was signified unto us both by sea
and land. By sea receaved Johnne Knox (who then had great intelligence
both with the churches,[299] and some of the Courte of France)
letteris, that the King was mortallye seak, and could nott weall
eschap the death. Which letteris receaved, that same day at afternoon,
he passed to the Duckis Grace, to his awin ludging at the Kirk of
Feild,[300] [with] whome he fand the Lord James in conference
togitther, (the Erle of Arrane was in Jedburgh,) to whome he opened
such newis as he had receaved, and willed thame to be of good
conforte; for, said he, the advertissare never hes yitt abused me: it
is the same gentilman that first gave us knawledge of the slauchter of
Hary King of France; and shew unto thame the letter, but wold nott
expresse the manis name. Whill thei war reassonying in diverse
purposes; and he upoun the one parte conforting thame, and thei upoun
the other parte conforting him, (for he was in no small heaviness be
reassone of the late death of his dear bedfellow, Marjorie
Bowis,)[301] whill (we say) thei three war familiarlie commonyng
togetther, thair came a messinger from the Lord Grey,[302] furth of
Berwick, with letteris, assuring him of the death of the King of
France. Which devulgat and noysed abrode, a generall Conventioun of
the haill Nobilitie was appointed to be holdin at Edinburgh the
fyvetene[303] day of Januare following, in the whiche the Booke of
Discipline was perused newlie oure agane, for some pretended
ignorance, be reassone thei had not heard it.

  [299] In MS. G, "the Kyrk."

  [300] The Kirk of Field was the name usually given to the Collegiate
  Church of St. Mary in the Fields, Edinburgh. It stood on the site of
  the College; and was the scene, as related in Book Fifth, of Darnley's
  Murder in 1566.

  [301] In MS. G, she is erroneously named "Marie Bowes;" her death took
  place towards the end of December 1560.

  [302] Lord Grey de Wilton: see _supra_, p. 65.

  [303] In MS. G, "the fyft day." The 5th was a Sunday; the 15th
  Wednesday.

[Sidenote: AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE OF ROSS.]

In that assemblie was Maister Alexander Andersone, sub-principall of
Abirdene,[304] a man more subtill and craftye then ather learned or
godlie, called, who refused to dispute in his fayth, abusing a place
of Tertulliane to cloik his ignorance. It was ansuered unto him, That
Tertulliane should nott prejudge the authoritie of the Holy Ghost,
who, by the mouth of Peter, commandis us to geve reassone for our
faith to everie one that requires the same of us. It was farther
answered, That we neather required him neather yitt any man to dispute
in any pointe concernyng our fayth, whiche was grounded upoun Godis
word, and fully expressed within his holy Scriptures; for all that we
belevit without contraversie. But we required of him, as of the rest
of Papistis, that thei wald suffer thair doctrin, constitutionis, and
ceremonies to come to tryall; and principallie, that the Messe, and
the opinioun thairof by thame taught unto the people, mycht be laid to
the squair-reull of Goddis worde, and unto the rycht institutioun of
Jesus Christ, that thei mycht understand whither that thair Preacheris
offended or nott, in that, that thei affirmed, "The actioun of the
Messe to be expressedlye repugnyng unto the last Supper of the Lord
Jesus; the sayar of it to committ horrible blasphemye, in usurping
upoun him the office of Christ; the hearars to committ damnable
idolatrie, and the opinioun of it conceaved to be derogatioun, and as
it war, disanulling of Christis death." Whill that the said Maister
Alexander denyed that the preast took upoun him Christis office, to
offer for syne, as was alledged, a Messe book was produced, and in
the begyning of the Canon war these wordis redd: _Suscipe, Sancta
Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo
Deo et vero, pro peccatis meis, pro peccatis totius Ecclesiæ vivorum
et mortuorum, &c._[305] "Now, (said the reasonare,) yf to offer for
the synnes of the haill Kirk was nott the office of Christ Jesus, yea,
that office that to him onlie mycht, and may apparteane, lett the
Scripture judge. And yf a vyle knave, whome ye call the preast,
proudlie tackis the same upoun him, lett your awin hook witnesse." The
said Maister Alexander ansuered, "Christ offered the propitiatorie,
and that could nane do but he; but we offer the remembrance." Whairto
it was ansuered, "We praise God, that ye have denyed a sacrifice
propitiatorie to be in the Masse; and yet we offer to prove, that in
mo then a hundreth places of your Papisticall Doctouris, this
propositioun is affirmed, 'The Messe is a sacrifice propitiatorie.'
But, to the secound parte, whair ye allege that ye offer Christ in
remembrance, we ask, first, Unto whome do ye offer him? and nixt, By
what authoritie are ye assured of weall-doing? In God the Father,
thair fallis no oblivioun: and yf ye will yitt schift and say, That ye
offer it nott as God war forgetfull, but as willing to apply Christis
merittis to his Churche; we demand of you, What power and commandiment
ye have so to do? We know that our Maister, Christ Jesus, commanded
his Apostles to do that whiche he did 'in remembrance of him;' but
plane it is, that Christ took bread, gave thankis, braik bread, and
gave it to his disciples, saying, 'Tak ye, eat ye; this is my body
whiche is broken for you. Do this in remembrance of me,' &c. Here we
fynd a commandiment to tak, to eat, to tak and to drink; but to offer
Christis body eather for remembrance or applicatioun, we fynd not: and
thairfoir, we say, to tack upoun you ane office which is nott gevin
unto you, is injust usurpatioun, and no lauchfull power." The said
Maister Alexander being more then astonished, wold have schifted; but
then the Lordis willed him to ansuer directlie. Whairto he ansured,
"That he was better seane in philosophie, then in theologie." Then was
commanded Maister Johne Leslie, (who then was Parsone of Une, and now
Lord Abbote of Londoris,)[306] to ansuer to the formare argument: and
he with grait gravitie begane to answer, "Yf our Maister have nothing
to say to it, I have nothing; for I knaw nothing but the Cannoun Law:
and the greatest reassone that ever I could fynd thair, is _Nolumus_
and _Volumus_." And yitt we understand that now he is the onlie
patrone of the Messe. But it is no mervall, for he understoode that he
is a Preastis gett; and thairfoir we should nott wonder albeit that
the auld trowane verse be trew, _Patrem sequitur sua proles_. The
Nobilitie hearing that neather the one nor the other wold ansure
directlie, said, "We have bene miserable deceaved heirtofoir; for yf
the Messe may not obteane remissioun of synnes to the quick and to the
dead, whairfoir war all the Abacyes so richelie doted with oure
temporall landis?"

  [304] Mr. Alexander Anderson, parson of Methlik, and vicar of Kinkell,
  was appointed Principal of King's College, Aberdeen, in the year 1530.
  The General Assembly having appointed a visitation of the College in
  1568, Anderson, with the Sub-Principal, and three of the Regents or
  Professors, were summoned "as very obstinate Papists," and having
  refused to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and the Acts 1560, and
  1567, they were deposed by order of the Lord Regent and Council, the
  sentence being pronounced by John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of
  Angus and Mearns, 30th June 1569. (Calderwood's Hist. vol. ii. p. 491;
  Booke of the Kirk, vol. i. pp. 141-143.)

  Bishop Lesley, who was personally concerned in the disputation
  mentioned by Knox, says, the Lords of the Congregation, (in the winter
  of 1560,) "Causit summone sindrie of the best learnit men out of all
  the partes of the Realme to cum to Edinburgh, to gif reasone of thair
  faith and professione of thair religeoune. Amangis the quhilkis thair
  was causit to compeir furth of the Universitie of Aberdene, Mr. John
  Leslye, Official of Aberdene, licentiat in boith the lawis, Mr.
  Alexander Anderson Principal of the College, Professor of Theologie,
  and sindrie utheris." He adds, that after "very sharpe and hard
  disputations," with Knox, Willock, and Goodman, "nothing was
  concludit, for everie ane of thame remanit constant in thair awin
  professione." (Hist. p. 293.)

  [305] That is, "Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an
  unworthy sinner, present to thee the living and true God for my own
  sins, and for the sins of the whole Church of the quick and the dead,"
  &c.

  [306] A short notice of Lesley, Bishop of Ross, will be given in the
  Appendix, under the head of Abbots of Lundores. But here it may be
  mentioned, that the words in the margin, "AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE
  OF ROSS," are written in a different hand, (most likely by Knox
  himself,) and clearly posterior to the rest of the page. By attending
  therefore to the dates of Lesley's successive appointments, this
  serves to fix the period when this portion of the History was written
  to the earlier part of the year 1566.

[Sidenote: THE LYEING DEANE OF RESTALRIG CALLED SYNCLARE.][307]

  [307] This marginal note occurs in no other copy; and the words "now
  to affirme," were evidently written during Sinclair's life; and along
  with the similar mention of the Dean of Restalrig, in the Author's
  emphatic terms, "as a perfect hypocrite," (vol. i. p. 265,) it
  corroborates the supposition that the greater portion of this MS. must
  have been written in the year 1566. It will be seen from the footnotes
  on the passage referred to, that Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig,
  was promoted to the See of Brechin in 1563, and became President of
  the Court of Session, 13th November 1565. He died at Edinburgh, 9th
  April 1566.

Thus much we thocht good to insert here, becaus that some Papistis ar
nott eschamed now to affirme, That thei with thair reassonis could
never be hearde; but that all that we did, we did by fyn force; when
that the haill Realme knawis, that we ever requyred thame to speak
thair judgmentis freelie, not onlie promissing unto thame protectioun
and defense, but also that we should subscrive with thame, yf thei by
Goddis Scriptures could confute us, and by the same word establisse
thair assertionis. "But who can correct the leasingis of such as in
all thingis schaw thame selves the sones of the Father of all lyes.
Preserve us, Lord, from that perverst and malitious generatioun.
AMEN."

       *       *       *       *       *

AT this same Assemblie was the Lord James appoynted to go to France to
the Quene oure Soverane;[308] and a Parliament was appointed to begyn
the twenty of Maij nixt following; for at that tyme was the returne of
the said Lord James looked for. And so was that Conventioun dissolved
without any other thing of importance concluded. The said Lord James
prepared him for his jornay; (for albeit he past in the publict
effairis, he susteaned the charge of his awin expensses; and yit thair
never past fra this Realme in the cumpanye of one man so many, and so
honest, throwght England to France.) Befoir he departed, he was
foirwarned asweill of the danger in France, as of the Quenis craft,
(not that we then suspected her nature, but that we understoode the
malice of hir freindis:) he was planelie premonisshed, that yf ever he
condiscended that sche should have Messe publictlie or privatlie
within the Realme of Scotland, that then betrayed he the caus of God,
and exponed the religioun evin to the uttermoist danger that he could
do. That sche should have Messe publictlie, he affirmed that he should
never consent: but to have it secreatlie in hir chalmer, who could
stopp hir? The danger was schawin; and so he departed.

  [308] Lord James Stewart was appointed to repair to Queen Mary, by the
  Convention, 15th January 1560-1. Chalmers is undoubtedly correct when
  he says, he had no authority, to persuade the Queen to return to
  Scotland. (Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 141.) But Lord James, as
  we are informed by Randolph, was in no hurry to depart "till he see
  what will be done at the ensuing Parliament." (Ib.) In a letter to
  Cecil, 7th February 1560-1, he desires a passport, "being ordered by
  the Nobility and Council, to our Sovereign, for declaration of our
  duty and devotion to her Highness." (Ib.) He left Edinburgh, on his
  way to France, 18th March, passing through England, where he was well
  entertained, and reached the town of Diziers, where Queen Mary was
  residing, on the 15th April 1561. (Bishop Lesley's History, p. 294.)

       *       *       *       *       *

The Electioun of the Superintendentis heirefter followed in this
maner:[309]--

  [309] In the MS. 1566, of Knox's History, several blank pages occur
  after these words; but the deficiency, consisting of the "Forme and
  Order of the Election of Superintendents," &c., (ending at page 150 of
  the present volume,) has been supplied from the Glasgow MS., collated
  with a copy annexed to "The Ordour of Excommunication," &c., subjoined
  to an edition of the Psalms and Prayers, printed at Edinburgh, by
  Robert Charteris, 1596. It is also included in the "Collection of
  Confessions of Faith," &c., vol. ii. p. 625, Edinb. 1722. The Editor
  says, he has printed it according to an edition by Robert Lekprevik
  1569; and that "it differs little from the ordinary copies that are
  printed with the old Psalms, but in the manner of spelling of words."

  The Editor of the Collection of Confessions, thus mentions the Order
  of Election of Elders and Deacons: "It is uncertain when this was
  written; but it is in the Manuscript copy of Knox's History, which is
  in the College Library of Glasgow, and is printed at Edinburgh, with
  other publick papers, by Robert Lekprevik, Anno 1569, according to
  which this edition is printed. It is approved by the General Assembly,
  April 1582, Sess. 12, in these words,--'Concerning ane General Ordor
  of Admission to the Office of Eldaris, referris it to the Ordor usit
  at Edinburgh, quhilk we approve.'"

  The Admonition or prayer at the end, (see page 154,) in its reference
  to the King and Regent, apparently fixes the date to the year 1568.

                         .   .   .   .   .   .

THE FORME AND ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF THE SUPERINTENDENTS, QUHILK
MAY SERVE ALSO IN ELECTIOUN OF ALL UTHER MINISTERS. AT EDINBURGHE THE
9TH OF MERCHE 1560[310] YEIRIS, JOHNE KNOX BEING MINISTER.[311]

  [310] That is, 9th March 1560-1.

  [311] In some copies, "Moderator."

FIRST was made a Sermone, in the quhilk thir Heids war intreated.
First, The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents. 2. The crymes
and vyces that micht unable thame [of the ministrie]. 3. The vertues
required in thame. And last, Quhidder sick as by publict consent of
the Kyrk wer callit to sick Office, micht refuis the same.

The Sermone finisched, it was declared be the same Minister, (maker
thareof,) that the Lords of Secrete Councell had given charge and
power to the Kirkis of Lauthiane, to chuse MR. JOHNE SPOTTISWODE[312]
Superintendent; and that sufficient warning was made be publict edict
to the Kirks of Edinburghe, Linlythgow, Striveling, Tranent,
Hadingtoun, and Dunbar; as also to Earles, Lords, Barones, Gentilmen,
and uthers, having, or quho micht clame to have voite in Electioun, to
be present that day, at that same hour; And, tharefore, inquisitioun
was made, Quho wer present, and quho wer absent.

  [312] Mr. John Spottiswood was born about the year 1510, and was
  educated at Glasgow. His name occurs in the University records, as
  incorporated in 1534, being designed "Servus domini Rectoris." In 1536
  he had taken his degree as Master of Arts. He is said to have been in
  England from 1538 to 1543, and to have returned with the Earl of
  Glencairn. In 1548 he was presented to the Vicarage of Calder. Having
  early joined the Reformers, he was nominated as Superintendent of
  Lothian in July 1560, and was admitted, agreeably to the above form,
  9th March 1561, without resigning his charge as minister of Calder.
  (Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 367.) He may, with much more truth, be
  said to have "continued in this holy function, with the approbation of
  all good men, till his death," than to "have exercised fully the
  power, and discharged faithfully the office of a Bishop, though under
  another style;" (Life prefixed to Spottiswood's History, Lond. 1655,
  folio.) The office of Superintendent was merely temporary; and he
  himself displayed no assumption of authority over his brethren in the
  ministry, nor aspired after Episcopal dignity. He died 5th December
  1585. His eldest son, who became his successor as Minister of Calder,
  was ultimately Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord Chancellor of
  Scotland.

Efter was called the said Mr. Johne, quho answering; the Minister
demanded, Gif ony man knew ony cryme or offence to the said Mr. Johne,
that mycht unabill him to be called to that office? And this he
demanded thryis. Secundlie, Questioun was moved to the haill
multitude, If thair was ony uther quhome they wald put in Electioun
with the said Mr. Johne. The pepill wer asked, If they wald have the
said Mr. Johne Superintendent? If they wald honour and obey him as
Christis Minister? and comfort and assist him in every thing
perteining to his Charge? They Answerit.--We will; and we do promeis
unto him sick obedience as becumethe the scheip to give unto thair
Pastour, sa lang as he remains faythfull in his office.

The Answers of the Pepill, and thair consents receaved, thir
Questiouns wer proponit unto him that was to be elected.

Questioun.--Seing that ye hear the thrist and desyre of this people,
do ye not think yourself bound in conscience befoir God to support
thame that so earnestly call for your comfort, and for the fruit of
your labours?

Answer.--If anie thing wer in me abill to satisfie thair desyir, I
acknowledge myself bound to obey God calling by thame.

Questioun.--Do ye seik to be promoted to this Office and charge, for
ony respect of warldly commoditie, riches or glory?

Answer.--God knawes the contrarie.

Questioun.--Beleve ye not that the doctrine of the Propheits and
Apostles, conteined in the buiks of the Auld and New Testaments, is
the onely trew and most absolute foundatioun of the universall Kirk of
Christ Jesus, insamekill that in the same Scriptures ar conteined all
things necessary to be beleved for the salvatioun of Mankind?

Answer.--I verely beleve the same, and do abhorre and utterly refuis
all Doctrine alleged necessary to Salvatioun, that is not expressedly
conteined in the same.

Questioun.--Is not Christ Jesus Man of Man, according to the flesche,
to wit, the Sone of David, the Seid of Abrahame, conceaved by the Holy
Ghost, borne of the Virgin Marie his mother, the onely Head and
Mediatour of his Kirk?

Answer.--He is, and without him thair is nouther salvatioun to man,
nor lyfe to angell.

Questioun.--Is not the same Lord Jesus, [the] onely trew God, the
Eternall Sone of the Eternall Father, in quhome all that sall be saved
wer elected befoir the foundatioun of the world was layd?

Answer.--I confes and acknawlege him in the unitie of his Godheid, to
be God above all thingis, blessit for evir.

Questioun.--Sall not they quhome God in his eternall councell hes
electit, be callit to the knawlege of his Sone, our Lord Jesus? And
sall not they, quho of purpoise are elected in this lyfe, be
justified? And is not justificatioun and free remissioun of sinnes
obtained in this lyfe by free grace? Sall not this glorie of the
sonnes of God follow in the generall resurrectioun, quhen the Sone of
God sall appeir in his glorious majesty?

Answer.--I acknawlege this to be the doctrine of the Apostles, and the
most singular comfort of God's childrein.

Questioun.--Will ye not contein yourself in all doctrine within the
boundes of this foundatioun? Will ye not study to promote the same,
alsweill by your lyfe as by your doctrine? Will ye not, according to
the graces and utterance that God sall grant unto yow, profes,
instructe, and mantene the purity of the doctrine, conteined in the
sacred Word of God? And, to the uttermost of your power, will ye not
ganestand and convince the gaynsayers and teichers of mennis
inventiouns?

Answer.--That I do promeis in the presence of God, and of his
congregatioun heir assembled.

Questioun.--Knaw ye not, that the excellency of this office, to the
quhilk God hes called yow, requires that your conversatioun and
behaviour be sick, as that ye may be irreprehensible; yea, even in the
eyis of the ungodly?

Answer.--I unfaynedly acknawlege, and humilly desyre the Kirk of God
to pray with me, that my lyfe be not scandalous to the glorious
Evangell of Jesus Christ.

Questioun.--Becaus ye are a man compassed with infirmities, will ye
not charitably, and with lawlines of spirit, receave admonitioun of
your Brethrein? And if ye sall happin to slyde, or offend in ony
point, will ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Kirk, as the
rest of your Brethrein?

The Answer of the Superintendent, or Minister to be elected.--I
acknawlege myself to be a man subject to infirmity, and ane that hes
neid of correctioun and admonitioun; and tharefoir I maist willingly
submit and subject my self to the hailsume disciplin of the Kirk; yea,
to the discipline of the same Kirk by the quhilk I ame now called to
this office and chairge; and heir in God's presens and youris do
promeis obedience to all admonitiones, secretly or publickly gevin;
unto the quhilk, if I be found inobedient, I confes myself most
worthie to be ejected not onely from this honour, bot also frome the
society of the Faythfull, in cais of my stubburnnes: For the vocatioun
of God to bear charge within his Kirk, makethe not men tyrantes, nor
lordis, but appoynteth thame Servandis, Watchemen, and Pastoris of the
Flock.

This ended, Questioun man be asked agane of the Multitude.

Questioun.--Require ye ony farther of this your Superintendent?

If no man answer, let the Minister proceid. Will ye not acknawlege
this your Brother, for the Minister of Christ Jesus? Will ye not
reverence the word of God that proceids fra his mouthe? Will ye not
receave of him the sermone of exhortatioun with patience, not
refuising the hailsome medicine of your saules, althocht it be bitter
and unpleising to the flesche? Will ye not finally, mantene and
comforte him in his ministry, against all sick as wickedly wald rebell
against God and his holy ordinance?

The Peple answereth.--We will, as we will answer to the Lord Jesus,
quho hes commandit his Ministeris to be had in reverence, as his
ambassadours, and as men that cairfully watche for the salvatioun of
our saullis.

Let the Nobility also be urged with this.--Ye have heard the dewty and
professioun of this your Brother, by your consentis appointit to this
charge; as also the dewty and obedience, quhilk God requireth of us
towards him heir in his ministry: Bot becaus that neyther of bothe are
abill to performe ony thing without the especiall grace of our God in
Christ Jesus, quho hes promeised to be with us present, even to the
consummatioun of the world; with unfayned hairtis, let us crave of him
his benedictioun and assistance in this work begun to his glory, and
for the comfort of his Kirk.


THE PRAYER.

O LORD, to quhome all power is gevin in heavin and in eirthe, thow
that art the Eternall Sone of the Eternall Father, quho hes not onely
so luifit thy Kirk, that for the redemptioun and purgatioun of the
same, thow hes humilled thyself to the deyth of the Croce; and
thareupoun hes sched thy most innocent bluid, to prepair to thyself a
Spous without spott; bot also, to retein this thy most excellent
benefite in memory, hes appointed in thy Kirk, Teichears, Pastores,
and Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and admonische the same: Luk upoun
us mercifully, O Lord, thow that onely art King, Teicher, and Hie
Priest to thy awin flock; and send unto this our Brother, quhome in
thy name we have chairged with the cheif cair of thy Kirk, within the
boundis of Louthiane, sick portioun of thy Holy Spreit, as thareby he
may rychtly devyde thy word to the instructioun of thy flocke, and to
the confutatioun of pernitious erroures, and damnable superstitiones.
Give unto him, gude Lord, a mouthe and wisdome, quhareby the enemies
of thy truthe may be confounded, the wolfis expellit, and driven from
thy fauld, thy scheip may be fed in the wholsum pastures of thy most
holy word, the blind and ignorant may be illuminated with thy trew
knawlege: Finally, That the dregis of superstitioun and idolatry
quhilk yit restis within this Realme, being purged and removed, we may
all not only have occasioun to glorifie thee our onely Lord and
Saviour, but also dayly to grow in godlines and obedience of thy most
holy will, to the destructioun of the body of synne, and to the
restitutioun of that image to the quhilk we wer anes created, and to
the quhilk, efter our fall and defectioun, we ar renewed by
participatioun of thy Holy Spirit, quhilk by trew fayth in thee, we do
profes as the blissit of thy Father, of quhome the perpetuall incres
of thy graces we crave, as by thee our Lord and King, and onely
Bischope, we are taucht to pray, saying, "Our Father that art in
hevin, &c."

       *       *       *       *       *

The prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if ony be, and Elders of
that Kirk present, in signe of thair consents, sall tak the elected by
the hand, and then the cheif Minister sall gif the benedictioun, as
follows:--

GOD, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho hes comanded his
Evangell to be preiched, to the comfort of his Elect, and hes called
thee to the office of a Watchman over his peple, multiply his graces
with thee, illuminat thee with his Holy Spirit, comfort and strenthen
thee in all vertewe, governe and guyde thy ministry, to the prayse of
his holy Name, to the propagatioun of Christis kingdome, to the
comforte of his Kirk, and finally, to the plain dischairge and
assurance of thy awin conscience in the day of the Lord Jesus; to
quhome, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, prayse,
and glory, now and ever. So be it.


THE LAST EXHORTATIOUN TO THE ELECTED.

Take heid to thy self, and unto the Flock comitted to thy chairge;
feid the same cairfully, not as it wer of compulsioun, bot of very
love, quhilk thow bearest to the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and
purenes of lyfe, as it becumethe the trew servand and ambassadour of
the Lord Jesus. Usurpe not dominioun nor tyrranicall impyre over thy
brethrein. Be not discouraged in adversity, bot lay befoir thyself the
example of Propheits, Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, quho in thair
ministry susteaned contradictioun, contempt, persecutioun and deyth.
Feir not to rebuik the warld of sinne, justice, and jugement. If ony
thing succeid prosperously in thy vocatioun, be not puft upe with
pryde; nether yit flatter thy self as that the gude succes proceided
from thy vertew, industry, or cair: Bot let ever that sentence of the
Apostle remane in thy hairt; "Quhat hes thou, quhilk thou hes not
receavit? If thou hes receivit, quhy gloriest thou?" Comfort the
afflicted, support the puir, and exhort utheris to support thame. Be
not solist for things of this lyfe, bot be fervent in prayer to God
for incress of his Holy Spirit. And finally, behave thyself in this
holy vocatioun, with sick sobriety, as God may be glorified in thy
ministry: And so sall thow schortly obtein the victory, and shall
receave the crown promeised, quhen the Lord Jesus sall appeir in his
glory, quhois Omnipotent Spirit assist thee and us unto the end. AMEN.

Then sing the 23d Psalme.

  THE ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS
    IN THE PRIVIE KIRK OF EDINBURGH, IN THE BEGYNNING,
    QUHEN AS YET THAIR WAS NO PUBLICT FACE OF A KIRK,
    NOR OPEN ASSEMBLIES, BOT SECREIT AND PRIVIE CONVENTIOUNIS
    IN HOUSES, OR IN THE FEILDS.[313]

  [313] As stated at page 143, the following Order of the Election of
  Elders and Deacons is not contained in the MS. 1566, or in
  Vautrollier's edition; but, has been supplied from MS. G.

BEFOIR that thare wes ony publict face of a trew Religioun within this
Realme, it pleised God of his grit mercie, to illuminat the hairts of
mony privat persones, so that they did perceave and understand the
abusses that wer in the Papisticall Kirk, and thareupoun withdrew
thameselfis from participatioun of thare idolatrie. And becaus the
Spirit of God will never suffer his awne to be idle and voyde of all
religioun, men began to exercise thameselfis in reading of the
Scriptures secreitly within thair awne houses; and varietie of
persones culd not be keipt in gud obedience and honest fame, without
Oversiers, Elders, and Deacones: And so begane that small flocke to
put thameselfis in sick ordour, as if Christ Jesus had planely
triumphed in the middes of thame by the power of his Evangell. And
thay did elect sum to occupie the supreame place of exhortatioun and
reading, som to be Elderis and helperis unto thame, for the oversight
of the flocke: And some to be Deacones for the collectioun of almes to
be distributed to the poore of thair awne bodie. Of this small
begyning is that Ordour, quhilk now God of his grit mercie hes gevin
unto us publictlie within this Realme. Of the principalls of thame
that wer knowne to be men of gude conversatioun and honest fame in the
privy Kirk, wer chosen Elders and Deacones to reull with the Minister
in the publike Kirk; quhilk burdene thay patiently susteaned a yeir
and mair: And then, becaus they could not (without neglecting of thair
awen private houses) langer wait upoun the publict charge, they
desyred that they micht be releaved, and that uthers micht be
burdeined in thair roume: Quhilk was thocht a petitioun ressonabill of
the haill Kirk. And tharefore it was granted unto thame, that thay
sould nominat and gif up in electioun sick personages as thay in thair
consciences thocht maist apte and abill to serve in that charge;
provyding that they sould nominate double moe personis then war
sufficient to serve in that charge, to the end that the haill
Congregatioun micht have thair free vote in thair Electioun.

And this Ordour hes bene ever observed sen that tyme in the Kirk of
Edinburgh; that is, that the auld Sessioun befor thair departure,
nominat twenty-four in Electioun for Elders, of quhom twelve ar to be
chosen, and thirty-two for Deacounes, of quhome sixteen ar to be
elected; quhilk persones ar publictly proclaimed in the audience of
the haill Kirk, upoun a Sonday befoir none, efter sermone; with
admonitioun to the Kirk, that if ony man knaw ony notorious cryme or
caus that micht unabill ony of these persones to enter in sick
vocatioun, that they sould notifie the same unto the Sessioun the next
Thursday: Or if ony knaw any persones mair abill for that charge, they
sould notifie the same unto the Sessioun, to the end that na man
eyther present or absent (being ane of the Kirk) suld complayne that
he was spoyled of his liberty in electioun.

The Sonday following befoir none, in the end of the Sermone, the hole
Communicants ar commandit to be present efternone, to gif thair votes,
as they will answer befoir God, to sick as they esteme most abill to
beir the charge of the Kirk with the ministers. The votes of all being
receaved, the scroles of all ar delyvered to any of the ministers,
quho keips the same secreit fra the sicht of all men till the next
Thursday; and then in the Sessioun he produces thame, that the voites
may be counted, quhare the moniest voites, without respect of
persones, have the first place in the Eldership, and so proceiding
till the number of twelve be compleit; so that if a puir man exceid
the riche man in votes, he preceids him in place; and it is called the
first, secound, and thrid Elder, even as the votes answereth. And this
same is observed in the electioun of Deaconis.

The Fryday efter the jugement is tane quhat persones ar elected for
Elders and Deacones to serve for that yeir; the minister efter his
sermone, reids the same names publictly, and gives commandment openly,
that sick persones be present the next Sonday at sermone befoir none,
in the place to be appointed for thame, to accept of that charge that
God by plurality of votes had layd upoun thame. Quho being conveined,
the Minister efter sermone reids the names publictly, the absents (if
ony be) ar noted, and these quho ar present ar admonisched to consider
the dignity of that vocatioun, quhareunto God hes called thame; the
dewty that they aucht to the pepill; the danger that lyes upoun thame,
if they be found negligent in thair vocatioun: And finally, the dewty
of the people towards the persons elected. Quhilk being done, this
Prayer is red:--


THE PRAYER IN THE ELECTIOUN OF THE ELDERIS.

O Eternall and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho,
of thy infinite gudeness and mercy, hes chosin to thy self a Kirk of
the lost seid of Adame, quhilk thow hes ever reulled by the
inspiratioun of thy Holie Spirit; and yet not the less, hes always
usit the ministry of men, alswell in preiching of thy word, and
administratioun of thy sacraments, as in gyding of thy flock, and
provyding for the puir within the same, as in the Law, Propheits, and
in thy glorious Evangell we have witnesses: Quhilk ordour, O Lord,
thow of thy mercie hes now restoired unto us agane efter that the
publict face of the Kirk hes bene deformed by the tyrany of that
Romane Antichrist. Grant unto us, O hevinly Father, hairts thankfull
for the benefites quhilks we have receaved, and give unto these our
brethrein, elected unto thir charges within thy Kirk, sick abundance
of thy Holie Spirit, that they may be found vigilant and faythfull in
that vocatioun, quharunto thow of thy mercy hes callit thame. And
albeit, O Lord, these small begynings ar contemned of the proude
world, yet, O Lord, do thow for thy awne mercies sake, bless the same
in sick sorte that thy godlie name may be glorified, superstitioun and
idolatry may be ruited out, and vertue may be planted, not onely in
this generatioun, bot also in the posterity to cum. AMEN. Grant us
this, mercifull Father, for Christ Jesus thy Sones saik, in quhose
name we call unto thee, as he hes taucht us, saying, _Our Father_, &c.

       *       *       *       *       *

And so efter the rehersall of the beleif, efter the quhilk sall be
sung this portioun of the 103 Psalme, ver. 19. _The hevins hie ar maid
the seat_,[314] and so forth to the end of that Psalme. Efter the
quhilk sall this schort Admonitioun be given to the elected:--

  [314] That is, according to the old version of the Psalms, by
  Sternhold and others, which continued in public use in Scotland until
  the year 1650. The earliest edition is that printed at Edinburgh by
  Robert Lekprevik, 1565, along with the Common Prayers and Calvin's
  Catechism: See notices and extracts in the Appendix to Baillie's
  Letters and Journals.

Magnifie God, quho hes of his mercy callit yow to ruill within his
Kirk: Be thankfull in your vocatioun: Schaw yourselfis zealous to
promote verity: Feir not the faces of the wicked, bot rebuik thair
wickitnes: Be mercifull to the puir, and support thame to the
uttermost of your power; and so sall ye receave the benedictioun of
God, present and everlasting. God save the Kingis Majestie, and gif
unto him the Spirit of sanctificatioun in his young age: Blesse his
Regent, and sick as assist him in upricht counsaill, and eyther
fruitfully convert, or suddanely confound the enemies of trew
religioun, and of this afflicted Comoun-welthe. AMEN.

As the servandis of God uprychtlie travellit to haif vice punissit and
verteu plantit, so did the Devill ever steir up some in the contrair
of baith. Thair was a law maid aganis fornicatouris and
adulteraris,[315] that the ane and the uther suld be cartit throcht
the townis, and so banissit, till that thair repentance wes offerit
and receavit. And albeit this wes nott the severitie of Goddis law,
especiallie aganis adulteraris, yet wes it a greit brydill to
malefactouris; quhairat the wickit did wonderouslie storme. It chancit
that ane Sandersoun, a fleschour, wes deprehendit to haif put away his
lauchfull wyffe, (under cullour that he was lauchfullie partit efter
the maner of the Papisticall religioun,) and haid takin to him ane
uther in [his] housse. The complaynt and sclander proponit to the
Kirk, and tryall takin that he wes nott maryit with the secund woman,
nather that he wes able to prove that he wes devorcit by any ordour of
law from the first, he wes committit in the handis of the Magistratis,
quha, according to the lawis, commandit him to be cartit. Bot the
raschall multitude, enflambit be some ungodlie craftismen, maid
insurrectioun, brake the carte, boistit the officiaris, and tuke away
the malefactour. This wes the begyning of farther evillis, as we will
efter heir.

  [315] There were several Acts against immorality passed about this
  time, in Parliament, and in the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical
  Courts. One of these Acts of the Town Council of Edinburgh, when about
  to be enforced against a delinquent in the person of John Sanderson,
  Deacon of the Fleshers, led to the tumult to which Knox refers. On the
  22d November 1560, "The quhilk day the Baillies and Counsale being
  convenit in the Over Counsale House of the Tolbuith of this bur^t.
  Comperit William Harlay, dekin of the Hammarmen, and certane uthir
  craftismen, and desyrit the decreit and sentence gevin aganis Jhone
  Sandersone, dekin of the Fleschouris, decernying him to be cartit
  throuch the town, and thairafter banischit the samyn, for his manifest
  adulterie committit with Margaret Lyell, to be continewit quhill the
  morne: Quhilk the Provost, Baillies, and Counsale foresaid grantit,
  and thairupoun the said William askis instruments."

  On the following day the Council having adhered to their resolution
  that the sentence against Sanderson should be carried into effect;
  this was so much resented by the craftsmen of the town as a dishonour,
  that they assembled in a tumultuous manner, broke up the prison, and
  set him at liberty. The Magistrates having immediately complained to
  the Lords of the Secret Council, several persons connected with this
  tumult, were apprehended and imprisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh.
  There are several entries in the Town Council Records on this subject:
  see the account given in Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 20.

[Sidenote: AMBASSADOUR FRA FRANCE, AND HIS DEMANDIS.]

In the meantyme, quhill Lord James (we say) wes in France, thair came
ane Ambassadour frome France,[316] subornit, na doubt, with all craft
that mycht truble the Estait of the Religioun. His demandis wes 1.
That the league betwix us and Ingland suld be broken: 2. That the
ancient league betwix France and Scotland suld be renewit: And, 3.
That the Bischops and Kirkmen suld be reponit in thair formair places,
and be sufferit to intromet with thair levingis. The Counsall delayit
answer to the Parliament appoyntit in May. In the meantyme the
Papistis of Scotland practisit with him. The Erlis of Huntlie, Atholl,
Bothwell, and utheris, intendit to haiff takin Edinburgh befoir the
said Parliament. The haill Bischoppis assemblit, and held counsall in
Striveling. Some quhispering thair wes, that the Duke and the Bischop
of Sanctandrois were too familiare; and some feared that the
auctoritie of the Quene suld haif bene usurpit, be ressone of her
absence, and that the Duke wes secound persone, for thairat haid some
of his preissit immediatlie efter the death of the King of France. The
Protestantis thairof advertised, preventit thame, and came to
Edinburgh. The Erle of Arrane stude constant with his brethrene. Thair
war some that cairfullie and panefullie travellit that nathing
prejudiciall to the Quenis auctoritie, suld be done in absence of the
Lord James; to quhom the Quene hes recompensit evill for gude service.
Maister James Makgill,[317] in that poynt did baith stoutlie and
treulie; for Johne Knox and he war than fallin in familiaritie, in
quhilk thay yet contineu, 20 Octobris 1567,[318] be ressone that the
said Maister James haid embrasit the Religioun, and professit it
publiclie.

  [316] The Ambassador here spoken of was Mons. de Noailles, Master of
  Requests, who had formerly been Ambassador in England. (Hardwicke's
  State Papers, vol. i. p. 157.) He arrived on the 11th of March, and
  returned on the 7th of June 1561. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 64,
  282-3.)

  [317] Mr. James Makgill or M'Gill, eldest son of Sir James Makgill,
  Provost of Edinburgh.

  He was educated at St. Andrews, having been incorporated in St.
  Leonard's College in 1532. He probably took his Master's degree, and
  completed his studies at some foreign University. On the 1st March
  1549-50, he was admitted an Advocate. On the 25th June 1554, he was
  advanced to be Clerk-Register; and continued to be employed in various
  public affairs. He joined the Reformers, but on account of his concern
  in the murder of David Riccio, 9th March 1566, he fled from Edinburgh,
  and his situation as Clerk-Register was conferred upon Sir James
  Balfour. Upon a vacancy, in December 1567, after the accession of the
  Regent Murray to power, Makgill was restored, and he continued in
  office till 1577. He died in 1579. (Senators of the College of
  Justice, p. 99.)

  [318] This date occurs in the text; and the set or quire in this place
  was no doubt transcribed about that time.

[Sidenote: SOME SAYIS HIS NAME IS KYLLONE]

The Papistis and Bischoppis, dissapoyntit of thair principall purpose
and interpryse did yet mak broillie for trouble; for the raschall
multitude war stirred up to mak a Robene Hude,[319] quhilk enormitie
wes of mony yeiris left and dampnit by statute and act of Parliament.
Yit wald thay nott be forbiddin, bot wald disobey and truble the
Towne, especiallie upone the nycht. Quhairat the Baillies offendit,
tuke fra thame some swerdis and an enseynze, quhilk wes occasioun that
thay that same nycht maid a mutinye, keippit the portis of the towne,
and intendit to have persewit some men within thair awin housses; bot
that, upoun the restitutioun of thair swerdis and enseynze, wes
stayit. Bot yit thay ceassit nott to molest, alsweill the inhabitantes
of Edinburgh as diverse countrey men, taking frome thame money, and
threitnyng some with farder injureis. Quhairwith the Magistratis of
the towne, heychtlie offendit, tuke mair diligent heid to suche as
resortit to the towne, and so apprehendit ane of the principall of
that misordour, namit Gillone,[320] a cordinare, quhome thai put to
ane assisse; [and being convicted, for he could not be absolved,][321]
(for he wes the cheif man that spoillit Johnne Mowbray of ten crownis
of the Sone,) thai thocht to have execute jugement upone him, and so
erected a jebbete beneath the Croce. But, quhidder it came by pactioun
with the Provest and some uther, or by instigatioun of the Craftismen,
quha ever haif bene bent too muche to mayntene suche vanitie and
ryotousnes, we fullie knaw nott, but suddandlie thair did ryse a
tumult; the Tolbuyth wes brokin up, and not onlie the said Gillone,
quho befoir wes dampnit, wes violentlie takin furth, bot also all
uther malefactouris wer set at fredome; the jebbete wes pullit downe,
and dispitfullie brokin; and thairefter, as the Provest and some of
the Counsall assemblit to the Clerkis[322] chalmer for consultatioun,
the haill rascall [multitude] bandit togidder, with some knawin
unhonest[323] craftismen, and intendit invasioun of the said chalmer.
Quhilk perceavit, the Provest, and such as wer in his cumpany, past to
the Tolbuyth, suspecting nothing that thai wald haif bene sa enragit
that thai wald mak new persute, efter that thai had obtenit thair
intent: Bot thai wer suddandlie deceavit, for from the Castelhill thai
come with violence, and with stanis, gunnis, and such uther weaponis
as thei had, began to assault the said Tolbuyth, ran at the dure of
it, quhilk that parte by stanis cast from above, and partlie by a
pystoll schott by Robert Norwell, quhilk hurt ane Twedy, thai wer
repulsit [fra the door]; bot yit ceassit not thai to cast and schute
in at the wyndowis, threitnyng deith to all that war within. And in
verray deid the malice of the craftismen, quho wer suspectit to be the
occasioun of that tumult, bare na gude will to dyvers of thame that
wes with the Provost.

  [319] During the festivities of the month of May, the games of Robin
  Hood were attended with so much disorderly license, that they were
  ordered to be suppressed by an Act of the Scotish Parliament in 1555.
  It is not easy, however, to abolish long continued customs; and
  complaints to the General Assembly for their continued observance were
  made until the close of the 16th century. Of the tumult that took
  place in Edinburgh, on the 21st of June 1561, a very minute and
  interesting account is preserved in the Diurnal of Occurrents, pp.
  283-4.

  Several persons were brought to trial on account of these riots. On
  the 20th July 1561, Robert Hannay, smith, and nine others were tried,
  as art and part in choosing George Durye in the month of April last,
  and calling him Lord of Inobedience, and for rioting on Sunday the
  12th May. (See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 409.) And James
  Fraser, sadler, and five others, were tried on the 8th of August, on
  account of the riots in the month of July. (Ib. p. 410.)

  [320] In MS. G, "Kyllone:" Vautr. edit. makes the name "Balon." In the
  Diurnal of Occurrents, he is called James Killone and Kellone, at p.
  65, but James Gilloun and Gillone, at p. 283.

  [321] The words enclosed in brackets, omitted in MS. 1566, are
  supplied from MS. G.

  [322] Alexander Guthrie, city clerk.

  [323] In MS. G, "and honest."

The argumentis that the Craftis wer the caus of that uproire, besydis
thair first misordour that thai haid usit befoir, in tackin Sandersoun
from the exectioun of punishment, are twa. The formar, Archibald
Dewar, Patrik Schange, with uther five deaconis [of the craftis] come
to Johnne Knox, and willit him to solist the Provest and the towne to
delay the executioun: quho did answer, "That he haid sa oft solistit
in thair favouris, that his awin conscience accusit him, that thai
usit his labouris for na uther end, bot to be a patrone to thair
impietie." For he haid befoir maid intercessioun for William Harlaw,
James Frissall, and utheris, that wer convict of the formare tumult.
Thai proudlie said, "That gif it was not stayit, bayth he and the
Baillies suld repent it." Quhairto he answerit, "He wald not hurt his
conscience for ony feir of man." And sa thai departit; and the tumult
(as said is) immediatlie thairefter did aryse. The secund argument is,
the tumult continewit fra twa at efter none till efter aucht at nycht.
The Craftismen wer requyrit to assemble them selfis togidder for
deliverance of thair Provest [and Baillies]; bot thai past to thair
foure houris penny, and in thair jesting said, "Thai will be
Magistratis allone, latt thame reule the multitude allone." And sa,
contrair to the ayth that thai haid maid, thai denyit thair
assistance, counsall, and conforte to thair Provest and Baillies;
quhilk ar argumentis verray probable, that the said tumult raise by
thair procurement. The end heirof was, that the Provest[324] and
Baillies wer compellit to gif thair handwrittis, that thai suld never
perseu ony of thame that war of that tumult, for ony cryme that wes
done in that behalf. And this wes proclamet at the Croce efter nyne
houris at nycht; and sa that truble quyetted. Bot the Nobilitie
avowit, that thai suld not spare it; and sa a greit nomber of that
factioun war absent frome the towne, till the arryvall of the Quene.
The haill multitude wer haldin excomunicat, and war admittit to no
participatioun of the sacramentis, unto suche tyme as thai satisfied
the Magistratis, and maid humble sute unto the Kirk.

  [324] Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie, filled the office of Provost of
  Edinburgh in the year 1561. By a special mandate from Queen Mary,
  dated 21st August 1562, Douglas was again chosen Provost of the City.
  (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 24.)

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: OF THE QUENE REGENTIS BURIALL.]

Off the deith of the Quene Regent, we haif befoir spokin,[325] but of
hir buriall wes nothing herd; and it may appeir that suche matteris
are unworthy of remembrance. Bot and gif all thingis salbe rychtlie
weyit, we sall perceave Goddis just jugementis, how secreit that ever
thai be. Befoir, we herd[326] the barbarous inhumanitie that wes usit
at Leyth by the Frenche, quha exponed the naked carcasis of the slane,
as it war in a spectacle, dispiting God. We herd, that this Quene
Regent rejosit at the sycht; bot hir joy was suddandlie turned in
sorrow, as we haif herd. The questioun wes moved of hir buriall. The
Precheouris boldlie ganestude, that ony superstitious rytes suld be
usit within that Realme, quhilk God of his mercy had begun to purge.
And sa conclusioun wes takin, that hir buriall suld be deferred till
farther advisement; and sa scho wes lappit in a cope of leid, and
keipit in the Castell, fra the nynt of Junij,[327] unto the nyntene of
October, quhen scho by pynouris wes caryed to a schip, and sa caryed
to France. Quhat pompe wes usit thair, we nather herd nor yit regard.
Bot in it we se, that scho that delited that utheris lay without
buryall, gat it nether sa sone, as scho hir self (gif scho haid bene
on the counsall in hir lyff) wald have requyred it, nather yit sa
honorable in this realme, as sometymes scho lukit for. It may chance
be a prognostication that the Guisians blude can nocht haif lang rest
within this Realme.

  [325] See supra, page 71.

  [326] Ib. page 68.

  [327] The 10th of July is the day usually assigned for the Queen
  Regent's death: others say the morning of the 11th: See notices of the
  Queen's death and funerals in the Appendix to the present volume.

[Sidenote: _NOTA._]

The Papistis, a little befoir the Parliament, resorted in diverse
bandis to the towne, and began to brag, as that thai wald haif defaced
the Protestantes. Quhilk thing perceaved, the brethrein assemblit
togidder, and yeid[328] in such cumpanyes, and that in peciable maner,
that the Bischoppis and thair bandis forsuyk the calsay. The brethrene
understanding quhat the Papistis meant, convenit in counsall in the
Tolbuyth of Edinburght, the xxvij of May, the yeir of God J^m V^c thre
scoir and ane yeir; and efter consultatioun, concludit, that ane
humble Supplicatioun suld be presentit unto the Lordis of Secreit
Counsall, and unto the haill assemblie, that then wes convenit, in the
quhilk suld thir subsequent heidis be required, and a law to pas
thairupoun.

  [328] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "and went."

       *       *       *       *       *

First, That Idolatrie, and all monumentis thairof, suld be suppressit
throwout the haill realme; that the sayaris, heiraris, mayntenaris,
and usaris of the Messe, suld be punischit according to the Act of
Parliament, as said is.

2. That speciall and certane provisioun be maid for the sustentatioun
of the Superintendentes, Ministeris, Exhorters, and Readers. That
Superintendentes and Ministeris suld be planted quhair nane war. That
punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid or contemned the
Superintendentes in thair functioun.

3. That punischment may be appoynted for the abusaris of the
sacramentis, and for the contempnaris of the same.

4. That na letteris of the Sessioun be gevin to answer or pay to ony
persoun thair teyndis, without especiall provisioun, that the
parrochinaris retene sa mekle in thair awin handis, as is appoynted
to the ministrey; and that all suche as ar ellis gevin be called in,
and dischargit; and lykewise that na Schireffis gif preceptis to that
effect.

5. That nather the Lordis of Sessioun, nor ony uther Jugis, proceid
upone suche preceptis or warnyngis, past at the instance of thame that
of lait haif obtenit fewis of vicaragis, and personagis,[329] manses,
and kirkyardis; and that sex aikkeris (gif so muche thairbe) of the
gleib, be alwayis reserved to the minister, according to the
appointment of the Buke of Disciplyne; and that everie minister may
haif letteris thairupoun.

  [329] In MSS. 1566, G, &c., and Vautr. edit. "personis."

6. That na letteris of the Sessioun, nor [any] utheris tak place,
quhill the stipendis contened in the Buke of Disciplyne, for
sustentatioun of the ministeris, be first consignat in the handis, at
the leist, of the principallis of the parochinaris.

7. That punischement be appoyntit aganis sik as purchess, bringis
hame, or executis within this Realme, the Paipis Bullis.

       *       *       *       *       *

The tennour of the Supplicatioun wes this:--

     PLEIS your Honouris, and the wisdomes of suche as ar heir
     presentlie convenit with yow in Counsall, to understand,
     that by mony argumentis we perceave quhat the pestilent
     generatioun of that Romane Antichrist within this Realme
     pretendis; to wit, that thai wald of new erect thair
     idolatrie, tak upone thame to impyre abufe our conscience,
     and so to command us, the trew subjectis of this Realme, and
     suche as God of his mercy hes (under our Soverane) subjected
     unto us, in all thingis to obey thair appetitis. Honestie
     cravis, and conscience movis us, to mak the verray
     secreittis of oure hertis patent to youre Honouris in that
     behalf; quhilk is this, "That befoir that ever thai tyrantis
     and dumb doggis impyre abufe us, and abufe suche as God hes
     subjected unto us, that we the Barronis and Gentilmen
     professing Christ Jesus within this Realme, ar fullie
     determined to hasard lyffe, and quhatsoever we haif
     received of our God in temporall thingis." Most humblie
     thairfoir beseiking your Honouris, that suche ordour may be
     takin, that we haif nott occasioun to tak agane the swerd of
     just defence into oure handis, quhilk we haif willinglie
     (efter that God hes gevin victorie, bayth to your Honouris
     and us) resignit ovir in your handis; to the end, that
     Goddis Evangell may be publiklie within this Realme
     preached; the trew Ministeris thairof resonabillie sustened;
     Idolatrie suppressed, and the committaris thairof punissit,
     according to the lawes of God and man. In doing whairof,
     your Honouris sall find us, nott onlie obedient unto yow in
     all thingis lauchfull, but also reddy at all tymes to bring
     under ordour and obedience, suche as wald rebell aganis your
     just authoritie, quhilk, in absence of our Soverane, we
     acknawlege to be in your handis. Beseiking your Honouris,
     with uprycht jugement and indifferencie, to luyk upone thir
     oure few Articles, and, by thir oure brethrein, to signifie
     unto us suche answer agane, as may declair your Honouris
     worthy of that place, quhairunto God (efter some dangeris
     sustened) in his mercy hes called yow. And lett thir
     ennemeis of God assure thameselfis, that gif your Honouris
     put nocht ordour unto thame, that we sall schortlie tak
     suche ordour, that thai salbe nather abill to do quhat thai
     list, nather yit to leif upone the sweit of the browis of
     suche as ar na debteris unto thame. Lett your Honouris
     conceave na thing of us, bot all humble obedience in God.
     Bott let the Papistis be yitt anys agane assured that thair
     pryid and idolatrie we will not suffer.

     (Directed fra the Assemblie of the Kirk, the 28th[330] of
     Maij 1561, and send by thir brethrein,[331] the Maister of
     Lindesay, the Laird of Lochinvar,[332] the Laird of
     Pharnyhirst, the Laird of Quhittingham, Thomas Menzies
     Provest of Abirdene, and George Lowell burges of Dundee.)

  [330] In MSS. 1566, G, &c. "the 18." Vautr. edit. gives the correct
  date, "28th:" see next page, note 4.

  [331] The persons who formed this deputation from the General Assembly
  to the Lords of Secret Council, were, (1.) Patrick Master of Lindesay,
  who succeeded to the title of Lord Lindsay of Byres, on his father's
  death in 1563; (2.) John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire;
  (3.) Andrew Ker of Farnihurst, in Roxburghshire, ancestor to the Earls
  of Lothian; (4.) William Douglas of Whittingham, in East Lothian, a
  grandson of James second Earl of Morton, and afterwards one of the
  Senators of the College of Justice; (5.) Thomas Menzies of
  Pitfoddellis, who was Provost of Aberdeen, from 1547 to 1576, without
  interruption; and, (6.) George Lovell, burgess of Dundee, whose name
  has already occurred in Knox.

  [332] In MS. 1566, "the Lard of Low^clewen."

Upone the quhilk requeist and Articles, the Lordis of Counsall
foirsaid maid ane act and ordinance answering to everie heid of the
foirsaid Articles,[333] and commandit letteris to be answerit
thairupon, quhilk diverse ministeris raysit, as in the buykis of
Secreit Counsall is yit to be found. And thus gat Sathan the secund
fall, efter that he haid begun to truble the estait of the religioun,
ones establissit by law. His first assault wes by the raschall
multitude, opponying thame selfis to the punischement of vice: The
secound wes, by the Bischoppis and thair bandis, in quhilk he thocht
uterly to haif triumphit; and yit he in the end prospered wer[334]
then ye haif herd.

  [333] According to the "Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland,"
  containing the Acts and Proceedings of the Assembly, the meeting was
  held on the 26th of May; and the persons above-named were appointed on
  the 28th to present the Supplication and Articles "tuitching the
  Suppressioun of Idolatrie." The result of the application is thus
  recorded:--

  "Upoun the whilk Supplicatioun, Articles and sute thairof was grantit,
  and followit be the Lords of Secreit Counsell, and Act and Ordinance
  thairupon, with letters therupon, answering to every head of the said
  Articles and Supplicatioun, at length specified in the Act of Secreit
  Counsell made therupon; whilk is to be had in the hands of John
  Johnstone, scrybe therof, and letters and publicatioun past therupon."

  [334] In MS. G, &c. "prosperit worse."

For in this meyntyme, returnit fra France the Lord James,[335] quha,
besyid his greit expensis, and the lose of ane box quhairin wes his
secreit poise, eschapit a desparit danger in Pareise: for, his
returning from our Soverane (quha then lay with the Cardinall of
Lorane at Reims) understood[336] of the Papistis at Pareise, thai haid
conspired some tresonable act aganis him; for thai intendit ather to
besett his hous by nycht, or ellis to have assaulted him and his
company as thai walkit upoun the streittis. Quhairof the said Lord
James advertist by the Ryngrave,[337] by ressone of auld familiaritie
quhilk wes betwix thame in Scotland, he tuke purpoise suddenlie and in
gude ordour to depart from Pareise; as that he did, the secund day
efter that he arrived thair. And yit culd he not depart sa secreitlie,
bot that the Papistis haid thair prevy ambusches; for upone the Pont
of Change[338] thai haid prepared ane processioun, quhilk met the said
Lord and his cumpany evin in the teith; and knawing that thai wald not
do the accustumat reverence unto thame and thair idolis, thai thocht
thairupone to haif picked a quarrell; and sa as ane part passed by,
without moving of hatt to ony thing that wes thair, thai haid
suborned some to crye "Hugenottis," and to cast stanis. Bot God
disapoynted thair interpryse; for the said Ryngraife, with other
gentilmen, being with the Lord James, rebuykit the fulische multitude,
and over raid some of the formaist; and sa the rest war dispersit; and
he and his cumpany saiflie eschapit, and come with expeditioun to
Edinburgh, quhill that yit the Lordis and assemblie wer togither, to
the greit comfort of many godlie hertis, and to na litile
astonischement of the wicked: for, fra the Quene oure Soverane he
brocht letteris to the Lordis, praying thame to intertenye quyetnes,
and to suffer na thing to be attemptit aganis the Contract of peace
quhilk wes maid at Leyth, till her awin hame-cuming, and to suffer the
religioun publictlie establissit to go fordward, &c. Quhairupone the
saidis Lordis gaif answer to the Frenche Ambassadour, a negatyve to
everie ane of his petitiouns.[339]

  [335] Lord James Stewart (see page 142, note 3.) Queen Mary, in a
  letter to Throkmorton, dated at Nancy 22d April 1561, declares that
  Lord James who was then with her, had come without any special
  mission: "Quant à Lord James qui est devers moy, il y est venue pour
  son devoir, comme devers sa souveraine Dame, que je suis, sans charge
  ou commission qui concerne autre chose que son droit." She was anxious
  he should not return through England; and there can be no doubt, his
  conduct was too much influenced by the English Court. See the letters
  quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi. pages 218 to 225. Lord James returned
  from France before the end of May 1561. The Diurnal of Occurrents (p.
  283) has the 19th of May; but according to a letter quoted by Mr.
  Tytler, it appears that Lord James was in London on the 20th of that
  month, but had reached Edinburgh on the 3d of June. (History, vol. vi.
  p. 225.)

  [336] In MS. 1566, "at Reins) understand."

  [337] The Count Rheingrave had the command of the German troops which
  formed one of the divisions of the French forces sent to Scotland in
  1548. He distinguished himself at the sieges of Haddington and Dundee.
  (Lesley's History, pp. 206, 207, 219, 223.) He returned to France in
  1549, but it seems doubtful whether he again visited this country. He
  appears to have settled in France. John Philip Rheingrave, Count
  Palatine of the Rhine, before 1554, married an heiress, Jean de
  Genoüillac, the widow of Charles Seigneur de Crussol, Vicomte d'Uzés.
  (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p. 768.) In December 1562, "the
  Rhyngrave lost fourscore of his horsemen," or, "reisters," when
  Harfleur was taken by the English. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i.
  pp. 119-120.)

  [338] In MS. G, "upon the Change-brig;" Vautrollier's edition makes
  it, "upon the point of change." The place referred to was the
  principal bridge in Paris, across the river Seine, formerly known as
  the _Grand Pont_. It takes its name, _Pont au Change_, from the
  _changeurs_ or money-brokers who resided there, so early as the 12th
  century; but the houses upon the bridge were finally removed in 1788,
  by order of Louis XVI.

  [339] See _supra_, page 156.

And First, That France haid not deserved at thair handis, that ather
thai or thair posteritie, suld enter with thame agane in ony league or
confideracie, offensive or defensive, seying that sa tratrouslie and
crewallie, thai haid persecuted thame, thair Realme and liberteis,
under pretense of amitie and mariage.

Secundlie, That besydis thair conscience, thai culd not tak suche a
warldlie scheme, as without offence committit, to breke the league,
quhilk in Goddis name thai haid maid with thame, quhom he haid maid
instrumentis to set Scotland at fredome from the tyranny of the
Frenche, at the leist of the Guisians and thair factioun.

And last, That suche as thai callit Bischoppis and Kirkmen, thai knew
nather for pastouris of the Kirk, nather yit for ony just possessouris
of the patrimonye thairof; bot understude thame perfitlie to be
wolves, theaves, murtheraris, and idill-belleis: And thairfoir, as
Scotland haid forsakin the Pape and Papistrie, sa culd thai not be
debttouris to his fore-sworne vassallis.

       *       *       *       *       *

With thir answeris departit the said Ambassadour.[340] And the Lordis
of Secreit Counsall maid ane act, that all places and monumentis of
ydolatrie suld be destroyit.[341] And for that purpose wes directed to
the West, the Erle of Arrane, having joyned with him the Erlis of
Argyle and Glencarne, togidder with the Protestantes of the West: quha
burnt Paislay,[342] (the Bischope [of Sanctandrois, quha was Abbot
thareof,][343] narrowlie eschapit,) kest doun Failfurd,[344]
Kilwynnyng,[345] and a part of Corsragwell.[346] The Lord James wes
appointed to the North, quhair he maid sick reformatioun, as nathing
contentit the Erie of Huntlie, and yet seemed he to approve all
thingis. And thus God sa potentlie wrocht with us, sa lang as we
dependit upone him, that all the warld mycht se his potent hand to
mayntene us, and to feght aganis oure ennemeis; yea, most to confound
thame, quhen that thay promest to thame selfis victory without
resistance. "Oh! that we suld rychtlie considder the wonderouse werkis
of the Lord oure God."

  [340] Monsieur de Nouailles left Edinburgh on the 7th June 1561.
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 64.)

  [341] As Knox has enjoyed more than his full share of credit for
  destroying the ecclesiastical buildings of this country, I may be
  permitted to call the reader's attention to Dr. M'Crie's remarks on
  the "Alleged Excesses of the Reformers," in his notes to the Life of
  Knox, vol. ii. pages 450-456. But it might not be difficult to show
  that the actual devastations committed by the Reformers have been
  greatly exaggerated. The object they had in view was not to destroy
  the buildings, but to remove objects of idolatrous worship and
  superstition. It should also be remembered, that the revenues
  appropriated for keeping such buildings in repair, being diverted to
  other channels, these large and imposing edifices, more suited for the
  services of the Romish Church than the simpler forms of Presbyterian
  worship, were allowed to fall into utter ruin. When portions were
  restored to serve as parish churches, this was too often done but
  little in accordance with their original richly decorated style of
  architecture.

  [342] The Monastery of Paisley, in the shire of Renfrew, was not
  wholly destroyed, as the nave of the church, with its aisles, remain
  very entire, and have continued to be used as the collegiate church of
  the Abbey Parish.

  [343] The words inclosed within brackets, omitted in the MS. 1566, and
  in Vautr. edit., are supplied from MS. G.--In vol. i.p. 124, it is
  mentioned, that John Hamilton, who afterwards became Archbishop of St.
  Andrews, had obtained the Abbacy of Paisley in the year 1525. In 1544,
  he proposed to resign Paisley to his brother James, reserving to
  himself the whole fruits of the benefice, with a right to re-enter to
  it, should his brother predecease him. (Epist. Regum Scot. vol. ii. p.
  212.) This arrangement probably was not confirmed; as the Abbot
  eventually resigned the Commendatorship to Lord Claud Hamilton, third
  son of James Duke of Chattelherault. This appears to have taken place
  in 1553, when Lord Claud was aged eleven years; the Archbishop still
  acting as Administrator in spiritual as well as temporal matters, till
  the Commendator had attained the age of twenty-three. In various
  deeds, so late as April 1565, the former continued to be styled "John,
  &c. Archbishop of Sanctandrois, Primat and Legat of the haill Realme
  of Scotland, and Abbot of the Abbay of Pasley." Lord Claud Hamilton
  was the ancestor of the Earls of Abercorn.

  [344] Only some inconsiderable remains now exist of the Monastery of
  Failfurd, in the parish of Tarbolton, Ayrshire.

  [345] Some portions of this stately building still exist, adjoining
  the Parish Church of Kilwinning.

  [346] The Abbay of Crossraguel, in the parish of Kirkoswald, about two
  miles from Maybole, although in ruins, is preserved with great care,
  and is more entire than any other monastic building in the West of
  Scotland.

       *       *       *       *       *

In the Treatye of Peace contracted at Leyth, thair war contened
certane heidis that requyred the ratificatioun of baith the Quenis.
The Quene of Ingland, according to hir promese, subscriptioun, and
seill, without ony delay performit the same,[347] and sent it to oure
Soverane by hir appoynted officiaris. Bot our Soverane (quhidder
because hir awin craftie nature thairto moved hir, or that hir Uncles
cheiff counsallouris sa wald, we knaw not) with mony delatouris
frustrat the expectatioun of the Quene of Ingland; as by the copy of a
Letter, sent from the Ambassadour of Ingland to his Soverane,[348] we
may understand.

  [347] The Treaty of Leith, as already noticed at pages 73-84, was
  ratified by Queen Elizabeth, 20th September 1560: The Ratification is
  printed in Rymer's Foedera.

  [348] Sir Nicholas Throkmorton:--His correspondence, addressed to
  Queen Elizabeth and Secretary Cecil, whilst English ambassador at the
  Court of France, includes much curious and interesting matter relating
  to Scotland. See in particular Dr. Forbes's Collection of State
  Papers, Lond. 1740, 1741, 2 vols. folio: unfortunately the
  intermediate portion of his Collections, from May 1560 to July 1562,
  was never published. Throkmorton returned from France in 1564, and was
  afterwards sent on more than one occasion to Scotland. He was made
  Chamberlain of the Exchequer; and died in 1570.

                               At Pareis, the xxiij of Junij 1561.

"THE xviij of this present Junij, I send Sommer[349] to the Quene of
Scottis for audience, quha appoyntit me to come to hir the same day
efter denner; quhilk I did. To hir I did [remember] youre Majesteis
hertlie recommendations, and declarit unto hir your Majesteis lyik
glaidsomnes of hir recoverye of hir lait seikness, quhais want of
helth, as it wes grevouse unto youre Majestie, so did yow congratulat
and greitlie rejoise of the gude termes of helth scho wes presentlie
in. After these offices, I put hir in remembrance agane quhat haid
passed from the begynning, in the mater of youre Majesteis demand of
hir ratificatioun, according to the proporte[350] of the said Treatie,
alsweill by me at the first, as efterwart by my Lord of Bedfurd at his
being heir, and alsua followed sensyne agane be me in audience, and by
my letter to hir being in Lorane: adding heirto youre Majesteis
farther commandiment; and recharge to me agane, presentlie to renew
the same demand, as befoir haid bene done."

  [349] "Mr. Somer," or Sommers, was a confidential agent or messenger
  employed by Cecil, in his correspondence with the English Ambassadors
  at the Court of France.

  [350] In MS. 1566, "propertie."

[Sidenote: ANSURE.]

[Sidenote: CRAFTIE DEALLAR; THOU NEVER RESPECTED THEM FARTHER THEN
THAI MYCHT SERVE TO THY CORRUPT AFFECTIONS.]

[Sidenote: THIS WES A SECREIT LARDON.]

[Sidenote: SCHO MENT SCHO WALD SEIK A SAIF CONDUCT.]

[Sidenote: * EVER QUHILL THAT SCHO MAY SCHAW HIR EVILL WILL][351]

  [351] This marginal note forms part of the text in MS. G. It evidently
  is one of those remarks of the author which form a kind of running
  commentary by Knox on this communication. They are contained in
  Vautrollier's edition; but not in MS. G, with the exception of this
  marginal addition.

[Sidenote: GIF FRANCE WALD HAIF SUSTENIT THAM, THAI HAID NOT YIT
DEPARTIT.]

[Sidenote: THE SECUND SECREIT LARDON.]

The said Quene maid answer: "Monsieur l'Ambassadour, I thank the
Quene, my gude-sister, for this gentle visitatioun and congratulatioun
of this my recoverye; and thocht I be not yit in perfite helth, yit I
thank God I feill my self in verray gude[352] in the cuming to. And
for ansuer to youre demand, (quod sche,) of my ratificatioun, I do
remember all thai thingis that yow haif recited unto me; and I wald
the Quene, my gude-sister, suld think that I do respect the resolute
ansuer in this mater, and performyng thairof, untill suche tyme as I
may have the advyses of the Noblis and Estaitis of my awin Realme,
quhilk I trust sall not be lang a doing; for I intend to mak my voyage
thither schortlie. And thocht this mater (quod scho) dois twiche me
principallie, yit dois it also twiche the Noblis and Estaitis of my
Realme too; and thairfoir it salbe meit, that I use thair advyses
thairin. Heirtofoir, thai haif semed to be greved that I suld do ony
thing without thame; and now thai wald be mair offendit gif I suld
proceid in this mater of my self, without thair advyses. I do intend
(quod scho) to send Monsieur Dosell[353] to the Quene youre Maistres,
my gude-sister, quho sall declair that unto hir from me, that, I
trust, sall satisfie hir; by quhom I will gif hir to understand of my
jurnay into Scotland. I meyne to embarque at Calice. The King hes lent
me certane galeis and schippis, to convoy me hame; and I intend to
requyre of my gude-sister those favouris that princes usis to do in
those cases. And thocht the termes quhairin we haif heirtofoir [been],
hes bene some quhat hard,* yet, I trust that from hensfurth we sall
accord togidder as cousignes and gude nychtbouris. I meyne (quod scho)
to reteir all the Frenche men furth of Scotland, quho hes gevin jelose
to the Quene, my gude-sister, and miscontentment to my subiectis; so
as I will leve nathing undone to satisfie all parties, trusting the
Quene, my gude-sister, will do the lyke, and that from hensfurth none
of my disobedient subjectis (gif thair be ony suche) sall fynd ayd or
supporte at hir handis."

  [352] In Vautr. edit. "in very good health:" MS. G, (omitting the
  words, "I thank God,") is the same as the text.

  [353] The Seigneur D'Oysel: See notes in vol. i. pp. 328 and 355. Lord
  Clinton, in a letter to the Earl of Sussex, 8th August 1560, mentions
  that D'Oysel and Martigues, having 3500 French soldiers in their
  company, had then landed at Calais, on their return from Scotland.
  Queen Mary had purposed sending him again to Scotland in the spring of
  1561. From letters of the time we learn he was not expected to reach
  Greenwich before the 8th of July, and Cecil on the 25th of that month
  says, "Monser d'Oyzell came from the Scottish Quene, with request that
  the Quene his Mistress might have a salve conduct to pass alongst our
  sea coast, and hymself to pass into Scotland to provide for her
  coming. Many reasons moved us to myslike her passadge, but this only
  served us for answer," &c., namely, her refusal to ratify the Treaty
  of Peace. It is added, "Monser d'Oyzell was also gently required to
  returne with this answer." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 43,
  62, 66.) Mr. Tytler has shown, that D'Oysel "was altogether unworthy
  of the trust reposed in him," by his secret communications both to the
  English Ambassador and Queen Elizabeth. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 228.)

[Sidenote: THE ARMYS OF INGLAND WER USURPIT.]

I answered, "That I was nocht desyrous to fall in the discours how
those hard termes first beganne, nor by quhat meanys thai wer
nurischit; becaus thairin I most charge some partie with injurie, and
perrel offered to the Quene my maistres, quhilk wes the verray ground
of those materis: Bot I wes weill assured thair culd be no better
occasioun offered to put the formar unkyndnes in forgetfulnes, than by
ratifyeing the Treatie of Peace, for that suld repay all injureis
past. And Madame, (quod I,) quhair it plesis yow to suspend the
Ratificatioun, untill yow haif the advyses of the Nobles and Estatis
of youre Realme, the Quene my maistres dois nothing doubt of thair
conformitie in this mater, becaus the Treatie wes maid by thair
consentis."

[Sidenote: YOUR PAPISTIS AND OURIS HAIF PRACTISIT, AND STILL PRACTISIS
DEVISIOUN.]

[Sidenote: SA THAT SCHO MYCHT HAIF INGLAND AND THE PAIPIS RELIGIOUN, I
THINK SCHO LYET NOT.]

The Quene answered, "Yea, by some of thame, but not by all. It will
appeir, quhen I cum amangis thame, quhidder thai be of the same mynd
that yow say thai wer than of, [or no:] Bot of this I assure yow,
Monsieur l'Ambassadour, (quod scho,) I, for my parte, am verray
desyrouse to haif the perfite and the assured amitie of the Quene, my
gude-sister, and will use all the meanis I can to geve hir occasioun
to think that I meane it in deid."

I answered, "Madame, the Quene my maistres, yow may be assurit, will
use the lyik towardis yow, to move yow to be of the same opinioun
towardis hir."

[Sidenote: THE FEIR OF GOD IN THE HERT OF HELIAS WAS DISOBEDIENCE TO
CURSIT JESABELL.]

"Than (said scho) I traist the Quene your maistres, will not support
nor encurage none of my subjectis to continew in thair disobedience,
nor to tak upone thame thingis that appertene not to subjectis."--[This
we mon answer heir: It appertenis to subjectis to wirschip God as he
hes commandit, and to suppres idolatrie, by quhomsoevir it be erected or
mayntened.][354]

  [354] The words enclosed within brackets are evidently added by Knox.

[Sidenote: GOD GEVIS HIS LAW ALSWEILL TO THE PRINCE AS TO THE
SUBJECT.]

"Yow knaw, (quod scho,) thair is moche ado in my Realme about materis
of religioun; and thocht thair be a greittar nomber of a contrarie
religioun unto me then I wald thair war, yit thair is na ressone that
subjectis suld gif a law to thair Soverane, and speciallie in materis
of religioun, quhilk, I feare, (quod scho,) my subjectis sall tak in
hand."--[Answer for the parte of Scotland: and gif sa thai haid done,
thai haid eschapit Goddis indignatioun, quhilk hes bene felt, and
still hingis over this Realme, for the idolatrie and other
abominationis committit in the same, quhilk sall not ceise till that
it be suppressit.][355]

  [355] This is one of Knox's additions.

[Sidenote: THE CONSECRATIOUN OF THE CARDINALL WILL NOT SUFFER YOW.]

[Sidenote: THE THRID LARDON, ACCUSING INGLAND OF INCONSTANCIE IN
RELIGIOUN.]

I answerit, "Madame, youre realme is in na uther caise at this day,
than all uther realmes of Christiandome ar; the prufe quhairof you see
verefied in this realme: and you see quhat grit difficultie it is to
gif ordour in this mater, thocht the King and all his Counsall be
verray desyrouse thairunto. Religioun is of the grittest force that
may be. You haif bene lang out of your awin realme, so as the
contrarie religioun to youris hes wone the upper hand, and the
grittest parte of youre realme. Youre Mother wes a woman of greit
experience, of deip dissimulatioun, and keipit that Realme in
quyetness, till scho begane to constraine[356] menis consciences; and
as you think it unmeit to be constranit by your subjectis, so it may
lyk you to considder, the mater is also intollerabill to thame to be
constraynit by you in materis of conscience; for the dewtie deu to God
can not be gevin to ony uther without offence of his Majestie." "Quhy,
(said scho,) God dois command subjectis to be obedient to thair
Princes, and commandis Princes to reid his law, and governe thairby
thame selfis and the peple committit to thair chargis." Answer, "Yea,
Madame, (quod I,) in those thingis that be not aganis his
commandimentis." "Weill, (quod scho,) I will be plane with you: the
Religioun that I profess, I tak to be maist acceptable to God: and, in
deid, neither do I knaw nor desire to knaw any uther. Constancie dois
become all folkis weill; but none better than Princes, and suche as
have reull over Realmes, and speciallie in materis of Religioun." [The
Turk is als constant in his Alcoram, as the Paip and his sect ar in
his constitutionis.][357] "I haif bene brocht up, (quod scho,) in this
Religioun; and quho mycht creditt me in ony thing gif I suld schaw my
self lycht in this case; and thocht I be young and nott weill learned,
yitt haif I herd this mater oft disputed by my Uncle my Lord
Cardinall, with some that thocht thai could say somquhat in the mater;
and I fand thairin na grit ressone to change my opinioun." [Neather
yitt did Caiaphas, quhen Christ Jesus did reassone in his presence:
Bot quhat wes the Cardinall compelled to confesse at Poysie?][357]

  [356] In MS. G, "to strayne."

  [357] These words, enclosed, are remarks by Knox.

[Sidenote: BOT THE DEVILL WALD PUT ORDOUR TO HIM SELF.]

"Madame, (quod I,) gif you will juge weill in that mater, you mon be
conversant in the Scriptures, quhilk ar the tuichstone to try the
rycht from the wrang. Paradventure, you ar so partiallie affected to
your Uncle's argument, that you culd not indifferentlie considder the
uther partie. Yit this I assure you, Madame, (quod I,) your Uncle my
Lord Cardinall, in conference with me about these materis, hes
confessed, that thair be grit errouris and abuses come into the Kirk,
and grit disordour in the Ministeris and Clargye; insomuche that he
desyred and wisched that thair mycht be a reformatioun of the ane and
of the uther." "I have oftyne tymes hard him say the lyik," (quod
scho.) Than I said, "Weill, I trust God will inspyre all you that be
Princes, that thair be some gude ordour tackin in this mater, so as
thair may be one unitie in Religioun throcht all Christiandome."

[Sidenote: CHANGE IT NOT BEFOIR YOW HAVE IT; FOR DANSING AND HIR
SISTER IS THE GROUND OF THAT QUHILK YIT YE HAIF PROFESSIT.]

"God grant, (quod scho,) bot for my parte, you may perceave I am none
of those that will change my Religioun, everie yeir. And, as I tauld
you in the begynnyng, I meyne to constrane none of my subjectis, bot
wald wische that thai wer all as I am; and I trust thai suld haif na
supporte to constrane me. I will send Monsieur Dosell, (quod scho,) to
you befoir he go, to knaw quhether you will ony thing into Ingland. I
pray you, so ordour yourself in this mater, betwix the Quene my gud
sister and me, that thair may be perfite and sure amitie betwix us;
for I knaw, (quod scho,) Ministeris may do muche gude and harme."

I tauld hir, "I wald faithfullie and treulie mak declaratioun, of all
that scho haid said unto me, unto your Majestie; and trusted that scho
wald so satisfie your Majestie by Monsieur Dosell in all thingis, as I
suld heirefter have no moir occasionis to treatie with hir of ony
thingis bot of the encrease of amitie." Scho said, "Thair suld be no
want thairin on hir behalf."

"This is the effect of the Quene of Scotlandis answer to youre
Majesteis demand of hir said Ratificatioun, and of my negotiatioun
with hir at this tyme."

       *       *       *       *       *

These advertisementis somewhat exasperated the Quene of Ingland, and
nott altogither without cause; for the armys of Ingland wer befoir
usurpit by oure Soverane, and by hir husband Francis; and Elizabeth,
Quene of Ingland, wes of the Gwysians reputed litill better then a
bastard. It was appointed that this titill suld be renuncit. Bot
heirof haid oure proude and vane glorious Quene no plesour, and
especiallie efter that hir husband was deid; for, thocht scho, the
toluyke of Ingland[358] sall allure mony wowaris to me. The Gwysians
and the Paipistis of baith the Realmes did not a litill animat hir in
that persute; the effect quhairof will sonar appeir then the godlie of
Ingland wald desyre: And yit is scho that now reigneth ovir thame,
neather gude Protestant, nor yit resolute Papist: Lat the warld juge
quhilk is the thrid.

  [358] In Vautr. edit., "the shew of England."

Queyn Elizabeth,[359] we say, offendit with the former ansueris, wrait
unto the Nobilitie and Estaittis of Scotland, in forme as followis:--

  [359] The remark on Queen Elizabeth, in the preceding paragraph, "And
  yet is scho," &c., is omitted in Vautrollier's edition; and the words
  that follow, read, "Let the world judge whether Queen Elizabeth, we
  say," &c., as above.


             THE QUENE OF INGLANDIS LETTER TO THE
                     ESTAITTIS OF SCOTLAND.

[Sidenote: THE PEACE CONTRACTIT AT LEYTH.]

[Sidenote: PRINCES LITILL REGARD THAT.]

[Sidenote: I THINK THIS SENTENCE MANCK, BUT I WILL ALTER NO
     WORD.][360]

     RYCHT trusty and rycht enteirlie belovit Cousingis, we greit
     yow. We doubt not, bot as oure menyng is, and hes bene
     alwayis sithence oure regne, in the sycht of Almichty God,
     streycht and direct towart the advancement of his honour and
     trewth in religioun, and consequentlie to procure peace and
     mayntene concord betwix baith thir Realmes of Ingland and
     Scotland; so also our outwarde actis have weill declared the
     same to the warld, and speciallie to yow, being oure
     nychtbouris, quho have taisted and proved in these oure
     friendschip and ernest gude will, mair then we think any of
     youre antecessouris have ever receaved from hence; yea, moir
     then a greit nomber of youre selfis culd weill houpe of us,
     all former examples being weill weyit and considered. And
     this we haif to rejoise of, and so may ye be glaid, that
     quhair, in the begynnyng of the trublis in that cuntrey, and
     of our succours ment for yow, the jelosie, or rather the
     malice of diverse, boith in that Realme and in uther
     cuntreis, wes suche, boith to deprave boith us in the
     yielding, and yow in requyring our aide, that we were noted
     to have meant the surprise of that Realme, by depryving of
     your Soverane the Quene of hir croune, and yow or the
     greittar parte of yow to haif intendit by our succour the
     lyik; and ather to prefer some other to the croune, or ellis
     to mak of that monarchie a commonweill: materis verray
     sclanderouse and false. Bot the end and determinatioun, yea,
     the haill course and process of the actioun on boith oure
     partis have manifested, boith to the sclanderaris, and to
     all utheris, that no thing wes more meant and prosecuted,
     then to establish youre Soverane the Quene, our cousigne and
     sister, in hir estait and crowne, the possessioun quhairof
     wes in the handis of strangearis. And althocht no wordis
     culd then weill satisfie the malitious, yit our deids do
     declair, that no uther thing wes soucht, but the
     restitutioun of that Realme to the auncient libertie, and,
     as it wer, to redeme it frome captivitie. Off these oure
     purposes and deidis, thair remanis, amongis uther
     argumentis, gude testimonye by a solempne treatie and
     accord, maid the last yeir at Edinburgh, by Commissionaris
     sent boith from us and from your Quene, with full auctoritie
     in wryting, under boith our handis, and the Greit Seills of
     boith oure Realmes, in suche maner as uther Princes, oure
     progenitouris, have alwayes used. By quhilk treatie and
     accord, eather of us have fullie accordit with uther, to
     keip gude peace and amitie betwix oure selfis, oure
     countreis, and subjectis. And in the same also ane gude
     accord is maid, nott onlie of certane quarrellis happened
     betwix us, bot also of some differences betwix the
     Ministeris of the lait Frenche King, your Soveranis husband,
     and yow the Estaittis of that Realme, for the alteratioun of
     lawis and customes of that countrey attemptit by thame.
     Upone quhilk accord thair maid and concludit, hes hitherto
     followit, as yow knaw, suyrtie to your Soveranis estait,
     quyetnes to your selfis, and a better peace betwix boyth
     Realmes, then ever wes herd of in any tyme past.
     Nevertheless, how it happeneth we knaw not, [--We can: for
     scho in hir consait thinkis hir self Quene of boyth,][361]
     that your Soverane eather not knawing in this parte hir awin
     felicitie, or ellis dangerouslie seduced by perverse
     counsall, quhairof we wald be most sorye; being of lait at
     sundry tymes requyred by us, according to hir Band remanying
     with us, signed with hir awin hand, and sealled with the
     Greit Seall of that Realme, and allowed by yow being the
     Estaittis of the same, to ratifie hir said Treatie, in like
     maner as we by wryting have done, and ar reddy to
     deliver[362] it to hir, [yet she] makketh suche delatorie
     answeris thairinto, as quhat we sall juge thairof, we
     perseave by hir answer, that it is meit to requyre of yow.
     For althocht scho hes alwayis answerit, since the deith of
     hir Husband, that in this mater scho wald first understand
     the myndis of certane of yow, befoir scho wald mak answer;
     and so having now of long tyme suspendit oure expectatioun,
     in the end, nochtwithstanding that scho hes haid conference
     boyth by messingeris, and by some of your selfis being with
     hir, yit scho still delayis it, alledgeing to oure
     Ambassadour in France (quho said that this Treatie wes maid
     by your consentis) it was not by consent of yow all; and so
     wald have us forbeir, unto scho sall returne in that hir
     countrey. And now seing that hir ansuer dependis, as it suld
     seme, by hir wordis, upone your opinionis, we can nott bot
     planelie latt yow all understand, that this maner of ansuer,
     without some moir frute, can nott long content us. We have
     meant weill to our sister your Quene in tyme of offence
     gevin to us by hir. We did planelie, without dissimulatioun,
     charge hir in hir awin dowbtfull estait: quhylest
     strangearis possessit hir Realme, we stayed it from danger.
     And now, having promissed to keip gude peace with hir, and
     you hir subjectis, we have hitherto observed it; and salbe
     sorye gif eather scho or yow sall geve us contrary cause. In
     a mater so profitable to boyth the Realmes, we think it
     strange that your Quene hes no better advise: and thairfoir
     we do requyre yow all, being the Estaittis of that Realme,
     upone quhom the burthen resteth, to considder this mater
     deiplie, and to mak us ansuer quhairunto we may trust. And
     gif yow sall think meit scho sall thus leif the peace
     imperfite, by breking of hir solempned promeis, contrary to
     the ordour of all princes, we salbe weill content to accept
     your ansuer, and salbe als cairless to see the peace kepit,
     as ye sall gif us cause; and doubt nott, by the grace of
     God, bot quhosoever of yow sall first inclyne thairto sall
     soonest repent. Yow must be content with oure plane writing.
     And, on the uther syid, gif yow continew all of one mynd to
     have the peace inviolablie keipit, and sall so by your
     advise procure the Quene to ratifie it, we also planelie
     promisse yow, that we will also continew oure gude
     dispositioun to keip the same in such gude termes as now it
     is: and in so doing, the honour of Almychty God sall be
     dewly soucht and promoted in boyth Realmes; the Quene your
     Soverane sall enjoy hir stait with suyrtie; and your selfis
     possesse that quhilk yow have with tranquillitie, to the
     encreas of your families and posterities quhilk by the
     frequent warris heirtofoir your ancestouris never haid long
     in one estaite.

     To conclude, We requyre yow to advertise us of quhat mynd
     yow be, speciallie gif yow all continew in that mynd, that
     yow meane to have the peace betwix boith the Realmes
     perpetuallie keipit. And gif yow sall forbeir ony long tyme
     to advertise us, ye sall geve to us some occasioun of doubt,
     quhairof moir hurt may grow than gude.

     From, &c.

  [360] "Manck," or deficient; that is, "I think (says Knox) there is
  something deficient or wanting in this sentence, but I will not alter
  one word."

  [361] Evidently a remark by Knox.

  [362] In MS. G, "to declair."

These letteris receaved and perused, albeit the Estatis culd nott be
convened, yit did the Counsall, and some utheris also in particulare,
returne ansures with resonable diligence. The tennour of oure Letteris
was this:--


     PLEIS YOUR MAJESTIE,

     That with jugement, we have advysed your Majesteis letteris;
     and albeit the haill Estaittis culd not suddandlie be
     assemblit, yit we thocht expedient to signifie somquhat of
     oure myndis unto your Majestie. Far be it frome us, that
     eather we tak upone us, that infamye befoir the warld, or
     grudge of conscience befoir oure God, that we suld lychtlie
     esteme the observatioun of that peace laitlie contractit
     betwix these two Realmes. By quhat motives oure Soverane
     delayeth the ratificatioun thairof, we can nott tell: but of
     us, (of us, we say, Madame, that have in Goddis presence
     protested fidelitie in oure promeisses,) hir Grace hes none.
     Your Majestie can not be ignorant, that in this Realme thair
     ar mony ennemeis; and, farther, that oure Soverane hes
     Counsalouris, quhois jugementis scho in all suche cases
     preferreth to ouris. Oure allegeance bindeth us, nott onlie
     reverentlie to speik and write of oure Soverane, but also so
     to juge and think: and yit your Majestie may be weill
     assured, that in us salbe noted no blame, gif that peace be
     nott ratifiet to your Majesteis contentment: for God is
     witness, that oure cheiff cair in this earth, nyxt the
     glorie of oure God, is, that constant peace may remane
     betwix these two Realmes; quhairof your Majestie and realme
     sall have suyre experience sa lang as oure counsall or votes
     may stay the contrarie. The benefite that we haif receaved
     is so recent, that we can nott suddandlie bury it in
     forgetfulnes. We wald desyre your Majestie rather to be
     perswaded of us, that we to oure powaris will studye to
     leave it in remembrance to oure posteritie. And thus, with
     lauchfull and humble commendatioun of oure service, we
     committ youre Majestie to the protectioun of the Omnipotent.

     Of Edinburgh, the 16 of Julij 1561.

Thair war some utheris that answered some of the ministeris of Ingland
somequhat more scharplie, and willed thame nott to accuse nor
threatten sa scharplie, till that thai war able to convict suche as
haid promised fidelitie of some evident cryme; quhilk, althocht thai
war able to lay to the charge of some, yit respect wald be haid to
suche as long haid declared thame selfis constant procureris of
quyetnes and peace.

The suddane arryvall of the Quene maid grite alteratioun evin in the
Counsall, as efter we will heir. In this meantyme, the Papistis by
surmising, trublit quhat thai mycht: thair postis, letteris, and
complaintis wer from day to day direct, some to the Paipe, some to the
Cardinall of Lorane, and some to oure Quene. The principall of these
curriouris war, Maister Stevin Wilsoun,[363] Maister Johnne Leslie,
called _Nolumus_ and _Volumus_,[364] Maister James Thorntoun,[365]
and utheris, suche as leved, and still leve, by the trafique of that
Romane harlott.

  [363] Mr. Stephen Wilson, who probably held some preferment in the
  Romish Church, was an active partisan of Queen Mary. He had also been
  in the service of her mother, the Queen Regent. On the 11th February
  1559-60, the Treasurer paid, "be the Quenis Grace speciale command to
  Maister Stevin Wilsone, passand of Edinburgh throuch Ingland, in the
  Quenis Grace effairis, in France," the sum of £80. Randolph, in a
  letter to Cecil, 7th February 1565-6, referring to a Band or
  Confederacy "to maintayne Papistrye throughout Christendome," but more
  especially directed against Queen Elizabeth and the Protestants in
  Scotland, which had been sent from France to be signed by the Queen of
  Scots; he says, it was "to be returned very shortlie, as I heare, by
  Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices."
  Killegrew, in a letter to Lord Burghley, written from Edinburgh, 4th
  March 1573, says, "Stephen Wilson, that carried letters from the Erle
  of Argile into France, is returned, and taken by the Regentis
  commandment. To-morrow he shall be examined." (Wright's Queen
  Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 220, 470.) His intercepted correspondence is
  also mentioned in Killegrew's letter, on the 9th March, quoted by Mr.
  Tytler, vol. vii. p. 340.

  [364] See page 141, and foot-note to page 139.

  [365] Mr. James Thornton became one of the dignified clergy, and
  enjoyed the parsonage of Alves, and the vicarage of Lanbryde, as
  Chantor of Murray. In 1559, he was at Rome employed with John Row,
  (who afterwards became the Protestant minister of Perth,) in
  transacting some ecclesiastical matters. In 1562, when the Rentals of
  the Benefices were given in to the Commissioners, he made several of
  the returns in the diocese of Murray. One of these was the Chantorie
  of Murray, rendered by "Maister James Thorntoun in name and behalf,
  and as procurar of his Eme (uncle) Maister John Thornetoun eldar, quha
  is in titell of the said Chantorie." Another was the parsonage of
  Adwy, given in by him, "in name and as procurar for _his brother_,
  Maister Johnne Thornetoun younger, possessor and titular of the
  samyn." He appears to have been an active and confidential agent of
  James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (who had retired to France, after
  the establishment of the Reformation,) in carrying on his negotiations
  with this country. Queen Mary addressed a letter to Queen Elizabeth,
  27th May 1565, requesting a safe conduct "for Maister James Thorntoun,
  Secretair to the Archbishop of Glasgo, as Ambassatour in France." In
  1566 he brought from France the Bond mentioned in the preceding note.
  It was about this time that he obtained, probably as his uncle's
  successor, the titular appointment of Chantor of Murray.

The Preachearis vehementlie exhorted us to establische THE BUKE OF
DISCIPLINE, by ane Act and publict Law; affirmyng, that and gif thay
suffered thingis to hing in suspence, quhen God haid gevin unto thame
sufficient power in thair handis, thai suld efter sobb for it, bot
suld nott get it.

And now,[366] because that diverse tymes heirtofoir we haif maid
mentioun of the said Buke, we have thocht expedient to insert the
haill in this parte of oure HISTORIE,[367] to the end that the
Posteriteis to come may juge alsweill quhat the warldlingis refused,
as quhat Policie the godlie Ministeris requyred; that thai (gif God
grant unto thame occasioun and libertie) may eather establishe a more
perfite, or ellis imitat that quhilk avaritiousnes wald nott suffer
this corrupt generatioun to approve.

  [366] The whole of this concluding sentence, and the Book of
  Discipline itself, are omitted in the Glasgow MS. In such of the later
  MSS. of Knox as contain the Book of Discipline, it is literally copied
  from Calderwood's printed edition in 1621; in small 4to, pp. [xvi.]
  and 92.

  [367] Archbishop Spotiswood, in his History of the Church of Scotland,
  (edit. 1655, pp. 152-174,) has also introduced a copy of the Book of
  Discipline, and assigns the following reason for doing so: "In the
  Convention kept at Edinburgh in January preceding [1560-1], a form of
  Church-policy was presented, and desired to be ratified. Because this
  will fall to be often mentioned, and serveth to the clearing of many
  questions which were afterward agitated in the Church; I thought meet
  word by word here to insert the same, that the Reader may see what
  were the grounds laid down at first for the Government of the Church,
  so we shall the better decerne of the changes that followed." (Hist.
  p. 152.)

  Spotiswood does not state from what authority he has given it; but it
  is undeniable that he has curtailed various passages which will be
  pointed out in the Appendix, in the note on the Book of Discipline. At
  the conclusion he adds,--"This was the Policy desired to be ratified:
  It had been formed by JOHN KNOX, partly in imitation of the reformed
  Churches of Germany, partly of that he had seen in Geneva; whence he
  took that device of annuall Deacons for collecting and dispensing the
  Church rents, whereof in the sixth head he speaketh; I cannot say."
  (Ib. p. 174.)

  It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the Second Book of
  Discipline, forming part of Calderwood's edition, was of a subsequent
  date, having been agreed upon in the General Assembly 1578, inserted
  in the Registers of the Assembly 1581, and recognised by Parliament in
  1592.




THE PREFACE

TO THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE.[368]


     TO THE GREAT COUNSALL OF SCOTLAND NOW ADMITTED TO [THE]
         REGIMENT, BY THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, AND BY THE COMMOUN
         CONSENT OF THE ESTAITTIS THAIROF, YOUR HONOURIS HUMBLE
         SERVITOURIS AND MINISTERIS OF CHRIST JESUS WITHIN THE SAME,
         WISHE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OURE
         LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL ENCREASE OF THE HOLYE
         SPIRITE.

  [368] There is no separate title either in the MS. 1566, or in
  Vautrollier's edition, which contains the earlier portion of the BOOK
  OF DISCIPLINE. (See note 1, page 197.) The edition 1621, quoted in the
  foot-notes, was published anonymously by David Calderwood the
  historian, and was evidently printed in Holland. A copy of the
  title-page is herewith annexed. It was reprinted in the "Collection of
  Confessions of Faith," &c., with a separate title-page, dated 1721,
  but the volume ii. (pp. 515-608,) containing it, was not completed
  until 1722. The Editor says, "This edition is according to that which
  was printed in 1621," correcting typographical errors, and supplying
  "from other copies some words which probably have been omitted by the
  printer." It is to be regretted that he should not have specified what
  "other copies" he made use of. But one of these, no doubt, was
  Spotiswood's, referred to in note 2, page 181.

    THE FIRST AND
    SECOND BOOKE OF
    DISCIPLINE

    _Together with some_

    ACTS OF THE GENERALL
    ASSEMBLIES,

    Clearing and confirming the same: And

    AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT.

    EXOD. 25. 9.

       _According to all that I shew thee, after the paterne of the
         Tabernacle, and the paterne of all the instruments thereof,
         even so shall yee make it._

    Printed Anno 1621.


FROME youre Honouris we receaved a charge, daittit at Edinburgh, xxix
of Aprile, in the yeir of God J^M V^C thre scoir yeiris, requyring and
commanding us, in the name of the Eternall God, as we will ansuer in
his presence, to committ to writing, and in a Buke to deliver unto
your Wisdomes oure jugementis tuiching the Reformatioun of Religioun,
quhilk heirtofore in this Realme, (as in utheris,) hes bene utterlie
corrupted. Upone the recept quhairof, sa mony of us as wer in this
Toune, did convene, and in unitie of mynd do offer unto your Wisdomes
these Headis subsequent for commoun ordour and uniformitie to be
observed in this Realme, concernyng Doctryne, administratioun of
Sacramentis, [election of Ministers, Provision for their
sustentation,][369] Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and Policye of the
Kirk:[370] Most humilie requyring your Honouris, that as ye luke for
participatioun with Christ Jesus, that nather ye admitt ony thing
quhilk Goddis plane word sall not approve, nather yit that ye sall
reject suche ordinances as equitie, justice, and Goddis word do
specifie: For as we will nott bynd your Wisdomes to oure jugementis,
farther then we be able to prove the same by Goddis plane Scripturis;
so must we most humblie crave of yow, evin as ye will ansuer in Goddis
presence, (befoir quhom boyth ye and we must appeir to rander
accomptis of all oure factis,) that ye repudiat na thing for pleasour
nor[371] affectioun of men, quhilk ye be not abill to improve by
Goddis writtin and revealled Word.

  [369] Omitted in MS. 1566, but contained in Vautr. edit. and edit.
  1621.

  [370] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Church" is used throughout the
  earlier portion of the Book of Discipline in place of "Kirk:" see note
  2 to page 201.

  [371] In edit. 1621, "pleasure and."


THE FIRST HEAD, OF DOCTRINE.[372]

  [372] In edit. 1722, Chap. I.

SEEING that Christ Jesus is he quhom God the Father hes commandit
onlie to be herd, and followed of his scheip, we urge it necessarie,
that his Evangell[373] be trewlie and openlie preached in everie Kirk
and Assemblie of this Realme; and that all doctrine repugnyng[374] to
the same be utterlie suppressed[375] as damnabill to mannis
salvatioun.

  [373] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Evangell" is always rendered
  "Gospell."

  [374] In edit. 1621, "repugnant."

  [375] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "repressed."


_The Explicatioun of the First Head._

Least upone this our[376] generalitie ungodlie men tak occasioun to
cavill, this we adde for explicatioun. By preching of the Evangell, we
understand nott onlie the Scripturis of the New Testament, bot also of
the Auld; to wit, the Law, Propheittis, and Histories, in quhilk
Christ Jesus is no les conteaned in figure, then we have him now
expressed in veritie: And, thairfoir, with the Appostill we affirme,
that "All Scripture inspired of God is profitable to instruct, to
reprove, and to exhorte." In quhilk buykis of Auld and New Testamentis
we affirme, that all thingis necessarie for the instructioun of the
Kirk, and to mak the man of God perfite, is conteaned and
sufficientlie expressed.

  [376] In edit. 1621, "Lest that upon," and omits "our."

By the contrarie Doctrine, we understand quhatsoever men, by Lawis,
Counsallis, or Constitutionis have imposed upone the consciences of
men, without the expressed commandiment of Goddis word; suche as be
[the] vowis of chastitie, foirswering of marriage, bindyng of men and
wemen to severall and disagysed apparrellis, to the superstitious
observatioun of fasting dayis, difference of meit for conscience saik,
prayer for the deid; and keping of holy dayis of certane Sanctis
commandit by man, suche as be all those that the Papistis have
invented, as the Feistis (as thai terme thame) of Appostillis,
Martyres, Virgenis, of Christmess, Circumcisioun, Epiphany,
Purification, and uther found[377] feistis of our Lady: Quhilk
thingis, becaus in Goddis Scripturis thai nather have commandiment nor
assurance, we juge thame utterlie to be abolischet from this Realme;
affirmyng farther, that the obstinat mayntenaris and teachearis of
suche abhominationis aucht not to eschaip the punyschement of the
Civile Magistrat.

  [377] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "other fonde" and "fond
  feastes."


THE SECOUND HEAD, OF SACRAMENTIS.[378]

  [378] In edit. 1722, Chap. II.

[Sidenote: THE NOMBER OF SACRAMENTIS.]

TO Christ Jesus his holie Evangell trewlie preached, of necessitie it
is, that his holie Sacramentis be annexit, and trewlie ministred, as
seallis and visible confirmationis of the spirituall promisses
contened in the wourd: And thai be two, to wit, Baptisme, and the
Holie Supper of the Lord Jesus: quhilk ar then rychtlie ministred,
quhen by a lauchfull Minister the pepill, befoir the administratioun
of the same, ar planelie instructed, and put in mynd of Goddis free
grace and mercy, offered unto the penitent in Christ Jesus; quhen
Goddis promisses ar rehersit, the end and use of the Sacramentis
declared,[379] and that in suche a toung as the pepill dois
understand; quhen farther to thame is nothing added, from thame no
thing diminissit, and in thair practise nathing changit besydis the
institutioun of the Lord Jesus, and practise of his holie Apostles.

  [379] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "preached and declared."

And albeit the Ordour of Geneva,[380] quhilk now is used in some of
oure kirks, is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader, how that
boyth these Sacramentis may be rychtlie ministred; yit for ane
uniformitie to be keipit, we have thocht gude to adde this as
superaboundand.

  [380] See note infra, page 210.

In Baptisme, we acknawlege nothing to be used except the element of
wattir onlie, (that the wourd and declaratioun of the promisses aucht
to preceid we haif said befoir.) Quhairfoir, quhosoevir presumeth in
baptisme to use oyle, salt, wax, spattill,[381] conjuratioun, or
croceing, accuseth the perfyte institutioun of Christ Jesus of
imperfectioun; for it wes void of all suche inventionis devysed by
men: And suche as wald presume to alter Christis perfite ordinance yow
aucht seveirlie to punische.

  [381] In Vautr. edit, and edit. 1621, "spittle."

The Tabill of the Lord is then most rychtlie ministred, quhen it
approacheth most ney to Christis awin actioun: But plane it is, that
at that Supper, Christ Jesus sat with his discipillis, and thairfoir
do we juge, that sitting at a table is most convenient to that holie
actioun: that breid and wyne aucht to be thair; that thankis aucht to
be gevin; distributioun of the same maid; and commandiment gevin that
the breid suld be tackin and eittin; and that all suld likewise drink
of the cowp of wyne, with declaratioun quhat boyth the one and the
other is, we suppoise no godlie man will doubt. For as tuiching the
dampnabill erroure of the Papistis, quho can[382] defraude the commoun
pepill of the one parte of that holie Sacrament, to wit, of the coupe
of the Lordis blude, we suppois thair errour to be so manifest, that
it needeth no confutatioun; nather yit intend we to confute any thing
in this oure simple confessioun; but to offer publict disputatioun to
all that list oppung any thing affirmed by us.

  [382] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "who dare."

That the Minister break the breid, and distribute the same to those
that be nyxt unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence
and sobrietie, to breake with other, we think it nyest to Christis
actioun, and to the perfite practise [of the Apostles,] as we reid it
in Sanct Paull. During the quhilk actioun, we think it necessarie,
that some comfortable places of [the] Scripturis be red, quhilk may
bring in mynd the deith of Christ Jesus, and the benefite of the same;
for seing that in that actioun we aucht chieflie to remember the
Lordis deith, we juge the Scripturis macking mentioun of the same most
apt to stear up our dull myndis then, and at all tymes. Lett the
discretioun of the ministeris appoint the places to be red as thai
think gude. Quhat tymes we think most convenient for the
administratioun of the one and of the other of these Sacramentis,
salbe declared in the Policie of the Kirk.


THE THRID HEAD, TUICHING THE ABOLISSING OF IDOLATRIE.[383]

  [383] In edit. 1722, Chap. III.

AS we require Christ Jesus to be trewlie preached, and his holie
Sacramentis to be rychtlie ministerit; so can we not cease to requyre
Idolatrie, with all monumentis and places of the same, as Abbayis,
monkeries,[384] freireis, nunreis, chapellis, chantreis, cathedrall
kirkis, channounreis, colledges, uthers then presentlie are paroche
Kirkis or Sculis, to be utterlie suppressed in all boundis and places
of this Realme (except onlie the Palacies, mansionis, and dwelling
places adjacent thairto, with orchartis and yardis of the samyn): As
also that Idolatrie may be removed from the presence of all personis
of quhat estait or conditioun that ever thai be, within this Realme.

  [384] In MS. 1566, "monkis, freiris."

For latt your Honouris be assuredlie persuaded, that quhair Idolatrie
is mayntened or permitted quhair it may be suppressed, that thair sall
Goddis wraith reigne, not onlie upone the blind and obstinat idolater,
but also upone the negligent sufferaris [of the same;] especiallie gif
God have armed thair handis with power to suppress suche
abhominatioun.

By Idolatrie we understand, the Messe, Invocatioun of Sanctis,
Adoratioun of Ymagis, and the keping and retenying of the same: and
finallie all honoring of God, not conteaned in his holie Word.


THE FOURT HEAD, CONCERNYNG MINISTERIS AND THAIR LAUCHFULL
ELECTIOUN.[385]

  [385] In edit. 1722, Chap. IV.

IN a Kirk reformed or tending to reformatioun, none aucht [to] presume
eather to preache, eather yit to minister the Sacramentis, till that
ordourlie thai be callit to the same. Ordinarie vocatioun consisteth
in Electioun, Examinatioun, and Admissioun. And becaus that Electioun
of Ministeris in this cursed Papistrie hes altogither bene abused, we
think expedient to intreat it moir largelie.

It apperteneth to the Pepill, and to everie severall Congregatioun, to
Elect thair Minister: And in caise that thai be fundin negligent
thairin the space of fourty dayis, the best reformed kirk, to wit, the
churche of the Superintendent with his Counsall, may present unto
thame a man quhom thai juge apt to feade the flock of Christ Jesus,
who must be examinated alsweill in lyiff and maneris, as in doctryne
and knawlege.

And that this may be done with moir exact diligence, the personis that
ar to be examinated must be commanded to compeir[386] befoir men of
soundest jugement, remanying in some principall towne nyxt adjacent
unto thame; as thai that be in Fyffe, Anguss, Mernyss, or Straytherne,
to present thame selfis in Sanctandrois; those that be in Lowthiane,
Merse, or Teviotdaill, to Edinburgh; and likewise those that be in
other countreis mon resorte to the best reformed citeis or townis,
that is, to the citie[387] of the Superintendent; quhair first in the
scoillis, or failling thairof in open assemblie, and befoir the
congregatioun, thai most geve declaratioun of thair giftis,
utterance, and knawlege, by interpreting some place of Scripture to be
appointed be the ministerie. Quhilk being ended, the persone that is
presented, or that offered him self to the administratioun of the
kirk, must be examined by the ministeris and elderis of the kirk, and
that opinlie and befoir all that list to hear, in all the cheif
pointes that now lie in contraversie betwix us and the Papistis,
Anabaptistis, Arrians, or other suche ennemies to the Christiane
religioun. In quhilk gif he be found sound, abill to persuade by
hailsome doctryne, and to convince the gaynsayaris, then must he be
directed to the Kirk and Congregatioun quhair he suld serve, that
thair, in oppin audience of his flock, in diverse publict sermonis, he
may gif confession of his faith in the articles of Justificatioun, of
the office of Christ Jesus, of the nomber, effect, and use of the
Sacraments; and, finallie, of the hoill religioun, quhilk heirtofoir
hath bene corrupted by the Papistis.

  [386] In Vautr. ed., and ed. 1621, "appeire."

  [387] In edit. 1621, "the best reformed citie and toune, that is, to
  the towne."

Gif his doctrine be found holesome, and able to instruct the simple,
and if the Kirk justlye can reprehend nothing in his lyiff, doctryne,
nor utterance, then we juge the Kirk, quhilk befoir wes destitute,
unreasonabill if thai refuse him quhom the Kirk did offer; and that
thai suld be compelled, by the censure of the Counsall and Kirk, to
receive the persone appoynted and approvin by the jugement of the
godlie and lerned; unless that the same Kirk have presented a man
better or alsweill qualifeid to the examinatioun, befoir that this
foirsaid tryell wes takin of the persone presented by the counsall of
the hoile Kirk. As, for example, the Counsall of the Kirk presentis to
any kirk a man to be thair minister, not knawing that thai ar
utherwayis provided: in the meyntyme, the Kirk is provided of ane
uther, sufficient in thair jugement for that charge, quhom thai
present to the lerned Ministeris and next reformed Kirk to be
examinated. In this case the presentatioun of the Pepill, to quhom he
suld be appointed pastour, must be preferred to the presentatioun of
the Counsall or greater Kirk; unless the persone presented by the
inferiour Kirk be juged unabill for the regiment by the lerned. For
altogither this is to be avoided, that any man be violentlie
intrused[388] or thrust in upoun any Congregatioun. But this libertie
with all cair must be reserved till everie severall Kirk, to have
thair votis and suffragis in electioun of thair Ministeris. But
violent intrusioun we call nott, quhen the Counsall of the Kirk, in
the feare of God, and for the salvatioun of the pepill, offereth unto
thame a sufficient man to instruct thame; quhom thai sall not be
forced to admitt befoir just examinatioun, as befoir is said.

  [388] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "intruded."


II. QUHAT MAY UNABLE ONY PERSOUN, THAT HE MAY NOTT BE ADMITTED TO THE
MINISTERIE OF THE KIRK.

IT is to be observed that na persone, noted with publict infamye, or
being unabill to edifie the Kirk by hailsome doctrine, or being knawin
of corrupt jugement, be eather promoted to the regiment of the Kirk,
or yit receaved[389] in Ecclesiasticall administratioun.

  [389] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "or yet retained."


_Explicatioun._

By publict Infamye we understand, nott the commoun synnes and offences
quhilk any hes committit in tyme of blindnes, by fragilite; (gif of
the same, by a better and more sober conversatioun, he hath declared
him self verielie penitent;) but suche capitall crymes as the civile
swerd aucht and may punishe with deith by the wourd of God. For
besydis that the Apostill requyreth the lyif of Ministeris to be so
irreprehensible, that thai have a gude testimonye from those that be
without; we juge it a thing unseimlie and dangerouse, that he sall
have publict authoritie, to preiche to utheris the lyiff everlasting,
from quhom the civile Magistrat may tak the lyiff temporall for a
cryrme publictlie committed: And gif ony object, That the Prince hes
pardoned his offence, and that he hes publictlie repented, and so is
not onlie his lyiff[390] in assurance, but also that he may be
receaved to the Ministerie of the Kirk; we answer, That repentance
dois nott tak away the temporall punishment of the law, neither doth
the pardon of the Prince remove his infamye befoir man.

  [390] In edit. 1621, "and so not only his life is."

That the lyiff and conversatioun of the persone presented, or to be
elected, may be the more cleirlie knawin, publict Edictis must be[391]
directed to all partis of this Realme, or at the leist to those partis
quhair the persone hath bene most conversant: as quhair he wes
nurischit in letteris, or quhair he contineuit from the yeiris of
infancie and childhood war passed. Strait commandiment wald be gevin,
that if any capital crymes wer committit by him, that thai suld be
notified; as, gif he hath committit wilfull murther, adulterie, a
commoun fornicatour, gif he war[392] a theiff, a druncard, a feychtar,
brawlar, or contentious persone. These Edictis audit to be notified in
the cheiff cities, with the lyik charge and commandiment, with
declaratioun that suche as concealled his synnes knawin, did deceave
and betray (so far as in them lay) the Kirk, quhilk is the spous of
Jesus Christ, and did communicate with the synnes of that wicked man.

  [391] In edit. 1621, "should be."

  [392] In edit. 1621, the words transposed, "if he were a common
  fornicator." Vautr. edit., corresponds with the text.


III. ADMISSIOUN [OF MINISTERS.]

The admissioun of Ministeris to thair offices, must consist in consent
of the pepill and Kirk quhairto thai salbe appointed, and in
approbation of the learned Ministeris appointed for thair
examinatioun.

We juge it expedient, that the admissioun of Ministeris be in opin
audience; that some especiall Minister mak a sermon tuiching the
deutie and office of Ministeris, tuiching thair maneris,
conversatioun, and lyif; as also tuiching the obedience quhilk the
Kirk aw[393] to thair Ministeris. Commandiment suld be gevin alsweill
to the Minister as unto the peple, boyth being present, to witt, that
he with all cairfull diligence attend upone the flock of Christ Jesus,
over the quhilk he is appointed preacher:[394] that he [will] walk in
the presence of God so synceirlie, that the graces of the Holie Spreit
may be multiplyed into him; and in the presence of men so sobirlie and
uprychtlie, that his lyiff may confirme, in the eyis of men, that
quhilk by toung and wourd he persuaded unto utheris. The people wald
be exhorted to reverence and honour thair Ministers chosin, as the
servandis and ambassadouris of the Lord Jesus, obeying the
commandiments quhilk thai pronunce from Goddis mouth and buyk,[395]
evin as thai wald obey God him self; for quhosoevir heareth Christis
Ministeris heareth him self, and quhosoevir rejecteth thame, [and]
dispyseth thair ministerie and exhortatioun, rejecteth and dispyseth
Christ Jesus.

  [393] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "which the church oweth."

  [394] In edit. 1621, "pastor."

  [395] In edit. 1621, "they pronounce from God's word."

Other ceremonie then the publict approbatioun of the peple, and
declaratioun of the cheiff minister, that the persone thair presented
is appoynted to serve that Kirk, we can nott approve; for albeit the
Apostillis used the impositioun of handis, yet seing the mirakle is
ceassed, the using of the ceremonie we juge is nott necessarie.

The Minister elected or presented, examinated,[396] and, as said is,
publictlie admitted, man neather leave the floke at his plesour, to
the quhilk he hes promissit his fidelitie and lawbouris; neather yit
may the floke reject nor change him at thair appetite, unless thai be
abill to convict him of suche crymes as deserve depositioun; quhairof
we sall after speik. We meane nott bot that the hole Kirk, or the
most parte thairof, for just considerationis, may transfer a Minister
frome one kirk to another; neather yit meane we, that men quho now do
serve as it wer of benevolence may nott be appointed and elected to
serve in other places; but onis being solemndlie elected and admitted,
we can not approve that thai suld change at thair awin plesour.

  [396] In edit. 1621, "examined."

We are not ignorant, that the raritie of godlie and learned men sall
seme to some a just reassone quhy that so strait and scharpe
examinatioun suld not be takin universallie; for so it sall appeir,
that the most parte of [the] Kirkis sall haif no Minister at all: But
let these men understand, that the lack of able men sall nott excuse
us befoir God, gif by oure consent unable men be placed over the floke
of Christ Jesus; as also that amangis the Gentilles, godlie, learned
men war als rare[397] as thai be now amangis us, quhen the Apostill
gave the same reul to try and examyne Ministeris, quhilk we now
follow: And last, lat thame understand that it is alike to have no
minister at all, and to have an idole in the place of a treu minister,
yea and in some case, it is worse; for those that be utterlie
destitute of ministeris wilbe diligent to search for them; but those
that have a vane schaddow, do commonlie without farther cair content
thame selfis with the same, and so remane thai continewallie deceaved,
thinking that thai have a Minister, quhen in verray deid thai have
none. For we can nott juge him a dispensatour of Goddis mysteries,
that in no wyise can breke the breid of lyif to the faynting and
hungrie saulis; neather juge we that the Sacramentis can be rychtlie
ministred by him, in quhais mouth God hes put no sermon of
exhortatioun.

  [397] In edit. 1621, "and learned men were also rare."

The cheiffest remedy left till your Honouris and to us, in all this
raritie of trew ministeris, is fervent prayer unto God, that it will
pleis his mercye to thrust out faithfull warkmen in this his
harvest;[398] and nyxt, that your Honouris, with consent of the Kirk,
are bound by your authoritie to compell suche men as have giftis and
graces able to edifie the Kirk of God, that thai bestow thame quhair
greittest necessitie salbe knawin; for no man may be permittit to leve
idill, or as thame self list, but must be appointed to travell quhair
your Wisdomes and the Kirk sall think expedient.

  [398] In edit. 1621, "to thurst forth faithfull workmen into this his
  harvest."

We can nott prescryve unto your Honouris certane reull how that ye
sall distribute the ministeris and lerned men, quhom God hes alreddy
send unto you. But heirof we ar assured, that it greitlie hindereth
the progress of Christis Evangell within this poore Realme, that some
altogither abstract thair lawbouris from the Kirk, and utheris remane
togither[399] in one place, the most parte of thame being idill. And
thairfoir of your Honouris we requyre in Goddis name, that by your
auctoritie quhilk ye have of God, ye compell all men to quhom God hes
gevin ony talent to persuade, by holsome doctrine, to bestow the same,
gif thai be called be the Kirk to the advancement of Christis glorie,
and to the conforte of his trublit flock; and that ye, with the
consent of the Kirk, assigne unto your cheiffest workmen, not onlie
townis to remane into, but also provinces, that be thair faithfull
lawbouris kirkis may be erected, and ordour established, quhair none
is now. And gif on this maner ye will use your power and auctoritie,
cheiflie seiking Goddis glorie, and the conforte of your brethrein, we
doubt not but God sall bliss you and your interprisses.

  [399] In edit. 1621, "altogether."


IV. FOR READARIS.

To the Kirkis[400] quhair no ministeris can be haid presentlie, must
be appointed the most apt men, that distinctlie can read the Commoune
Prayeris[401] and the Scripturis, to exercise boyth thame selfis and
the kirk, till thai growe to greattar perfectioun; and in process of
tyme he that is but ane Readar may atteane to the further gree,[402]
and by consent of the kirk and discreit ministeris, may be permittit
to minister the sacramentis; but not befoir that he be able somequhat
to persuade by holsome doctrine, besydis his reading, and be admitted
to the ministerie, as before is said. Some we knaw that of long tyme
have professed Christ Jesus, quhose honest conversatioun deserved
praise of all godlie men, and quhose knawledge also mycht greatlie
help the simple, and yit thai onlie content thame selfis with reading.
These must be animated, and by gentle admonitioun incuraged, by some
exhortatioun to conforte thair brethrein, and so thai may be admitted
to administratioun of the sacramentis. But suche Readeris as neather
have haid exercise, nor continuance in Christis trew religioun, must
abstene from ministratioun of the sacramentis, till thai geve
declaratioun and witnessing of thair honestie and farther knawlege.

  [400] In edition 1621, "Kirk" and "kirkis," are uniformly "Church" and
  "churches," throughout a considerable portion of this book; but see
  note 2, page 201.

  [401] That is, the Prayers that were usually printed with the Book of
  Common Order, and the Psalms in metre.

  [402] In edit. 1621, "to a farther degree;" Vautr. edit. is the same
  as the text.

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* For The Lordis thinkis, That nane be admitted to preche,[403] but
thai that ar qualifiet thairfoir, but rather be reteaned readaris; and
sick as ar prechearis alreaddy, not fundin qualifiet thairfoir be the
Superintendent, be placed to be readaris.

  [403] The edit. 1621, takes no notice of this sentence having been
  added; and thus connects it with the preceding words, "honestie and
  further knowledge, that none be admitted to preach," &c. Vautr. edit.
  is nearly the same with the text.

     THE FYFT HEID, CONCERNYING THE PROVISIOUN FOR THE
         MINISTERIS, AND FOR THE DISTRIBUTIOUN OF THE RENTIS AND
         POSSESSIONIS JUSTLIE APPERTENYNG TO THE KIRK.[404]

  [404] In edit. 1722, Chap. V.

Seing that of our Maister Christ Jesus and his Apostle Paule, we have,
"That the warkman is worthy of his reward," and that, "The mouth of
the lawboring oxe aucht nott to be muzilled," of necessitie it is,
that honest provisioun be maid for the Ministeris, quhilk we requyre
to be suche, that thai haif neather occasioun of sollicitude, neather
yit of insolencie and wantoness. And this provisioun must be maid not
onlie for thair awin sustentatioun, during thair lyiffes, but also for
thair wiffis and childrene efter thame. For we juge it a thing most
contrariouse to reassone, godlines, and equitie, that the wedow and
childrene of him, quho in[405] his lyiff did faithfullie serve[406]
the Kirk of God, and for that caus did not cairfullie mak provisioun
for his familie, suld, efter his deith, be left confortles of all
provisioun.

  [405] Vautrollier's suppressed edition breaks off at the foot of page
  560, with these words, "the widow and the children of him who in." See
  vol. i. pp. xxxii. xxxix.-xlii.

  [406] In edit. 1621, "serve in."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* Provisioun for the Wyffis of Ministeris efter thair deceise, to be
remittit to the discretioun of the Kirk.[407]

  [407] This addition is in the margin of the MS. It is taken into the
  text in edit. 1621, without notice, and reads as follows: "be left
  comfortles of all provision; which provision for the wives," &c., "is
  to be," &c.

Difficill it is to appoint a severall stipend to everie Minister, be
reassoun that the chargis and necessitie of all will not be licke; for
some wilbe contenewaris in one place, some wilbe compellit to travell,
and oft to change dwelling place, (gif thai sall have charge of
diverse kirkis.) Amangis these, some wilbe burdened with wyiff and
childrein, and one with mo then ane other; and some perchance wilbe
single men: Gif equall stipendis suld be appointed to all those that
in charge ar so inequall, eather suld the one suffer penurie, or ellis
suld the uther have superfluitie and too muche.

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* We juge, thairfor, that everie Minister have sufficient quhairupoun
to keip ane house, and be sustened honestlie in all thingis
necessarie, alsweill for keiping of his house, as claithis, flesche,
fische, buykis, [fewell,] and other thingis necessarie, [furth] of the
rentis and thesaurie[408] of the kirk, [where he serveth,] at the
discretioun of the congregatioun, conforme to the qualitie of the
persone and necessitie of the tyme. Quhairin it is thocht [good] that
everie Minister sall have at leist fourtie bollis meill, and
twenty-six bollis malt, to find his house breid and drink; and mair,
sa mekill[409] as the discretioun of the Kirk findis necessarie;
besydes money for buying of uther provisioun to his house, and other
necessaries, the modificatioun quhairof is referred to the jugement of
the kirk, to be maid everie yeir at the chosing of the eldaris and
deaconis of the kirk. Providing alwayis, that thair be advanced to
everie minister sufficient provisioun for ane quarter of ane yeir
befoir hand of all thingis.

  [408] In MS. 1566, "the same;" in edit. 1621, "and treasurie."

  [409] In edit. 1621, "and more so much."

To him[410] that travelleth from place to place, quhom we call
Superintendentis, quho remane as it war a moneth or less in one place,
for the establishing of the kirk, and for the same purpoise changeing
to ane uther place, must farther[411] consideratioun be haid. And,
thairfoir, to suche we think sax chalder beir, nyne chalder meill,
thre chalder aittis for his horse, v^c markis[412] money, to be eikkit
and pared at the discretioun of the Prince and Counsall of the Realme;
to be payit to him yeirlie, in maner foirsaid.

  [410] In edit. 1621, "But to him."

  [411] In edit. 1621, the words "place," and "farther," are omitted.

  [412] The edit. 1621, omits the words "for his horse;" and makes it
  "six hundreth merkes money."

The children of the Ministeris must have the liberties of the citeis
next adjacent, quhair thair fatheris lawbored, frelie granted. Thai
must[413] have the privileges in sculis, and bursis[414] in collegis;
that is, that thai salbe susteaned at learnyng, gif thai be found apt
therto; and failing thairof that thai be put to some handycraft, or
exercised in some verteouse industrie, quhairby thai may be profitable
membres in a commoun wealth.

  [413] In MS. 1566, "must," is usually written "most."

  [414] In edit. 1621, "bursissis."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO]

* And the same we requyre for thair douchteris; to wit, that thai be
verteouslie brocht up, and honestlie doted quhen thai come to
maturitie of yeiris, at the discretioun of the Kirk.

And this in Goddis presence we witness, we requyre nott so muche for
oure selfis, or for any that till us apperteneth, as that we do for
the encrease of vertew and learnyng, and for the proffeit of the
posteritie to come. It is nott to be supposed that all man[415] will
dedicat him self and childrene so to God, and to serve his kirk, that
thai luyke for no warldlie commoditie. But this cankered nature quhilk
we beare, is provokit to follow vertew quhen it seith honour and
profeit annexit to the same;[416] as, contrairlie, then is vertew of
mony despised, quhen verteouse and godlie men leve without honour. And
sorye wuld we be that povertie suld discourage men from studye, and
from following the way of vertew, by the quhilk thai mycht edifie the
kirk and flock of Christ Jesus.

  [415] In edit. 1621, "any man."

  [416] In edit. 1621, "when it seeth profite and honour thereto
annexed; and."

Nothing have we spokin of the stipend of Readaris, becaus, gif thai
can do nothing but reade, thai neather can be called nor jugit trew
ministeris: And yit regard must be haid to thair lawbouris; but so
that thai may be spurred fordwart to vertew, and nott by a stipend
appointed for thair reading, to be reteaned still in that estait. To a
Readare thairfor that is laitlie enterit, we think fourty markis, or
mair or less, as the Parochenaris and Readaris can agree, sufficient:
providing that he teiche the childrene of the parische, quhilk he must
do, besydis the reading of the Commoun Prayeris,[417] and buykis of
the New and Auld Testamentis. Gif frome Reading he begin to
Exhorte[418] and explane the Scriptures, then aucht his stipend to be
augmented; till finallie he come to the honour of a Minister: But and
gif he be found unable efter two yeiris, then must he be removed from
that office, and dischargit of all stipend, that another may be provin
als lang. For this alwayis is to be avoyded, that none quho is jugit
unabill to come at ony tyme to some reasonable knawlege, quhairby he
may edifie the Kirk, sall perpetuallie be nurisshed[419] upone the
charge of the kirk. Farther, it must be avoided, that no child or
persone within aige, that is, within xxj yeir of aige, be admitted to
the office of a Readare; but Readaris aucht to be endewed with
gravitie, witt, and discretioun, lest be thair lychtness the Prayeris
or Scripturis read be of less price and estimatioun. It is to be
noted, that the Readaris be putt in by the Kirk, and admissioun of the
Superintendent.

  [417] See note 1, page 196.

  [418] There were persons styled Exhorters, employed in the Church
about this time: see next paragraph.

  [419] In edit. 1621, "shall be perpetually sustained."

[Sidenote: _NOTA_]

The other sorte of Readaris, quho have long continewed in godliness,
and have some gift of Exhortatioun, quho are in hope to atteane to the
degree of a minister, and teche the childrene; we think ane hundreth
markis, or mair[420] at the discretioun of the Kirk, may be appointed;
so that difference, as said is, be betwix thame and the ministeris
that openlie preche the Word, and minister the Sacramentis.

  [420] In edit. 1621, "or mair or less."

Restis yit other two sortis of peple to be provided for, of that
quhilk is called the patrimonye of the Kirk; to wit, the Poore, and
Teachearis of the youtheid. Every severall Kirk must provide for the
poore within the self; for fearful and horrible it is, that the poore,
quhom nott onlie God the Father in his law, but Christ Jesus in his
evangell, and the Holie Spreit speaking by Sanct Paule, hath so
earnestlie commended to oure cayre, ar universallie so contempned and
dispysed. We ar nott patronis for stubburne and idill beggaris, quho,
rynning from place to place, mak a craft of thair beggyng, quhom the
Civile Magistrat aucht to punyshe;[421] but for the wedow and
fatherless, the aiged, impotent, or laymed, quho neather can nor may
travell for thair sustentatioun, we say, that God commandeth his
pepill to be cairfull; and thairfor, for suche, as also for personis
of honestie fallin in[to] decay and penuritie,[422] audit suche
provisioun[423] be maid, that [of] oure aboundance should thair
indigence be releaved. How this most convenientlie and most easilie
may be done in everie citie, and uthir partis of this Realme, God
shall schaw you wisdome and the meanis, so that youre myndis be godlie
thairto inclyned. All must not be suffered to beg that gladlie so wald
do; neather yit most beggeris remane whare thei chuse;[424] but the
stout and strong beggar must be compelled to wirk, and everie persoun
that may nocht wirk, must be compelled to repair to the place whare he
or scho was born, (unles of long continuance thai have remaned in one
place,) and thair reassonable provisioun must be maid for thair
sustentatioun, as the Churche shall appoint. The ordour nor soumes, in
oure judgementis, can nott be particularlie appointed, unto suche tyme
as the poore of everie citie, toun, or parrishe, be compelled to
repair to the places whaire thei war borne, or of thair residences,
whaire thair names and nomber must be tackin and put in roll; and then
may the wisdome of the Kirk appoint stipendis accordinglye.

  [421] The edit. 1722, supplies the words, "ought to [compell to work,
  or then] punish."

  [422] In edit. 1621, "fallen into decay and poverty."

  [423] In this place of the MS. 1566, a blank space occurs, at the
  conclusion of one of the re-written quires, with the catchword "_such
  provi-_," in connexion with the top of the next quire, which is
  written in a kind of official square hand, and was probably a portion
  of the copy laid before the Convention, in January 1561. Instead of
  "Kirk," it will be observed that the word "Church" is now employed;
  and curiously enough, in Calderwood's edition, 1621, this is reversed,
  and "Church," which had hitherto been used, gives place to "Kirk."

  [424] In edit. 1621, "where they would."


I. OFF THE SUPERINTENDENTIS.[425]

  [425] In edit. 1621, "The Head of the Superintendents." In edit. 1722,
  Chap. VI.

Becaus we have appointed ane largear stipend to these that shalbe
Superintendentis then to the rest of the Ministeris, we have thocht
goode to signifie unto your Honouris, suche reassonis as moved us to
mak difference betwix preachearis at this tyme; as also how many
Superintendentis we think necessarie, with thair boundis, office, [the
manner of their] electioun, and causses that may deserve depositioun
frome that charge.

We considder that yf the Ministeris whome God hath endewed with his
[singular] graces amangis us, should be appointed to severall and
certane placis, thair to mak thair continuall residence, that then the
greatest part off this Realme should be destitute of all doctrine;
whiche should not onlie be occasioun of greate murmure, but also
should be dangerus to the salvatioun of manye. And thairfore we have
thocht it a thing most expedient for this tyme, that frome the whole
nomber of godlie and learned [men], now presentlie in this Realme, be
selected twelf or ten, (for in sa mony Provincis have we divideit the
hoill,) to whome charge and commandiment shalbe gevin[426] to plant
and erect churches, to set ordour and appoint ministeris (as the
formar Ordour prescribeth) to the contreis that sall be appointed to
thair cayre whaire none ar now; and by these meannis [your] luff and
common caire ower all the inhabitantis of this Realme (to quhome ye ar
equall debttouris) shall evidentlie appeare; as also the simpill and
ignorant (who perchance have never heard Christ Jesus trewlie
preached) shall come to some knawlege, by the which manye that now be
deid in superstitioun and ignorance shall atteane to some fealling of
godlynes, by the whiche thei may be provocked to searche and seik
farther knawledge of God, and his trew religioun and wirschipping.
Whaire be the contrarie, yf thei shalbe neglected, thei shall not
onlie grudge, but also thei shall seik the meanis whairby thei may
continew in thair blindnes, or returne to thair accustumed idolatrie.
And thairfore no thing desire we more earnistlie, then that Christ
Jesus be universallie once preached throuchout this Realme; whiche
shall not suddanlie be unles that by you, men be appointed and
compelled faithfullie to travell in suche Provinces as to thame shall
be assignit.

  [426] In edit. 1621, "ten or twelve," &c., and "and should be given."


II. THE NAMES OF THE PLACIS OF RESIDENCE, AND SEVERALL DIOCESES OF THE
SUPERINTENDENTIS.

Imprimis, the Superintendent of Orknay: whose Diocesye shalbe to the
Ylis of Orknay, Sheitland, Caithnes,[427] and Straythnaver. His
residence to be in the Toun of Kirkwall.

  [427] In edit. 1621, "whose diocesse shall comprehend the Isles
  Orknay, Zetland, and Caithnes," &c.

2. The Superintendent of Ross; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Ross,
Suthirland, Murray, with the North Ylis of the Sky, and the Lewis,
with thair adjacentis. His residence to be in Channonrie of Ross.

3. The Superintendent of Ergile; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
Argile, [Kyntyre,] Lorne, the South Ylis, Arrane [and] Bute, with
thair adjacents, with Lochquhaber. His residence to be in [Argyle.]

4. The Superintendent of Abirdene; whose Diocesye is betwix Dee and
Spay, conteanand the schirefdome of Abirdene and Bamff. His residence
to be in Auld Abirdene.

5. The Superintendent of Brechin; whose Diocesye shalbe the hole
schirefdomes of Mearnis and Anguss, and the Bray of Mar to Dee. His
residence to be in Brechin.

6. The Superintendent of Sanctandrois; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
the hoill schirefdome of Fyffe[428] and Fotheringhame, to Striveling;
and the hoill schirefdome of Perth. His residence to be in
Sanctandrois.

  [428] In edit. 1621, part of this sentence is omitted: it reads "The
  Superintendent of Fiffe and Fotheringhame to Stirling."

7. The Superintendent of Edinburght; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
the hoill schirefdomes of Lowthiane, and Striveling on the south syde
of the Watter of Forth;[429] and thairto is added, by consent of the
hoill Churche, Mersse, Lauderdaill, and Weddell. His residence to be
in [Edinburgh.]

  [429] See following note, page 204.

8. The Superintendent of Jedburgh; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
Thevedaill, Tweddell, Liddisdaill,[430] with the Forrest of Ethrick.
His residence to be [Jedburgh.]

  [430] The words after "the Watter of Forth," in clause 7, are
  transferred to this clause, in edit. 1621: it reads, "whose Diocesse
  shall comprehend the whole Tivitdail, Tweedaill, Liddisdail, and
  thereto is added by consent of the whole Kirk, the Merse, Lawderdaill
  and Weddaill, with the Forrest of Ettrick."

9. The Superintendent of Glasgow; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
Cliddisdale, Renfrew, Menteith, Levinax, Kyle, and Cunynghame. His
residence to be in Glasgow.

10. The Superintendent of Dumfriese; whose Diocesye sall comprehend
Galloway, Carrik, Niddisdaill, Annanderdaill, with the rest of the
Daillis in the West. His residence to be in Drumfreise.

Those men must not be sufferred to leave as your idill Bischopis have
done heirtofore; neather most thei remane whaire gladlie thei wald:
But thei must be preachearis thame selves, and suche as may mak no
long residence in ony one place, till thair Churches be[431] planted
and provided of Ministers, or at the leist of Reidaris.

  [431] In edit. 1621, "may not make long residence in anyplace till
  thair kirkis."

Charge must be gevin to thame that thei remane in no one place above
twenty or threttye[432] dayis in thair visitatioun, till thei have
passed throucht thair hoill boundis. Thei must thryise everie weake at
the least preache; and when thei returne to thair principall town and
residence, thei must be likewise exercisit in preacheing and in
edificatioun of the Churche thaire; and yet thei must not be suffered
to continew thair so long, as thei may seame to neglect thaire uthir
Churches: but efter that thei have remaned in thair cheif toun thre or
four monethis at most, thei shall be compelled (onles be seiknes onlie
thei be reteaned,) to re-enter in visitatioun, in which thei shall not
onlie preache, but also examyn the life, diligence, and behaviour of
the Ministeris; as also the ordour of thaire Churches, [and] the
maneris of the people. Thei must farther consider how the poore be
provided: how the youth be instructed: thei must admonische whaire
admonitioun neidith, dresse suche thingis as by goode counsall thei be
able to appease: and, finalie, thei must note suche crymes as be
haynouse, that by the censure of the Church the same may be corrected.

  [432] The words "or threttye," (thirty,) omitted in edit. 1621.

Yf the Superintendent be fund negligent in any of these cheaf pointis
of his office, and especiallie yf he be noted negligent in preacheing
of the word, and in visitatioun of his Churches; or yf he be convict
of ony of those crymis, which in the common Ministeris ar dampned, he
must be deposit, without respect of his persoun or office.


III. OFF THE ELECTIOUN OF SUPERINTENDENTIS.

In this present necessitie, the nominatioun, examinatioun, and
admissioun of Superintendentis, can not be so strait as we require,
and as afterward it must be.

For this present, thairfore, we think sufficient that eather your
Honouris, by your selves, nominat sa mony as may serve the
fore-written provincis; or that ye gyff commissioun to suche men, as
in whome ye suppoise the feir of God [to be] to do the same; and that
the same men being called in your presence shalbe by you, and by suche
as your Honouris please call unto you for consultatioun in that case,
appointed to thair provinces. We think it expedient and necessarie,
that als weill the gentilmen, as burgesses of everie diocese, be maid
privie at the same tyme to the electioun of the Superintendent,
alsweill to bring the Churche in sum practise of hir libertie, as to
mak the pastor better favorit of the flocke whome thame selves have
chosin. Yff your Honouris can not find for this present sa many able
men as the necessitie requireth, then, in our judgementis, more
profitable it is that those provincis vaik till God provide better,
than that men unabill to edifie and governe the Churche be suddanlie
placit in that charge. For experience hath taught us,[433] what
pestilence hath bene engendred in the Church by men unabill to
discharge thair offices.

  [433] In edit. 1621, "hath teached us."

When, thairfore, after thre yeiris any Superintendent shall departe,
or chance to be deposed, the cheaf town within that province, to wit,
the Ministeris, Elders, and Deaconis, with the Magistrat and Counsall
of the same town, shall nominat, and by publict edictis proclame,
alsweill to the Superintendent, as to twa or thre provinces nixt
adjacent, two or thre of the most learned and most godlie Ministeris
within the hole realme, that frome amangis thame, one with publict
consent may be electit and appointed to the office then vaiking: and
this the cheaf Town shall be bound to do within the terme of twenty
dayis. Whiche being expired and no man presented, then shall thre of
the nixt adjacent provincis, with consent of thair Superintendentis,
Ministeris, and Elderis, enter in into the rycht and priviledgeis of
the cheaf town, and shall present everie one of thame one, or two yf
thei list, to the cheaf town, to be examinated as the Ordour
requireth. As also, it shalbe lauchfull for all the churches of the
Diocesye to nominat within the same tyme suche personis as thei think
worthye to stand in electioun; which man be put in edict.[434]

  [434] In edit. 1621, "Electioun, who all must be put in an Edict."

After the nominationis be maid, publict edictis must be send, first
warnyng all men that have any objectioun[435] againis the personis
nominatit, or against ony ane of thame, to be present in the cheaf
toun at day and place affixit, to object what thei can against the
electioun of any one of thame. Threttye dayis we think sufficient to
be assigned thairto; thretty dayis, we meane, after that the
nominatioun be maid.

  [435] In edit. 1621, "sent forth, warning all men that have any
  exception."

Whiche day of electioun being come, the hoill Ministeris of that
Province, with thre or mo[436] of the Superintendentis nixt adjacent,
or that sall thairto be named,[437] shall examyn not onlie the
learnying, but also the maneris, prudence, and habilitie to governe
the Churche, of all those that ar nominat; that he who shallbe fund
most worthye, may be burdened with the charge. Yff the Ministeris of
the whole Province should bring with them the voitis of those that war
committit to thair caire, the electioun should be the more fre; bot
alwayis, the voitis of all those that convene must be requirit.[438]
The examinationis must be publictlie maid; those that stand in
electioun must publictlie preache; and men must be chargeit in the
name of God, to voit according to conscience, and not efter
affectioun. Yf ony thing be objectit against any that stand[439] in
electioun, the Superintendentis and Ministeris must considder whether
the objectioun be maid of conscience or of malice, and thei must
ansueir accordinglie. Other ceremonies then scharp examinatioun,
approbatioun of the Ministeris and Superintendentis, with the publict
consent of the Elderis and People, then present,[440] we can not
allow.

  [436] In edit. 1621, "with three or foure."

  [437] In edit. 1621, "or that shall be thareto nominated."

  [438] In edit. 1621, "the votes of them that convene should be
  required."

  [439] In edit. 1621, "against him that standeth."

  [440] Edit. 1621, omits "the present."

The Superintendent being electit, and appointed to his charge, must be
subjected to the censur and correctioun of the Ministeris and Elderis,
not onlie of his cheaf Toun, but also of the hoill Province over the
whiche he is appointed oversear.

Yf his offencis[441] be knawin, and the Ministeris and Elderis of his
Province[442] be negligent in correcting him, then the nixt one or two
Superintendentis, with thair Ministeris and Elderis, may convene him,
and the Ministeris and Elderis of his cheaf toun, (provideit that it
be within his awin Province or cheaf toun,) and may accuse and correct
alsweale the Superintendent in those thingis that ar worthy of
correctioun, as the Ministeris and Elderis for thair negligence and
ungodlie tollerance of his offencis.

  [441] In edit, 1621, "his offence."

  [442] In edit. 1621, "Elders of the Toun and Province."

Whatsoever cryme deserve correctioun or depositioun of any other
minister, deserveth the samin in the Superintendent, without
exceptioun of persoun.

After that the Churche he establischeit,[443] and thre yeiris be
passed, we require that na man be callit to the office of a
Superintendent, who hath not tuo yeiris at the leist gevin
declaratioun of his faithfull lawbouris in the ministerie of some
churche.[444]

  [443] In edit. 1621, "Kirk is established."

  [444] In edit. 1621, "in the ministrie of the same Kirk."

No Superintendent may be transferrit at the plesour or requeist of ony
one Province; no, not without the consent of the whole counsall of the
Churche, and that for grave causses and considderationis.

Off one thing, in the end, we must admonische your Honouris, to wit,
that in appointing Superintendentis for this present, ye disappoint
not your cheaf Tounis, and whair learning is exercised, of suche
ministeris as more may proffit be residence in one place, than be
continewall travell frome place to place: For if ye so do, the youth
in those placis shall lacke the profound interpretatioun of the
Scripturis; and so shall it be long before that your gardenis send
furth many plantis; whair by the contrarie, yf one or tuo tounis be
continewallie exercised as thei may, the Commoun-wealth shall
schortlie taist of thair fruct,[445] to the confort of the godlie.

  [445] In edit. 1621, "feast of their fruit."


FOR THE SCHOLLIS.[446]

  [446] In edit. 1722, "Chap. VII. Of Schools [and Universities.]"

Seeing that the office and dewtie of the godlie Magistrat is nocht
onlie to purge the Churche of God from all superstitioun, and to set
it at libertie from bondage of tyrranis;[447] but also to provide, to
the uttermost of his power, how it may abide in the same puritie to
the posteriteis[448] following; we can not but frelie[449] communicat
our judgementis with your Honouris in this behalf.

  [447] In edit. 1621, "from tyranny and bondage."

  [448] In edit. 1021, "in some purity in the posterity."

  [449] In edit. 1621, "we can but freely."


I. THE NECESSITIE OF SCHOLLIS.[450]

  [450] In the present edition, the sub-divisions have been numbered,
  I., II., &c. The Editor of the Collection of Confessions, in 1722, has
  not only numbered the chapters and sub-divisions, but also the
  paragraphs of each chapter.

Seing that God hath determined that his Churche heir in earth, shallbe
tawght not be angellis but by men; and seing that men ar born ignorant
of all godlynes; and seing, also, now God ceassith[451] to illuminat
men miraculuslie, suddanlie changeing thame, as that he did his
Apostlis and utheris in the Primitive Churche: off necessitie it is
that your Honouris be most cairfull for the virtuous educatioun, and
godlie upbringing of the youth of this Realme, yf eathir ye now thirst
unfeanedlie [for] the advancement of Christis glorie, or yit desire
the continewance of his benefits to the generatioun following. For as
the youth must succeed till us, so aucht we to be cairfull that thei
have the knawlege and eruditioun, to proffit and confort that whiche
aucht to be most deare to us, to wit, the Churche and Spouse of the
Lord Jesus.

  [451] In edit. 1621, "ignorant of God and of all godliness, and seing
  also he ceasses."

Off necessitie thairfore we judge it, that everie severall Churche
have a Scholmaister[452] appointed, suche a one as is able, at least,
to teache Grammer and the Latine toung, yf the Toun be of any
reputatioun. Yf it be Upaland, whaire the people convene to doctrine
bot once in the weeke, then must eathir the Reidar or the Minister
thair appointed, take cayre over the children and youth of the
parische, to instruct them in thair first rudimentis, and especiallie
in the Catechisme,[453] as we have it now translaited in the Booke of
our Common Ordour, callit the Ordour of Geneva.[454] And farther, we
think it expedient, that in everie notable toun, and especiallie in
the toun of the Superintendent, [there] be erected a Colledge, in
whiche the Artis, at least Logick and Rethorick, togidder with the
Tongues, be read be sufficient Maisteris, for whome honest stipendis
must be appointed: as also provisioun for those that be poore, and be
nocht able by them selfis, nor by thair freindis, to be sustened at
letteris, especiallie suche as come frome Landwart.

  [452] In edit. 1621, "Kirk have one."

  [453] That is, the translation of Calvin's Catechism: see subsequent
note.

  [454] It was so named from having been compiled for the use of the
  English congregation at Geneva, while Knox was minister there. It
  bears this title: "The Forme of Prayers and Ministration of the
  Sacraments, &c., used in the English Churche at Geneva," &c. From
  Knox's share in this book of Common Order, it will be included in a
  subsequent volume of his Works. Having been subsequently approved and
  received by the Church of Scotland, the Geneva edition of 1558 was
  reprinted at Edinburgh in 1562; and it continued with occasional
  alterations, to be prefixed to most editions of the old metrical
  version of the Psalms, printed in this country. The translation of
  Calvin's Catechism, first reprinted at Edinburgh in 1564, was also
  usually adjoined to the volume.

The frute and commoditie heirof shall suddanlie appeare. For, first,
the youtheid and tender children sall be nurischit and brocht up in
virtue, in presence of thair freindis; by whose good attendence many
inconvenientis may be avoided, in the which the youth commonlie
fallis, eathir by too muche[455] libertie, whiche thei have in strange
and unknawin placis, whill thei can not rule them selfis; or ellis for
lacke of gude attendence, and of suche necessiteis as thair tender
aige requireth. Secoundarlie, The exercise of the children in everie
Churche shall be great instructioun to the aigeit.[456]

  [455] In edit. 1621, "over much."

  [456] In edit. 1722, "to the aged and unlearned."

Last, The great Schollis callit Universiteis, shallbe repleanischit
with those that be apt to learnyng; for this must be cairfullie
provideit, that no fader, of what estait or conditioun that ever he
be, use his children at his awin fantasie, especiallie in thair
youth-heade; but all must be compelled to bring up thair children in
learnyng and virtue.

The riche and potent may not be permitted to suffer thair children to
spend thair youth in vane idilnes, as heirtofore thei have done. But
thei must be exhorted, and by the censure of the Churche compelled to
dedicat thair sones, by goode exercise,[457] to the proffit of the
Churche and to the Common-wealth; and that thei must do of thair awin
expensses, becaus thei ar able. The children of the poore must be
supported and sustenit on the charge of the Churche, till tryell be
tackin, whethir the spirit of docilitie be fund in them or not. Yf
thei be fund apt to letteris and learnyng, then may thei not (we
meane, neathir the sonis of the riche, nor yit the sonis of the
poore,) be permittit to reject learnyng; but must be chargeit to
continew thair studie, sa that the Commoun-wealthe may have some
confort by them. And for this purpose must discreit, learned, and
grave men be appointit to visit all Schollis for the tryell of thair
exercise, proffit, and continewance; to wit, the Ministeris and
Elderis, with the best learned in everie toun, shall everie quarter
tak examinatioun[458] how the youth hath proffitted.

  [457] In edit. 1722, "their sonnes, by training them up in good
  exercises."

  [458] In edit. 1621, "the Minister and Elders, and the rest of learned
  men in every town, shall in every quarter make examination."

A certane tyme must be appointed to Reiding, and to learning of the
Catechisme; ane certane tyme to the Grammar, and to the Latine toung;
ane certane tyme to the Artis, Philosophie, and to the [other]
Toungis; and a certane to that studie in which thei intend cheaflie to
travell for the proffit of the Commoun-wealth. Whiche tyme being
expired, we meane in everie course, the children must eathir proceid
to farther knawledge, or ellis thei must be send to sum handie-craft,
or to sum othir profitable exercise; provideit alwayis, that first
thei have the forme of knawledge[459] of Christiane religioun, to wit,
the knawledge of Goddis law and commandimentis; the use and office of
the same; the cheaf articulis of our beleve; the richt forme to pray
unto God; the nomber, use, and effect of the sacramentis; the trew
knawledge of Christ Jesus, of his office and natures, and suche
otheris,[460] as without the knawledge wheirof, neathir deservith
[any] man to be named a Christiane,[461] neather aught ony to be
admittit to the participatioun of the Lordis Tabill: And thairfore,
these principallis aught and must be learned in the youth-heid.

  [459] In MS. 1566, "have the formar knawledge;" in edit. 1621, "that
  they have further knawledge."

  [460] In edit. 1621, "such other points."

  [461] In edit. 1621, "neither any man deserves to be called a
  Christian."


II. THE TYMES APPOINTED TO EVERIE COURSE.

Two yearis we think more then sufficient to learne to read perfitelie,
to answer to the Catechisme, and to have some entresse in the first
rudimentis of Grammar; to the full accomplischement whairof, (we meane
of the Grammar,) we think other thre or foure yearis at most,
sufficient. To the Artis, to wit, Logick and Rethorick, and to the
Greik toung, foure yeiris; and the rest, till the aige of twenty-foure
yearis to be spent in that studye, whairin the learnar wald proffit
the Churche or Commoun-wealth, be it in the Lawis, or Physick or
Divinitie: Whiche tyme of twenty-foure yearis being spent in the
schollis, the learnar most be removed to serve the Churche or
Commoun-wealth, unless he be fund a necessarie Reidare in the same
Colledge or Universitie. Yf God shall move your heartis to establische
and execut this Ordour, and put these thingis in practise, your hole
Realme, (we doubt nott,) within few yearis, shall serve the self of
trew preacharis, and of uther officiaris necessarie for your
Common-wealth.


III. THE ERECTIOUN OF UNIVERSITEIS.

The Grammar Schollis and of the Toungis being erectit as we have said,
nixt we think it necessarie thair be three Universities in this whole
Realme, establischeit in the Tounis accustumed.[462] The first in
Sanctandrois,[463] the secound in Glasgow,[464] and the thrid in
Abirdene.[465]

  [462] In edit. 1621, "in three Townes."--It will be observed that this
  was in 1560; and that the University of Edinburgh was not founded till
  the year 1582; and Marischall College and University of Aberdeen till
  1593.

  [463] The University of St. Andrews, founded in the year 1411.

  [464] The University of Glasgow, founded in 1450.

  [465] The University and King's College of Aberdeen, founded in 1494.

And in the first Universitie and principall, whiche is SANCTANDROIS,
thair be thre Colledgeis. And in the first Colledge, quhilk is the
entre of the Universitie, thair be four classes or saigeis: the first,
to the new Suppostis, shalbe onlie Dialectique; the nixt, onlie
Mathematique;[466] the thrid, of Phisick onlie; the fourt of Medicine.
And in the secound Colledge, twa classes or seigeis: the first, in[467]
Morall Philosophie; the secound in[467] the Lawis. And in the thrid
College, twa classes or seigeis: the first, in[467] the Toungis, to wit,
Greek and Hebreu; the secound, in[467] Divinitie.

  [466] In edit. 1621, "Dialecticæ," and "Mathematicæ."

  [467] In edit. 1621, "of."


IV. OFF REIDARIS, AND OF THE GREIS, OFF TYME, AND STUDYE.[468]

  [468] In edit. 1621, "Of Readers, and of the Degrees, and time of
  Study;" to this the edition 1722 adds, "and of Principals and Rector,
  and of Bursars."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST GRIE.]

[Sidenote: SECOND DEGRIE.]

_Item_, In the first College, and in the first classe, shallbe ane
Reidar of Dealectique,[469] wha shall accomplische his course thairof in
one yeare. In the Mathematique,[469] whiche is the secound classe,
shalbe ane Reidar who shall compleit his course of Arithmetique,[469]
Geometrie, Cosmographie, and Astrologie, in ane yeare. In the third
classe, shalbe are Reidar of Naturall Philosophie, who shall compleit
his course in a yeare. And wha efter thir thre yearis, by tryell and
examinatioun, shall be fund sufficientlie instructit in thir aforesaid
sciences, shall be Laureat and Graduat in Philosophie. In the fourt
classe, shall be ane Reidar of Medicine, who shall compleit his course
in five years: after the study of the whiche tyme, being by
examinatioun fund sufficient, thei shall be graduat in Medicine.

  [469] In edit. 1621, "Dialectica, Mathematica, Arithmetica." In that
  edition, throughout this chapter, most of these names of the branches
  of study are in like manner given in a Latin form.

[Sidenote: THIRD DEGRIE].

_Item_, In the Secound Colledge, in the first classe, one Reader onlie
in the Ethicques, OEconomicques, and Politiques, who shall compleit
his course in the space of one yeare. In the secound classe, shall be
tuo Reidaris in the Municipall and Romane Lawis, who sall compleit
thair coursses in four yeares; after the whiche tyme, being by
examinatioun fund sufficient, thei shalbe graduat in the Lawis.

[Sidenote: FOURTH DEGRIE.]

_Item_, In the third Colledge, in the first classe, ane Reidar of the
Hebreu, and ane uther of the Greek toung, wha sail compleit the
grammeris thairof in half ane yeare,[470] and the remanent of the
yeare, the Reidar of the Hebreu shall interpreit ane booke of Moses,
the[471] Propheitis, or the Psalmes; sa that his course and classe
shall continew ane yeare. The Reidar of the Greek shall interpreit
some booke of Plato, togidder with some place of the New Testament.
And in the secound classe, shalbe tuo Reideris in Divinitie, that ane
in the New Testament, that uthir in the Auld, who sall compleit thair
course in five yearis. After whiche tyme, who sall be fund by
examinatioun sufficient shall be graduat in Divinitie.

  [470] In edit. 1021, "in three moneths."

  [471] In edit. 1722, "or of the."

_Item_, We think expedient that nane be admittit unto the first
Colledge, and to be Suppostis of the Universitie, onles he have frome
the Maister of the Schole, and the Minister of the toun whair he was
instructed in the toungis, ane testimoniall of his learnyng,
docilitie, aige, and parentage; and likewayis triall to be tane[472]
be certan Examinatouris, deput be the Rectour and Principallis of the
same, and yf he be fund sufficientlie instructit in Dialectick,[473]
he shall incontinent, that same yeare, be promoted to the classe of
Mathematicque.

  [472] In edit. 1621, "triall be taken."

  [473] In edit. 1621, "in the Dialectica."

_Item_, That nane be admittit to the classe of the Medicine bot he
that shall have his testimoniall of his tyme weall spent in
Dialecticque, Mathematique, and Phisicque, and of his docilitie in the
last.

_Item_, That nane be admittit unto the classe of the Lawis, but he
that shall have sufficient testimoniallis of his tyme weill spent in
Dialecticque, Mathematique, Phisique, Ethick, OEconomiques, and
Pollitiques, and of his docilitie in the last.

_Item_, That nane be admittit unto the classe and seige of
Divines[474] bot he that shall have sufficient testimonialles of his
tyme weill spent in Dialecticque, Mathematicque, Phisique, Ethique,
OEconomique, Morall Philosophie,[475] and the Hebreu toung, and of his
docilitie in the Morall Philosophie and the Hebreu toung. But neathir
shall suche as will applye them to hear the Lawis, be compelled to
heir Medicine; neathir suche as applye them to hear Divinitie be
compellit to hear eathir Medicine or yit the Lawis.

  [474] In edit. 1621, "Seage of Divinity."

  [475] In edit. 1621, "and Politica."

[Sidenote: SECUND UNIVERSITIE.]

_Item_, In the Secound Universitie, whiche is GLASGU, shalbe twa
Colledgeis alanerlie. In the first shalbe ane classe of Dialecticque,
ane uther in Mathematicque, the thrid in Phisique, ordourit in all
sortis as Sanctandrois.

_Item_, In the Secound Colledge, four classes; the first in Morall
Philosophie, Ethiques, OEconomiques, and Pollitiques; the secound of
the Municipale and Romane Lawis; the thrid of the Hebreu toung; the
fourt in Divinitie: Which shall be ordourit in all sortis, conforme to
it we have writtin in the ordour of the Universitie of Sanctandrois.[476]

  [476] The Editor in 1722, says, "There is here no mention made of
  Medicine or Greek; but it is probable that a Professor of Greek was
  designed both for Glasgow and Aberdeen for the reason given in the
  remark on 25 § of this chapter:" (Note 2, page 219.)

[Sidenote: THIRD UNIVERSITIE.]

The Thrid Universitie of ABIRDENE shall be conforme to this
Universitie of Glasgou, in all sortis.

_Item_, We think neidfull, that thair be chosin of the body of the
Universitie to everie Colledge a man[477] of learnyng, discretioun,
and diligence, who shall resave the haill rentis of the Colledge, and
distribute the same according to the erectioun of the Colledge, and
shall dalie hearkin the dyet comptis; adjoynyng to him oulklie ane of
the Readeris or Regentis, above whome he shall [take] attendence upoun
thair diligence, alsweill in thair reading, as exercitioun[478] of the
youth in the mater taught; upoun the polecye and uphold of the place;
and for punischement of crymes, shall hald ane oulklie[479]
conventioun with the haill memberis of the Colledge. He shall be
comptabile yearlie to the Superintendent, Rectour, and rest of the
Principallis convened, about the first of November. His electioun
shalbe in this sort: Thair shalbe thre of the maist sufficient men of
the Universitie, (not Principallis alreaddie,) nominat by the memberis
of the College, sworne to follow thair conscience, whais Principall is
departed, and publictlie proponed throu the whole Universitie. Efter
the whiche tyme eght dayis, the Superintendent, by him self or his
speciall Procuratour, with the Rectour and rest of the Principallis,
as are chaptour convened, shall conferme ane of the three thei think
maist sufficient, being afore sworne to do the same with singill
ee,[480] but respect to feid or favour.

  [477] In edit. 1621, "a principal man;" in the edit, 1722, "a
  Principall, who must be a man of learning."

  [478] In edit. 1621, "as exercising."

  [479] In edit. 1621, "hold a weekly."

  [480] In edit. 1621, "with a single eye."

_Item_, In everie Colledge, we think neidfull at the least ane
Steward, ane Cooke, ane Gardnar, ane Portar, wha shall be subject to
discipline of the Principale, as the rest.

_Item_, That everie Universitie have ane Beddale subject to serve at
all tymes throuchout the whole Universitie, as the Rectour and
Principallis shall command.

_Item_, That everie Universitie have ane Rectour chosin from yeare to
yeare as shall follow. The Principallis being convened with the haill
Regentis chaptourlie, shall be sworne, that everie man in his roume
shall nominat suche one as his conscience shall testifie to be maist
sufficient to beare suche charge and dignitie; and thre of them that
shalbe oftest nominat shalbe put in edict publictlie, fiftene dayis
afore Michaelmess; and then shall on Michaelmess Evin convene the
hoill Principallis, Regentis, and Suppostis that ar graduat, or at the
least studyit thair tyme in Ethiques, OEconomiques, and Pollitiques,
and na utheris youngare; and everie natioun, first protestand in[481]
Goddis presence to follow the sinceir ditement of thair consciences,
shall nominat ane of the said thre; and he that hes monyest votis
shall be confermit be the Superintendent and Principall, and his
dewitie with ane exhortatioun proponed unto him: And this to be the 28
day of September; and thairefter aithis to be takin,[482] _hinc inde_,
off his just and godlie governement, and of the remanentis lauchfull
submissioun and obedience. He shall be propyned[483] to the
Universitie at his entre, with ane new garment, bearing _Insignia
Magistratus_; and be halden monethlie to visie everie Colledge,[484]
and with his presence decore and examyn the lectionis and exercitioun
thairof. His assessoris shalbe ane laweir and ane theolog, with whois
advise he shall decide all questionis civill, betwix the memberis of
the Universitie. Yf ony without the Universitie persew ane member
thairof, or be persewit be ane member of the samin, he shall assist
the Provest and Baillies in thei casses, or uthir judgeis competent,
to see justice be ministred. In likewise, yf ony of the Universitie be
criminallie persewit, he shall assist the Judgeis competent, and se
that justice be ministred.

  [481] In edit. 1621, "and everie one having first protested."

  [482] In edit. 1621, "tryall to be taken."

  [483] In MS. 1566, "proposed."

  [484] The Editor in 1722, says, "Some copies have _Insignia
  Magistratus_ being born before him, he shall visite every Colledge
  monethly." &c.

[Sidenote: SUMMA OF BURSARIS IN THE THRE UNIVERSITEIS.]

_Item_, We think it expedient, that in everie Colledge in everie
Universitie, thair be twenty-four bursaris,[485] divided equalie in
all the classes and seigeis, as is above exprimit: that is, in
Sanctandrois, seventie-tua bursaris; in Glasgou, fourtye-eyght
bursaris; in Abirdene, fourty-eyght; to be sustened onlie in meit upon
the chargeis of the Colledge; and be admitted at the examinatioun of
the Ministerie and chaptour of Principallis in the Universitie,
alsweill in docilitie of the personis offerit, as of the habillitie of
thair parentis to sustene thame thair selvis, and nocht to burding the
Common-wealth with thame.

  [485] In reckoning the number of Bursaries, it was proposed that the
  University of St. Andrews should consist of three Colleges; and
  Glasgow and Aberdeen of two each; thus making 72 for the former, and
  48 for each of the latter.


V. OFF STIPENDIS AND EXPENSSES NECESSARIE.

_Item_, We think expedient, that the Universiteis be doted with
temporall landis, with rentis and revenewis of the Bischopriks
temporalitie, and of the Kirkis Collegiat, sa far as thair ordinarie
chargeis shall require; and thairfore, that it wald please your
Honouris, be advise of your Honouris Counsall and voit of Parliament,
to do the samin. And to the effect the same may be schortlie expediat,
we have recollected the soumes we think necessarie for the samin.

_Imprimis_, For the ordinarie Stipend of the Dialecticiane Reidar, the
Mathematiciane, Phisitiane, and Morall Philosophie, we think
sufficient ane hundreth pundis for everie ane of thame.

_Item_, For the Stipend of everie Reader in Medicine and Lawis, ane
hundreth threttie thre pundis, vi s. viij d.

_Item_, To everie Reidar in Hebrew, Greik, and Divinitie, twa hundreth
pundis.

_Item_, To everie Principall of a Colledge, ij lb.

_Item_, To everie Stewart, sextene pundis of fie.

_Item_, To everie Gardnar, to everie Cuke, and Portar, ilkane, ten
markis.

  _Item_, To the Burde of everie Bursar, without the Classes of
  Theologie and Medicine,[486]                       twenty pundis.

  _Item_, [To every Bursar] in the Classe of Theologie, whiche
  will be onlie twelf personis in Sanctandrois,             24 lib.

       Summa of yeirlie and ordinarie expensses in
         the Universitie of Sanctandrois, extendis to     3796 lib.

       Summa of yearlie and ordinarie expensis of
         Glasgow,[487]                                    2922 lib.

       Abirdene, alsmekill,                               2922 lib.
                                                          ---------
       Summa of the Ordinarie Chargis of the hoill,       9640 lib.

  [486] In edit. 1621, the words, "and Medicine" are omitted.

  [487] The Editor in 1722, remarks, "The ordinary expenses of Glasgow
  or Aberdeen extend only to 2722 Pounds and one Merk, so that probably
  it was designed that these two Universities should have had each of
  them a Professor of Greek, whose salary was to have been 200 Pounds."

_Item_, the Beddellis Stipend shalbe of everie entrant and suppost of
the Universitie, ii. schillingis; off everie ane graduat in
Philosophie, thre schillingis; off everie ane graduat in Medicine or
Lawis, 4 schillingis; in Theologie, 5 schillingis; all Bursis being
exceptit.

_Item_, We have thocht gude for building and uphald of the placis, ane
general collect be maid; and that everie Erlis sone, at his entre to
the Universitie, shall gif fourtye schillingis, and sicklike at everie
graduatioun, 40 schillingis. _Item_, Everie Lordis sone sicklike at
ilk tyme, 30 schillingis; ilk fre halding Baronis sone, twentye
schillingis: everie Fewar and substantious Gentilmannis sone, ane
mark. _Item_, Everie substantious Husband and Burges sone, at ilk
tyme, ten schillingis: _Item_, Everie ane of the rest, (excepting[488]
the Bursaris,) 5 schillingis at ilk tyme.

  [488] In edit. 1621, "not excepting."

And that this be gathered in ane commoun box, put in keiping to the
Principall of the Theologeanes, everie Principall havand ane key
thairof, to be comptit ilk yeare anis, with the relictis of the
Principallis to be layed into the samin, about the fivetene day of
November, in presence of the Superintendent, Rectour, and the hoill
Principallis; and, at thair hoill consent, or at the least the most
part thairof, reservit and employit onlie upoun the building and
uphalding of the placis, and repairing of the same, as ever necessitie
shall require. And thairfore, the Rectour with his assistance shall be
haldin to visite the placis ilk yeir anis, incontinent efter he be
promoted, upoun the last of October, or thairby.


VI. OFF THE PRIVILEGE OF THE UNIVERSITIE.

Seing we desire that Innocencie shall defend us rather than Privelege,
we think that ilk persoun of the Universitie shuld answeir before the
Provest and Baillies of ilk town whaire the Universities ar, of all
crymes whairof thai ar accusit, onlie that the Rectour be Assesour to
thame in the saidis actionis. In civill materis yf the questioun be
betwix memberis of the Universitie on ilk side, making thair residence
and exercitioun thairin for the tyme, in that case the partie callit
shall not be haldin to answer, but onlie before the Rectour and his
Assesouris heirtofore expremit. In all uthir casses of civill persute,
the generall reule of the Law to be observit, _Actor sequatur forum
rei, &c._

_Item_, That the Rectour and all inferiour memberis of the Universitie
be exempted frome all taxationis, impostis, chargeis of weir, or ony
othir charge that may onerat or abstract him or thame from the cair of
thair office; suche as Tutorie, Curatorie, Deaconrie, or ony siclike,
that ar establischeit, or heirefter shall be established in our
Common-wealth; to the effect, that but trubill, that ane may wait
upoun the upbringing of the youth in learnyng, that othir bestow his
tyme onlie in that most necessarie exercitioune.

All othir thingis tuiching the bookes to be red in ilk classe, and all
suche particular effaires, we refer to the discretioun of the
Maisteris, Principallis, and Regentis, with thair weill advisit
Counsallis; not doubting but yf God sall grant quietnes, and gif your
Wisdomes grace to set fordward letteris in the sort prescribed, ye
shall leave wisdome and learnyng to your posteritie, ane treasure more
to be estemed nor ony earthlie treasure ye ar abill to provide[489]
for thame; whiche, without wisdome, ar more abill to be thair ruyne
and confusioun, than help or confort. And as this is most treu, so we
leave it with the rest of the commoditeis to be weyit by your Honouris
wisdome, and set fordwart by your authoritie to the most heigh
advancement of this Common-wealth, committed to your charge.

  [489] In edit. 1621, "to amasse."


THE SEXT HEID, OF THE RENTIS AND PATRIMONY OF THE KIRK.[490]

  [490] In edit, 1722, Chap. VIII.

These twa sortis of men, that is to say, the Ministers[491] and the
Pure, togidder with the Schollis, when ordour sall be takin
thairanent, must be sustened upoun the chargeis of the Churche: And
thairfore provisioun must be maid, how and of whome suche soumes must
be lifted. But befoir we enter in this heid, we must crave of your
Honouris, in the name of the Eternall God and of his Sone Christ
Jesus, that ye have respect to your pure brethren, the lauboraris and
manuraris of the ground; who by these creuell beastis the Papistis
have bene so oppressit,[492] that thair life to thame have bene
dolorus and bitter. Yf ye will have God author and approver of youre
reformatioun, ye must nott follow thair futesteppis; but ye must have
compassioun upoun your brethren, appointing thame to pay so
reasonabill teyndis, that thei may feill[493] sum benefit of Christ
Jesus, now precheit unto thame.

  [491] In edit. 1722, "ministers of the Word."

  [492] In edit. 1621, "have before been opprest."

  [493] In edit. 1621, "may find."

With the greaf of our hertis we heare, that sum Gentilmen are now als
creuell over thair tennentis as ever war the Papistis, requiring of
thame whatsoever before thay payit to the Churche;[494] so that the
Papisticale tirrannye shall onlie be changeit in the tirrannye of the
lord or of the laird. We dar not flatter your Honouris, neathir yit is
it proffitabill for you that so we do: if you permit suche
creualtie[495] to be used, neather shall ye, who by your authoritie
aucht to ganestand suche oppressioun, neathir thei that use the same,
escheip Goddis hevy and feirfull judgementis. The Gentilmen, Baronis,
Earlis, Lordis, and utheris, must be content to live upon thair just
rentis, and suffer the Churche to be restorit to hir libertie, that,
in hir restitutioun, the poore, who heirtofore by the creuall Papistis
have bene spoilled and oppressit, may now resave sum confort and
relaxatioun.

  [494] In edit. 1621, "whatsoever they afore payed to the Kirk."

  [495] In edit. 1621, "if we permit cruelty."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* CONCLUDIT BE THE LORDIS:[496] That thir teyndis and uthairis
exactionis, to be clene discharged, and never to be tackin in tyme
cuming; as, the uppermost Claith, the Corps-present, the Clerk-maill,
the Pasche offeringis, Teynd Aill, and all handlingis Upaland, can
neathir be required nor resavit of godlie conscience.

  [496] These words, "Concludit be the Lordis," are omitted in the later
  copies.

[Sidenote: ADDITIO.]

[Sidenote: THE LORDIS AGGREIS WITH THIS HEID OF THE RESAVING OF THE
DEACONIS.][497]

  [497] This addition is omitted in the later copies.

Neathir do we judge it to proceade frome justice, that one man sall
possess the teyndis of ane uther; but we think it ane thing most
reasonabill, that everie man have the use of his awin teyndis,
provideit that he ansueir to the Deaconis and Thesauraris of the
Churche, off that whiche justlie sall be appointit unto him. We
require Deaconis and Thesauraris rathir to resave the rentis, nor the
Ministeris them selvis; becaus that of the teyndis must not onlie the
Ministeris be sustened, but also the Poore and Schollis. And thairfore
we think it most expedient that commoun Thesauraris, to wit, the
Deaconis, be appointed frome yeare to yeare, to resave the hoill
rentis appertenyng to the Churche; and that commandiment be given,
that na man be permitted eather to resave, eather yit to intromet
with, any thing appertenyng to the sustentatioun of the personis
foresaidis, but suche as by commoun consent of the Churche ar thairto
appointed.

Yf any thinkis this prejudiciall to the tackis and assedationis of
those that now possessis the teyndis, let them understand that ane
injust possessioun is no possessioun before God; for those of whome
thei receaved thair titill and presupposed richt, war and ar
thevis[498] and murtheraris, and had no power so to alienat the
patrimonye and commoun-gude of the Churche. And yit we ar not so
extreme, but that we wische just recompence to be maid to suche as
have debursed soumes of money to those injust possessouris (so that it
hes not bene of lait dayis in prejudice of the Churche:) but suche as
ar fund and knawin to be done of plane collusioun in no wise aucht to
be mantened of you. And for that purpose, we think it most expedient
that whosoever have assedatioun of teyndis or churches be openlie
warnit to produce thair assedatioun and assurance, that cognitioun
being tackin, the just tackisman may have ane just and reasonable
recompence for the yearis that ar to ryn, the proffit of the yearis
passed being considderit and deducted; and the injust and surmised may
be servit accordinglie: So that the Churche, in the end, may recover
hir libertie and fredome, and that onlie for releaf of the Poore.

  [498] In edit. 1621, "presupposed right or warrant, were thevis."

Your Honouris may easilie understand, that we speake not now for our
selvis, but in favouris of the Poore and[499] the lawboraris defraudit
and oppressed by the Preastis, and by thair confederat pensionaris.
For quhill that the Preistis Pensionare his idill bellye is delicatlie
fed, the Poore, to whome a portioun of that appertenis, was pyned with
hunger; and moirover the trew laboraris was compelled to pay that
whiche [he] aught not: for the lauborar is nouthir dettar to the dum
dog called the Bischop, neathir yit unto his hyred pensionare; but is
debtour onlie unto the Churche: And the Churche is onlie bund to
sustene and nourische off her chargeis, the personis before mentionat,
to wit, the Ministeris of the word, the Poore, and the Teacharis of
the youth.

  [499] In the edit. 1621, the words "the poore and," are omitted.

[Sidenote: AGGREIT ALSUA BE THE LORDIS]

But now to returne to the formare Heade. The soumes abill to susteane
thir forenamit personis, and to furnische all thingis appertenyng to
the preservatioun of gude ordour and polecie within the Churche, must
be lifted of the teyndis,[500] to wit, the teynd cheaf, teynd hay,
teynd hempt, teynd lint, teynd fischeis, teynd calf, teynd fole, teynd
lambe, teynd woll, teynd cheise, &c. And becaus that we knaw that the
tythes reasonabillie tackin, as is before expressed, will not suffice
to discharge the formar necessitie; we think that all thingis doted to
Hospitalitie, all annualrentis, both in burgh and land, perteanyng to
Preastis, Chanterie, Colledgeis, Chaplanryis, and to Freiris of all
Ordouris, to the Sisteris of the Seanis,[501] and to all utheris of
that Ordour, and suche utheris within this Realme, be receaved still
to the use of the Churche or Churches within the tounis or parrischeis
whaire thai war doted. Furthermore to the uphald[ing] of the
Universiteis, and sustentatioun of the Superintendentis, the hoill
revenew of the temporalitie of the Bischopis, Deanes, and Archdeanes
landis, and all rentis of landis pertenyng to the Cathedrall Churcheis
whatsoever. And farther, merchandis and riche craftismen in fre
Burghis, who have no thing to do with the manuring of the ground, must
mak sum provisioun in thair citeis, tounis, or dwelling placis, for to
support the neid of the Churche.

  [500] In the edit. 1621, "off the tenths; to wit, the tenth sheafe,
  hay, hemp, lint, fishes, tenth calfe, tenth lamb, tenth wooll, tenth
  folle, tenth cheese."

  [501] The Sisters of the Sheens, Senys, or Sciennes, were Nuns of the
  Predicant Order of St. Dominick. Their Convent, consecrated to St.
  Katherine of Sienna, an erection of so late a date as 1517, was
  situated a short distance to the south of Edinburgh. The name of the
  Sciennes, still designates the locality. King James the Fifth, soon
  after his assuming the government, granted to the "Sisters of the
  Senys," an annual pension of £24; and from the Treasurer's Accounts,
  it appears that this sum was continued until 1558, to be paid by the
  Queen Regent, Mary of Guise. A volume printed for the Abbotsford Club,
  in 1841, entitled "Liber Conventus S. Katherine Senensis prope
  Edinburgum," includes the "Constitutiones Sororum," &c., along with
  the several Charters that could be recovered relating to this Convent.

[Sidenote: ADDITIO.]

To the Ministeris, and failzeing thairof the Reideris, must be
restorit thair manses and thair gleibis; for ellis thei can not serve
thair flock at all tymes as thair dewtie is. Yf any gleibe exceid sex
aikeris of land, the rest to remane in the possessouris handis, quhill
ordour be tackin thairin.

THE LORDIS CONDISCENDIS THAT THE MANSE AND YAIRDIS BE RESTORIT TO THE
MINISTERIS: AND ALL THE LORDIS CONSENTIS THAT THE MINISTERIS HAVE SEX
AIKERIS OF LANDIS, EXCEPT MERSCHEALL, MORTOUN, GLENCARNE, AND
CASSILLIS, QUHAIR MANSSES AR OF GRET QUANTITIE.[502]

  [502] This paragraph is added on the margin of the MS. 1566, and is
  omitted in all the editions. It affords a proof of the discussion that
  took place on some of the Heads in the Book of Discipline.

The receaveris and collectouris of these rentis and dewiteis must be
the Deaconis or Thesauraris appointit from yeare to yeare in everie
churche, and that by common consent and fre electioun of the churche.
The Deaconis may distribute no part of that whiche is collected, but
by commandiment of the Ministeris and Elderis; and thei may command no
thing to be deliverit, but as the Churche before hath determined: to
wit, the Deaconis shall of the first pay the soumes, either
quarterlie, or frome half yeare to half yeare, to the Ministeris
whiche the Kirk hath appointed. The same thei shall do to the
Schoolmaisteris, Readeris, and Hospitalis, (gif any be,) alwayis
receaving acquettances for thair discharge.

Yf any extraordinar soumes lie to be delivered, then must the
Ministeris, Elderis, and Deaconis consult whethir the deliverance of
thei soumes doeth stand with the common utilitie of the Churche or
not; and yf thei do universalie aggree and condescend eathir upoun the
affirmative or the negative, then becaus thei ar in credit and office
for the yeare, thei may do as best seameth unto thame: But yf thair be
contraversie amangis thame selfis, the whole Churche must be made
privie; and efter that the mater be exponed, and the reasonis hearde;
the judgement of the Churche with the Ministeris consent shall
prevaill.

The Deaconis shall be bund and compelled to mak accomptis to the
Ministeris and Elderis of that which thei have receaved, als oft as
the Polecie shall appoint; and the Elderis whan thei ar changeit,
(which must be everie yeare,) must clear thair comptis before suche
auditouris as the Churche shall appoint: And both the Deaconis and
Elderis being changeit, shall deliver to thame that shalbe now
elected, all soumes of money, cornis, and other proffits resting in
thair handis; the tickettis whairof must be delivered to the
Superintendentis in thair visitatioun, and by thame to the gret
Counsall of the Churche, that alsweill the aboundance as the indigence
of everie churche may be evidentlie knawin, that a reasonable
equalitie may be had throuchout the hoill Realme. Yf this ordour be
preciselie keipit,[503] corruptioun can not suddanlie enter. For the
frie and yearlie electioun of Deaconis and Elderis shall suffer none
to usurpe a perpetuall dominioun[504] over the Churche; the knawledge
of the rentall shall suffice[505] thame to receave no more then
whairof thei shall be bund to mak accomptis; the deliverance of the
money to the new officiaris shall not suffer privat men [to] use in
thair private besynes, that whiche apperteyneth to the publict
effaires of the Churche.

  [503] In edit. 1621, "be perfectly kept."

  [504] In edit. 1621, "domination."

  [505] In edit. 1621, "shall suffer."


THE SEVINT HEID, OF ECCLESIASTICALL DISCIPLINE.[506]

  [506] In edit. 1722, Chap. IX.

As that no Commoun-wealth can flurische or long indure without gude
lawis, and scharp executioun of the same; so neathir can the Churche
of God be brocht to puritie, neathir yit be retained in the same,
without the ordour of Ecclesiasticall Discipline, whiche standis in
reproving and correcting off these faltis, which the civill sweard
doeth eather neglect, eather may not punische: Blasphemye, adulterie,
murthour, perjurie, and uthir crymes capitall, worthie of death, aucht
not properlie to fall under censure of the Churche; becaus all suche
oppin transgressouris of Goddis lawis aucht to be tackin away be the
civill swearde. But drunkynnes, excesse, (be it in apparell, or be it
in eating and drinking,) fornicatioun, oppressioun of the poore by
exactionis, deceaving of thame in buying or selling be wrang met or
measure, wantoun wordis and licentious leving tending to sklander, do
propirlie appertene to the Churche of God, to punische the same as
Goddis word commandeth.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED ON BE THE COUNSALL.]

But becaus this accursit Papistrie hath brocht in suche confusioun in
the warld, that neather was virtu richtlie praysit, neathir vice
seveirlie punisched; the Churche of God is compelled to draw the
swearde whiche of God scho have receaved, aganis suche oppin and
manifest offendaris,[507] cursing and excommunicating all suche,
alsweall those whome the civill swearde aucht to punische as the
uthiris, frome all participatioun with hir in prayeris and
sacramentis, till oppin repentence manifestlie appeare in thame. As
the ordour of Excommunicatioun and proceiding to the same aucht to be
grave and slow, so being onis pronunced aganist any persoun, off what
estait and conditioun that ever thay be, it must be keipit with all
severitie. For lawis maid and nocht keipit engendereth contempt of
virtu, and bringis in confusioun and libertie to syn: And thairfore
this ordour we think expedient to be observit before and efter
excommunicatioun.

  [507] In edit. 1621, "contemners."

First, yf the offence be secreit and knawin to few,[508] and rathir
standis in suspitioun than in manifest probatioun, the offender aucht
to be privatlie admonischeit to abstene frome all appearance of evill;
whiche yf he promissis to do, and to declair him self sober, honest,
and one that feareth God, and feareth to offend his brethren, than may
the secreit admonitioun suffice for his correctioun. But gif he athir
contempn the admonitioun, or efter promis maid, do schaw him self no
more circumspect than he was before, than must the Minister admonische
him; to whome yf he be fund inobedient, thei must proceid according to
the reule of Christ, as efter sall be declairit.

  [508] In edit. 1621, "or known to few men."

Gif the cryme be publict, and suche as is haynouse, as fornicatioun,
drunkynnes, fechting, commoun sweiring, or execratioun, than aucht the
offendar to be callit in the presence of the Minister, Elderis, and
Deaconis, whair his syn and offence[509] aucht to be declared and
aggredgeit, so that his conscience may feale how far he hath offended
God, and what sklander he hath rasit in the Churche.[510] Yf signis of
unfeinyeit repentence appeare into him, and gif he require to be
admitted to publict repentence, the Ministerie may appoint unto him a
day whan the hoill Churche convenith togidder, that in presence of all
he may testifie the repentence whiche before thame he professed:
Whiche yf he accept, and with reverence do, confessing his syn, and
dampnyng the same,[511] and earnestlie desiring the Congregatioun to
pray to God with him for mercy, and to accept him in thair societie,
nochtwithstanding his formar offence: than the Churche may, and aught
resave him as a penitent; for the Churche aught to be no more seveir
than God declarith him self to be, who witnessith, that "In
whatsoever hour ane synner unfeynedlie repenteth, and turnis from his
wickit way, that he will nocht remember ane of his iniquiteis." And
thairfore the Churche aught deligentlie to advert that it excommunicat
not those whom God absolvith.

  [509] In edit. 1621, "and trespass."

  [510] In edit. 1621, "Kirk."

  [511] In edit. 1621, "and with reverence confesse his sinne, doing the
  same."

Yf the offendar callit before the Ministerie be fund stuburne,
hard-hertit, or one in whome no signe of repentence appeareth, than
must he be demissed with ane exhortatioun to considder the dangerus
estait in whiche he standis; assuring him, yf thei find into him no
uthir tokin of amendment of lyfe, that thai will be compelled to seake
a farther remedie. Yf he within ane certane space schaw his repentence
to the Ministrie, thei must present him to the Churche as before is
said.

But gif he continew in his impenitence, than must the Churche be
admonisched[512] that suche crymes are committed amangis thame, whiche
by the Ministerie hath bene reprehendit, and the personis provocked to
repent; whairof becaus no signis appeareth unto thame, thei could not
but signifie unto the Churche the crymes, but not the persoun,
requiring thame earnistlie to call to God to move and tuiche the
heartis of the offenderis, so that suddanlie and earnistlie thei may
repent.

  [512] In edit. 1621, "If he continue not in his repentance, then must
  the Kirk be advertised."

Yf the persoun maligne, than the nixt day of publict assemblie; the
cryme and the persoun must be both notifyed unto the Churche, and
thair judgement must be requirit, yf that suche crymes aught to be
suffered unpunischeit amangis thame: Requeast also wald be maid to the
most discreit and to the nearest freindis of the offendare to travell
with him to bring him to knawledge of himself, and of his dangerus
estait, with ane commandiment gevin to all man to call to God for the
conversioun of the impenitent. Yf ane solempned and ane speciall
prayer war maid and drawin for that purpose, the thing shuld be the
more gravelie done.[513]

  [513] This was afterwards done, in the Order of Excommunication and of
  Public Repentance.

The thrid Sunday, the Minister aught to require yf the unpenitent have
declared ony signis of repentence to ony of the Ministerie; and yf he
hath, then may the Minister appoint him to be examinated be the hoill
Ministerie; eathir then instantlie, or at ane uther day affixed to the
consistorie: and yf repentence appeare, alsweill of the cryme, as of
his long contempt, then may he be presented to the Churche, and mak
his confessioun, and to be accepted as before is said. But yf no man
signifie his repentence, then aught he to be excommunicat; and by the
mouth of the Minister, consent of the Ministerie, and commandiment of
the Churche, must sick a contempnar be pronunced excommunicat from
God, and from the societie of his Churche.

After whiche sentence may no persoun, (his wife and familie onlie
excepted,) have ony kynde of conversatioun with him, be it in eiting
and drinking, buying or selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him;
except that it be at the commandiment or licence of the Ministerie for
his conversioun; that he by suche meanis confoundit, seing him self
abhorrit of the faythfull and godlie, may have occasioun to repent and
be so savit. The sentence of his Excommunicatioun must be publischeit
universalie throwhout the Realme, least that any man sould pretend
ignorance.

His children begottin or borne efter that sentence and before his
repentence, may nocht be admitted to baptisme, till eathir thei be of
aige to require the samin, or ellis that the Moder, or sum of his
especiall freinds, members of the Churche, offer and present the
child, abhorring and dampnyng the iniquitie and obstinat contempt of
the impenitent. Yf ony think it seveir,[514] that the child suld be
punischeit for the iniquitie of the Fader; let thame understand that
the sacramentis appertene onlie to the faithfull and to thair seade:
But suche as stuburnlie contempt all godlie admonitioun, and
obstinatlie remane in thair iniquitie, can nocht be accompted amangist
the faithfull.

  [514] In edit. 1621, "If any man should think it severe."


II. THE ORDOURE FOR PUBLICT OFFENDARIS.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED TO BE THE LORDIS.]

We have spokin no thing of those that commit horrible crymis, as
murtheraris, man-slayaris, and adulteraris; for suche (as we have
said) the Civill swearde aught to punische to death: But in case thei
be permitted to leve, than must the Churche, as before is said, draw
the swearde whiche of God scho hath receaved, halding thame as
accursed evin in thair [very] fact. The offendar being first called,
and ordour of the Churche used aganis him, in the same maner as the
personis that for obstinat impenitence ar publictlie excommunicat: So
that the obstinat impenitent efter the sentence of excommunicatioun,
and the murtherar or adulterar stand in one case as concernying the
judgement of [the Churche]; that is, neathir of both may be receaved
in the fellowschip of the Churche to prayeris or sacramentis, (but to
heiring of the word thei may,) till first thei offer thame selfis to
the Ministerie, humblie requiring the Ministeris and Elderis to pray
to God for thame; and alsua to be intercessouris to the Churche, that
thei may be admitted to publict repentence, and so to the fruitioun of
the benefitis of Christ Jesus, distributed to the memberis of his
body.

Yf this requeist be humilie maid, then may not the Ministeris refuise
to signifie the same unto the Churche, the nixt day of publict
preaching,[515] the Minister geving exhortatioun to the Churche to
pray to God to performe the work whiche he appearit to have begun,
wirking in the heart of the offendare unfeyned repentence of his
grevous cryme, and the sence[516] and fealing of his great mercy, by
the operatioun of his Holie Spirit. Thairefter ane day aucht
publictlie to be assignit unto him to gif oppin confessioun of his
offence and contempt, and sa to mak ane publict satisfactioun to the
Churche of God. Whiche day the offenderis must appeare in presence of
the hoill Churche, and with his awin mouthe dampne his awin impietie,
publictlie confessing the same; desiring God of his grace and mercy,
and his congregatioun, that it will please thame to accept him in
thair societie, as before is said. The Minister must examinat him
diligentlie whethir he find a haitrent and displesour of his syn,
alsweill of his cryme as of his contempt:[517] whiche yf he confesse,
he must travell with him, to se what hope he hath of Goddis mercy.

  [515] In MS. 1566, "publict praying."

  [516] In edit. 1621, "cryme and offence."

  [517] In edit. 1621, the words "cryme," and "contempt," are
  transposed.

And gif he find him reasonabillie instructed in the knawledge of
Christ Jesus, in the virtu of his death; than may the Minister confort
him by Goddis infallibill promisses, and demand of the Churche yf thei
be content to resave that creature of God, whome Sathan before have
drawin in his nettis, in the societie of thair body, seing that he
declairis him self penitent. Whiche yf the Churche grant, as thai may
not justlie deny the same, than aught the Minister in publict prayer
to commend him to God, confesse the syn of that offendar, and of the
whole[518] Churche, desiring mercy and grace for Christ Jesus saik.
Whiche prayer being endit, the Minister aught to exhort the Churche to
resave that penitent brothir in thair favouris, as thay require God to
resave thame selfis, whan thay have offendit; and in signe of thair
consent, the Elderis and cheaf men of the Churche sall tak the
penitent by the hand, and one or two in name of the whole shall kiss
and imbrace him with all reverence and gravitie, as a member of Christ
Jesus.

  [518] In edit. 1621, "before the whole."

Whiche being done, the Minister shall exhort the reconcilled[519] to
tak diligent heid in tymes cuming, that Sathan trap him nocht in suche
crymes, admonissing him that he will nocht cease to tempt and trye
[by] all meanis possibill to bring him frome that obedience whiche he
hath gevin to God, and to the ordinance of his Sone Christ Jesus. The
exhortatioun being ended, the Minister aught to gif publict thankis
unto God for the conversioun of that thair brothir, and for the
benifittis quhilk we resave by Jesus Christ, praying for the increase
and continewance of the same.

  [519] In edit. 1621, "the received."

Yf the penitent, efter that he have offered him self to the
Ministerie, or to the Churche, be fund ignorant in the principall
pointis of oure religioun, and cheaflie in the article of
Justificatioun, and of the office of Christ Jesus, than aucht he to be
exactlie instructed before he be receaved: For ane mocking of God it
is to receave thame in repentence, who knoweth not whairin standis
thair remeid, whan thai repent thair syn.


III. PERSONIS SUBJECT TO DISCIPLINE.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED TO LIKEWISE]

To Discipline must all Estaitis within this Realme be subject, yf thay
offend,[520] alsweil the Reullaris as thay that are reulit; yea and
the Preachearis thame selfis, alsweill as the poorest within the
Churche. And becaus the eye and mouth of the Churche aught to be most
single and irreprehensibill, the life and conversatioun of the
Ministers aucht most diligentlie to be tryed. Whairof we shall speake,
efter that we have spokin of the electioun of Elderis and Deaconis,
who must assist the Ministeris in all public effaires of the Churche,
&c.[521]

  [520] The words, "yf they offend," are omitted in edit. 1621.

  [521] In edit. 1621, "of the Kirk."


THE EYGHT HEID, TUICHING THE ELECTIOUN OFF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS,
&C.[522]

  [522] In edit. 1722, Chap. X.

MEN of best knawledge in Goddis word, of cleanest life, men faithfull,
and of most honest conversatioun that can be fund in the Churche, must
be nominated to be in electioun; and the names of the same must[523]
be publictlie red to the whole Kirk by the Minister, geving thame
advertisement, that frome amongest these must be chosin Elderis and
Deaconis. Yf anye of the nominated be noted with publict infamye, he
aught to be repelled; for it is not seamlie that the servand of
corruptioun shall have authoritie to judge in the Churche of God. Yf
anye man knowis utheris of better qualiteis within the Churche then
these that beis nominated, lat thame be put in electioun, that the
Church may have the choise.

  [523] In edit. 1621, "and their names."

[Sidenote: WHAT CHURCHES MAY BE JOYNED LAT THE POLECIE JUDGE.]

Yf churcheis[524] be of smaller nomber than that Seniouris and
Deaconis can be chosin frome amangis thame, then may thay weill be
joyned to the nixt adjacent Churche: For the pluralitie of churcheis,
without ministeris and ordour, shall rathir hurt than edifie.

  [524] In edit. 1621. "If the kirk."

The electioun of Elderis and Deaconis aught to be used everie yeare
once, (whiche we judge to be most convenient the first day of August;)
least that by long continuance of suche officiaris, men presume upoun
the libertie of the Churche. It hurtis not that one man be reteaned in
office mo yearis than one, so that he be appointed yearlie, by common
and fre electioun; provideit alwayes, that the Deaconis, thesauraris,
be not compelled to receave the office againe for the space of three
yearis.

How the voitis and suffreigeis may be best receaved, so that everie
man may gyf his vote frelie, everie severall Churche may tack such
ordour as best seameth to thame.

The Elderis being elected, must be admonischeit of thair office, which
is to assist the Minister in all publict effares of the Churche; to
wit, in judgeing and decernyng[525] causses; in geving of admonitioun
to the licentious lever; in having of respect to the manneris and
conversatioun of all men within thair charge; for by the gravitie of
the Seniouris aught the licht and unbridillit life of the licentious
be corrected and bridillit.

  [525] In edit. 1621, "to wit, in determining and judging."

Yea, the Seniouris aught to tak heyde to the life, manneris,
deligence, and studye of thair Ministeris. Yf he be worthie of
admonitioun, thei must admonische him; of correctioun, thei must
correct him: And yf he be worthy of depositioun, thay with consent of
the Churche and Superintendent may depose him, so that his cryme so
deserve. Yf a Minister be licht in conversatioun, by his Elderis and
Seniouris, he aught to be admonisched. Yf he be negligent in studie,
or one that vaketh not upoun his charge and flocke, or one that
proponeth not frutefull doctrine, he deservith scharpear admonitioun
and correctioun. To the whiche yf he be fund stubburne and inobedient,
than may the Seniouris of one Churche complaine to the Ministerie of
the two nixt adjacent churcheis, whaire men of greater gravitie are;
to whois admonitioun yf he be fund inobedient, he aught to be
discharged frome his ministerie till his repentence appeare, and a
place be vaking for him.

Yf any Minister be deprehendit in any notable cryme, as huredome,
adulterie, murther, man-slauchter, perjurie, teaching of heresie, or
ony such as deserve death, or [that] may be ane note of perpetuall
infamye, he aught to be deposed for ever. By Heresie, we meane
pernitius doctrine planelie taught, and obstinatlie defended, aganis
the foundatioun and principallis of our faith: and such a cryme we
juge to deserve perpetuall depositioun frome the ministrie; for most
dangerus we know it to be, to commit the flock to ane man infected
with the pestilence of heresye.

Some crymes deserve depositioun for ane tyme, and whill the persoun
gyf declaratioun of gretar gravitie and honnestie: as yf a minister be
deprehendit dronk, in brawling or fechting, ane oppin sklanderar, ane
infamer of his nychtbour, factious and sawar of discord, be may be
commandit to cease from his ministrie, till he declair the signis of
repentence; upoun the whiche, the Churche sall abide him the space of
twentye dayis or farther, as the Churche shall think expedient, before
that thay proceed to ane new electioun.

Everie inferiour Churche shall by one of thair Seniouris and one of
thair Deaconis, onis in the year, notifie unto the ministerie of the
Superintendentis churche, the life, maneris, studye, and deligence of
thair Ministeris, to the end that the discretioun of some may correct
the lenitie of otheris.

Not onlie may the life and maneris of the Ministeris cum under censure
and judgement of the Churche, bot also of thair wiffes, children, and
familie; judgement must be tackin, that he neather live riotuslie,
neathir yit avaritiuslie; yea, respect must be had how thay spend the
stipend appointed to thair leving. Yf ane reasonabill stypend be
appointed, and thay leve avariciuslie, thai must be admonisched to
live so as thay resave; for as excesse and superfluitie is nocht
tollerabill in ane minister, so is avarice and the cairfull
sollicitude of money and geir[526] utterlie to be damned in Christis
servandis, and especialie in those that are fed upoun the charge of
the Church. We judge it unseamlie and not tollerabill that ministeris
shall be burdeit in commoun aill-housses or tavernis.

  [526] In ed. 1621, the words "and geir," omitted.

Neathir yit must ane Minister be permitted to frequent and commonlie
hant the Court, onless it be for a time, when he is eathir send be the
Churche, eathir yit called for by the Authoritie for his counsall and
judgement. Neathir yit must he be one of the counsall in Civill
effaires, be he never judgeit so apt for that purpose; but eathir must
he cease frome the ministerie (whiche at his awin plesour he may not
do,) or ellis from bearing charge in Civill effaires, onles it be to
assist the Parliament yf he be[527] called.

  [527] In MS. 1566, "if thay be."

The office of the Deaconis, as is before declared, is to receave the
rentis, and gadder the almous of the Churche, to keip and distribute
the same, as by the ministerie of the Kirk shall be appointed. Thay
may also assist in judgement with the Ministeris and Elderis, and may
be admitted to read in the assemblie yf thei be required, and be fund
abill thairto.

The Elderis and Deaconis, with thair wiffeis and houshaldis must be
under the same censure that is prescribit for the Ministeris: for thay
must be cairfull over thair office; and seing that thay ar judgeis to
the maneris of uthiris, thair awin conversatioun aught to be
irreprehensible: Thay must be sober, humill, luifaris and
interteinaris of concord and peace; and, finalie, thay aught to be the
exempill of godlines till otheris. And yf the contrarie thairof
appeare, thay must be admonisched by the Minister, or by some of thair
brethren of the ministerie, yf the falt be secreit; and gif it be
oppin and knawin, it must be rebucked before the ministerie, and the
same ordour keipit against the Seniour or Deacon, that before is
describit aganis the Minister.

We think it nott necessarie that ony publict stypend shall be
appointed, eathir to the Elderis, or yit to the Deaconis, becaus thair
travell contineuis bot for ane yeare; and alsua becaus that thay are
not so occupyed with the effares of the Churche, but that
reasonabillie thay may attend upoun thair domesticall besynes.


THE NNYT HEADE, CONCERNYNG THE POLECIE OF THE CHURCHE.[528]

  [528] In edit. 1722, Chap. XI.

POLECIE we call ane exercise of the Churche[529] in suche thingis as
may bring the rude and ignorant to knawledge, or ellis inflambe the
learned to greater fervencie, or to reteane the Churche in gude
ordour. And thairof thair be two sortis: the one utterlie necessarie;
as that the word be treulie preched, the sacramentis richtlie
ministrat, common prayeris publictlie maid; that the children and
rude personis be instructed in the cheaf pointis of religioun, and
that offences be corrected and punisched; these thingis, we say, be so
necessarie, that without the same thair is no face of ane visible
Kirk. The other is proffitable, bot not of mere necessitie; as, that
Psalmes suld be sung; that certane placis of the Scripturis suld be
red whan thair is no sermon; that this day or that day, few or many in
the weeke, the churche suld assemble. Off these and suche utheris we
can not se how ane certane ordour can be establisched. For in some
churcheis the Psalmes may be convenientlie sung; in utheris,
perchance, thay can not. Some churcheis may convene everie day; some
thryise or twise in the weeke; some perchance bot onis. In these and
such like must everie particular Churche, by thair awin consent,
appoint thair awin Polecie.

  [529] In edit. 1621, "Policie wee call an exercise of the Kirk."

In greit Tounis we think expedient that everie day thair be eathir
Sermon, or ellis Common Prayeris, with some exercise of reiding the
Scripturis. What day the publict Sermon is, we can neathir require or
gretlie approve that the Commoun Prayeris be publictlie used, least
that we shall eathir fostar the peple in superstitioun, wha come to
the Prayeris as thay come to the Messe; or ellis give thame occasioun
to think that those be no prayeris whiche ar maid before and efter
Sermon.

In everie notable Toun, we require that one day besydis the Sunday, be
appointed to the Sermone and Prayeris; whiche, during the tyme of
Sermone, must be keipit fre frome all exercise of laubour, alsweill of
the maister as of the servandis. In smaller tounis, as we have said,
the commoun consent of the Churche must put ordour. But the Sunday
must straitlie be keipit, both before and efter noon, in all tounis.
Before noon, must the word be preached and sacramentis ministered, as
also Mariage solempnissed, yf occasioun offer: After noon must the
young children be publictlie examinated in thair Catechisme in
audience of the pepill, in doing whairof the Minister must tak gret
deligence, alsweill to cause the Pepill to understand the questionis
proponed, as the ansueiris, and the doctrine that may be collected
thairof. The ordour[530] and how much is appointed for everie Sunday,
is alreaddy distinctit in oure buke of Common Ordour;[531] whiche
Catechism is the most perfite that ever yit was used in the Churche.
At efter noon also may Baptisme be ministered, whan occasioun is
offered of great travell before noon. It is also to be observit, that
prayeris be used at after noon upoun the Sunday, whair thair is
neathir preching nor catechisme.

  [530] The Editor in 1722, has given this sentence as follows:--"The
  Order to be kept in teaching the Catechism, and how much of it is
  appointed for every Sunday, is already distinguished in the Catechism
  printed with the Book of our Common Order."

  [531] See note 2, page 210.

It apperteaneth to the Policie of the Churche to appoint the tymes
whan the Sacramentis shall be ministered. Baptisme may be ministrat
whensoever the word is preached; but we think it more expedient, that
it be ministered upoun the Sunday, or upoun the day of prayeris, onlie
after the sermon; partlie to remove this gross errour by the which
many deceaved, think[532] that children be dampned yf thay die without
Baptisme; and partlie to mak the people assist the administratioun of
that sacrament with greater reverence than thei do.[533] For we do see
the people begyn alreddie to wax weary be reasoun of the frequent
repetitioun of those promisses.

  [532] In edit. 1621, "many are deceived, thinking."

  [533] In edit. 1621, "to make the people have greater reverence to the
administration of the Sacraments then they have."

Foure tymes in the yeare we think sufficient to the administratioun of
the Lordis Tabill, which we desire to be distincted, that the
superstitioun of tymes may be avoided so far as may be. Your Honouris
ar nocht ignorant how superstitiouslie the people ryn to that actioun
at Pasche, evin as [if] the tyme gave virtue to the Sacrament; and how
the rest of the hoill yeare thai ar cairles and negligent, as [if]
that it apperteaneth not unto thame but at that tyme onlie. We think
thairfore most expedient, that the first Sunday of Marche be appointed
for one [time]; the first Sunday of Junij for ane uther; the first
Sunday of September for the thrid; and the first Sunday of December
for the fourt. We do not deny but that any severall churche, for
reasonable causses, may change the tyme, and may minister ofter; but
we study to suppresse[534] superstitioun. All Ministeris must be
admonisched to be more cairfull to instruct the ignorant than readdie
to satisfie[535] thair appetiteis, and more scharp in examinatioun
then indulgent, in admitting to that great Mysterie[536] such as be
ignorant of the use and virtu of the same: and thairfore we think that
the administratioun of the Table aught never to be without that
examinatioun pass before, especiallie of those whose knawledge is
suspect. We think that none ar apt to be admitted to that Mysterie who
can not formalie say the Lordis Prayer, the Articles of the Beleif,
and declair the soume of the Law.[537]

  [534] In edit. 1621, "minister oftner, but we studie to represse."

  [535] In edit. 1621, "to serve."

  [536] In edit. 1621, "thir great mysteries."

  [537] The Editor, in 1722, supplies, at the end of this paragraph:
  "And understandeth not the use and virtue of this holy Sacrament."

Farthir, we think it a thing most expedient and necessarie, that
everie Churche have a Bibill in Inglische, and that the people be
commanded to convene to heir the plane reiding or interpretatioun of
the Seripturis, as the Churche shall appoint; that be frequent reiding
this gross ignorance, whiche in the cursit Papistrie hath overflowne
all, may partlie be removit. We think it most expedient that the
Seripturis be red in ordour, that is, that some one buke of the Auld
and the New Testament be begun and ordourlie red to the end. And the
same we judge of preching, whair the Minister for [the] maist part
remaneth in one place: For this skipping and divagatioun frome place
to place of the Scripture, be it in reiding, or be it in precheing,
we judge not so proffitabill to edifie the Churche, as the continewall
following of ane text.

Everie Maister of houshald must be commandit eathir to instruct, or
ellis caus [to] be instructed, his children, servandis, and familie,
in the principallis of the Christiane religioun; without the knawledge
whairof aught none to be admitted to the Tabill of the Lord Jesus: for
suche as be so dull and so ignorant, that thei can neathir try thame
selfis, neathir yit know the dignitie and misterie of that actioun,
can not eat and drink of that Tabill worthelie. And thairfore of
necessitie we judge it, that everie yeare at least, publict
examinatioun be had by the Ministeris and Elderis of the knawledge of
everie persoun within the Churche; to wit, that everie maister and
maistres of houshald cum thame selvis and thair familie so many as be
cum to maturitie, before the Ministeris and Elderis, to gyf
confessioun of thair faith, and to ansueir to such cheaf points of
Religioun as the Ministeris shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the
Articulis of thair Faith;[538] understand not, nor can not rehearse
the Commandimentis of God; knaw not how to pray; neathir whairinto
thair richtuousnes consistis, aught not to be admitted to the Lordis
Tabill. And gif thay stuburnlie continew,[539] and suffer thair
children and servandis to continew in wilfull ignorance, the
discipline of the Churche must proceid against them unto
excommunicatioun; and than must the mater be referred to the Civill
Magistrat. For seing that the just levith be his awin faith, and that
Christ Jesus justifieth be knawledge off him self, insufferable we
judge it that men shall be permitted to leve and continew in ignorance
as memberis of the Churche of God.[540]

  [538] Nearly two lines in this place are omitted in the editions 1621
  and 1722.

  [539] In edit. 1621, "stubburnly contemne."

  [540] In edit. 1621, "to live as members of the Kirk, and yet to
  continue in ignorance."

Moreover, men, wemen, and children wald be exhorted to exercise thame
selvis in the Psalmes, that when the Churche convenith, and dois
sing, thai may be the more abill togither with commoun heart and voice
to prayse God.

In private housses we think it expedient, that the most grave and
discreate persoun use the Commoun Prayeris at morne and at nycht, for
the confort and instructioun of uthiris. For seing that we behald and
se the hand of God now presentlie striking us with diverse plagues, we
think it ane contempt of his judgementis, or ane provocatioun of his
anger more to be kendillit against us, yf we be not movit to
repentence of oure formar unthankfulnes, and to earnist invocatioun of
His name, whois onlie power may, (and great mercy will,) yff we
unfeynedlie convert unto him, remove from us these terribill plagues
whiche now for our iniquiteis hing oure our headis. "Convert us, O
Lord, and we shall be converted."


FOR PREACHEING,[541] AND INTERPRETING OFF SCRIPTURIS, &C.

  [541] In edit. 1722, Chap. XII., and the title is, as in the edit.
  1621, "For Prophecying, or Interpreting of the Scriptures."

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 14:29]

To the end that the Churche of God may have a tryell of mennis
knawledge, judgementis, gracis, and utterancis; and also, that suche
as somewhat have proffited in Goddis worde, may from tyme to tyme grow
to more full perfectioun to serve the Churche, as necessitie shall
require: it is most expedient that in everie Toune, whaire Schollis
and repair of learned Men ar, that thair be one certane day everie
weake appointed [to] that Exercise, which Sanct Paull calleth
prophecieing; the ordour whairof is expressed by him in these words:
"Let two or thre propheitis speik; and lat the rest judge: But yf any
thing be reveilled to him that sitteth by, lat the formar keip
silence: [For] ye may, one by one, all prophecie, that all may learn,
and all may receave consolatioun. And the Spreittis (that is, the
judgementis) of the Propheitis, are subject to the propheitis." Off
whiche wordis of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinthus, whan
the Churche did assemble[542] for that purpose, sum place of Scripture
was red; upoun the whiche, first one gyf his judgement to the
instructioun and consolatioun of the auditouris; after whome did one
uthir eathir conferme what the formare had said, or did add what he
had omitted, or did gentillie correct or explane more properlie whair
the hoill veritie was not reveilled to the formar. And in case sum
thingis war hid frome the one and frome the uthir, libertie was gevin
to the thrid to speik his judgement for edificatioun of the Churche.
Above the whiche nomber of three, (as appereth,) thay passed not, for
avoiding of confusioun.

  [542] In edit. 1621, "that is the Kirk of Corinth, when they did
  assemble."

These Exercisses, we say, ar thingis most necessarie for the Churche
of God this day in Scotland; for thairby (as said is) shall the
Churche have judgement and knawledge of the gracis, giftis, and
utterances of everie man within thair awin body; the simple, and suche
as have sumwhat proffited, shall be encurageit dalie to study and
proceid in knawledge; the Churche shall be edifyed; (for this Exercise
must be patent to suche as list to heir and learne,) and everie man
shall have libertie to utter and declair his mynd and knawledge to the
confort and edificatioun of the Churche.

But least that of a profitable Exercise mycht aryise[543] debate and
strife, curiouse, peregryne and unprofitable questionis ar to be
avoided. All interpretatioun disaggreing from the principallis of oure
faith, repugnyng to cheritie, or that standis in plane contradictioun
to ony uthir manifest place of Scripture, is to be rejected. The
Interpretour in that exercise, may nocht tack to him self the libertie
of ane publict Precheour, yea, althocht he be a Minister appointed;
but he must bind him self to his text, that he enter not by
disgressioun in explanyng commoun places. He may use no invective in
that exercise onles it be with sobrietie in confuting heresyes. In
exhortationis or admonitionis he must be schorte, that the tyme may be
spent in oppenyng of the mynd of the Holy Ghost in that place; in
following the fyle[544] and dependence of the text, and in observing
suche notes as may instruct and edifie the auditour. For avoyding of
contentioun, neathir may the interpretour, neathir yit any of the
assemblie, move any questioun in oppen audience, whairto him self is
not content[545] to geve resolutioun without reasoning with any other;
but everie man ought to speik his awin judgement to the edificatioun
of the Churche.

  [543] In edit. 1621, "least of this profitable exercise there arise."

  [544] In edit. 1621, "The sequele."

  [545] In edit. 1621, "not able."

Yf any be noted with curiositie, or bringyng in any strange doctrine,
he must be admonished by the Moderatouris, the Ministeris and Eldaris,
immediatlie after that the interpretatioun is ended. The hoill
memberis,[546] and nomber of thame that ar of the Assemblie, ought to
convene togetther, whair examinatioun should be had, how the persones
that did interprete did handle and convey the mater; thei thame
selffis being removed till every man have gevin his censure; after the
whiche, the persones being called, the faultes (yf any notable be
found) ar noted, and the persone gentillie admonished. In that last
Assemblie all questionis and dowtis, (yf any arryise,) should be
resolved without contentioun.

  [546] In edit. 1621, "The whole Ministeris;" the edition 1722, after
  these words, adds, "with a number."

The Ministeris of the Paroche churches to Landwarte, adjacent to
everie cheaf toune, and the Readaris, gif thai have any gift of
interpretatioun, within sex myles must assist and concur to those that
prophecie within the townes; to the end that thei thame selves may
eather learne, or ellis utheris may learne be thame. And moreover, men
in whome ar supposed any giftis to be, which mycht edifie the Churche
yf thei war weall apply ed, must be charged by the Ministeris and
Eldaris to joyne thame selfis with that sessioun and cumpany of
Interpretouris, to the end that the Churche may judge whether thei be
able to serve to Goddis glorie, and to the proffeit of the Churche in
the vocatioun of Ministeris or not. And yf any be found disobedient,
and not willing to communicat the giftis and spirituall graces[547] of
God with thair brethren, after sufficient admonitioun, discipline must
procead against thame; provided that the Civile Magistrate concur with
the judgement and electioun of the Churche. For no man may be
permitted to leave[548] as best pleasseth him within the Churche of
God; but everie man must be constrayned, by fraterall admonitioun and
correctioun, to bestow his laubouris, when of the Churche thei ar
required, to the edificatioun of otheris.

  [547] In edit. 1621, "and speciall graces."

  [548] In edit. 1621, "to live."

What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise, and what
bookes of the Scripturis salbe most profitable to be red, we refer to
the judgment of everie particulare Churche, we meane, to the wisdome
of the Ministeris and Eldaris.


OF MARIAGE.[549]

  [549] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIII.

Becaus that Mariage, the blessed ordinance of God, in this cursed
Papistrie hath partlie bene contempned; and partlie hath bene so
infirmed, that the personis conjoyned could never be assured of
continewance,[550] yf the Bischoppis and Prelattis list to dissolve
the same; we have thocht goode to schaw oure judgmentis how such
confusioun in tymes cuming may be best avoyded.

  [550] In edit. 1621, "assured in conscience."

And first publict inhibitioun must be maid, that na personis under the
power and obedience of otheris; suche as sonnes and dochteris, [and]
these that be under curatouris, neather men nor wemen, contract
Mariage privelie and without knawledge [of their parents, tutors, or
curators, under whose power they are for the time:][551] whiche yf
thei do, the censure and discipline of the Churche to procead against
thame. Yf the sone or dowghter, or other, have thair hearte tweiched
with desyre of mariage, thei ar bound to geve that honour to the
parentis that thei oppin unto thame thair affectioun, askyng of thame
counsall[552] and assistance, how that motioun, which thei judge to be
of God, may be performed. Yf the father, friend, or maister, ganestand
thair requeast, and have na other caus then the commoun sorte of men
have; to wit, lack of guidis, or because thei ar nott so hyght-borne
as thai requyre; yit must not the pairteis whose heartis ar tweiched
mak ony covenant till farther declaratioun be maid unto the Churche of
God. And, thairfoir, efter thei have opened thair myndis to thair
parentis, or suche otheris as have charge oure thame, thei must
declair it also to the Ministrie, or to the Civile Magistrat,
requyring thame to travaill with thair parentis for thair consent,
whiche to do thei ar bound. And yf thei, to wit, the Magistrate or
Ministeris, fynd no just caus why the mariage requyred may not be
fulfilled, then efter sufficient admonitioun to the father, friend,
maister, or superiour, that none of thame resist the work of God, the
Ministerie or Magistrat may enter in the place of the parent, and by
consenting to thair just requeastis may admit thame to mariage: for
the work of God aught not to be hyndered by the corrupt affectionis of
worldlie men. The work of God we call, when two heartis (without
filthynes befoir committit) ar so joyned, that boyth requyre and ar
content to live together in that holy band of Matrimonye.

  [551] The words within brackets omitted in MS. 1566, are supplied from
  ed. 1621.

  [552] In edit. 1621, "asking their counsell."

Yf any man commit fornicatioun with the woman whome he requyred in
mariage, then do boyth lose this foirsaid benefite alsweall of the
Churche as of the Magistrat; for neather of boyth aught to be
intercessouris or advocattis for fylthie fornicatours. But the father,
or neyrest friend, whose dowghter being a virgine is deflored, hath
power by the law of God to compell the man that did that injurie to
marie his dowghtter; or yf the father will not accept him be reassone
of his offense, then may he requyre the dote[553] of his dowghter;
whiche yf the offendar be nott able to pay, then aught the Civile
Magistrat to punishe his body by some other punishement.

  [553] In edit. 1621, "the dowrie."

And becaus that fornicatioun, huredome, and adulterye, ar synnes most
commoun in this Realme, We requyre of your Honouris, in the name of
the Eternall God, that severe punishement, according as God hath
commanded, be executed against suche wicked offendaris;[554] for we
doubt not but suche enorme crymes[555] oppenlie committed, provoketh
the wrayth of God, as the Apostle speaketh, not onlie upoun the
offendaris, but also upoun suche places as whair, without punishement,
thei ar committed.

  [554] In edit. 1621, "wicked contemners."

  [555] In edit. 1621, "such enormities and crymes."

[Sidenote: AGGREIS TO THE HEAD OF MARIAGE.]

But to returne to oure formar purpose: Mariage owght not to be
contracted amongis personis that have no electioun for lack of
understanding; and thairfoir we affirm, that bairns and infantis can
nocht lauchfullie be mareid in thair minor aige, to wit, the man
within fourtene yeiris of aige, and the woman within twelf yearis, at
the least. Whiche yf it chance any to have bene, and have keapt thair
bodyis always separat, we can not judge thame bound to adhear as man
and wyiff, by reassone of that promeis, which in Goddis presence was
no promeise at all. But yf in the yearis of judgment thai have
embrased the one the other, then be reassone of thair last consent,
thai have ratifeid that which otheris did promeise for thame in thair
youth-head.[556]

  [556] In edit. 1722, after "in their youth-head," is added, "and are
  to be held as married persons."

In a Reformed Churche, Mariage ought nott to be secreatlie used, but
in open face and publict audience of the Churche: And for avoyding of
dangearis, expedient it is that the bannes be publictlie proclamed
thre Sundayis, (onles the persones be [so] knawin, that no suspitioun
of dangear may arise, and then may the bannes[557] be schortned at the
discretioun of the Ministerie.) But in no wyse can we admitt Mariage
to be used secreatlie, how honorable that ever the personis be. The
Sunday befoir sermon we think most convenient[558] for mariage, and it
to be used no day ellis without the consent of the hoill Ministerie.

  [557] In edit. 1621, "may the time."

  [558] In edit. 1621, "The Sunday before noon, we think most
  expedient."

Mariage once lauchfullie contracted, may not be dissolved at manis
pleasour, as oure maister Christ Jesus doeth witnesse, onles adulterie
be committed; which being sufficientlie proven in presence of the
Civil Magistrat, the innocent (yf thei so requyre) ought to be
pronunced frie, and the offendar aught to suffer the death as God hath
commanded. Yf the Civile sweard foolischelie spair the lyeff of the
offendar, yit may not the Churche be negligent in thair office, which
is to excommunicat the wicked, and to repute thame as dead memberis,
and to pronunce the innocent partie to be at freedome, be thei never
so honourabile befoir the warld. Yf the lyfe be spared (as it ought
not to be) to the offendaris, and gif the fructis of repentance of
long tyme appeir in thame, and gif thai earnestlie desyre to be
reconceilled with the Churche, we judge that thai may be receaved to
participatioun of the Sacramentis, and of the other benefits of the
Churche, (for we wold not that the Churche sould hold those
excommunicat whom God absolved, that is, the Penitent.)

Yf any demand, whether that the offendar after reconciliatioun with
the Churche, may not marye agane? We answer, That yf thai can not leve
continent, and yf the necessitie be suche as that thai fear farther
offence of God, we can not forbid thame to use the remeady ordayned
of God. Yf the partie offended, may be reconcilled to the offendar,
then we judge that in nowyse it shall be lauchfull to the offendar to
mary any other, except the partie that befoir hath bene offended; and
the solempnizatioun of the latter mariage must be in the open face of
the Churche lyke as the formare, but without proclamatioun of banns.

This we do offer as the best Counsall that God geveth unto us in so
doubtsome a case. But the most perfyte Reformatioun war, yf your
Honouris wald give to God his honour and glorie, that ye wold prefer
his expresse commandiment to your awin corrupt judgmentis, especially
in punisheing of those crymes whiche he commandeth to be punished with
death. For so should ye declair your selfis Godis treu and obedient
officiaris, and your Commoun-wealth should be redd of innumerable
trubles.

[Sidenote: _NOTA_]

We meane not, that synnes committed in our formar blyndnes, (whiche be
almost buried in oblivioun,) salbe callit agane to examinatioun and
judgment. But we requyre that the law may now and heirafter be so
establisched and executed, that this ungodlie impunitie of synne have
no place within this Realme. For in the fear of God we signifie unto
your Honouris, that whosoever persuadeth unto you, that ye may pardone
whair God commandeth death, deceaveth your saulles, and provokes you
to offend Goddis Majestie.


OFF BURIALL.[559]

  [559] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIV.

BURIALL in all aiges hath bene holden in estimatioun, to signifie that
the same body that was committed to the earth should not utterlie
perishe, but should ryse agane. And the same we wold have keapt within
this Realme, provided that superstitioun, idolatrie, and whatsoever
hath proceaded of a fals opinioun, and for advantage saik, may be
avoyded; as singing of Messe, Placebo, and Dirige, and all other
prayeris over or for the dead, are not onlie superfluous[560] and
vane, but also ar idolatrie, and do repugne to the plane Scriptures of
God. For, plane it is, that everie one that dyeth, departeth eather in
the fayth of Christ Jesus, or ellis departeth in incredulitie: Plane
it is, that thei that depart in the treu fayth of Christ Jesus, rest
frome thair laubouris, and frome death [doe] go to lyef everlasting,
as by oure Maister and by his Apostle we ar taught: But whosoever
departe in unbeleve or in incredulitie, shall never see lyef, but the
wrayth of God abydeth upoun him. And so, we say that Prayeris for the
Dead ar not onlie superfluous[561] and vane, but do expreslie repugne
to the manifest Scripturis and veritie thairof.

  [560] In edit. 1621, "which are not only superstitious."

  [561] In edit. 1621, "superstitious."

[Sidenote: REFERRES THIS ARTICLE TO THE JUDGMENT OF THE CHURCHE.]

For avoyding all inconvenientis,[562] we judge it best, that neather
singing nor reading be at the Buryall: for albeit thingis song and red
may admonishe some of the leving to prepair thame selfis for death,
yit shall some superstitious and ignorant personis ever think,[563]
that the workis synging or reading of the levying do and may proffat
the dead. And thairfoir, we think most expedient that the Dead be
convoyed to the place of buriall with some honest cumpany of the
Churche, without eather singing or reading; yea, without all kynd of
ceremony heirtofore used, uther than that the dead be committed to the
grave, with suche gravitie and sobrietie, as those that be present may
seame to fear the judgmentis of God, and to hate synne, whiche is the
caus of death.

  [562] In edit. 1621, "of all inconvencies."

  [563] In edit. 1621, several words in this sentence, are omitted.

[Sidenote: [ADDITIO.][564]

  [564] This addition is not contained in the edit. 1621, or any other
  copy.

AND YIT, NOCHTWITHSTANDING, WE ARE NOT SO PRECISE, BUT THAT WE AR
CONTENT THAT PARTICULAR KIRKIS USE THAME IN THAT BEHALF, WYTH THE
CONSENT OF THE MINISTERIE OF THE SAME, AS THEI WILL ANSWEIR TO GOD,
AND ASSEMBLIE OF THE UNIVERSALL KIRK GATHERED WITHIN THE REALME.

We ar nott ignorant that some requyre ane Sermone at the Buriall, or
ellis some places of Scripturis to be red, to put the leving in mynd
that thei ar mortall, and that lykwyise thei must dye. Bot lett those
men understand, that the sermonis whiche be daily maid, serve for that
use; whiche yf men dispyse, the preaching of the[565] Funerall
sermonis shall rather nureise superstitioun and a false opinioun, (as
befoir is said,) then that thei shall bring suche persones to any
godlie consideratioun of thair awin estaite. Attour, eather shall the
Ministeris for the most parte be occupyed in preaching Funerall
sermonis, or ellis thei shall have respect to personis, preaching at
the buriall of the rich and honorabill, but keaping silence when the
poore or dispysed departeth; and this with saif conscience can not the
Ministeris do. For, seing that befoir God, thair is no respect of
personis, and that thair ministerie apperteaneth to all alike,
whatsoever thei do to the riche, in respect of thair ministerie, the
same thei ar bound to do to the poorest under thair charge.

  [565] In edit. 1621, the words, "preaching of the," are omitted.

In respect of diverse inconvenientis, we think it neather seamlie that
the Churche appointed to Preaching and ministratioun of the
Sacramentis shalbe maid a place of Buriall; but that some other
secreat and convenient place, lying in the most free air, be appointed
for that use; the whiche place aught to be weill walled and fensed
about, and keaped for that use onlie.


FOR REPARATIOUN OF CHURCHES.[566]

  [566] In edit. 1722, Chap. XV.

[Sidenote: AGGREIT ON.]

LEAST that the worde of God, and ministratioun of the Sacramentis, by
unseamelynes of the place, come in contempt, of necessitie it is,
that the Churches and places[567] whair the people aught publictlie to
convene, be with expeditioun repaired in durres, wyndois, thak, and
with suche preparationis within, as apperteaneth, alsweall to the
majestie of the word[568] of God as unto the ease and commoditie of
the people. And becaus we knaw the slouthfulnes of men in this behalf,
and in all other whiche may not redound to thair privat commoditie;
strait charge and commandiment must be gevin, that within a certane
day the reparationis must be begune, and within another day, to be
affixed by your Honouris, that thei be finished: penalteis and soumes
of money must be injoyned, and without pardone taken from the
contempnaris.

  [567] In edit. 1621, "that the Kirk and place."

  [568] In edit. 1621, the words, "of the word," are omitted.

The reparatioun would be according to the possibilitie and nomber of
the Churche.[569] Everie Churche must have durres, cloise wyndoes of
glass, thak or sclait able[570] to withhold raine, a bell to convocat
the people together, a pulpite, a basyn for baptisme, and tables for
the ministratioun of the Lordis Suppar. In greater churches, and whair
the congregatioun is great in number, must reparatioun be maid within
the Churche for the quiet and commodious receaving of the people. The
expensses to be lyfted partlie of the people, and partlie of the
teindis, at the consideratioun of the Ministerie.

  [569] In edit. 1621, "according to the abilitie and number of kirks."

  [570] In edit. 1621, "thack able to."

     FOR PUNISHMENT OF THOSE THAT PROPHANE THE SACRAMENTIS AND DO
         CONTEMPT THE WORD OF GOD, AND DARE PRESUME TO MINISTER
         THAME, NOT BEING THAIRTO LAUCHFULLIE CALLED.[571]

  [571] In edit. 1722, Chap. XVI.

As Sathan hath never ceassed frome the begyning to draw mankynd in one
of two extremiteis, to wit, that men should eathir be so ravished with
gazing upoun the visible creaturis, that forgetting the caus why thai
war ordeyned,[572] thai attributed unto thame a vertew and power which
God hath not granted unto thame; or ellis that men should sa contempne
and dispyse Godis blessed ordinance and holy institutionis, as [if]
that neathir in the rycht use of thame war thair any proffeit, neathir
yit in thair prophanatioun war thair any danger. As this wyese, we
say, Sathan hath blynded the most parte of mankynd from the begyning;
so doubt we not, but that he will stryve to continew in his malice
evin to the end. Oure eyis have seane, and presentlie do see the
experience of the one and of the other. What was the opinioun of most
parte of men, of the Sacrament of Christis bodie and bloode, during
the darknes of superstitioun, is not unknawin, how it was gazed upoun,
kneeled unto, borne in processioun, and finallie wirschipped and
honored as Christ Jesus him selve. And so long as Sathan mycht thane
reteane man in that damnable idolatrie, he was quyet, as one that
possessed his kingdome of darknes peceablie. But since that it hath
pleased the mercyis of God to reveill unto the unthankfull world the
lyght of his wourd, the rycht use and administratioun of his
sacramentis, he assayis man upoun the contrarie parte. For whair, (not
lang ago,) men stude in suche admiratioun of that idoll in the Messe,
that none durst presume to have said the Messe, but the foirsworne
schavin sorte, the beastis marked men some dar now be so bald; as
without all convocatioun, to minister, (as thai suppoise,) the treu
sacramentis in open assemblies; and some idiottis, (yit more wickedlie
and more imprudentlie,) dar counterfeit in thair housses that which
the treu Ministeris do in the open congregatioun; thei presume, (we
say,) to do it in housses without reverence, without word preached,
and without Minister, other then of companioun to companioun.[573]
This contempt proceideth, no doubt, from the malice and craft of that
Serpent who first deceaved man, of purpoise to deface the glory of
Christis evangell, and to bring his blessed sacramentis in a
perpetuall contempt. And farther, your Honouris may clearlie see how
proudlie and stubburnlie the most parte despyse the Evangell of Christ
Jesus offered unto you; whome onles that scharplie and stoutlie ye
resist, we meane alsweill the manifest dispysar as the prophanare of
the sacramentis, ye shall fynd thame pernitious ennemyes or it be
long. And thairfoir, in the name of the Eternall God, and of his Sone
Christ Jesus, we require of your Honouris, that, without delay, strait
Lawis be maid against the one and the other.

  [572] In edit. 1621, "the cause wherefore they are ordained."

  [573] The last six words are omitted in edit. 1621.

[Sidenote: OPTIMA COLLATIO.]

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shalbe required of
suche: But this we fear not to affirme, that the ane and the other
deserve death; for yf he which doeth falsefye the the seall,
subscriptioun, or coynzie of a king is adjudged worthy of death; what
shall we think of him who planlie doeth falsefye the Seallis of Christ
Jesus, Prince of the Kingis of the earth? Yf Darius pronunced, that a
bauk[574] should be taken frome the house of that man, and he him self
hinged upoun it, that durst attempt to hinder the re-edificatioun[575]
of the materiall Temple, What shall we say of those that
contempteouslie blaspheme God, and manifestlie hynder the [spirituall]
Temple of God, which is the saullis and bodyis of the elect, to be
purged by the treu preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstitioun
and damnable idolatrie in which thai have bene of long plunged and
holdin captive? Yf ye, (as God forbid,) declair your selfis cairless
ower the treu Religioun, God will not suffer your negligence
unpunished. And thairfoir, moir earnestlie require we, that strait
lawis may be maid against the stubburne contempnaris of Christ Jesus,
and against such as dare presume to minister his Sacramentis, not
ordourlie called to that office, least that whill thair be none found
to ganestand impietie, the wrayth of God be kindilled against the
hoill.

  [574] In edit. 1621, "a balk."

  [575] In edit. 1621, "the re-edifying."

The Papisticall Preastis have neather power nor authoritie to minister
the Sacramentis of Christ Jesus; becaus that in thair mouth is not the
sermon of exhortatioun. And thairfoir, to thame most strait
inhibitioun be maid, notwithstanding any usurpatioun whiche thai have
had in that behalf in the tyme of blyndnes:[576] It is neathir the
clipping of thair crownes, the crossing[577] of thair fingaris, nor
the blowing of the dum doggis, called the Bischopis, neathir yit the
laying on of thair handis, that maketh thame treu Ministeris of Christ
Jesus. But the Spreit of God inwardlie first moving the heartis to
seke[578] Christis glorie and the proffeit of his Churche, and
thaireftir the nominatioun of the People, the examinatioun of the
learned, and publict admissioun, (as befoir is said,) maikis men
lauchfull Ministeris of the wourd and sacramentis. We speak of ane
ordinarie vocatioun, whare churches ar reformed, or at least tend to
reformatioun,[579] and not of that which is extraordinarye, when God
by him self, and by his only power, raseth up to the Ministerie such
as best pleaseth his wisdome.

  [576] The edit. 1722, here supplies, "not to presume upon the like
  hereafter, as likewise to all others who are not lawfully called to
  the holy Ministry."

  [577] In edit. 1621, "the greasing."

  [578] In edit. 1722, is here added, "to seek to enter in the holy
  Calling for Christis glorie."

  [579] In edit. 1621, the words after "ordinarie vocation" are omitted:
  in the edit. 1722, their place is thus supplied, "in Kirks reformed."


THE CONCLUSIOUN.

THUS have we, in these few Headis, offered unto youre Honouris oure
judgmentis, according as we war commanded, tueching the Reformatioun
of thingis which heirtofoir have altogidder bene abused in this
curssed Papistrie. We doubt not but some of oure Petitionis shall
appear strange unto you at the first sight. But yf your Wisdomes
deaplie considder, that we must ansuer not onlie unto men, but also
befoir the throne of the Eternall God, and of his Sone Christ Jesus,
for the counsall which we geve in this so grave a mater; your Honouris
shall easilie considder, that more assured it is till us to fall in
the displeasour of all men in earth, then to offend the Majestie of
God, whose justice can not suffer flatteraris and deceitfull
Counsalouris unpunished.

That we require the Churche to be set at suche libertie, that scho
neathir be compelled to fead idill bellyes, neathir yit to susteane
the tyrannye which heirtofoir by violence hath bene manteaned, we know
will offend many. But yf we should keape silence heirof, we ar most
assured to offend the just and rychteous God, who by the mouth of his
Apostle hath pronunced this sentence:--"He that lauboreth nott, let
him not eat." Yf we in this behalf, or in any other, requyre or ask
any [other] thing, than by Goddis expressed commandiment, by equitie
and good conscience ye ar bound to grant, lett it be noted, and after
repudiat; but yf we require nothing which God requyreth not also, let
your Honouris tack head, how ye ganestand the charge of him whose hand
and punishment ye can not eschape.

Yf blynd affectioun rather lead you to have respect to the
sustentatioun of those your carnall Freindis, who tyrannouslie have
impyred above the poor flock of Christ Jesus, than that the zeall of
Goddis glorie provock and move you to sett his oppressed Churche at
fredome and libertie, we fear your scharpe and suddane punischmentis,
and that the glorie and honour of this interpryse be reserved unto
otheris.

And yitt shall this oure judgment abyd to the Generationis following
for a monument and witness, how lovinglie God called you and this
Realme[580] to repentance, what counsallouris God send unto you, and
how ye [have] used the same. Yf obedientlie ye hear God now calling,
we doubt not but he shall hear you in your greatest necessitie. But
yf, following youre awin corrupt judgmentis, ye contempt his voice and
vocatioun, we ar assured that your formare iniquitie, and present
ingratitude, shall togither crave just punishment frome God, who can
not long delay to execute his most just judgmentis, when, after many
offenses and long blyndness, grace and mercy offered is
contemptuouslie refused.

  [580] In edit. 1621, "this nation."

God the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of his Holy
Spreit, so illuminat your heartis, that ye may clearlie see what is
pleasing and acceptable in his presence; so bow the same till his
obedience, that ye may prefer his reveilled will to your awin
affectionis; and so strengthen you by the spreit of fortitude, that
boldlie ye may punishe vyce, and maintene virtue within this Realme,
to the praise and glorie of his Holy name; to the conforte and
assurance of your awin Consciences, and to the consolatioun and good
example of the Posteriteis following. Amen. So be it.

                       BY YOUR HONOURIS
                        MOST HUMBLE SERVITOURIS, ETC.

    Frome Edinburgh,
  The 20 of Maij 1560.


  ACT OF SECREIT COUNSALL, XXVII JANUARII, ANNO &C., LX^O.[581]

  [581] That is, the 27th (in edit. 1621, the 17th) of January 1560-1;
  as the year did not begin at that time till the 25th of March.

WE, quhilkis hes subscryvit thir Presentis, haveand avysit with the
Articles heirin specifeit, as is abone mentionat fra the begynning of
this Book, thinkis the samin good, and conforme to Goddis Word in all
pointis; conforme to the Notes and Additionis thairto eikit; and
promittis to sett the samin fordwarte at the uttermost of oure
poweris: Providing that the Bischoppis, Abbotis, Priouris, and otheris
Prelattis and beneficit men, quhilkis ellis hes adjonit thame to us,
bruik the reveneues of thair benefices during thair liftymes, thei
susteanand and uphaldand the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is herein
specifeit, for preaching of the Word, and ministering of the
Sacramentis of God.

           (_Sic Subscribitur._)

  JAMES.[582]
  JAMES HAMMYLTON.[583]
  AR^D. ERGYLL.[584]
  JAMES STEWART.[585]
  ROTHESS.[586] JAMES HALIBURTON.[587]
  R. BOYD.[588]
  ALEX^R. CAMPBELL, DENE OF MURRAY.[589]
  VILLIAM OF CULROS.[590]
  MAISTER ALEX^R. GORDOUN.[591]
  BARGANY YOUNGER.[592]
  ANDRO KER _of Fawdonsyd_.[593]
  T. SCOTT _of Hanyng_.[594]
  JOHNE LOKHART _of Barr_.[595]
  GEORGE CORRIE _of Kelwod_.[596]
  JOHNE SCHAW _of Halie_.[597]
  ANDRO HAMMYLTOUN _of Lethame_.[598]
  GLENCARN.[599]
  UCHILTRIE.[600]
  SANQUHAR.[601]
  SANCTJOHNS.[602]
  WILLIAM LORD HAY.[603]
  DRUMLANGRIKE.[604]
  CONYGHAMHEID.[605]
  JOHNE MAXWELL.[606]
  GEORGE FENTOUN _of that Ilk_.[607]
  LOCHINWARE.[608]

  [582] James Duke of Chattelherault, Regent and Governor of Scotland,
  after the death of James the Fifth: see vol. i. pp. 95, 242. In edit.
  1621, his name is omitted in the above list.

  [583] James third Earl of Arran, and eldest son of the Duke of
  Chattelherault. Owing to his declared incapacity, at his father's
  death, in 1575, the family estates devolved upon Lord John Hamilton
  the second son; but the Earl survived till 1609.

  [584] Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle, succeeded to the title in 1558.
  He at first adhered to the Queen Regent, but soon joined the Lords of
  the Congregation, and continued to act along with the Earl of Murray,
  until 1568, when he went over to the Queen's party, without materially
  aiding her cause. When the Earl of Morton was chosen Regent, the Earl
  of Argyle succeeded him as Lord Chancellor, 17th January 1573; but he
  did not long enjoy his honours, having died suddenly on the 12th
  September 1573, and not 1575 as stated in the Peerages and other
  works. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 337, and Register of Confirmed
  Testaments.)

  [585] Lord James Stewart, Commendator of St. Andrews and Pittenweem;
  afterwards Earl of Murray, and Regent of Scotland.

  [586] Andrew fourth Earl of Rothes, succeeded on the death of his
  father, November 1558.

  [587] In the MS. this name stands in a kind of intermediate column by
  itself. James Halyburton, sometimes styled Tutor of Pitcur. He was a
  person of great activity and influence, and filled the office of
  Provost of Dundee for the long period of thirty-three years. He died
  in 1588, aged seventy.

  [588] Robert, fourth Lord Boyd, had a pension from England, and was
  concerned in most of the public affairs between 1560, and the Raid of
  Ruthven in 1582. He was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session,
  24th October 1573. Although removed in 1578, he was subsequently
  restored, and died 3d January 1590, in the 72d year of his age.
  (Brunton & Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 155.)

  [589] Alexander Campbell, Dean of Murray, was the third son of Colin,
  third Earl of Argyle. In the edit. 1621, the name Dean of Murray has
  been separated from Alexander Campbell, as if two distinct persons.
  Alexander Dunbar, Sub-Chantor of Murray, was appointed a Lord of
  Session, 16th August 1560, as he appears in the Books of Sederunt, on
  the 26th June 1566, under the designation of Dean of Murray, we may
  presume that Campbell was then dead.

  [590] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see note in the
  Appendix to the present volume.

  [591] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, was second son
  of John, Master of Huntly, by Jane, natural daughter of King James the
  Fourth. He was Bishop of the Isles, in 1553, and Abbot of Inchaffray
  and Icolmkill; and was translated to the See of Galloway, after the
  death of Andrew Durie, in September 1558. He joined the Reformers, and
  still enjoyed his titles; but he was not allowed to exercise his
  functions as a bishop, nor was his petition acceded to, to be
  appointed visitor of the churches within his diocese of Galloway. He
  died 11th November 1575. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

  [592] Thomas Kennedy, o Bargany, (in the parish of Dailly, Ayrshire,)
  the son of Sir Thomas Kennedy. In 1540, he is styled "Apparent of
  Bargany;" and died in June 1564. (Register of Confirmed Testaments,
  26th April 1580.)

  [593] Andrew, (frequently by mistake called Sir Andrew) Ker of
  Faldonsyde, in Selkirkshire. He was concerned in Riccio's murder, and
  was at the battle of Langsyde in 1568. He had from Parliament a
  ratification of the third part of the lands and barony of Bolton in
  1581. He married, for his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of
  Lord Ochiltree, and widow of John Knox. He died about the year 1598.

  [594] Thomas Scott of Hayning, in Selkirkshire. A Charter of
  Confirmation, "quondam Thomæ Scott de Hanyng," of the lands of
  Eleistoun, in the shire of Roxburgh, dated 23d March 1575-6, shows
  that he was dead in 1576.

  [595] John Lockhart of Bar, in the parish of Galston, Ayrshire. He
  died before 10th May 1575, when his son John Lockhart of Bar was
  served his heir. (Retours, Ayr, No. 13.)

  [596] In the edit. 1621, this name is omitted. George Corrie of
  Kelwood was served heir of his father, Thomas Corrie of Kelwood, "qui
  obiit sub Majestatis vexillo in bello de Fausyde," 25th October 1547.
  (Retours, Ayr, No. 2.) He was alive in December 1580. (Pitcairn's
  Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 89.)

  [597] John Schaw of Haly, near Largs, in Ayrshire.

  [598] Andrew Hamilton of Lethame, in Lanarkshire. He was Captain of
  the Castle of Dumbarton in 1546. He went to France on a mission in
  1550, and had a charter under the Great Seal of the lands of
  Drumcross, in the county of Linlithgow in 1552. He was at the Raid of
  Stirling in 1571, and died before 1585. (Anderson's House of Hamilton,
  pp. 320, 469.)

  [599] Alexander Earl of Glencairn: see vol. i. p. 72. He died in the
  year 1574. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

  [600] Andrew, second Lord Stewart, of Ochiltree or Uchiltree, in
  Ayrshire. He succeeded to the title in 1548, and survived till near
  the close of the 16th century.

  [601] Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar, ancestor of the Earls of
  Dumfries (now represented by the Marquis of Bute.) He died 23d May
  1569, and was succeeded by "his son and air, Robert, now Lord
  Creichton," who was then a minor. (Register of Confirmed Testaments,
  8th March 1573-4.)

  [602] Sir James Sandilands, Lord St. John, and afterwards Lord
  Torphichen: see vol. i. p. 301, vol. ii. p. 125.

  [603] William fifth Lord Hay of Yester, was served heir of his father
  in 1559. He died in August 1576.

  [604] Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, ancestor of the Marquesses of
  Queensberry, was Knighted by the Governor of Scotland in 1553, and
  appointed Warden of the West Marches. He died in 1578.

  [605] William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire. He died in
  January 1575-6. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 17th April 1577.)

  [606] In edit. 1621, "James Maxwell." As John sixth Lord Maxwell was a
  minor at his father's death in 1552, and was not served heir till May
  1569, it was no doubt Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, (who became Lord
  Herries in 1567,) whose signature was attached to the Book of
  Discipline.

  [607] George Fenton of Fenton was probably succeeded by "John Fenton
  of that Ilk," to whom the three daughters of Patrick Quhitlaw of
  Quhitlaw were served heirs-portioners of their grand-uncle (_abavus_),
  30th March 1586. (Retours, Haddington, Nos. 399, 400, 401.)--In MS.
  1566, the name is made "George Seton." As Lord Seaton was the head of
  the family, there could be no Seaton of that Ilk; and George fifth
  Lord Seaton never joined the Reformers.

  [608] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire, the
  ancestor of the Earls of Kenmure. In 1555, he was appointed Justiciary
  of the Lordship of Galloway. He survived till the year 1604. (Douglas
  and Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 25.)

       *       *       *       *       *

According to Knox, (see page 129,) who is followed by Calderwood,
Petrie, Spotiswood, and other writers, in addition to the above
Subscribers to the Book of Discipline, there were,

     WILLIAM, EARL MARISCHALL.
     JOHN, EARL OF MENTEITH.
     JAMES, EARL OF MORTON, (afterwards Regent.)
     JOHN, LORD LINDESAY of the Byris.
     PATRICK MASTER OF LINDESAY.
     SIR ALEXANDER STEWART, Younger of Garlies, (who was
       slain at Stirling in September 1571.)

[Illustration: Hand written page]




     THE FOURT BOOK OF THE PROGRESSE AND CONTINUANCE OF TREU
         RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.


IN the former Bookis,[609] gentill Reidar, thou may clearlie see how
potentlie God hath performed, in these our last and wicked dayis,
alsweall as in the aiges that have passed befoir us, the promisses
that is maid to the servandis of God, by the propheite Esais, in these
wordis:--"Thei that waite upoun the Lord shall renewe thair strenth;
thei sall lift up the wynges as the egles: thei shall runne, and not
be wearie; thei shall walke, and not fainte." This promeise, we say,
suche as Sathan hath not utterlie blyndit may see performed in us, the
professouris of Christ Jesus, within this Realme of Scotland, with no
les evidencye, than it was in any aige that ever have passed befoir
us. For what was oure force? What was our nomber? Yea, what wisdome or
warldlie pollicey was into us, to have brought to ane goode end so
great ane interpryse? Oure verray enemyes can bear witnesse. And yit
in how great puritie God did establisse amanges us his treu Religioun,
alsweall in doctrine as in ceremonyes! To what confusion and fear war
idolateris, adulteraris, and all publict transgressoris of Goddis
commandimentis, within short tyme brought? The publict ordour of the
Churche,[610] yet by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishmentis
executed against malefactouris, can testifie unto the world. For as
tueching the doctrine taught by our Ministeris, and as tueching the
administratioun of Sacramentis used in our Churches, we ar bold to
affirme, that thair is no realme this day upoun the face of the
earth, that hath thame in grettar puritie;--yea, (we mone speak the
treuth whomesoever we offend,) thair is none (no realme, we meane)
that hath thame in the lyek puritie: For all otheris (how synceare
that ever the doctrine be, that by some is taught,) reteane in thair
churches, and the ministeris thairof, some footsteppis of Antichrist,
and some[611] dreggis of Papistrie;[612] but we (all praise to God
alone) have no thing within oure Churches that ever flowed frome that
Man of synne: And this we acknowledge to be the strenth gevin unto us
by God, because we esteamed nott our selves wyise in oure awin eyes,
but understanding our hoill wisdome to be but meare foolishnes, befoir
[the Lord] our God, layed it asyd, and followed onlie that whiche we
fand approved by him self.

  [609] In MS. L4, is this note at the top margin, "This Preface was not
  written by Mr. Knox untill the moneth of Maij 1566." This indeed we
  learn from Knox's own words, in the second following page. In the MS.
  1566, the commencement of Book Fourth forms part of one of the
  re-written quires or sets.

  [610] MS. G, has always "Kirk;" MSS. M, and L4, "Churche."

  [611] In MS. G, "some" is omitted. In MS. L 4, "some degrees."

  [612] In the margin of MS. G, "Witness the tippets and cornered
  cappes."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST PETITIOUN OF THE PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.]

In this poynt could never our enemyes caus us to fainte, for Our first
Petitioun was, "That the reverent face of the primitive and apostolick
Churche should be reduced agane to the eyes and knowledge of
men."[613] And in that poynt, we say, our God hath strenthened us till
that the work was finished, as the world may see. And as concerning
the suppressing of vice, yea, and of the abolishing of all suche
thingis as myght nureise impietie within the Realme, the actes and
statutis of the principale Townes reformed will yitt testifie: For
what adulterar, what fornicatour, what knawin messe-mongare, or
pestilent Papist, durst have been seen in publict, within any reformed
town within this Realme, befoir that the Quene arryved? And this
victorie to his wourde, and terrour to all fylthie lyvaris, did oure
God wirk by such as yit leave and remaine witnesses (whither thei will
or not) of the foirsaid workis of our God. We say, our God suffered
none of those whome he first called to the battell, to perishe or to
fall, till that he maid thame victouris of thair ennemyes: For evin
as God suffered none of those whome he called frome Egypt to perishe
in the Red Sea, how fearfull that ever the danger appeared; so
suffered he none of us to be oppressed, nor yit to be takkin from this
lyeff, till that mo Pharaoes then one war drowned, and we set at
fredome, without all dangear of our ennemyes; to lett boyth us and our
posteritie understand, that suche as follow the conducting of God can
not perishe, albeit that thei walked in the verray schaddo of death.

  [613] See the Petitions referred to, in vol. i. pp. 306, 333, &c.

[Sidenote: THE CAUS OF THE TRUBILLIS OF THE KIRK WITHIN SCOTLAND
FLOWED FROME THE COURTEIRS THAT SEEMED TO PROFESS THE EVANGELL.][614]

  [614] MS. L 4, adds to this marginal note, the words, "and did it
  not,"

But frome whence (allace) cumeth this miserable dispersioun of Goddis
people within this Realme, this day, Anno 1566, in Maij?[615] And what
is the cause that now the just is compelled to keap silence? good men
ar banished, murtheraris, and such as ar knowin unworthie of the
commoun societie, (yf just lawis war put in deu executioun,) bear the
hoill regiment and swynge within this Realme? We answere, Becaus that
suddandlie the most parte of us declyned from the puritie of Goddis
word, and began to follow the warld; and so agane to schaik handis
with the Devill, and with idolatrie, as in this Fourte Booke we will
hear.


For whill that Papistis war so confounded, that none within the Realme
durst more avow the hearing or saying of Messe, then the theavis of
Lyddesdaill durst avow thair stowth in presence of ane upryght judge,
thair war Protestants found, that eschamed not at tables, and other
open places, to ask, "Why may nott the Queyn have hir awin[616] Messe,
and the forme of hir Religioun? What cane that hurte us or our
Religioun?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at lenthe sprange
out this affirmative, "The Quenis Messe and hir Preastis will we
manteine: this hand and this rapper sall feght in thair defence, etc."

  [615] This "dispersioun of Goddis people," refers to what occurred
  shortly after the murder of David Riccio, when besides the persons who
  were implicated in that outrage, many others, like Knox himself, who
  had rendered themselves obnoxious to the Queen, were obliged to fly
  from Edinburgh for safety. As Knox was employed at this time, while
  residing in Kyle, in continuing his History, this may serve to
  explain, although not to justify, the very strong language which he
  frequently uses in mentioning Queen Mary, and the license of the
  courtiers.

  [616] MS. G. omits "awin."

The inconvenientis war schawin, both by tongue and pen; but the
advertissaris war judged to be men of unquyet spreatis. Thair credytt
was defaced at the handis of suche as befoir war not eschamed to have
used thair counsall, in materis of greattar importance then to have
resisted the Messe. But then, my Lord, my Maister, may nott be thus
used: he hes that honour to be the Quenis brother; and thairfoir we
will that all men shall understand that he man tender her as his
sister; and whosoever will counsall him to displease her, or the least
that apperteanes unto hir, shall not find him thair freind; yea, thei
ar worthy to be hanged that wald so counsall him, etc.

[Sidenote: THE CORRUPTIOUN THAT ENTERED IN THE QUENIS COURTE.]

[Sidenote: THE THEOLOGIE OF THE COURTE, AND THAIR REASSONIS.]

These and the lyke reassonis took suche deape roote in flesche and
bloode, that the trewth of God was almost foryett; and from this
fontaine (to wit, that flesche and blood was, and yitt allace, is
preferred to God, and to his messengeris rebucking vice and vanitie)
hath all our miserie proceeded. For as befoir, so even yitt, althought
the Ministeris be sett to beg, the Guard and the Men of war maun be
served. Though the blood of the Ministeris be spylt, it is the Quenis
servand that did it. Althought Messes be multipleyed in all quarteris
of the Realme, who can stop the Quenis subjectis to lyve of the Quenis
religioun. Althought innocent men be empreasoned, it is the Quenis
pleasur: sche is offended at such men. Althought under pretence of
justice innocentis be crewellie murthered; the Lordis shall weape, but
the Quenis mynd must be satisfeid. Nobillis of the Realme, Baronis and
Counsallouris ar banished, thair eschaittis disponed, and thair lyves
maist injustlie persewed. The Quene hes lost hir trusty servand Davy:
he was dear unto hir; and thairfoir, for hir honouris sake, sche maun
schaw rigour to revenge his death. And yit farther, albeit that some
know that sche hes plainlie purposed to wrak the religioun within this
Realme; that to that Romane Antichrist sche hath maid hir promeise;
and that from him sche hath tackin money to uphold his pompe within
this Realme; yit will thai lett the people understand, that the Quene
will establisse religioun, and provide all thingis ordourlie, yf scho
war anes delivered.

[Sidenote: THIS WAS WRITTEN WHEN THE SECOUND RANK OF THE LORDIS WAS
BANISSHED.][617]

  [617] The Glasgow MS. of Book Fourth, as stated in the preface, vol.
  i. p. xxxiii. formed originally a separate volume, and was written
  apparently some years earlier than the first three Books. It contains
  marginal notes, so nearly _verbatim_ with the MS. 1566, as to leave
  little doubt of its having been copied from it, probably about the
  year 1580. But to the above marginal note, after "banisshed," there is
  added: "Anno 1566, after Davie's slauchter."

Yf such dealings, which ar commoun amangis our Protestantis, be nott
to prefer flesche and blood to God, to his treuth, to justice, to
religioun, and unto the libertie of this oppressed Realme, let the
warld judge. The plagues have bein, and in some part ar present, that
war befoir threatned; the rest ayproaches: And yitt who from the heart
cryis, "I have offended; the Lord knows: in Thee onlie is the trust of
the oppressed; for vaine is the help of man." But now return we to our
HISTORIE.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS LAST ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND.][618]

  [618] In MS. G, "The Quenis arryval from France."

THE nyntene day[619] of August, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir ane
yearis, betwix sevin and aught houris befoir noon, arryved MARIE QUENE
OF SCOTLAND, then widow, with two galayis furth of France.[620]
In[621] hir cumpany, (besydis hir gentilwemen, called the
Maries,)[622] war hir thre uncles, the Duck D'Omall,[623] the Grand
Priour,[624] and the Marques D'Elbuf.[625] Thare accumpanyed hir
also,[626] D'Anweill, son to the Constable of France, with other
gentilmen of inferiour conditioun, besydis servandis and
officiaris.[627] The verray face of heavin, the time of hir arryvall,
did manifestlie speak what confort was brought unto this cuntrey with
hir, to wit, sorow, dolour, darknes, and all impietie; for in the
memorie of man, that day of the year, was never seyn a more dolorous
face of the heavin, then was at hir arryvall, which two days after did
so contineu; for besides the surfett weat,[628] and corruptioun of the
air, the myst was so thick and so dark, that skairse mycht any man
espy ane other the lenth of two pair of buttis. The sun was not seyn
to schyne two dayis befoir, nor two dayis after. That foir-warning
gave God unto us; but allace, the most pairt war blynd.

  [619] In MSS. A, M, and L 4, "The twentie day."

  [620] The Queen arrived in Leith harbour on Tuesday the 19th August
  1561, and landed on the following day.

  [621] In MSS. M, and L 4, instead of the next five lines, there is
  substituted this sentence, which is also copied by Calderwood, (vol.
  ii. p. 142,) "Shee brought with her als faire Jewells, pretious stones
  and pearles as wer to be found in Europe. Her tapestrie, and other
  stuff wer brought to Leith, in October. The verie face," &c.

  [622] Celebrated in Scotish Song: see "The Queen's Marie," in Sir W.
  Scott's Border Minstrelsy. One of the verses in this ballad of Mary
  Hamilton, thus names them:

      Yestreen the Queen had four Maries,
        The night she'll hae but three;
      There was Marie Seaton, and Marie Beaton,
        And Marie Carmichael, and me

  Bishop Lesley in describing the persons who accompanied the young
  Princess in her voyage to France in 1548, (see vol. i. p. 219,) says,
  "Of the quhilkis thair was four in speciall, of whome everie one of
  thame buir the samin name of Marie, being of four syndre honourable
  houses, to wyt, Flemyng, Levingstoun, Setoun, and Beatoun of Creich;
  quho remanit all foure with the Quene in France, during her residens
  thair, and returned agane in Scotland with her Majestie, in the yeir
  of our Lorde J^m V^c lxj yeiris." (History, p. 209.) And in his
  account of the Queen's arrival in Scotland in 1561, he repeats that
  she was attended "with many ladies and gentillwemen, speciallie the
  four maidis of honour quha passit with hir Hienes in France, of hir
  awin aige, the name everie ane of Marie, as is before mentioned." (Ib.
  p. 297.) Buchanan, in his verses, The Pomp of the Gods at the Marriage
  of Queen Mary, 29th July 1565, speaks of her _five_ Maries. When she
  arrived in this country she was still in her first dule or mourning
  dress. But on the 11th November some change was made in the dresses of
  her pages and maidens; and one of the entries in the Treasurer's
  Accounts on that day, is as follows:--"Item, be the Quenis Grace
  precept, to Jacques de Soulis, talliour to hir Grace, to gif the
  Madynnis efter following, viz. to ---- Flemyng, ---- Betoun,
  ---- Sunpartew, ---- Levingstoun, ---- Seitoun, ---- Wardlaw, to by
  thair secund dule, ilk ane of the said five, ix lib., and to the said
  Wardlaw, x lib. vij s.--Summa, £55, 7s." There was also furnished
  black stannyng for clokis, and black velvet to 14 dames, damosels, and
  maidens, "to be thair secund dule;" to the extent of £144, 18s., and
  £112, 16s. 3d. Also, on the 18th, £4, 10s. for gray mantill claith, to
  be a gown, lined with green, for hir Grace's Fule; and on the 28th,
  £23, for "quhite tafiteis of the cord," and "red tafiteis of the foure
  threidis," to the Lady Seitoun.

  [623] Claude de Lorraine, Duke d'Aumale, third son of Claude Duke de
  Guise, was born in 1526. He was in the army, and gave proofs of his
  courage. He was killed at the siege of Rochelle, by a cannon ball,
  14th March 1573.

  [624] Francis de Lorraine, seventh son of Claude Duke de Guise, was a
  Knight of Malta, Grand Prior, and General of the French galleys or war
  vessels. He distinguished himself in the wars with the Turks in 1557;
  and died from the effects of his exertions at the battle of Dreux, 6th
  March 1563, aged 29.

  [625] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf, was the youngest son of
  Claude Duke de Guise, and was born in 1536. He became successor to his
  brother Francis in 1563, as General of the French galleys; but he died
  in 1566, aged 30.

  [626] Henry second son of Anne Duke de Montmorency, and Constable of
  France, is known in history as the Seigneur de Damville. He was born
  in 1534, and upon the death of his elder brother in 1579, he succeeded
  to the Dukedom, and survived till 1614. (Anselme, Histoire
  Genealogique, vol. iii. p. 605.)

  [627] In the Queen's retinue, among other persons of note, was Peter
  de Bourdeille, known by the name of the Sieur de Brantome, of which he
  was Abbot. He was attached to the Court as one of the gentlemen of the
  bed-chamber to Charles IX., and Henry III. of France. He owes his
  distinction to his posthumous Memoirs, which serve at least
  sufficiently to illustrate the licentious and corrupt state of manners
  of the time. In his _Vies des Dames Illustres_, there is a _Discours_
  on Mary Queen of Scots, who, he says, on the day of her nuptials with
  Francis, "paroistre cent fois plus belle qu'une Deesse du Ciel." He
  died in July 1614, at the age of 87.

  [628] In MS. G, "surfece weitt." MS. L 4, follows that of 1566, in
  "surfett."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST GRACE IN DISPYTE OF RELIGIOUN.]

At the sound of the cannonis whiche the galayis schot, the multitude
being advertissed, happie was he and sche that first myght have the
presence of the Quene. The Protestantis war not the slowest, and
thairintill thai war not to be blamed.[629] Becaus the Palace of
Halyrudhous was not throughlie put in ordour, (for hir cuming was more
suddane[630] than many looked for,) sche remaned in Leyth till
towardis the evenyng, and then repaired thitther. In the way betwixt
Leith and the Abbay, met hir the rebellis of the craftis, (of whom we
spak befoir,[631]) to wit, those that had violated the authoritie of
the Magistratis, and had besieged the Provost. But, because sche was
sufficientlie instructed, that all thai did was done in dispite of the
religioun, thai war easilie apardoned. Fyres of joy war sett furth all
nyght, and a cumpany of the most honest,[632] with instrumentis of
musick, and with musitians, geve thair salutationis at hir chalmer
wyndo.[633] The melody, (as sche alledged,) lyked hir weill; and sche
willed the same to be contineued some nightis after.

  [629] Instead of this sentence, in MSS. M, and L 4, we find, "Shee wes
  honnorablie receaved be the Erle of Argyle, the Lord Areskin, Lord
  James, and other Noblemen, and the Citizens of Edinburgh. Becaus," &c.

  [630] The Queen's arrival was earlier than was expected. On the 7th of
  August, the Treasurer had paid messengers passing "with clois
  writings" of the Lords of Secret Counsall to the Nobility and
  Magistratis, and others, "to be in Edinburgh with thair honorable
  cumpaneis to the Quenis grace enteres furth of France, _agane the last
  day of August_." It has been seen that she landed on the 20th of that
  month.

  [631] See pages 155-159.

  [632] In MS. G, "of most honest men." MSS. A, and L 4, "the most
  honest."

  [633] Brantome in his account of the Queen's arrival, takes notice of
  the thick fog (grand broüillard) which prevailed, so that they could
  not see from one end of the vessel to the other. His account of the
  serenading of the pious minstrels, is very unlike that of the text.
  His words are,--"Le soir, ainsi qu'elle se vouloit coucher, estant
  logée en-bas en l'Abbaye de l'Islebourg, qui est certes un beau
  bastiment, et ne tient rien du Pays, vindrent sous la fenestre cinq ou
  six cent marauds de la ville, luy donner aubade de meschants violons
  et petits rebecs, dont il n'y en a faute en ce pays-la; et se mirent à
  chanter Pseaumes, tant mal chantez et si mal accordez, que rien plus.
  He! quelle musique! et quel repos pour sa nuit!"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST MESSE.]

[Sidenote: LORD JAMES [HIS] FACT.]

[Sidenote: CONVOYARIS OF THE PREAST.]

With great diligence[634] the Lordis repared unto hir from all
quarters. And so was nothing understand[635] but myrth and quyetness
till the nixt Sunday, which was the xxiiij of August, when
preparatioun began to be maid for that idoll the Messe to be said in
the Chapell; which perced the hartis of all. The godlie[636] began to
bolden; and men began openlie to speak, "Shall that idoll be suffered
agane to tack place within this Realm? It shall not." The Lord
Lyndesay, (then but Maister,)[637] with the gentilmen of Fyiff, and
otheris, plainlie cryed in the close, "The idolater Preast should dye
the death," according to Goddis law. One that caryed in the candell
was evill effrayed; but then began flesche and blood to schaw the
self. Thair durst no Papist, neathir yitt any that cam out of France
whisper. But the Lord James[638] (the man whom all the godlye did most
reverence) took upoun him to keap the Chapell door. His best excuse
was, that he wald stop all Scotishe men to enter in to the Messe. But
it was, and is sufficientlie known, that the door was keapt, that nane
should have entress to truble the Preast; who, after the Messe, was
committed to the protectioun of Lord Johne of Coldinghame,[639] and
Lord Robert of Halyrudehouse,[640] who then war boyth Protestantis,
and had communicat at the Table of the Lord. Betwix thame two was the
Preast convoyed to his chalmer.

  [634] In MS. G, these words are added to the previous sentence. MS. L
  4, follows that of 1566.

  [635] In MS. G, "understude."

  [636] In MS. G, "which perceaved, the hearts of all the godlie." In
  MS. M, "The hearts of the godly being pierced with that grosse
  abhomination, began to bowden and swell." In MS. L 4, "pierced all the
  heartis of the godlie, that they began to bowden and swell."

  [637] Patrick, eldest son of Lord Lindesay, was styled Master of
  Lindesay, during his father's life. As already noticed, he succeeded
  to the title in 1563.

  [638] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.

  [639] Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James the Fifth, had the
  Priory of Coldingham conferred on him in his youth. He has previously
  been mentioned (_supra_, page 88) as having joined the Reformers.

  [640] Lord Robert Stewart, also a natural son of King James the Fifth,
  by Euphemia Elphinstone, daughter of Lord Elphinstone. He had a grant
  of the Abbacy of Holyrood in 1539, when only seven years of age. See
  vol. i. p. 458, and a subsequent note in the present volume.

[Sidenote: THE END IS NOTT YITT SEANE.]

And so the godlie departed with great greaf of heart, and at after
noon repaired to the Abbay in great companeis, and gave plane
significatioun, that thai could not abyd that the land which God by
his power had purged from idolatrie, should in thair eyes be polluted
agane. Which understand, thair began complaint upoun complaint. The
old dounty-bowris, and otheris that long had served in the Court, and
hes no remissioun of synnes, but by virtew of the Messe, cryed, "Thai
wald to France without delay: thai could not live without the Messe."
The same affirmed the Quenis Uncles. And wold to God that that menzie,
togitther with the Messe, had tacken good nyght at this Realme for
ever; for so had Scotland bene rydd of ane unprofitable burthen of
devouring strangearis, and of the maledictioun of God that hes
stricken, and yitt will strike for idolatrie.

[Sidenote: THE PERSUASIOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

The Counsall assembled, disputatioun was had of the nixt remeadye.
Polytick headis war send unto the Gentilmen, with these and the lyke
persuasionis, "Why, allace, will ye chase our Soverane from us? Sche
will incontinent return to hir galayes; and what then shall all
Realmes say of us? May we nott suffer hir a lytill whill? We doubt not
but sche shall leave it. Yf we war not assured that sche myght be
wonne, we should be als greate ennemyes to hir Masse, as ye should be.
Hir Uncles will depart, and then sall we reull all at our plesour.
Wold not we be as sorry to hurt the Religioun as any of you wald be?"

With these and the lyke persuasionis, (we say,) was the fervencie of
the Bretheren quenched; and ane Act[641] was framed: the tennour
whairof followeth:--

  [641] This Act is not contained in the existing volumes of the Privy
  Council Records.--In MS. M, the Act itself is omitted, but its purport
  is briefly stated.


APUD EDINBURGH, XXV^{TO} AUGUSTI ANNO &C. LXI^O.

FORSAMEKLE as the Quenis Majestie hes understand the great
inconvenientis that may come, through the divisioun presentlie
standing in this Realme, for the difference in materis of Religioun,
that hir Majestie is most desirous to see [it] pacifeit be ane good
ordour, to the honour of God, and tranquillitie of hir Realme, and
meanes to tack the same be advyse of hir Estaitis, sa soon as
convenientlie may be; and that hir Majesties godlie resolutioun
thairin may be greatlie hyndered, in case any tumult or seditioun be
raised amanges the lieges, yf any suddane[642] alteratioun or
novatioun be preassed [at] or attempted, befoir that the ordour may be
establissed: Thairfoir, for eschewing of the saidis inconvenientis,
hir Majestie ordanes letteris[643] to be direct to charge all and
sindrie hir leiges, be oppin proclamatioun at the Mercat Croce of
Edinburgh, and otheris places neidfull, that thai, and everie ane of
thame, conteane thame selffis in quyetnesse, keap peace and civile
societie amongis thame selffis: And in the meanetyme, while the
Estaittis of this Realme may be assembled, and that hir Majestie have
tackin ane finall ordour be thair advyse and publict consent, quhilk
hir Majestie hopes shalbe to the contentment of the haill, That nane
of thame tack upoun hand, privatlie or openlie, to mack alteratioun or
innovatioun of the staite of Religioun, or attempt any thing against
the form quhilk hir Majestie fand publictlie and universallie standing
at hir Majesties arryvell in this hir Realme, under the pane of death:
With certificatioun, that yf any subject of the Realme, shall cum in
the contrarie heirof, he shalbe estemed and holden a seditious persone
and raiser of tumult, and the said paine salbe execut upoun him with
all rigour, to the example of otheris. Attour, hir Majestie, be the
advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, commandis and charges
all hir leiges, that nane of thame tack upoun hand to molest or truble
any of hir domesticall servandis, or personis whatsumever, come furth
of France, in hir Gracis cumpany at this tyme, in wourd, deed, or
countenance, for any caus whatsumever, eather within hir Palace or
without, or mack ony derisioun[644] or invasioun upoun any of thame,
under whatsumever cullour or pretence, under the said paine of death:
Albeit hir Majestie be sufficientlie persuaded, that hir good and
loving subjectis wold do the same, for the reverence thai bear to hir
persone and authoritie, notwithstanding that na sick commandiment war
publisshed.

  [642] MS. G, omits "suddane."

  [643] It appears that such Letters of Proclamation were accordingly
  issued on the 29th of August. (Treasurer's Accounts.)

  [644] In MS. G, "divisioun."

       *       *       *       *       *

This Act and Proclamatioun, penned and put in form by such as befoir
professed Christ Jesus, (for in the Counsall then had Papistis neathir
power nor vote,) it was publictlie proclaimed at the Mercat Croce of
Edinburgh, upoun Mononday foirsaid. No man reclamed, nor maid
repugnance to it, except the Erle of Arrane onlie;[645] who, in open
audience of the Heraldis and people protested, "That he dissasented
that any protectioun or defence should be maid to the Quenis
domestickis, or to any that came from France, to offend Goddis
Majestie, and to violat the lawis of the Realme, more then to any
other subject: for Goddis law had pronunced death against the
idolater, and the lawis of the realme had appoynted punishment for
sayaris and heararis of Masse; quhilkis, (said he,) I here protest, be
universallie observed, and that none be exempted, unto such tyme as a
law, als publictlie maid, and als consonant to the law of God, have
disannulled the formar." And thairupoun he took documentis, as the
tenour of this his Protestatioun doeth witnesse:--

  [645] MS. L 4, has this marginal note, "The Erle of Arran's
  protestation against this proclamation."

       *       *       *       *       *

IN sa far as be this Proclamatioun it is understand to the Kirk of
God, and memberis thairof, that the Quenis Grace is mynded, that the
treu religioun and wyrschipping ellis establissed procead fordwart,
that it may daly increase, unto the Parliament, that ordour then may
be tane for extirpatioun of all idolatrie within this Realme: We
rander maist hartlie thankis to the Lord our God for hir Gracis good
mynd, earnestlie praying that it may be encreassed in hir Hienes, to
the honour and glorie of His name, and weill of his Kirk within this
Realme. And as tueching the molestatioun of hir Hienes servandis, we
suppose that nane dare be sa bald as anes to move thair fyngar at
thame, in doing of thair lefull busines; and as for us, we have
learned at oure maister Christis school, "to keap peace with all men;"
and thairfoir for our part, we will promeis that obedience unto hir
Majestie (as is our dewitie) that nane of hir servandis salbe
molested, trubled, or anes tueched, be the Kirk, or any member
thairof, in doing thair lefull affairis. But, sen that God hes said,
"The idolater shall die the death;" we Protest solempnedlie, in
presence of God, and in the earis of the haill people that hearis this
Proclamatioun, and specialie in presence of you Lyoun Herald, and of
the rest of your collegues, &c., makaris of this Proclamatioun, that
yf any of hir servandis shall commit idolatrie, specialie say Messe,
participat thairwith, or tack the defence thairof, (quhilkis we war
leyth should be in hir Grace cumpany,) in that caise, that this
Proclamatioun be nott extended to thame in that behalf, nor be not a
salfgard or gyrth to thame in that behalf, na mair nor give thai
committ slauchter or murther, seing the ane is mekle mair abhominable
and odiouse in the syght of God, then is the other: But that it may be
laughtfull to inflict upoun thame the painis conteyned in Goddis word
aganis idolateris, whairever thai may be apprehended, but favour. And
this oure Protestatioun we desyre you to notifie unto hir, and gif hir
the copie heirof, least hir Hienes should suspect ane uproar, gif we
should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year
foirsaid.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: ROBERT CAMPBELL TO THE LORD VCHILTRIE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISES AT THE FIRST.]

This baldnes did somewhat exasperat the Quene, and such as favoured
hir in that poynt. As the Lordis, callit[646] of the Congregatioun,
repared unto the Town, at the first cuming thai schew thame selves
wonderouslie offended, that the Messe was permitted; so that everie
man as he cam accused thame that war befoir him: but after that thai
had remaned a certane space, thai war as quyet as war the formare.
Which thing perceaved, a zealous and godlie man, Robert Campbell of
Kingzeancleucht, said unto the Lord Vchiltrie, "My Lord, now ye are
come, and almost the last of all the rest; and I perceave, by your
anger, that the fyre-edge is nott of you yit; but I fear, that after
that the holy watter of the Courte be sprinckled upoun you, that ye
sall become als temperat[647] as the rest: For I have bene here now
fyve dayis, and at the first I hard everie man say, 'Let us hang the
Preast;' but after that thai had bene twyse or thrise in the Abbay,
all that fervency was past. I think thair be some inchantment whareby
men ar bewitched." And in verray deed so it came to pass: for the
Quenis flattering wordis, upoun the ane pairte, ever still crying,
"Conscience, conscience: it is a sore thing to constreane the
conscience;" and the subtile persuasionis of hir suppostis (we mean
evin of such as sometymes war judged most fervent with us) upoun the
other parte, blynded all men, and putt thame in this opinioun, sche
wilbe content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt but sche may be
wone. And thus of all it wes concluded, to suffer hir for a tyme.

  [646] In MSS. G, A, and L 4, "then called." The latter has this
  marginal note, "The fervencie of professors cooled."

  [647] In MS. G, "als temperat here."

[Sidenote: THE JUDGMENT OF JOHNE KNOX UPOUN THE SUFFERING OF THE
QUENIS MESSE.][648]

  [648] MS. L 4, instead of this marginal note, has "Mr. Knox findeth
  fault with the toleration of the Quenis Messe."

[Sidenote: THE COURTEOURIS.]

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX CONFESSIOUN.]

The nixt Sounday, Johnne Knox, inveighing against idolatrie, schew
what terrible plagues God had tacken upoun Realmes and Nationis for
the same; and added, "That one Messe (thair war no mo suffered at the
first) was more fearful to him then gif ten thousand armed enemyes war
landed in any pairte of the Realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill
religioun. For (said he) in our God thair is strenth to resist and
confound multitudis, yf we unfeanedlie depend upoun him; whairof
heirtofoir we haif had experience; but when we joyne handis with
idolatrie, it is no doubt but that both Godis amicable presence and
confortable defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us?
Allace, I fear that experience shall teach us to the greaf of many."
At these wordis, the guydaris of of the Court mocked, and plainlie
spak, "That such fear was no poynt of thair fayth: it was besyd his
text, and was a verray untymelie admonitioun." But we heard this same
Johnne Knox, in the audience of the same men, recyte the same wordis
agane in the myddest of trubles; and in the audience of many ask God
mercy, that he was nott more vehement and upryght in the suppressing
of that idoll in the begynning. "For, (said he,) albeit that I spack
that which offended some, (which this day thai see and feall to be
treu,) yit did I not [that] which I myght have done; for God had not
onlie gevin unto me knowledge, and toung to maik the impietie of that
idoll knowin unto this Realme, but he had gevin unto me credyte with
many, who wold have put in executioun Goddis judgmentis, yf I wold
onlie have consented thairto: But so cairfull was I[649] of that
commoun tranquillitie, and so loth was I to have offended those of
whom I had conceaved a good opinioun, that in secreat conference with
earnest and zealous men, I travaled rather to mitigat, yea, to slokin,
that fervencye that God had kyndled in otheris, than to animat or
encorage thame to put thair handis to the Lordis work: Whairintill I
unfeanedlie acknowledge my selff to have done most wickedlie; and from
the bottom of my hart, askis of my God grace and pardon, for that I
did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idoll in the begining."
These and other wordis did many hear him speak in publict place, in
the moneth of December, the year of God J^m V^c and threscoir fyve
yearis, when such as at the Quenis arryvell onlie manteyned the Masse,
war exyled the Realme, summoned upoun treassone, and decreit of
forfaltour intended against thame. But to return from whence we have
digressed.

  [649] MS. G, adds here, "quoth he."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST REASSONING BETWIX THE QUEYN AND JOHNE KNOX.]

Whetther it was by counsall of otheris, or of the Quenis awin desyre,
we knaw not; but the Quene spack with Johne Knox, and had long
ressoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: (two
gentilwemen stood[650] in the other end of the house.) The summe of
thair reassoning was this. The Quene accused him, that he had raysed a
part of hir subjectis against hir Mother, and against hir self: That
he had writtin a book against hir just authoritie, (sche ment the
treatise against the Regiment of Wemen[651]) which sche had, and
should caus the most learned in Europe to wryte against it: That he
was the caus of great seditioun and great slauchter in England; and
that it was said to hir, that all which he did was by necromancye, &c.

  [650] In MSS. G, and L4, "two gentilmen."

  [651] See this vol. i. page 28.

To the whiche the said Johne answered, "Madam, it may please your
Majestie patientlie to hear my sempill ansures. And first, (said he,)
yf to teach the treuth of God in synceritie, yf to rebuke idolatrie,
and to will a people to wyrschip God according to his word, be to
raise subjectis against thair Princes, then can not I be excused; for
it hes pleased God of his mercy to mack me ane (amongis many) to
disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun,
and the deceat, pryde, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist. Bot,
Madam, yf the treu knowledge of God, and his rycht wirschipping be the
cheaf causses, that must move men from thair heart to obey thair just
Princes, (as it is most certane that thai ar,) whairin can I be
reprehended? I think, and am surelie persuaded, that your Grace have
had, and presentlie have, als unfeaned obedience, of such as profess
Jesus Christ within this Realme, as ever your Father, or other
progenitouris had of those that war called Bischoppis. And tueching
that booke, which seameth so highlie to offend your Majestie, it is
most certane that I wrait it, and am content that all the learned of
the world judge of it. I hear that ane Englishe man hath writtin
against it,[652] but I have not redd him. Yf he have sufficientlie
improved my ressones, and establissed his contrarie propositioun, with
als evident testimonyes as I have done myne, I shall nott be obstinat,
but shall confess my errour and ignorance. Bot to this hour I have
thocht, and yit thinkis my self allone to be more able to sustene the
thingis affirmed in that my wark, than any ten in Europe salbe able to
confute it."

  [652] John Aylmer: see this vol. page 26, note 3.

"Ye think then, (quod sche,) that I have no just authoritie?"

"Pleise your Majestie, (said he,) that learned men in all aiges have
had thair judgmentis free, and most commonlie disagreing frome the
commoun judgment of the warld; suche also have thei publisshed, boyth
with pen and toung, and yit notwithstanding thei thame selves have
lived in the commoun societie with otheris, and have borne patientlie
with the errours and imperfectionis whiche thei could not amend.
Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Bookis of the Commounwealth, in the
whiche he dampneth many thingis that then war manteaned in the world,
and required many thingis to have bene reformed; and yitt,
notwithstanding he lived evin under suche policies, as then war
universallie receaved, without farther trubling of any estait. Evin
so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a
testimonye of a good conscience. I have communicat my judgment to the
world: Yf the Realme fyndis no inconvenience frome the regiment of a
woman, that whiche thei approve shall I not farther disallow, then
within my awin breast, but salbe alse weall content to lyve under your
Grace, as Paull was to lyve under Nero; and my hope is, that so long
as that ye defyle not your handis with the blood of the sanctis of
God, that neather I nor that Booke shall eather hurt you or your
authoritie: for in verray deed, Madame, that Book was written most
especialie against that wicked Jesabell of England."[653]

  [653] That is, Mary, Queen of England.

"But (said sche) ye speak of women in generall."

"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me
that wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for
that, whiche to this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in
persone nor yit in authoritie. For of lait yearis, many thingis,
whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene called in doubt; yea thei
have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said he,) I am assured
that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any
suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now,
Madam, (said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite,
becaus ye ar a woman, I myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for
that purpose, then I can do now, when your awin presence is within the
Realme.

"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I
hartlie praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye
of mankynd, and the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay
to my charge, then suche as the verray world it self knoweth to be
most fals and vane. For in England I wes resident onlie the space of
fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I abode two yearis; so
long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now, Madam, yf in any
of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe able
to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I
shall confesse that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar
of the bloode. I eschame not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so
blissed my waik laubouris, that in Berwick (whair commonlie befoir
thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of quarrellis that used to
aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all the tyme
that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And
whare the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte
forbidden of God, I have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,)
all[656] congregationis that ever heard me, what I spake both against
suche artis, and against those that use suche impietie. But, seing the
wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord Jesus, was
possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I,
wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in
the veritie."

  [654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his
  release from the French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth,
  (1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.

  [655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August.
  Randolph alludes to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr.
  Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon
  her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you know ther be of that
  sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The
  brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the
  Papistis dowte what wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen
  Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)

  [656] In MS. G, "all the."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other
Religioun, than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be
of God, seing, that God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall
strenth[657] nor authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the
Eternall God allone, so are not subjectis bound to frame thair
Religioun according to the appetites of thair Princes. For oft it is,
that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis treu
Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death
of Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene
of the Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray
you, Madam, what Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf
all men in the dayis of the Apostles should have bene of the Religioun
of the Romane Emperouris, what Religioun should thair have bene upoun
the face of the earth? Daniell and his fellowis war subjectis to
Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam, thei wold nott be
of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the thre
Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not
worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God
against the expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may
perceave, that subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair
Princes, albeit thei ar commanded to geve thame obedience."

  [657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."

[Sidenote: THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against
thair Princes."

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for
these that obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort
resist."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER.]]

"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the
meanes."

"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair
Princes?"

[Sidenote: QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR]

[Sidenote: BLYND ZEALL WHAT.]

[Sidenote: WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES
IMPREASONMENT.][658]

  [658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written
  sets or quires, and is in the same hand with the text. The reference
  is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in
  June 1567, from whence she made her escape on the 2d May 1568.

"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do
against that whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei
may be resisted, evin by power. For thair is neather greattar honour,
nor greattar obedience to be gevin to kings or princes, then God hes
commanded to be gevin unto father and mother: But so it is, Madam,
that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the which he wold
slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese, joyne
thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other
weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in
preasone, till that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that
the children do any wrang? Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe
offended with thame that have stayed thair father to committ
wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that wold
murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd
zeall is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack
the sweard frome thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis
in preasone, till that thei be brought to a more sober mynd, is no
disobedience against princes, but just obedience, becaus that it
aggreith with the will of God."

At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the
quarter of ane hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James
begane to entreat her, and to demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.]

At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall
obey you,[659] and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what
I command: and so man I be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."

  [659] Namely, John Knox.

"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any
to obey me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth
thame. Bot my travell is, that boyth princes and subjectis obey God.
And think not, (said he,) Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when ye
ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he that subjects people
under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto thame; yea, God
craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his
Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this
subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the
greatest dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth,
for it shall cary thame to everlasting glorie."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS KIRK.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will
defend the Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."

"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your
thoght maik that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of
Jesus Christ. And wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for
that Churche is altogidder polluted with all kynd of spirituall
fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer
myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the Jewes that crucifyed
Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the ordinances and
statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people, when that
thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of
Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome
the puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and
planted."

  [660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.

"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."

"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that
rycht knowlege ye have none."

"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read
both the Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after
thair maner. Have ye heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the
Pope and his Cardinalles have allowed? And ye may be assured, that
suche will speak nothing to offend thair awin estaite."

[Sidenote: ANSWRE.]

"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei
interprete in ane other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"

[Sidenote: MESSE.]

"Ye shall beleve (said he,) God, that planelie speaketh in his word:
and farther then the word teaches you, ye neather shall beleve the ane
or the other. The word of God is plane in the self; and yf thair
appear any obscuritie in one place, the Holy Ghost, whiche is never
contrariouse to him self, explanes the same more clearlie in other
places: so that thair can remane no doubt, but unto suche as
obstinatlie remane ignorant. And now, (said he,) Madam, to tack ane of
the cheaf pointis, whiche this day is in contraversie betwix the
Papistis and us: for example, the Papistis allege, and boldly have
affirmed, That the Messe is the ordinance of God, and the institutioun
of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the synnes of the quyck and the
dead. We deny bothe the one and the other, and affirme, that the
Messe, as it is now used, is nothing but the inventioun of man; and,
thairfoir, is an abominatioun befoir God, and no sacrifice that ever
God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus
contending? It is no reassone that eather of the parteis be farther
beleved, then thei are able to prove by insuspect witnessing: Let
thame lay down the book of God, and by the plane wordis thairof prove
their affirmatives, and we shall geve unto thame the pley granted. But
so long as thei ar bold to affirme, and yit do prove nothing, we man
say, that albeit all the warld beleved thame, yit beleve thei not God,
but receaves the lyes of men for the treuth of God. What oure maister
Jesus Christ did, we know by his Evangelistis: what the preast doeth
at his Messe, the warld seeth. Now, doeth nott the word of God
planelie assure us, that Christ Jesus neather said, nor yit commanded
Messe to be said at his Last Suppar, seing that no suche thing as
thair Messe is maid mentioun of within the whole Scripturis?"

"Ye ar oure sair for me, (said the Quene,) but and yf thai war here
that I have heard, thai wold ansuer you."

"Madam, (quod the other,) wold to God that the learnedest Papist in
Europe, and he that ye wold best beleve, war present with your Grace
to sustene the argument; and that ye wald patientlie abyd to hear the
mater reassoned to the end; for then I doubt not, Madam, but that ye
should hear the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and how
small[661] ground it hath within the wourd of God."

  [661] In MS. G, "how little."

"Weall (said sche) ye may perchance gett that sonner than ye beleve."

"Assuredlie, (said the other) yf ever I gett that in my lyeff, I gett
it sonnar than I beleif; for the ignorant Papistis can not patientlie
reassoun, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your
audience, Madam, to have the ground of thair religioun searched out;
for thai know that thai ar never able to sustene ane argument, except
fyre and sweard, and thair awin lawis be judges."

"So say ye, (quod the Quene,) but I cane beleve that."

"It hes bene so to this day,[662] (quod he,) for how oft have the
Papistis in this and other realmes bein required to come to
conference, and yitt could it never be obteaned, unless that thame
selfis war admitted for judges. And thairfoir, Madam, I must yitt say
agane, that thai dar never dispute, but whare thame selfis are both
judge and partye. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the
contrarye, I shall grant my selff to have bene deceaved in that
poynt."

  [662] In MS. G, these words are added to the preceding sentence. In
  MS. L 4, the words are arranged, and perhaps more correctly thus:--"So
  say ye," said the Quene, "Bot (said he) I can believe that it has not
  been this day," &c.

And with this the Quene was called upon to dennar, for it was
after-noon. At departing, Johnne Knox said unto hir, "I pray God,
Madam, that ye may be als blessed within the Commoun-wealth of
Scotland, yf it be the pleasur of God, as ever Debora was in the
Commoun-wealth of Israell."

       *       *       *       *       *

Of this long Conference, whairof we onlie tueich a part, war diverse
opinionis. The Papistis grudged, and feared that which thai neided
not. The godlye, thinking at least that sche wold have heard the
preaching, rejoised; but thai war alluterly deceaved, for sche
continewed in her Messing; and dispised and quyetlie mocked all
exhortationis.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGMENT OF THE QUENE AT THE FIRST, AND EVER
SINCE.]

Johne Knox his awin judgement, being be some of his[663] familiaris
demanded, What he thought of the Quene? "Yf thair be not in hir (said
he) a proud mynd, a crafty witt, and ane indurat hearte against God
and his treuth, my judgment faileth me."

  [663] In MS. G, "his awn."


       *       *       *       *       *

When the hoill Nobilitie war convened, the Lordis of Privey Counsall
war chosen,[664] who war appointed,[665] the Duke his Grace, the Erles
of Huntley, Ergyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merschell, Bothwell:
Lordis Erskin, &c., Lord James, &c. Of these war a certane appointed
to wait upoun [the] Court by course; but that ordour continewed not
lang.

  [664] In MS. L 4, "those that war appointed, war."

  [665] The meeting of the Privy Council, referred to, was held in the
  Palace of Holyrood, on the 6th of September 1561. See an extract from
  the Register, in Keith's History, (new edit. vol. ii. p. 78.)

Duck D'Omell[666] returned with the galayes to France. The Quene
entered in hir progresses, and in the moneth of September traveled
from Edinburgh to Lynlythqu, Striveling, Sanct Johnestoun, Dondie,
Sanctandrois;[667] which all partis sche polluted with hir idolatrie.
Fyre followed hir verray commounlie in that jorney. The townis
propyned hir liberallie, and thairof war the Frenche enriched.

  [666] Claude, Duke d'Aumale, (see note 6, page 268.) On Sunday, the
  last of August, he was present at the banquet given by the Town of
  Edinburgh to the Queen and the French princes; and on the following
  day, "the said Monssieur Domell [d'Aumale] depairtit with the twa
  gallionis, quhilk brocht the Quenis Grace hame, to France." (Diurnal
  of Occurrents, p. 67.) The Queen, on the 24th of August, had granted
  precepts for the following sums, £37, 10s. to be paid "to John Terrie,
  maister of ane schip;" 100 crounis of the sun "to six pilots, of the
  twa galeris;" £66, 13s. 4d. to "Monsieur Tynnance, to be distributit
  amangis the officiaris of the twa galeris;" and 200 crounis of the
  sun, or £266, 13s. 4d. to Monsieur Tynnance, for his own use.
  (Treasurer's Accounts.)

  It may be added, that the Grand Prior, the Sieur Damville, and most of
  their attendants, returned by land, intending to visit the English
  Court. They were accompanied to Berwick by several of the Scottish
  Nobility; the Queen having addressed letters "to some Lords and others
  to convoy the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Damweile of Edinburgh to
  Berwick," on the 8th and 9th of October. About the same time, the
  Treasurer "deliverit to the Quenis Grace ane chene of gold contenand
  J^o 1. (150) crounis of the sone, and twa chenis of gold, ilk ane of
  tham contenand 1. (50) crounis of the sone, quhilk hir Grace deliverit
  to Mons^r. Marquess, to gif three Frenche men that passit with the
  Grande Priour and Mons^r. Danweill--Summa, £333, 6s. 8d." There was
  also paid to James Mosman, goldsmith, for making these chains, £29,
  10s., and 20s. in drink-silver to his servants.

  [667] Preparatory to the Queen's progress, her Master Stabler, on the
  6th September, purchased 10 horses or haikneys. She was accompanied by
  two of her Uncles, Monsieur Damville, and a number of ladies. She set
  out from Holyrood Palace on horseback, after dinner, on the 11th of
  that month, and remained at Linlithgow Palace that night, and the
  following day; on the 13th she rode to Stirling Castle, and was there
  on Sunday the 14th; on the 15th she passed through Alloa to
  Kincardine, or, as some authorities state, to Leslie Castle in Fife;
  on the 17th she came to Perth; on the 19th to Dundee; crossed the Tay
  to St. Andrews, on the 20th; a few days afterwards she proceeded to
  Falkland Palace; and returned to Holyrood on Monday the 29th of
  September 1561. (Chalmers's Queen Mary, 2d edit. vol. i. pp. 82-86;
  Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69.)

[Sidenote: BALFOUR, HIS DOCTRINE.]

In the begyning of October,[668] sche returned to Edinburgh, and at
the day appointed sche was receaved in the Castell. Great
preparationis war maid for hir enteress in the town. In ferses, in
masking, and in other prodigalities, faine wold fooles have
counterfooted France. Whatsoever myght sett furth hir glory, that sche
heard, and glaidlye beheld. The keyes war delivered unto hir by a
pretty boy, descending as it war from a cloud. The verses of hir awin
praise sche heard, and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and
the praise thairof declared, sche began to frown: for schame sche
could not refuise it.[669] But she did no better, for immediatelie
sche gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme, to wit,
to Arthoure Erskyn.[670] Edinburgh since that day had reaped as thai
sew. Thai gave hir some taist of thair prodigalitie; and becaus the
liquor was sweet, sche hes licked of that buist oftar than twyse
since.[671] All men know what we mean: the Quene can not lack, and the
subjectis have.

  [668] See next page, note 1.

  [669] From the preceding note it will be seen that Queen Mary returned
  from her progress on the 29th of September; and that Knox has mistaken
  the date of her first entry into Edinburgh. It was on Tuesday the 2d
  September. A minute and interesting notice of it occurs in the Diurnal
  of Occurrents, p. 67, but the passage is too long for quotation. She
  rode through the town to the Castle, where she dined at 12 o'clock;
  and then returning, various pageants were represented in different
  parts of the town, as she proceeded, convoyed by the nobility and
  chief inhabitants, dressed in velvet gowns and bonnets, carrying a
  pall of fine purple velvet, with fringes of gold and silk. Upon
  reaching the Palace of Holyrood, she received a _propyne_, or gift of
  a cupboard, "quhilk was double our-gilt; the price thairof was 2000
  merks." Randolph, in his letter to Cecil, on the 7th September, also
  mentions that part of the pageant to which Knox alludes. He says,
  "Upon Tuesday last the Queen made her entry. She dyned in the Castle.
  The fyrst syghte she sawe after she cam oute of the Castle, was a boye
  of six yeres of age, that cam, as it were, from heaven oute of a
  rounde globe, that presented unto hir a Bible and Psalter, and the
  keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you.
  There, for the terrible sygnifications of the vengeance of God upon
  idolatrie, ther war burnt Coron, Dathan, and Abiram, in the tyme of
  thair sacrifice. Thei war mynded to have had a priest (that is, the
  representation of a priest) burned at the altar, at the elevation. The
  Erle of Huntlye stayed that pagent, but hath playde manye as wicked as
  that since he came hyther." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 73.)
  The expenses attending the "Banquet" on the 31st August, and the
  "Triumph," on the 2d September, cost the inhabitants of Edinburgh the
  sum of 4000 merks, which it was resolved should be levied by a general
  stent or assessment.

  [670] Arthur Erskine was Captain of the Queen's guard. He was present
  at supper in Queen Mary's apartment the night of Riccio's murder. And
  having escaped from her temporary confinement in Holyrood, on the
  night of the 11th of March 1566, she "came to the place where Arthur
  Ersken, the captayn of her garde kept the horses, and so rode her waye
  behinde Arthur Erskin untill she cam to Seton. There she took a horse
  to herself, and rode to Dunbarre," &c. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol.
  i. p. 231.) In April 1562, the Treasurer paid "be the Quenis Grace
  speciall command, to Arthur Erskin to by him ane hors, £40:" and on
  the 2d of June 1565, in like manner there was paid "to Arthur Erskin
  ane of the maisteris of hir Graces Curie to by him ane horse, xx
  crownis." In December 1564, he is styled "Arthur Erskine of
  Blackgrange, brother-german to John Lord Erskine." (Register of
  Signatures.) He was probably the ancestor of the Erskines of
  Scotscraig in Fife, who flourished in the following century.

  [671] In MS. A, the marginal note is thus inserted in the text, "ance
  or twice since this was Balfoures rule."

In Edinburgh it hath bene ane auncient and laudable custom, that the
Provest, Baillies, and Counsall, after thair electioun, which useth to
be at Michaelmess, caused publictlie proclame[672] the Statutes and
Ordinances of the town. And thairfoir Archibald Dowglas, Provest;
Edwarde Hope, Adame Fowllartoun, [Mr. James Watsone, and David
Somer,][673] Baillies, caused proclame, according to the formar
Statutes of the town, that no adulterar, [no fornicatour,] no noted
drunkard, no mess-mongare, no obstinate Papistis that corrupted the
people, such as preastis, freiris, and otheris of that sorte, should
be found within the toun within fourty-aught houris thairafter, under
the paines conteaned in the statutes. Which blawin in the Quenis
earis, thair began pryde and maliciousnes to schaw the self; for
without farther cognitioun of the caus, was the Provest and Baillies
charged to ward in the Castell; and immediatlie was commandiment
gevin, that other Provest and Baillies should be elected.[674]

  [672] Keith has accused Knox of misstating this fact. Had he examined
  the Council Records more carefully, he would have found direct
  evidence of the practice of proclaiming the Statutes enacted by the
  Council, to which Knox alludes, on the 8th November 1555. Knox's
  account of the change of the Magistracy of Edinburgh is quite correct,
  although it has also been called in question. Upon examining the
  Council Records, it appears that Archibald Douglas was Provost; and
  Mr. James Watson, David Somer, Edward Hope, and Adam Foullarton,
  Baillies, in 1560-1561; and that on the 24th March 1560-1,
  proclamation was made of the Act 1560, against Priests, Adulterars,
  &c. At the next election in September 1561, Douglas was re-elected
  Provost, with David Forster, Robert Kar, Alexander Home, and Allan
  Dikesoun, as Baillies. On the 2d October, the above proclamation was
  ordered to be made on the following day; and on the 5th, the Queen
  sent a macer enjoining the Town Council to deprive their new
  Magistrates, and to appoint others in their room. A new election
  accordingly took place on the 8th of October, as detailed at
  considerable length by Maitland, (Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 21.)

  [673] In MS. 1566, and also in MSS. G and A, a blank space is left for
  these names; in MS. L 4, "&c." is supplied; and this marginal note
  added, "The Provost, Baillies, of Edinburgh changed at the Quenes
  command."

  [674] See note 2, p. 289, respecting the election. In a letter to
  Cecill, Knox, on the 7th October 1561, writes:--"At this verry instant
  ar the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thairof, command to ward in
  thare Tolboght, be reason of thair proclamatioun against Papists and
  hoormongeris. The whole blame lyeth upon the necke of the two
  fornamed," viz. Lord James Stewart and Lethington.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST PRYDE AFTER HIR ARRYVALL.]

Some ganestood for a while the new electioun, alledgeing, that the
Provest and Baillies whom thai had chosen, and to whom thai had gevin
thair oath, had committed no offence whairfoir that justlie thai aught
to be depryved. But whill charge was doubled upoun charge, and no man
was found to oppone thame selffis to iniquitie,[675] Jesabellis letter
and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr. Thomas Mackalzeane
chosen[675] for the other. The man, no doubt, was boyth discreat and
sufficient for that charge;[676] but the depositioun of the other was
against all law. God be mercyfull to some of our owen; for thai war
not all blameless that hir wicked will was so far obeyed.

  [675] In MS. G, "to oppone himself to impietie."

  [676] In MS. G, "Mr. Thomas M'Cally chosen Provost."--Mr. Thomas
  M'Calzean of Cliftonhall, was educated at St. Andrews, being a
  fellow-student with George Buchanan, in St. Salvator's College in
  1525. He was admitted Advocate in 1549, and became Assessour of the
  Town of Edinburgh; and was chosen Provost in 1558, as well as on the
  above occasion. He was appointed a Lord of Session, 20th October 1570;
  and died 5th June 1581.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS TREW LIEGES, WHA?]

A contrair proclamatioun was publictlie maid, that the toun should be
patent unto all the Quenis lieges; and so murtheraris, adulteraris,
theavis, hooris, drunkardis, idolateris, and all malefactouris, gatt
protectioun under the Quenis wyngis, under that cullour, becaus thai
war of hir religioun. And so gatt the Devill fredome agane, whair that
befoir he durst nott have bene sene in the day lyght upoun the commoun
streatis. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."

[Sidenote: THE DEVILL GETTING ENTRESS WITH HIS FYNGAR, WILL SCHOOT
FURTH[677] HIS HOLL ARME.]

  [677] In MS. G, "will schut in."

The Devill finding his rainzeis lowse, ran fordwarte in his course;
and the Quene took upoun hir grettar boldness than sche and Baalles
bleatting preastis[678] durst have attempted befoir. For upoun
Allhallow day[679] thai blended up thair Messe with all myscheivous
solempnitie. The ministeris thairat offended, in plane and publict
place, declared the inconvenientis that thairupoun should ensew. The
Nobilitie war sufficientlie admonished of thair dewiteis. But
affectioun caused men to call that in doubt, whairin schort befoir
thai seamed to be most resolute, to wit, "Whitther that subjectis
mycht put to thair hand to suppresse the idolatrie of thair Prince?"
And upoun this questioun conveined in the house of Mr. James[680]
Mackgill, the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, the Erle Merschell,
Secretarie Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark,[681] and Cleark of
Registre;[682] who all reassoned for the parte of the Quene,
affirmyng, "That the subjectis mycht not lauchfullie tack hir Messe
frome hir." In the contrair judgement war the principall Ministeris,
Mr. Johne Row,[683] Maister George Hay,[684] Maister Robert
Hammyltoun,[685] and Johne Knox. The reassonis of boyth partyes we
will omitt, becaus thai wilbe explaned after, whair the same
questioun, and otheris concernyng the Obedience dew unto Princes, war
long reassoned in open assemblie. The conclusioun of that first
reassonyng was, "That the questioun should be formed, and letteris
direct to Geneva for the resolutioun of that Churche," whairin Johne
Knox offered his laubouris. But Secretarie Lethingtoun, (alledging
that thair stood mekle in the informatioun,) said, that he should
wryte. But that was onlie to dryve tyme, as the treuth declaired the
self. The Quenis partye urged, "That the Quene should have hir
religioun free in hir awin chapell, to do, sche and hir houshold, what
thei list." The Ministeris boyth affirmed and voted the contrair,
adding, "That hir libertie should be[686] thair thraldome or it was
long." But neathir could reassone nor threatnyng move the
affectionis[687] of such as war creipping in credite. And so did the
vottis of the Lordis prevail against the Ministeris.

  [678] In MS. G, "Baalim's bleating preests."

  [679] Hallowmass, or All Saints, the 1st of November.

  [680] In MS. 1566, one of the transcribed quires ends here with the
  catch-word, "of Mr. James," the last page being blank.

  [681] Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoule, held the office of Justice
  Clerk for nearly thirty years. He was appointed successor to his
  father, 25th June 1547, and the office was again filled in November
  1578, by Sir Lewis Bellenden, although then in "his less age," which
  Lord Hailes conceives to mean that he was not then twenty-five. Sir
  John died 6th October 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

  [682] Mr. James Makgill of Nether Rankeillor, was Clerk Register from
  1554 to 1566, when he was deprived for his being concerned in Riccio's
  murder. He was restored in December 1567, and continued till 1577. He
  died in 1579.

  [683] At the first nomination of ministers in July 1560, Row was
  appointed to Perth. He died 16th October 1580.

  [684] Mr. George Hay, Commissioner of the diocese of Aberdeen and
  Banff.

  [685] Mr. Robert Hamilton, minister of St. Andrews, and formerly one
  of the Masters or Regents, was advanced in 1574 to be Provost of St.
  Mary's College. When the new erection of the College was agreed upon,
  Hamilton was superseded; and in May 1580 he was ordered to account for
  his intromissions. In October following, he was denounced as rebel.
  (Treasurer's Accounts.) He died 16th April 1581. (Wodrow Miscellany,
  vol. i. p. 283.)

  [686] In MS. G, "should be to."

  [687] In MS. G, "move the hearts."

For the punishement of thift and of reaf, which had encreassed upoun
the Borders, and in the Sowth, from the Quenis arryvall, was the Lord
James maid Lievtenent.[688] Some suspected that suche honour and
charge proceaded frome the same heart and counsall that Saull maid
David capitane against the Philisteanis. But God assisted him, and
bowed the heartis of men boyth to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord
Bothwell him self at that tyme assisted him (but he had remissioun for
Lyddisdaill.) Scharpe executioun was maid in Jedburgh,[689] for
twenty-aught of ane clan, and others war hanged at that Justice
Courte. Brybes, buddis, nor solisitatioun saved not the gilty, yf he
myght be apprehended; and thairfoir God prospered him in that his
integritie.

  [688] In MS. G, "appointed Lieutenant." In MS. L 4, the whole
  structure of this sentence is thus changed: "Whill the Court wes
  myndefull of nothing bot pleasures and prodigallitie, the Border[er]s
  brack lowse, and vexed the countrie adjacent with rapine, thift, and
  murther; Lord James, Lievtennant since the Quenis arryvall, was sent
  hither to repress them. Some suspected," &c.

  [689] On the 13th October 1561, the Privy Council resolved that a
  Justice Court should be held at Jedburgh, by Lord James Stewart on the
  15th of November; and in the Register, on the 12th of that month, is
  preserved a copy of Instructions to be used by him. See Keith's
  History, vol. ii. pp. 104-107.

That same tyme the said Lord James spack the Lord Gray of England at
Kelso, for good reull to be keapt upoun boyth the Bordouris, and
agreed in all thingis.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST FRAY IN HALYRUDHOUSE]

Befoir his returnyng,[690] the Queyn upoun a nycht took a fray in hir
bedd, as yf horse men had bein in the close, and the Palace had bene
enclosed about. Whitther it proceaded of hir awin womanlie fantasye,
or, yf men pat hir in fear,[691] for displeasur of the Erle of Arrane,
and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the garde, we know not.
But the fear was so great, that the toun was called to the watch.
Lordis Robert of Halyrudhous,[692] and Johne of Coldinghame[692] keapt
the watche by course. Scouttis war send furth, and centenallis war
commanded under the pane of death to keap thair stationis. And yitt
thai feared whair thair was no fear: neathir yit could ever any
appeirance or suspitioun of suche thingis be tryed.

  [690] This paragraph is very different in MSS. M and L 4, being thus
  amplified, in the style of David Buchanan's interpolations:--"When
  Lord James was absent, the Quene tooke greater libertie, for shee wes
  not content with the severitie of the present Government, nor the
  floorishing of Religion, so that sometymes speiches would eschape her
  which bewrayed her disposition and inclination to tyrannie. Wheras
  Kings wont before to commit thamselfs to the trust of the Nobilitie,
  shee purposed to have a guard of hyred souldiours, bot could find no
  pretext, saving onlie the custome of forraigne Kings, and the shaw of
  magnificence. Shee consulted with hir bastard brother John, an
  ambitious man, bot not so grave and austere as Lord James. He resolved
  to obey hir in all things, and therfor wes the more deare to hir,
  being desirous to confound all things. She consulteth with him how to
  get a companie of hyred souldiers about her. Ther was a tumult or
  sturr famed as though the Erle of Arrane had enclosed the Palace of
  Halyrudehous round about, and by force wold cary the Quene to his
  Castell fourtene myles from thence. This invention had some likliehood
  becaus of the immoderate love he bare unto hir, and of her affection
  estranged from him; both which war not unknowin to the people. The
  fray was so great that the Toune of Edinburgh wes called to watch.
  Robert Lord Halyrudhous, and John Lord Coldingham keeped watch by
  course; skouts wer sent furth, and sentrinells, and wer commanded
  under the pane of death to keep their stations. They feared wher ther
  was no feare. After the souldiers had skoured the fields all night,
  they shew themselfs before the Palace gates, some offendit at them,
  and others jesting at the sport. Bot the authors of this invention,
  howbeit they knew the vulgar people did not beleve them, yit being
  secure that no man wold controle them regarded not man's secreit
  judgement."--Calderwood has copied this passage very closely. (Hist.
  vol. ii. p. 158.)

  [691] In MS. G, "in fear of it."

  [692] Two natural brothers of the Queen: see page 271, notes 2 and 3.

Schort after the returnying of the Lord James, thair cam from the
Quene of England, Sir Petir Mewtess,[693] with commissioun to requyre
the ratificatioun of the Peace made at Leyth. His ansuer was[694] evin
such as we have heard befoir, that sche behoved to advise, and then
sche should send ansuer.

  [693] Sir Peter Mewtas was sent by Queen Elizabeth to Scotland,
  chiefly to evade discussion respecting the Succession to the throne,
  although ostensibly to request that the Treaty of Edinburgh, in July
  1560, should be ratified. See in Keith's History, vol. ii. pp.
  132-136, the letters that passed between Queen Mary and Elizabeth,
  after Mewtas's return in October 1561. On the 19th of that month, is
  this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts: "Item, be the Quenis Grace
  speciale command to Sir Peter Mutus, Inglis Ambassadour, ane chene of
  gold of iij^o crownis of the sone, iiij^o lib." (£400.)

  [694] In MS. G, "Her answer was."

In presence of hir Counsall, sche keapt hir self [very] grave, (for
under the dule wead, sche could play the hypocryte in full
perfectioun;) but how soon that ever hir Frenche fillockis, fydlaris,
and otheris of that band, gatt the howse allone, thair mycht be sean
skipping not verry cumlie for honest wemen. Hir commoun talk was in
secreat, sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravitie, which repugned
alltogetther to hir nature, for sche was brocht up in joyusitie; so
termed sche hir dansing, and other thingis thairto belonging.

[Sidenote: DIVISIOUN BETWIX THE LORDIS AND THE MINISTERIS.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche[695] approched, holdin in
December[696] after the Quenis arryvall; in the which began the
reullaris of the Courte to draw tham selfis apart from the societie of
thair brethren, and began to sturr and grudge that any thing should be
consulted upoun, without thair advises. Maister Johne Wode,[697] who
befoir had schawin him self verray fervent in the caus of God, and
fordward in giveing of his counsall in all doubtfull materis, planelie
refused ever to assist the Assemblie agane, whairof many did wonder.
The Courteouris drew unto thame some of the Lordis, and wold nott
convene with thair brethren, as befoir thai war accustomed, but keapt
thame in the Abbay. The principall Commissionaris of the
Churches,[698] the Superintendentis, and some Ministeris, past unto
thame, whair thai war convened in the Abbottis ludging within
Halyrudhouse. Boyth the partyis began to oppin thair greaf. The Lordis
complayned that the Ministeris drew the gentilmen into secreat, and
held counsallis without thair knowledge. The Ministeris denyed that
thai had done any thing in secreat, or otherwyse than the Commoun
Ordour commanded thame; and accused the Lordis (the flatteraris of the
Quene we mean) that thai keapt not the Conventioun with thair
brethren, considdering that thai know the Ordour, and that the same
was appointed by thair awin advises, as the Buke of Discipline,
subscrivit with the most part of thair awin handis, wold witness. Some
began to deny that ever thai knew such a thing as the Buke of
Discipline; and called also in doubt, whitther it was expedient that
such Conventionis should be or not; for glaidlye wold the Quene and
hir Secreat Counsall have had all assemblies of the godly discharged.

  [695] In MS. G, here and elsewhere, "Kirk;" in the MS. 1566, except in
  the later portions, it is usually "Church."

  [696] The Third meeting of the General Assembly was held in December
  1561; but no notice of the proceedings is recorded in the Book of the
  Kirk, except the Supplication to the Queen, which will be found at
  page 316.

  [697] Mr John Wood, son of Andrew Wood of Largo, was educated for the
  church, and took his degree of Master of Arts in St. Leonard's
  College, St. Andrews, in 1536. He has been styled Vicar of Largo; and
  is said to have accompanied the Prior of St. Andrews to France in
  1548. He joined the Reformers, and at the first General Assembly in
  December 1560, his name occurs among those at St. Andrews who were
  considered qualified for "ministring and teaching." He was nominated
  an Extraordinary Lord of Session, by the title of Tullidavie, 9th
  December 1562, but was deprived in 1565; and although restored he
  retained only a temporary possession of his seat on the Bench. When
  his patron the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent, Wood became his
  Secretary, and was employed in the proceedings against Queen Mary, at
  York, in 1568, as related by Sir James Melville, who styles him "a
  great ringleader." In September 1568, the Treasurer furnished Mr. John
  Wood fyne black velvet, and black satin, for a dress. The Regent, it
  is well known, was assassinated in January 1570, and Bishop Lesley in
  his Negotiations says, "That within a few days after his man Mr. John
  Wood, was killed in Fife, by the Laird of Rires." The cause of this
  murder is nowhere stated, but it took place on the 15th of April, by
  Arthur Forbes of Reres, (in the parish of Kilconquhar,) assisted by
  his son Arthur, and Henry Forrest; for which the latter were denounced
  rebels, 6th February 1572-3. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p.
  40.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we learn that on the 23d September
  1570, "the Laird of Reres was at the horne, (that is, denounced as
  rebel,) for the slauchter of umquhile Maister Johne Wood."

  [698] In MS. G, "of the Kirk,"

The reassonyng was scharp and quick on eather part.[699] The Quenis
factioun alledged, that it was suspitious to Princes that subjectis
should assemble thame selffis and keape conventionis without thair
knowledge. It was ansuered, That without knowledge of the Prince, the
Churche did nothing. For the Prince perfytlie understood, that within
this Realme thair was a Reformed Churche, and that thai had thair
ordouris and appointed tymes of conventioun; and so without knowledge
of the Prince thai did nothing. "Yea," said Lethingtoun, "the Quene
knew and knowest it weill yneuch; but the questioun is, Whetther that
the Quene allowis such Conventionis?" It was ansuered, "Yf the
libertie of the Churche should stand[700] upoun the Quenis allowance
or dyssallowance, we are assured not onlie to lack assemblies, but
also to lack the publict preaching of the Evangell." That affirmative
was mocked, and the contrarie affirmed. "Weill, (said the other,) tyme
will try the treuth; but to my formar wordis, this will I add, tack
from us the fredome of Assemblies, and tack from us the Evangell; for
without Assemblies, how shall good ordour and unitie in doctrine be
keapt? It is not to be supposed, that all Ministeris shalbe so
perfyte, but that thai shall nead admonitioun, alsweill concernyng
maneris as doctrin, as it may be that some be so styff necked that
thai will not admitt the admonitioun of the simple; as also it may be
that falt may be found with Ministeris without just offence committed:
and yit yf ordour be not tacken boyth with the compleaner and the
personis compleaned upoun, it can not be avoided, but that many
grevouse offenses shall aryse. For remeady whairof, of necessitie it
is, that Generall Assemblies maun be, in the which the judgement and
the gravitie of many may concur, to correct or to represse the folyes
or errouris of a few." Heirunto consented the most parte, alsweill of
the Nobilitie as of the Baronis, and willed the reassonaris for the
parte of the Quene to will hir Grace, yf that sche stood in any
suspitioun of any thing that was to be entreated in thair Assemblies,
that it wold please hir Grace to send such as sche wold appoint to
hear whatsoever was proponed or reassoned.

  [699] In MS. G, "on eyther syde."

  [700] In MS. G, "stude or sould stand."

[Sidenote: LEDINGTON APPONED HYM TO THE BOOK OF DISCIPLENE]

Heirafter was the Buke of Discipline proponed, and desyred to have
been ratified by the Quenys Majestie. That was scripped at, and the
questioun was demanded, "How many of those that had subscrived that
Buke wald be subject unto it?" It was answered, "All the godly." "Will
the Duck?" said Lethingtoun. "Yf he will nott," answered the Lord
Ochiltrie,[701] "I wold that he war scrapped out, not only of that
book, but also out of our nomber and cumpany: For to what purpoise
shall laubouris be tane to putt the Kirk in ordour, and to what end
shall men subscrive, and then never mean to keap wourd of that quhilk
thei promeisse?" Lethingtoun answered, "Many subscrived thair _in fide
parentum_, as the barnes ar baptized." One, to wit Johne Knox,[702]
answered, "Albeit ye think that scoiif propir, yit as it is most
untreu, so is it most improper. That Buke was red in publict audience,
and by the space of diverse dayis the headis thairof war reasoned, as
all that hear sit know weill yneuche, and ye your self can nott deny;
so that no man was required to subscrive that whiche he understood
not." "Stand content, (said one,) that Buke will nott be obteaned."
"Let God (said the other) requyre the lack which this poore
Commoun-wealth shall have of the thingis thairin conteaned, from the
handis of such as stope the same."

  [701] See page 260, note 19.

  [702] The words, "to wit, Johne Knox," interlined in the MS. 1566, are
  likewise added in the margin, apparently in Knox's own hand. In MS. L
  4, it is "Maister Knox answered."

The Baronis perceaving that the Buke of Discipline was refused,
presented unto the Counsall certane articles, requiring Idolatrie to
be suppressed, thair Churches to be planted with treu Ministeris, and
some certane Provisioun to be maid for thame, according to equitie and
conscience; for unto that tyme, the most parte of the Ministeris had
lyved upoun the benevolence of men. For many held into thair awin
handis[703] the fructis that the Bischoppis and otheris of that sect
had befoir abused; and so some parte was bestowed upoun the
Ministeris. But then the Bischoppis began to grypp agane to that which
most injustlie thei called thair awin; for the Erle of Arrane was
discharged of Sanctandrois and Dunfermeling, whairwith befoir, be
verteu of a factorie, he had intromitted: and so war many otheris. And
thairfoir the Barones requyred, that ordour mycht be tacken for thair
Ministeris, or ellis thei wold no moir obey the Bischoppis, neather
yitt suffer any thing to be lifted up to thair use after the Quenis
arryvall, then that thei did befoir; for thei verrelie supposed that
the Quenys Majestie wold keapt promeisse maid unto thame; whiche was,
nott to alter thair religioun, whiche could nott remane without
Ministeris, and Ministeris could nott lyve without provisioun: and
thairfoir thei heartlie[704] desyred the Counsall to provid some
convenient ordour in that head.

  [703] So in MS. L 4. MS. G, has "For many had into thair hands."

  [704] In MS. G, "most hartely."

That somewhat moved the Quenys flatteraris; for the rode of impietie
was not then strenthened in hyr and thair handis. And so began thei to
practise how thei should pleise the Queyn, and yit seam somewhat to
satisfie the faythfull; and so devised thei, that the Church men
should have intromissioun with the Two parte of thair benefices, and
that the Third parte[705] should be lifted up by suche men as thairto
should be appointed, for suche uses, as in these subsequent Actis[706]
ar more fullie expressed.

  [705] In MS. L 4, "that the Third parte sould be lifted up for the
  sustentatioun of Ministry and the Quenis use, as is expressed in the
  Acts which we will set down in their owne place."

  [706] The following Acts relating to the proposed arrangements for
  supporting the Ministry, by appropriating the Thirds of Benefices,
  have been collated with the Register of Privy Council, which has
  furnished the Sederunts of the meetings, and some slight corrections.
  In Knox, the first Act is dated the 20th instead of the 22d December
  1561.

APUD EDINBURGH, XXIJ DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXJ^O. [SEDERUNT.

      Jacobus Dux de Chattellarault,
      Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
      Archibaldus Ergadie Comes,
      Willelmus Marescalle Comes,
      Joannes Atholie Comes,
      Willelmus Comes de Montross,
      Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
      Alexander Comes de Glencarne,
      Jacobus Commendatarius St. Andree et Pittenweme,
      Joannes Dns. Erskin,
      Mag^r. Robertus Richardsoun Thesaurarius,
      Mag^r. Ja^{bus} Makgill de Nether Rankelour Clericus Registri,
      Joannes Ballenden de Auchnoule miles Clericus Justiciarie,
      Willelmus Maitland de Lethingtoun junior Secretarius.

Presentibus etiam Dominis subscriptis ratione Conventionis, viz.
Joanne Comite de Sutherland, Georgio Comite de Cathenes, Andrea Comite
de Rothes, Joanne Domino de Menteith, Joanne Domino Glammis, Hugone
Domino Somervell, Roberto Domino Boyd, Joanne Domino Flemyng, Georgio
Domino Seytoun, Joanne Domino Innermeth, Alexandro Domino Hume, Davide
Domino Drummond, Andrea Domino Stewart de Vchiltre, Jacobo Domino
Sancti Joannis, Joanne Magistro de Maxwell, et Jacobo Dowglass de
Drumlanrig, milites.][707]

  [707] See page 309, notes 1 and 2.

The samyn day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the
Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, foirseand the eminent truble quhilk
appeirandlie was to aryse amangis the lieges of hir realme for materis
of Religioun; to evaid the samyn, and to stay all inconvenientis that
may follow thairupoun,[708] intercommonit with ane parte of the
Clergie and Estait Ecclesiasticall; with whome then reasonyng being
had, it was thocht good and expedient be hir Hienes, that ane generall
Conventioun should be appointed the xv. day of December instant,
whairto the rest of that Estaite mycht have repaired, and be the
advyse of the haill, ane reassonable overtoure maid and ordour taken
for staying of the appearand truble, and quyetting of the haill
countrey: Quhilk Conventioun being be hir Majestie appointed, and
syndrie dayis of Counsale keaped, and the said Ecclesiasticall Estaite
ofttymes required, that the said ordour mycht be taken and overtoure
maid for staying of truble and quyetting of the countrey; last of all,
in presence of the Quenis Majestie, and Lordis of Counsale foirsaid,
and otheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme, compeired Johne
Archbischopp of Sanctandrois, Robert Bischopp of Dunkelden, Patrik
Bischopp of Murray, and Henrie Bischopp of Ross,[709] and for thame
selfis _respective_ offered to the Quenis Grace, to be content of
Three partis of the rentis of thair benefices, and the Ferd parte
thairof to be employed[710] as hir Grace thocht expedient. And becaus
the certantie thairof was not knawin, nor yitt what sowmes of money
wald sufficientlie susteane the Ministrie and Ministeris of Goddis
worde within this Realme, nor yit how mekle was necessar to supporte
the Quenis Majestie abone hir awin rentis for the commoun effairis of
the countrey: Thairfoir, it is concludit, decernit, and determinat be
the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counsale foirsaid, and utheris of the
Nobilitie present, that gif the Ferd parte[711] of the fructes of the
haill Benefices ecclesiasticall within this Realme may be sufficient
to susteane the Ministerie throw the haill Realme, and supporte the
Quenis Majestie to interteany and sett fordwarte the commoun effaires
of the countrey, failzeing thairof, the Third parte of the saidis
fructis, or mair, quhill it be found sufficient to the effect
foirsaid, to be tacken up yearlie in tyme cuming, quhill ane generalle
ordour be taken thairin; samekle thairof to be employed to the Quenis
Majestie for entertenying and setting fordwarte of the commoun
effaires of the countrey, and samekle thairof unto the Ministeris and
sustentatioun of the Ministerie, as may reassonablie susteane the
samin, at the sycht and discretioun of the Quenis Majestie and
Counsale foirsaid: and the excrescens and superplus to be assigned
unto the auld Possessouris. And to that effect that the rentis and
yearlie availl of the haill benefices within this Realme may be
clearlie knawin to the Quenis Majestie and Counsale foirsaid, It is
statute and ordanit, that the haill Rentallis of all benefices within
this Realme be produced befoir hir Grace and Lordis foirsaidis, at the
tymes underwritten; That is to say, of the Benefices on this syde of
the Month,[712] the xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, and beyond the
Month, the tenth of Februar next thairefter. And ordanis letteris to
be direct to officiaris of the Quenis schirreffis in that parte to
pass, charge, and requyre, all and syndrie Archbischoppis, Bischoppis,
Abbottis, Commendatouris, and Priouris of this Realme, on this syd of
the Mounth personallie, gif thai can be apprehended, and failzeing
thairof, at the saidis Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis,
Commendatouris, and Priouris dwelling-places, cathedrall kirkis, or
abbayis; and all Deanis, Subdeanis, Archdeanis, Chantouris,
Subchanteris, Provestis, Personis, Vicaris, and other beneficit men
whatsomever, thair Chalmerlanis and Factouris, personallie or at thair
dwelling-places, or at thair paroche kirkis, quhair thai suld remane,
to exhibit and produce befoir the Quenis Majestie and Lordis
foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, the just and treu
Rentalle of the availle and rentis of thair Benefices to the effect
foirsaid; and to charge the Prelattis and utheris beneficit men on the
yond syd of the Mounth in maner _respective_ foirsaid, to [exhibite
and][713] produce the just and treu Rentale of thair Benefices befoir
the Quenis Majestie and Lordis foirsaidis the said tent day of Februar
nixttocum, to the effect abone rehersit, With certificatioun to thame
that failzeis, the Quenis grace and Counsale will proceid heirin as
accordis: And sicklyk to charge the haill Superintendentis,
Ministeris, Eldaris, and Deaconis of the principall townes and schyres
of this Realme, to give in befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis of
Counsale foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, ane
formall and sufficient roll and memoriall, what may be sufficient and
reasonable to susteane the Ministerie and hale Ministeris of this
Realme, that hir Majestie and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis may tak
ordour thairintill as accordis: And farther, that the Quenis Majestie
and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis may ryplie and digestlie wey and
considder what necessarie supporte is required to be taken yearlie of
the fructis of the saidis Benefices by hir Grace's awin yearlie rent,
to enterteany and sett fordwart the commoun effaires of this Realme,
agane the said xxiiij day of Januare nixttocum, that then it may be
proceided in the said mater, all parties be satisfied, and the haill
countrey and lieges thairof sett in quyetnesse.

  [708] In Knox, the words are, "to stay the samyn, and to evit all
  incommodities that mycht thereupon ensew."

  [709] The names of these Prelates were John Hamilton, Archbishop of
  St. Andrews, Robert Creichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, Patrick Hepburn,
  Bishop of Murray, and Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross.

  [710] In MS. 1566, it is, "to be content of the Two parts of the
  rentis of thair benefices, and the Fourt part," &c. In MS. G, "and the
  Third part to be employed."

  [711] The words, "the Ferd parte," here, and also a few lines above,
  were altered in the MS. 1566, to "the Thryde parte," but again
  corrected in the margin to the original words. MSS. G, and L 4, have
  "the Fourt parte."

  [712] This name, The Mounth or Mount, was long applied to designate
  the mountain pass in the Highlands, in reaching the North of Scotland.
  In David Buchanan's editions of Knox's History, where the word occurs
  it is rendered "on this side of the Water," or, "beyond the Water," a
  rather vague description. The pass or road referred to led from
  Fettercairn (in Kincardineshire) to Banchory, on the north side of the
  Dee (in Aberdeenshire;) but here it may be considered to denote the
  mountain range itself, usually called the Grampian Mountains, which
  extend across the Island from Aberdeenshire in the north-east to the
  west coast in Argyleshire.

  [713] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.

       *       *       *       *       *

[The samyn day,[714] forsamekle as the wechtie and debateable caussis
standand amangis the lieges of this Realme, quhilk micht gif occasioun
of brek thairof, and inquieting of the hale estait of the samyn, for
eschewing thairof the Quenis Majestie appointit ane Conventioun of the
Nobilitie and Clergie of hir Gracis Realme foirsaid, to compeir the xv
day of December instant: quhilk being haldin, and divers tymes
continewit, comperit, Johne Archbischop of Sanctandrois, Robert
Bischop of Dunkeld, Patrik Bischop of Murray, and Henrie Bischop of
Ross,[715] and offerit as efter followis, That is to say, that thai
being restorit to thair Benefices and privilegis, and ansuerit
thairof, offeris to the Quenis Majestie for the space of ane zeir, the
Ferd part of the rentis of thair Benefices, to be employit as hir
Grace thinkis expedient: And this thai offerit, and na forder.]

  [714] Namely, the 22d December 1561. This portion is not contained in
  Knox: it is here inserted, as it serves to connect the preceding Act
  with those that follow.

  [715] See page 300, note 2.


APUD LYNLYTHGW, 24 JANUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O.[716]

  [716] There is no Sederunt of this date given in the Register.

Forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir
Secreat Counsall, directit hir Letteris commanding all and sindrie
Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis, [Commendatouris,] Priouris,
Deanis, Archdeanis, [Subdeanis, Chantouris, Subchantouris,][717]
Personis, Vicaris, and[718] all utheris beneficit men, thair
factouris, fermoraris, and takkismen, to compeir befoir hir Hienes and
Lordis foirsaidis, at Edinburgh, or whair it shall happin thame to be
for the tyme, sa many as dwellis upoun this syde of the Month, the
xxiiij day of Januar instant; and thame that dwellis beyond the Month,
the tent day of Februar nixttocum; that the just availl of thair
Benefices may be knawin, sua that thairafter hir Grace mycht tack
ordour for the susteanyng of the Ministeris, of the Pure,[719] and
publict busynes of the Realme: And becaus the Quenis Majestie is
presentlie occupyed in other effairis, and may nocht attend hir self
upoun the ressait of the saidis Rentallis, Thairfoir hir Hienes hes
gevin and granted, and be thir presentis gevis and grantis, full power
and commissioun to Maister James Makgill of Rankeillour Neather Clerk
of Registre, Schir Johne Bellenden of Achinowle knycht Justice Clerk,
Thesaurar, Secretare, Advocat, and Laird of Pittarrow,[720] To call
befoir thame within the burgh of Edinburgh, All and sindrie Prelattis
and Beneficit men, quha are charged be vertew of the saidis letteris,
and now being in Edinburgh, or that heirafter shall happin to repair
thairto, thair factouris and fermoraris, and thar inquyre of thame the
Rentallis of thair benefices, and resave the samyn fra thame, to the
effect foirsaid: And siclyke that the saidis Commissionaris caus warne
all Superintendentis, [Ministeris,][721] Eldaris, and Deaconis, to
geve unto thame the names of the haill Ministeris of this Realme, that
the just calculatioun being considdered and maid be the saidis
Commissionaris, of the availl of the saidis Benefices, thai may
reporte the samyn to the Quenis Majestie, that hir Hienes may tak
ordour thairin; according to the [just][722] tennour of the first
Ordinance maid thairupon.

  [717] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.

  [718] In MS. G, the words after "Abbottis," are omitted, and "&c."
  added.

  [719] In Knox it is, "the Ministerie of the Kirk."

  [720] These officials, who are not named, were Mr. Robert Richardson,
  Prior of St. Mary's Isle, Treasurer; William Maitland, Younger of
  Lethington, Secretary; Mr. John Spens of Condie, Queen's Advocate, and
  Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller.

  [721] Omitted in the Register.

  [722] Omitted in the Register.


          APUD EDINBURGH, XIJ^O FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O.
                              [SEDERUNT.

      Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
      Archibaldus Comes Ergadie,
      Jacobus Comes de Mar,
      Willelmus Marescalli Comes,
      Joannes Atholie Comes,
      Alexander Comes de Glencarne,
      Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
      Joannes Dns. Erskin,
      Jo^{es}. Ballenden de Auchnowle miles Clericus Justiciarie.]

THE quhilk day, forsamekle as be Statute and Ordinance maid be the
Quenis Majestie and Lordis of Secreit Counsale, and her Hienes
letteris direct thairupoun, All and sindrie Archbischoppis,
[Bischoppis,][723] Abbottis, Commendatouris, Priouris, Archdeanis,
Deanis, Subdeanis, Chantouris, Subchantouris, Provestis, Personis,
Vicaris, and utheris beneficit men of this Realme, war charged to
exhibite and produce the Rentallis of thair benefices befoir hir
Majestie and Lordis foirsaids, in maner following: That is to say, the
saidis Beneficit men, [dwelling] on this syde of the Month, the xxiiij
day of Januar last bypast, and on the uther syd of the Month, the tent
of Februar instant, to that effect that ordour mycht be takin thairin
conforme to the said Ordinance; with certificatioun to thame, and thai
failzeit, the Quenis Majestie and Counsale [foirsaid] wald tak ordour
thairin, as the samyn Ordinance beiris: Notwithstanding the quhilk,
and that the Quenis Majestie and Counsale, and utheris appointed be
hir for resaving of the saidis Rentalles, hes continewallie, sen the
said xxiiij day of Januare, awaitted upoun the resaving thairof; yit
ane verray small nomber of thame hes produced the said Rentalles,
contepmnand thairthrow nocht onlie hir Grace's Ordinance and
Proclamatioun foirsaid, but als hir self and hir authoritie, like as
thai war princes and nocht subjectis, expresse aganis reassone,
equitie, and justice: For remeid quhairof, the Quenis Majestie
ordanis, be advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsale, that
Factouris and Chalmerlanis be appointed to intromett, gaddir, uplift,
and receave to our Soverane Ladeis use, all and sindrie mailles,
fermes, teyndis, rentis, proventis, emolumentis, canis, proffeittis,
and dewities of whatsumevir Benefices, whairof the Rentallis ar nocht
produced, conforme to the said Ordinance: And gif ony Rentalle ellis
produced bearis not the just availl, but is fraudefullie maid, to
intromett and uptak samekle of the frutis and proffeittis of the
saidis benefices as ar omitted furth of the saidis Rentalle; and the
ingevaris of the Rentalles, and possessouris of the benefices thairof,
shall never haif actioun to craif, clame, or ressaif fra the tennantis
and possessouris, farther nor is contained in the saidis Rentallis
ellis produced be thame: and the saids tennandis and possessouris
shall na wyis be haldin to pay ony mair for thair rowmes to the
possessouris of the saidis benefices and ingevaris of the saidis
Rentalles, nor is conteyned in the samyn rentallis ellis produced, as
said is: And that the saidis Factouris and Chalmerlanis to be
appointed be the Quenis Majestie, shall have sufficient power to
intromett and uptak the fructis and proffeittis foirsaidis, siclyke as
gif speciall letteris of Factorie and Chalmerlanrie wer granted to
thame thairupoun. And ordanis the Lordis of Sessioun to direct furth
letteris at the said Factouris and Chalmerlanis instance, owther
horning or poinding, as shalbe thocht expedient, for causing of thame
to be ansuered of the fructis of the saidis benefices, to be
furthcumand to the Quenis Majesties behuif, whill forther ordour be
tacken thairintill.

  [723] The words enclosed within brackets are not in the Register; and
  in MS. G, the names after "Abbots," as in the preceding Act, are
  omitted.


       APUD EDINBURGH, XV^{TO} FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O.
                            [SEDERUNT.

      Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
      Archibaldus Ergadie Comes,
      Jacobus Comes de Mar,
      Joannes Atholie Comes,
      Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
      Willelmus Marescalli Comes.]

THE quhilk day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of
the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsale, and otheris diverse of the
Nobilitie had of befoir, upoun the xxij day of December last bypast,
ordanit, that gif the Fourt parte of the fructis and rentis of all the
Benefices within this Realme war nocht sufficient for the support of
hir Majestie, and other particulare charges underwrittin, necessar to
be borne for the tranquillitie[724] of the country; then the Thrid of
the saidis fructis, mair or less, should be takin up, to the effectis
foirsaidis: And attour ordanit letteris to be direct, chargeing all
and sindrie beneficit men, on this syd of the Month, to produce thair
Rentallis upoun the xxiiij day of Januar last bypast; and the tent day
of Februar instant, was prefixt be the saidis letteris, for inbringing
of all rentallis of the benefices beyond the Month; with
certificatioun, that quha produced nott the saidis Rentallis[725] at
the dayis foirsaidis _respective_, the Quenis Majestie and hir
Counsale wald provide remeid: According to the quhilk certificatioun,
hir Hienes, with avyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes ordanit, that
thai quha hes nocht produced thair rentallis, haill and full
intromissioun shalbe had of thair fructis, be thame whom hir Majestie
shall direct thairto; and quha hes nocht gevin in thair just
Rentallis, quhatsumever part omitted in thair saidis rentallis shalbe
intromettit with in lyke maner: And further, having consulted ryplie
and diligentlie avysit upoun the commoun effairis and necessities
concernyng the Quenis Majestie, and charges to be borne, for the
commoun weill of the Realme, and sustentatioun of the Preachearis and
Readaris, conforme to the said Ordinance maid thairupoun of befoir,
hes fundin and declaired the haill Thrid partis of all Benefices
within this Realme, of the quhilkis the rentallis ar produced, to be
taken up be the person or personis to be nominat be hir Majestie, and
to begyn upoun this last crope of the year of God J^m V^c, and
threscoir ane yearis, the samyn to be employed to the effect foirsaid:
togitther with the haill fructis of the benefices whairof the
Rentallis ar nocht produced; and alsua of samekle as is omitted in the
rentallis produced: And that ordour be directit be the Quenis
Majestie, to the Lordis of Sessioun, that the auld Possessouris may be
ansuered of the remanent fructis of the saidis benefices; providing
that the Thrid part foirsaid be full and haill takin up, be the
personis to be deput to the up-taking thairof: And this ordoure to
continew and stand, ay and whill further ordouris be takin be the
Quenis Majestie, with advyse of hir Estaitis. Mairover hir Hienes, be
the advyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes statut and ordanit that all
annuellis, mailles, and dewities within free Burrowis, or utheris
townis of this Realme, alsweill pertenyng to Chapellanreis,
Prebendarijs, as to Freiris, togitther with the rentis of the Freiris
landis, quhairever thai be, setting and disponing thairupoun, be
intrometted with, and takin up be sik as hir Grace shall depute
thairto; for employing of the same be hir Hienes, to Hospitaliteis,
Scholes, and utheris godlie uses, as shall seme best to hir Hienes, be
the advise of hir Counsale: And knawing, that nathing is mair
commodious for the said Hospitalitie, nor the places of Freiris as
[ar] yitt standand undemolissed; as als to the intertenyng of Scholes,
Colleges, and utheris uses foirsaidis, Ordanis the Provest and
Baillies of Abirdene, Elgin in Murray, Innerness, Glasgow, and utheris
Burrowis of this Realme, quhair the samyn ar nocht demolished, to
interteny and uphald the saidis Freiris places standand in the saidis
Townis, upoun the commoun gudis thairof, and to use the samyn to the
Commoun-weall and service of the saidis Townis, ay and quhill the
Quenis Majestie be farther advysed, and tack finall ordour in sik
thingis, nochtwithstanding [of] ony other gift, titill, or interesse,
gevin to quhatsumever personis of the saidis places, with thair
yardis, orchardis, and pertinentis, be our Soverane Lady as of befoir.

  [724] In MS. G, "for the weill."

  [725] In MS. G, "that they quha hes not produced thair Rentales."

       *       *       *       *       *

The names of the Nobilitie and Lordis that war present at the maiking
of the foirsaidis Actis[726] heirefter followis:--

  [726] It will be seen at page 299, that this list corresponds with the
  Sederunt of the Privy Council on the 22d December 1561.

      James Duk of Chattelarault,
      George Erle Huntlye,
      Archibald Erle Ergyle,
      Williame Erle Merschell,
      Johne Erle Atholl,
      Williame Erle Montrose,
      James Erle Mortoun,
      Alex^r. Erle of Glencarne,
      James Commendator of Sanctandrois and Pettinweme,
      Johne Lord Erskyne,
      Johne Ballendyne of Auchnowll knyght Justice Clerk,
      The Thesaurar,
      The Cleark of Registre, and
      The Secretar.[727]

  [727] In MS. 1566, the above list is repeated in the following
  paragraph, the transcriber having overlooked its being inserted in the
  previous page of the MS. The only difference is the addition of the
  Comptroller's name.

  "The Lordis of Secreat Counsall that war present at votting and
  maiking of these foirsaid Actis, war James Duck of Chattellarault,
  George Erle of Huntley, Archibald Erle of Ergyle, William Erle
  Merchell, John Erle Atholl, William Erle Montrose, James Erle Mortoun,
  Alexander Erle of Glencarne, James Commendatar of Sanctandrois, Johne
  Lord Erskin, the Thesaurar, the Cleark of Registre, Justice Cleark,
  Secreatarie, and Comptrollar."

  The paragraph is also repeated in MS. A; but it is omitted in MS. G.

After the first Act,[728] the Erle of Huntley said, jestinglie, "Good
day, my Lordis of the Twa parte."

  [728] It may here be added, that the Register of the Privy Council
  contains another long minute of a meeting held at Edinburgh, on the
  last of February 1561-2, relating to the Thirds of Benefices. The
  Sederunt at this meeting: George Earl of Huntley, James Earl of
  Mortoun, Archibald Earl of Argyle, William Earl Mareschal, and James
  Earl of Mar.

  The Council directed Letters of Proclamation to be issued, ordaining
  the fruits of benefices to remain undelivered to the old possessors,
  or their collectors, "unto the tyme thai be charged of new be letters
  past be deliverance of the Lords of Session, dated after the 1st of
  March."

The hoill Rentallis being gathered, the sowme of the Thrid, according
to thair awin calculatioun, was found to extend to....[729]

  [729] In all the copies of Knox, the sum is left blank.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGEMENT OF THE THRIDDIS.]

The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis opponed
thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foirsaw the purpose of the
Devill, and clearlie understood the butt whairat the Quene and hir
flatteraris schot; and so in the stoolle of Edinburgh, Johne Knox
said, "Weill, yf the end of this ordour, pretended to be tacken for
sustentatioun of the Ministeris, be happy, my judgement failleth me;
for I am assured that the Spreit of God is nott the auctor of it; for,
first, I see Twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the Thrid maun
be devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that
this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have Three partis of
the Thrid; and judge you then, what Goddis portioun shalbe." This was
ane unsaverie saying in the earis of many. Some eschamed nott to
affirme, "The Ministeris being susteaned, the Quene will nott gett at
the yearis end to by hir a pair of new schoes." And this was
Secreatarie Lethingtoun.

[Sidenote: LET THIS BE NOTTED]

Thair war appointed to modifie the Ministeris stipendis,[730] the
Erles Ergyle, Murray, and Mortoun, Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark,
and Cleark of Registrie. The Laird of Pittarro was appointed to pay
the Ministeris stipendis, according to thair modificatioun. Who wold
have thought, that when Joseph reulled Egypt, that his brethren should
have travailled for vittallis, and have returned with empty seekis
unto thair families? Men wold rather have thought that Pharao's pose,
treasure, and garnallis should have bene diminished, or that the
houshold of Jacob should stand in danger to sterve for hungar.

  [730] Among the Public Records, there are several volumes of Accounts
  of the Collectors General of the Thirds of Benifices, commencing in
  the year 1561.

[Sidenote: ANE PROVERBE.]

But so busy and circumspect war the Modificatouris, (becaus it was a
new office, the terme must also be new,) that the Ministeris should
nott be ower wantoun, that ane hundreth markis was sufficient to a
singill man, being a commoun minister. Thre hundreth markis was the
hiest that was appointed to any, except unto the Superintendentis, and
unto a few otheris. Schortlie, whitther it was the nygartnesse of
thair awin heartis, or the cayre that thei had to enryche the Quene,
we know nott; but the poor Ministeris, Readaris, and Exhortaris cryed
out to the heavin, (as thair complaintis in all Assemblies do
witnesse,) that neathor war thei able to lyve upoun the stipendis
appointed, neather could thei gett payment of that small thing that
was appointed. So fayne wold the Comptrollare have played the goode
vallett,[731] and have satisfyed the Quene, or ellis his awin
proffeitt in everie point, that he gatt this dicton and proverbe, "The
good Laird of Pittarro[732] was ane earnest professor of Christ; but
the mekle Devill receave the Comptrollar, for he and his Collectouris
ar become gready fectouris."[733]

  [731] In MS. L 3, this word is left blank.

  [732] John Wishart, Laird of Pittarrow in Forfarshire, son of Sir
  James Wishart, Justice Clerk, was an early and active supporter of the
  Reformation. At the Parliament in August 1560, he was one of the
  number selected for the government of the State; and some time after
  Queen Mary's arrival in Scotland, he was appointed Comptroller, in
  which office he was succeeded by Sir William Murray of Tullibardine,
  in 1563-4. Upon occasion of the marriage of Lord James, Earl of
  Murray, (see notes to page 314,) Wishart was one of ten gentlemen who
  had the honour of Knighthood conferred. He was advanced to be an
  Extraordinary Lord of Session, 19th November 1567, and accompanied the
  Regent Murray to York in the following year. He died 25th September
  1576.

  [733] In MS. G, "gredie Fectours."

To put ane end to this unpleasing mater: when the Brethren compleaned
of thair povertie, it was disdanfullie ansuered of some, "Thair ar
many Lordis have not so much to spend." When men did reassone that the
vocatioun of Ministeris craved of thame bookis, quyetnesse, studye,
and travell, to edifye the Kirk of Jesus Christ, when that many
Lairdis war waitting upoun thair worldly busyness; and thairfoir, that
the stipendis of Ministeris, who had none other industrye, but to lyve
upoun that which was appointed, aught nott to be modifyed according to
the lyvingis of[734] commoun men, who mycht, and did daily augment
thair rentis by some other industrie. When suche reassonis war laid
befoir thame, thei gat none other ansuer, but "The Quene can spair no
greattar soumes." Oft was it cryed into thair earis, "O happy
servandis of the Devill, and miserable servandis of Jesus Christ; yf
that after this lyef thair war nott hell and heavin." For to the
servandis of the devill, to your dum dogges and horned bischoppis, to
one of those idill bellies (I say) ten thousand was nott yneuch; but
to the servandis of Christ that painefullie preache his evangell, a
thousand pound; how can that be susteaned?

  [734] In MS. G, "the living of uther."--MS. L 4, corresponds with the
  text.

One day, in reassoning of this mater, the Secretar burst out in a pece
of his cholere, and said, "The Ministeris have this much payed unto
thame by year, and who yitt ever bad the Queyn 'grand-mercies' for it?
Was thair ever a Minister that gave thankis to God for hir Majesties
liberalitie towards thame?" One smyled and ansuered, "Assuredlye, I
think, that such as receave any thing gratis of the Quene, are
unthankfull yf thei acknowledge it not, boyth in heart and mouth. But
whitther that the Ministeris be of that rank or not, I greatlie doubt.
Gratis, I am assured, thei receave nothing; and whitther thai receave
any thing at all fra the Quene, wyese men may reassone. I am assured
that neather Thrid nor Twa part ever apperteaned to any of hir
predecessouris within this Realme these thousand yearis bypast,
neather yitt hes the Quene bettir title to that whiche sche usurpes,
be it geving to otheris, or in tacken to hir self, then suche as
crucifyed Christ Jesus had to devide his garmentis amonges thame. And
yf the treuth may be spoken, sche hes nott so good titill as thai had;
for such spoyle use to be the reward of such men: And in that point
these soldiouris war more gentle than the Quene and hir flatteraris,
for thai parted not the garmentis of our Maister till that he him self
was hung upoun the croce; but sche and her flatteraris do part the
spoyle, whill as poore Christ is yet preaching amangis you. But the
wisdome of our God tackis tryall of us by this meane, knowing weall
yneuch what sche and hir factioun hes purposed to do. Lett the
Papistis, who have the Twa partis, some that have thair Thriddis free,
and some that have gotten Abbacies and few landis, thank the Quene,
and syng, _Placebo Dominæ_. The poore preachearis will not yit
flatter, for feading of thair bellye." These wordis war judged proud
and intollerable, and engendered no small displeasur to the speakar.

This we put in memorie, that the posteriteis to cum may know that God
ones maid his treuth to triumph; but becaus that some of oure selfis
delyted more in darknes than in lyght,[735] God hath restreaned our
fredome, and putt the hoill body in bondage. Yea, the greatest
flatteraris have not eschaiped so free as thai supposed; yea, the
latter plagues appear yit to be worse than the first. "Be mercyfull to
us, O Lord, and entreat us nott according to our deservingis; but look
thou to the equitie of the cause which thou hast put into our handis,
and suffer not iniquitie to oppresse thy treuth, for Thy awin nameis
saik, O Lord."

  [735] Randolph in his letter to Cecil, 7th December 1561, furnishes a
  remarkable instance of profanity at this time. Referring to the
  Marquis d' Elbeuf, he says, "We fell in talk of the pastimes that were
  the Sunday before, where the Lord Robert, the Lord John, and others
  rang at the ring, six against six, _disguised and apparelled, the one
  half like women_, the other like strangers, in strange masking
  garments. The Marquis that day did very well; _but the women, whose
  part the Lord Robert did sustain, won the ring_. The Queen herself
  beheld it, and as many others as listed."

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE OF THE ERLE OF MARE][736]

  [736] In MS G, "Erle of Murray."

In this meantyme, to wit, in Februar, the year of God J^m V^c
threscoir ane,[737] was Lord James first maid Erle of Marr,[738] and
then maryed upoun Agnes Keyth, dowghter to the Erle Merschell. The
mairiage was publict in the Church of Edinburgh[739]. In the marriage
thai boyth gat ane admonitioun to behave thame selves moderatlie in
all thingis; "For, (said the preachear[740] to him,) unto this day the
Kirk of God hath receaved confort by you, and by your laubouris; in
the which, yf heirafter ye shalbe found fayntar then that ye war
befoir, it wilbe said that your Wyeff hath changed your nature." The
greatness of the bancquett, and the vanitie used thairat, offended
many godly. Thair began the masking, which from year to year hath
continewed since. Maister Randolph, agent for the Quene of England,
was then, and sometyme after, in no small conceat with our Quene; for
his Maistres saik, she drank[741] to him [in] a coupe of gold, which
he possessed with greattar joy, for the favour of the gevar, then of
the gift and valew thairof; and yit it was honourable.

  [737] That is, 1561-2. The Earldom of Murray was first taken from the
  Earl of Huntly, and granted to Lord James Stewart, by a charter, dated
  30th January 1561-2. On the 7th of February following, the Earldom of
  Mar being conferred on him he publicly assumed this title, until it
  was restored, _per modum justiciæ_, to John Lord Erskine. Lord James
  then resumed the title by which he is chiefly known to posterity as
  the Earl of Murray.

  [738] In MS G, "first maid Erle of Murray" In MS L 4, the commencement
  of this paragraph is thus amplified--"The Quene this winter preceding
  made Lord James Erle of Mar, as some thought to conciliat his good
  will quhom she had found in absence offendit. At this time he married
  also Agnes Keith, daughter to the Erle Marchell. Soone efter the
  Erledome of Murray was bestowed upon him instead of the Erledome of
  Mar. Lord Erskin had an old right to the Erldome of Marr."

  [739] The marriage of Lord James Stewart with Agnes Keith, daughter of
  William Earl of Marischel, was celebrated on the 8th of February
  1561-2, in the Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh, "with sik solemnitie as
  the lyk hes not bene sein befoir; the haill Nobilitie of this Realme
  being thair present, and convoyit thame doun to the Abbay of
  Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace
  thairat." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70) The same authority mentions
  the rejoicings on that occasion, and that the Queen conferred the
  honour of Knighthood on Wishart of Pittarrow, Lermonth of Dairsy,
  Kirkaldy of Grange, Stewart of Traquair, Murray of Balvaird, and five
  others.

  [740] That is, John Knox.

  [741] "At this notable marriage, (says Randolph to Cecil,) one thing
  there was which I must testify with my own hand, which is, that upon
  Shrove Tuesday, at night, sitting among the Lords at supper, in sight
  of the Queen, and placed for that purpose, she drank unto the Queen's
  Majesty (Elizabeth,) _and sent me the cup of gold_, which weighed
  eighteen or twenty ounces." (Letter, 12th February 1561-2, quoted by
  Mr Tytler, vol. vi. p. 258.)

The thingis that then war in handilling betwix the two Quenes, whairof
Lethingtoun, Secreatarie Cycill, and Maister Randolph, war ministeris,
war of great weight, as we will after hear.

This wynter, the Erle Bothwell, the Markques Delabuf, and Lord Johne
of Coldingham, played the ryote in Edinburgh, mysordoured the hoill
toune,[742] brack Cuthbart Ramsayis[743] yettis and durris, sought his
house for his good-dowghter Alisone Craik: And this was done in
dispyte of the Erle of Arrane, whose hoore the said Alison was
suspected to have been. The horrour of this fact, and the raritie of
it, heyghlie commoved all godlie heartis.[744] The Assemblie, and also
the Nobilitie, for the most parte war in the toun; and so thei
concluded to crave justice, as that thei did, as by this subsequent
Supplicatioun doeth appear.

  [742] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 27th December 1561, has
  given a somewhat similar account of this riot or "disorder which was
  of late in this town." The letter is printed in Keith's History, vol.
  ii. p. 128.

  [743] In June 1571, Cuthbert Ramsay was elected one of the Magistrates
  of Edinburgh. He joined the Queen's adherents in defending the Castle,
  under Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, in 1573; and on the 3d of June,
  when the Castle was surrendered, Ramsay was one of the prisoners who
  were conducted by the English forces to Leith; but he appears to have
  escaped the ignominious fate awarded by Queen Elizabeth to the gallant
  chief, and his brother Mr. James Kirkcaldy, who were hanged for
  treason on the 3d of August 1573.

  [744] It would appear that a General Assembly or Convention was
  sitting at Edinburgh, towards the end of December 1561, when this
  occurence took place; and it was resolved to present the Supplication
  to the Queen:

  "The whilk day, tuiching the slander takin be the horrible fact and
  impietie committed within this burgh under silence of night, be
  Marques Dalbuiff and his colleagues, in breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay
  his zets and doores, and searching and seiking his dochter-in-law to
  oppresse her, as appeirit; it is thought good be the haill Kirk, that
  a Supplicatioun be made and given in to the Quenis Majestie, in the
  name of the Professors of the Evangell, and the personis before
  nominat present the samein, to seik the answer thairof." (Booke of the
  Universal Kirk, vol. i. p. 11.)

     TO THE QUEYNIS MAJESTIE AND HIR SECREAT AND GREAT COUNSALL,
         HIR GRACE'S FAYTHFULL AND OBEDIENT SUBJECTIS, THE
         PROFESSOURIS OF CHRIST JESUS HIS HOLY EVANGELL, WISHES THE
         SPREIT OF RYGHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

The feare of God conceaved of his holy worde, the naturall and
unfeaned luif we bear unto your Grace, the dewtie whiche we aw to the
quyetness of our countrie, and the terrible threatnyngis which our God
pronounces against everie Realme and Citie in the quhilk horrible
crymes ar openlie committed, and then be the committars obstinatlie
defended, compell us, a great parte of your subjectis, humblie to
crave of your Grace upryght and trew judgement aganis sick personis as
have done what in thame lyes, to kendle Goddis wrayth against this
hoill Realme. The impietie be thame committed is so haynous and so
horrible, that as it is ane fact most vyle and rair to be heard of
within this Realme, and principallie within the bowells of this Citie,
so should we think oure selfis gyltie in the same, gif negligentlie,
or yitt for warldlie feare we pass it ower with silence: And thairfoir
your Grace may nott think that we requyre ony thing (whill that we
crave open malefactouris condignelie to be punished) but that quhilk
God hes commanded us to crave, and hes also commanded your Grace to
geve to everie ane of your subjectis; for be this lynk hes God knytt
togitther the prince and the people, that as he commandis honour,
feare, and obedience to be gevin to the poweris established by him, so
does he in expressed wordis command and declair what the prince aweth
unto the subjectis, to witt, that as he is the Minister of God,
bearing his sweard for vengeance to be tackyn on evill doaris, and for
the defence of peceable and quyett men, so aucht he to draw the same
without all parcialitie so oft as in Goddis name he is requyred
thairto: Seing so it is, (Madam,) that this cryme so recentlie
committed, and that in the eyes of your hoill Realme now presentlie
assembled, is so haynous, for who heirtofore have heard within the
bowellis of Edinburgh, yettis and durris under silence of nycht burst
up, housses ryped, (and that with hostilitie,) seaking a woman as
appeared to oppresse hyr; seing we say that this cryme is so haynouse,
that all godlie men fear nott onlye Goddis soir displeasur to fall
upoun you and your hoill Realme, but also that sick libertie brede
contempt, and in the end seditioun, yf remeady in tyme be not
provided,[745] quhilk in our judgement is impossible, yf sevir
punishement be nott executed for the cryme committed: Thairfoir, we
maist humblye beseik your Grace, that all affectioun sett asyd,[746]
ye declair your self so uprycht in this caise, that ye may geve
evident demonstratioun to all your subjectis, that the fear of God,
joyned with the luif of the commoun tranquillitie, have principall
seat and dominioun in your Grace hearte. This farther, Madam, of
conscience we speik, that as your Grace in Goddis name does crave of
us obedience, (whilk to render in all thingis lauchfull we ar most
willing,) so in the same name do we, the hoill Professouris of
Christis Evangell within this your Grace Realme, crave of you and of
your Counsall scharpe punishement of this cryme; and for performance
thairof, that without all delay the principall actouris of this most
haynous cryme, and the persewaris of this pretended vilanye, may be
called befoir the Cheaf Justice of this Realme, to suffer an assise,
and to be punished according to the lawes of the same: And your
Grace's answer maist humilie we beseik.

  [745] In the Book of the Kirk, "gudlie provydit."

  [746] In the Book of the Kirk, "laid asyde."

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: THE MASK OF ORLEANCE.]

This Supplicatioun was presented by diverse gentilmen. The flatteraris
of the Courte at the first stormed, and asked, "Who durst avow it?" To
whom the Maister, now Lord Lyndesay answered, "A thousand gentilmen
within Edinburgh." Otheris were eschamed to appone thame selfis
thairto in publict; but thei suborned the Quene to geve a gentill
answer unto such tyme as the Conventioun was dissolved. And so sche
did; for sche lacks no craft, boyth to cloik and to manteane impietie
(and hurdome in especiall.) Sche alledged, "That hir Uncle was a
strangear, and he had a young cumpany; but sche should putt suche
ordour unto him, and unto all otheris, that heareafter thei should
have no occasioun to compleane." And so deluded sche the just
petitioun of hir subjectis; and no wounder, for how shall sche
punische in otheris that vice, which in France is free without
punishement, and which Kingis and Cardinallis use most commonlie, as
the mask and dansing of Orleance can witness, whairin virgenis and
menis wyeffis war maid as commoun to King Harie and Charles, the
Cardinallis, unto thair Courte and pages, as commoun harlottis of the
bordell ar unto thair compainzeonis. The maner was thus:

At the entrie of King Harie of France, in the towne of Orleance, the
matrones, virgenis, and menis wyiffis, war commanded to present thame
selfis in the Kingis palice at nycht, to daunse: and thei obeyed; for
commounlie the Frenche natioun is not hard to be entreated to vanitie.
After fidling and flyngyng, and when the Cardinall of Lorane[747] had
espyed his pray, he said to the King, "_Sire, la primiere est vostre,
et faut que je suis[748] le second_." That is to say, "Sire, the
first choise is youris, and I man be the secound." And so the King gat
the preeminence, that he had his first electioun. Bot becaus
Cardinallis ar companeonis to Kingis, the Cardinall of Lorane had the
nixt: And thairafter the torches war putt out, and everie man
commanded to provid for him self the best he myght. What cry was thair
of husbandis for thair wyeffis; of wyiffis, for thair husbandis; of
auncient matronis, for thair dochteris; and of virgenis for thair
freindis; or for some honest man to defend thair pudicitie, Orleance
will remember mo kingis dayis then one.

  [747] The Cardinal Charles de Lorraine, Archbishop and Duke of Rheims,
  was the second son of Claude Duke de Guise. He was born 17th February
  1524. He obtained the See of Rheims in 1538, and was consecrated in
  1545, when twenty-one years of age. We need not refer to Protestant
  writers for his character, or to the work entitled the Legend of his
  Life, as it is admitted that to avarice and inordinate pride, he
  joined cruelty, want of faith, and licentiousness. Brantome admits
  that the Cardinal was no ornament to the Church, when he says, "qui,
  quoique mauvais Chrétien, etait, pour le temps, tres-bon Catholique."
  He died 24th December 1574, aged 49.

  In addition to note 4, page 267, it may be noticed that Calderwood
  says, when the Queen was preparing to return to Scotland, "In the
  meanetyme, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, counselled her to leave
  beside him her apparell and household stuffe, till it was seene what
  was the successe of her voyage. She being acquainted with his nature,
  answered, she could not see wherefore she should be more carefull of
  her stuffe and apparell nor of her owne persone." (Hist. vol. ii. p.
  131.)

  [748] In MS. G, "que je soy."

[Sidenote: OURE QUENIS EDUCATION.]

This horrible vilanay, a fruet of the Cardinall of Lorane's religioun,
we shortlie tueche, to lett all the world understand, what subjectis
may looke of suche magistratis; for such pastyme to thame is but
joyousitie, whairin our Queyn was brocht up.[749] We call hir nott a
hoore, (albeit hir deame heard more then we will wrytt,) but sche was
brought up in the company of the wyldast hooremongaris, (yea, of such
as no more regarded incest, then honest men regard the company of
thair lauchfull wyeffis;) in the company of such men, (we say,) was
our Queyn brought up. What sche was and is, her self best knowis, and
God, (we doubt nott,) will farther declair.

  [749] Henry the second of France succeeded to the throne in 1547, and
  died in 1559. This incident is not recorded in the Histories of the
  time, but may be referred to the later period of his reign. As noticed
  in a previous note (page 269,) the extreme profligacy that prevailed
  at the Court of France is but too manifestly exhibited in the pages of
  Brantome: a more unfortunate place could not have been chosen for the
  young Scotish Princess to have received her education.

[Sidenote: [G]OD HES NOW [D]ONE IT, 1567.][750]

  [750] This marginal note does not occur in MS. G, and seems to have
  been added in MS. 1566, subsequently to the transcription of this
  portion of the text. It contains an evident allusion to the Queen's
  imprisonment after her surrender at Carberry Hill in July 1567: see
  vol. i. p. 218, note 4.

[Sidenote: THE HAMMYLTONIS AGAINST BOTHWELL AND THE MARQUESS.]

But punishement of that enormitie and fearfull attemptat we could gett
none: but more and more thei presumed to do violence, and frequented
nyghtlie masking. Some, as Roboyn Craige's house, becaus his dowghter
was fair, delyted thairin: otheris lamented, and began to bear the
mater verray heavelie. At lenth the Lord Duck his freindis assembled
upoun a nycht upoun the calsey.[751] The Abbott of Kylwyning,[752]
(who then was joyned to the Churche, and so, as we understand, yitt
abydeth,) was the principall man at the begyning. To him repaired many
faythfull; and amangis otheris cam Andro Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a
man rather borne to maik peace, then to brag upoun the calsey, and
demanded the querrall; and being informed of the formar enormitie
said, "Nay, sick impietie shall nott be sufferred so long as God shall
assist us. The victorye that God in his mercy hath gevin us, we will
by his grace manteane." And so he commanded his sone, Andro Stewart,
then Maister,[753] and his servandis to putt thame selfis in ordour,
and to bring furth thair spearis and long weaponis; and so did
otheris. The word cam to the Erle Bothwell and his, that the
Hammyltonis war upoun the gaitt.[754] Vowes war maid, "That the
Hammyltonis should be doung, not onlie out of the towne, but also out
of the countrey." Lord Johne of Coldinghame[755] had maryed the said
Erle Bothwellis sister, (a sufficient woman for such a man;)--allia
drew the Lord Roberte;[756] and so they joyned boyth with the said
Erle Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquess Le Beuf,
(D'Elbuf[757] thei call him,) is most to be commended; for in his
chalmer, within the Abbay, he starte to ane halbart, and ten men war
skarse able to hald him; but as hap was, the inner yett of the Abbay
keapt him that nycht; and the danger was betwix the Croce and the Salt
Trone;[758] and so he was a large quarter of myle from the schote and
sklenting of boltis. The Maister of Maxwell, gave declaratioun[759] to
the Erle Bothwell, "That yf he steired furth of his lodgeing, he, and
all that wold assist him, should resist him in the face;" whose wordis
did somwhat beat doon that blast. The Erles of Huntley and Morray,
being in the Abbay whair the Marques was, cam with thair cumpanyes,
send fra the Quene to stay that tumult, as that thei did; for Bothwell
and his war commanded, under pane of treassone, to keap thair
lodgeingis.[760]

  [751] On the 19th of December 1561, (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70.)

  [752] Gawin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, was the fourth son of James
  Hamilton of Raploch. In 1521, James the eldest son on his marriage
  with the heiress of Stenhouse, resigned the fee of the lands of
  Raploch, and upon the death of the next two brothers, Gavin succeeded
  to the property in 1559. He had been educated for the Church; and
  obtained the Deanery of Glasgow, which he exchanged in 1550 for the
  Abbacy of Kilwinning. In 1555, he was raised to the bench. He was a
  steady adherent of Queen Mary, and distinguished himself in several
  skirmishes; but was mortally wounded, and died at Leith, on 16th June
  1571.

  [753] Andrew, second Lord Stewart of Ochiltree: see page 260, note 19.
  His eldest son Andrew died in the year 1578, having predeceased his
  father, Master of Ochiltree, here mentioned.

  [754] In MS. G, "upoun the streat."

  [755] Lord John Stewart, Prior of Coldingham, an illegitimate son of
  James the Fifth, by Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Carmichael. His
  sister became the first wife of Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle.
  Randolph in a letter to Cecil, 24th October 1561, mentioning the
  leading persons at Court, says, "The Lord John of Coldingham hath not
  least favour with his leaping and dancing: he is like to marry the
  Lord Bothwell's sister." His marriage with Jean only daughter of
  Patrick third Earl of Bothwell, was solemnized at Seton, in presence
  of Queen Mary: see following note.

  [756] Lord Robert Stewart, see page 271. Randolph in the letter
  referred to in the previous note, says, "The Lord Robert consumeth
  with love for the Earl of Cassillis sister." This was Lady Jane
  Kennedy, eldest daughter of Gilbert third Earl of Cassilis. In another
  letter, 27th December 1561, he says,--"The Lord Robert was married on
  Sunday was eight days to the Earl of Cassillis sister; and my Lord
  John upon Sunday next to the Earl of Bothwell's sister: I mean not
  here, in the Court, but where the women are in their friends' houses."
  According to this intimation, the marriages took place on the 14th and
  28th of December respectively.

  [757] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf: see note 8, page 268. He had
  a natural son born in Scotland, "de Marguerite Chrestien, demoisselle
  Ecossoise." According to one authority, d'Elbeuf remained in Scotland
  till the end of February 1561-2:--"Upoun the penult day of Februar,
  the zeir of God 1561 zeiris, [the] Marques departit furth of
  Halyrudhous fra the Quenis Grace to Fraunce." (Diurnal of Occurrents,
  p. 71.) But in June 1562, there was paid, "be the Quenis Graces
  speciale command to Mons^r Marques at his departing furth of this
  realme to France, as his acquittance, &c. £500." (Treasurer's
  Accounts.)

  [758] Betwixt the Cross and the Salt-Trone; that is, in the High
  Street, near the present Trone Church, where the Trone or beam for
  weighing merchandize formerly stood.

  [759] In MS. G, "The Maister of Maxwell, (thairafter maid Lord
  Herries,) gave declaration, &c.:" see vol. i. p. 319.

  [760] Randolph says, that the day after the tumult, both the Duke and
  Bothwell were sent for to the Court, the former being "convoyed with
  all the Protestants that were in this town; the other with the
  Papists. It was concluded, that for avoiding of cumber, the Earl
  Bothwell should leave the toun till the 8th of January." According to
  the Diurnal of Occurrents, (p. 70,) the Earl of Bothwell, on the 21st
  December, "depairtit with his freindis furth of Edinburgh, at the
  Quenis command."

It was whispered of many, that the Erle of Murray's displeasur was as
much sought as any haitterant that the Hammyltonis bayr against the
Erle Bothwell, or yitt he aganist thame. And in verray deed, eather
had the Duck verray fals servandis, or ellis by Huntley and the
Hammyltonis, the Erle of Murray his death was ofter conspyred than
ones: the suspitioun whairof burst furth so far, that upoun a day the
said Erle, being upoun horse to have come to the sermon, was charged
by one of the Duckis awin servandis to returne and abyd with the
Queyn. The bruyt thairof spred over all. What ground it had we cane
nott say; but schorte thairafter the Duck and some of the Lordis
convened at Glasgow; thair conclusioun was nott knowen. The Erle of
Arrane came to Edinburgh, whair the Erle Bothwell lay. The Quene and
the Court war departed to Fyff, and remaned sometimes in Sanctandrois
and sometimes in Falkland.[761]

  [761] From about the end of March till the beginning of May 1562.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE BOTHWELL HIS COMMONYNG WYTH JOHNE KNOX.]

The Erle Bothwell, by the meanes of James Barroun,[762] burges, and
then merchant of Edinburgh, desyred to speak with Johne Knox
secreatlie; which the said Johne glaidlie granted, and spack him upoun
a nycht, first in the said James's lodgeing, and thairafter in his
awin study. The summe of all thair communication and conference
was:--The said Earle lamented his formare inordinate lyef, and
especiallie that he was provocked by the entysmentis of the Quene
Regent to do that which he sore reapented, alsweall against the Laird
of Ormestoun,[763] whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his defalt:
But his cheaf dolour was, that he had misbehaved him self against the
Erle of Arrane, whose favouris he was most willing to redeame, yf
possible it war that sa he mycht; and desyred the said Johne to geve
him his best counsall, "For (said he) yf I mycht have my Lord of
Arrane's favouris, I wald await upoun the Court with a page and few
servandis, to spair my expensis, whare now I am compelled to keap, for
my awin saifty, a number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter
destructioun of my living that is left."

  [762] Knox has previously mentioned Barron, (vol. i. p. 268); and in
  1556, (ib. p. 246,) he gives an account of the death of his first
  wife, Elizabeth Adamson. Baron for several years filled the office of
  one of the magistrates of Edinburgh, and was returned as one of the
  Commissioners to the General Assembly, from 1560 till the year of his
  death, which took place in September 1569. His will was made at
  Kynnaird in Fyfe, 21st September 1569, having married for his second
  wife Helen Leslie, "gud-wyf of Kynnarde," by whom he left several
  daughters. (Register of Conf. Test.) This lady, who survived him,
  appears to have married again, first to Mr. James Kirkaldy, brother of
  Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, by whom she had a son and a daughter;
  and after his death in 1573, (see page 315, note 2,) to Mr. James
  Beaton. There was granted to Patrick Halket of Petferren, the escheit
  of 18 scoir pundis auchtand to vmquhile James Barroun, burgess of
  Edinburgh and to Helen Leslie his spous.... Now spousit in marriage
  with Maister James Kirkcaldy, brother-german to Sir William Kirkcaldy
  of Grange knycht,--the said Mr. James hir spouse, "being denounced
  rebell, &c., penult September 1571." (Register of Signatures, vol.
  iii. fol. 102.) In the confirmation of her own Testament, mention is
  made of her two children by her second husband; and she is described
  as now spousit to Mr. James Beaton, parson of Old Roxburgh. She died
  in June 1577. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.) In 1580, George
  Baroun paid a composition, as son and heir of Helen Leslie of
  Kynnaird. Sir Robert Sibbald, among the eminent men of Fife, says,
  "The learned Doctors of Divinity, John and Robert Baron, were cadets
  of the Lairds of Kinnaird, in this shire, of that name."

  [763] John Cockburn of Ormiston: see vol. i. pp. 142, 455.

To the which the said Johne ansuered, "My Lord, wold to God that in me
war counsall or judgement that mycht conforte and releave you. For
albeit that to this hour it hath nott chaunsed me to speik with your
Lordship face to face, yit have I borne a good mynd to your house; and
have bene sorry at my heart of the trubles that I have heard you to be
involved in. For, my Lord, my[764] grandfather, goodsher, and father,
have served your Lordshipis predecessoris, and some of thame have died
under thair standartis; and this is a part of the obligatioun of our
Scotishe kyndnes: but this is not the cheaf. But as God hes maid me
his publict messinger of glaid tydings, so is my will earnest that all
men may embrase it, which perfytlie thei can not, so long as that
thair remaneth in thame rancour, malice, or envy. I am verray sorry
that ye have gevin occasioun unto men to be offended with you; but I
am more sory that ye have offended the Majestie of God, who by such
meanes oft punishes the other sinnes of man. And thairfoir my counsall
is, that ye begyn at God, with whom yf ye will enter in perfyte
reconciliatioun, I doubt not but he shall bow the heartis of men to
forget all offenses. And as for me, yf ye will continue in godlynes,
your Lordship shall command me als boldlie as any that serves your
Lordship."

   [764] This allusion of Knox to his own family is interesting, as it
  furnishes the only information that can be relied upon respecting his
  ancestors.

The said Lord desyred him that he wold tempt[765] the Erle of Arrane's
mynd, yf he wold be content to accept him in his favouris, which he
promessed to do; and so earnestlie travaled in that mater, that it was
ones brought to such an end as all the faythfull praysed God for that
aggrement. The greatest stay stood upoun the satisfactioun of the
Laird of Ormestoun, who, besyde his formare hurte, as is before
declared, was evin in that same tyme of the commonyng, persewed be the
said Lord[766] Bothwell, his sone Maister Alexander Cockburne[767]
tacken by him, and caryed with him to Borthwick; but gentillye yneuch
send back agane.

   [765] In MS. G, "wold attempt."

   [766] In MS. G, "the said Erle."

   [767] He was the eldest son of John Cockburn of Ormiston. In the
   following page 331, Knox mentions him as conveying the message from
   the Queen, which led to the communing there detailed. He died in 1564:
   and in early life he had been a pupil of Knox: see vol. i. p. 185,
   note 3.

[Sidenote: RECONCILIATIOUN BETWIX THE ERLE OF ARRANE AND ERLE
BOTHWELL, ETC.]

That new truble so greatlie displeased Johne Knox, that he almost geve
ower farther travalling for amytie. But yit, upoun the excuse of the
said Erle, and upoun the declaratioun of his mynd, he re-entered in
laubouris, and so brought it to pass, that the Laird of Ormestoun
referred his satisfactioun in all thingis to the judgments of the
Erles of Arrane and Murray, whom to the said Erle Bothwell submitted
him self in that head, and thairupoun delyvered his hand wryt. And so
was convoyed by certane of his friends to the loodgeing of the
Kirk-of-Feild, whair the Erle of Arrane was with his friendis, and the
said Johne Knox with him,[768] to bear witnesse and testificatioun of
the end of the aggrement. As the said Erle Bothwell entered at the
chalmer dore, and wold have done those honouris that freyndis had
appointed, (Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[769] and the Laird of
Rikchartoun,[770] war the cheaf freindis that communed,) the said Erle
of Arrane gentillye passed unto him, embrased him, and said, "Yf the
hearttis be uprycht, few ceremonyes may serve and content me."

  [768] See page 327, note 2.

  [769] In MSS. G, and L 4, "Mr. Gawin Hammyltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning"

  [770] Henry Drummond of Riccarton succeeded his father, who is
  mentioned as slain at the siege of Leith in 1560. But see note to vol.
  i. p. 376. In 1574 he was succeeded by his brother of the same name,
  and probably the issue of a second marriage. (House of Drummond, p.
  292.)

The said Johne Knox, in audience of thame boyth, and of thair
freindis, said, "Now, my Lordis, God hath brought you to gitther be
the laubouris of semple men, in respect of such as wold have
travailled thairin. I know my laubouris ar alreaddy tacken in ane
evill parte; but becaus I have the testimonye of a good conscience
befoir my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his
fear, for the proffeit of you boith, for the hurt of none, and for the
tranquillitie of this Realme: seing (I say) that[771] my conscience
beareth witnesse to me, what I have sought and continewallie seak, I
the more patientlie bear the mysreporttis and wrangouse judgementis of
men. And now I leave you in peace, and desyres you that ar the
freindis to study that amitie may increase, all formar offenses being
forgett." The freindis on eather partie embrased other, and the two
Erles departed to ane wyndo, and talked by thame selfis familiarlie a
reasonable space. And thairafter the Erle Boithwell departed for that
nycht: and upoun the nixt day in the mornyng returned, with some of
his honest freinds, and came to the sermoun with the Erle foirsaid;
whairat many rejoised. But God had ane other work to wyrk then the
eyes of men could espy.

  [771] In MS. G, "Seeing therefore that."

The Thurisday nixt[772] they dyned togetther; and thairafter the said
Erle Boithwell and Maister Gawane Hammyltoun raid to my Lord Duckis
Grace, who then was in Kynneill. What communicatioun was betwix thame,
it is not certanelie knowne, but by the reporte which the said Erle of
Arrane maid to the Quenys Grace, and unto the Erle of Murray, by his
wryttingis. For upoun Fryday, the ferd day after thair reconciliatioun,
the sermon being ended, the said Erle of Arrane cam to the house of
the said Johne Knox, and brought with him Maister Richart Strang[773]
and Alexander Guthre,[774] to whom he opened the greaf of his mynd
befoir that Johne Knox was called; for he was occupyed, (as commounlie
he useth to be after his sermonis,) in directing of writtingis. Whiche
ended, the said Erle called the thre togetther, and said, "I am
treasonablie betrayed;" and with these wordis began to weape. Johne
Knox demanded, "My Lord, who hes betrayed yow?" "Ane Judas, or other
(said he); but I know it is but my lyef that is sought: I regard it
not." The other said, "My Lord, I understand not such dark maner of
speaking: yf I shall geve you any ansuer, ye maun speik moir plane."
"Weill, (said he,) I tack you three to witnesse that I oppen this unto
you, and I will wryt it unto the Quene: Ane act of treassone is laid
to my charge; the Erle Bothwell hes schawin to me in counsall, that he
shall tack the Quene, and put hir in my handis in the Castell of
Dumbertane; and that he shall slay the Erle of Murray, Lethingtoun,
and otheris that now mysgyde hir: and so shall I and he reull all.
But I know that this is devised to accuse me of treassone; for I know
that he will inform the Quene of it: But I tack you to witnes, that I
oppen it hear unto you; and I will pas incontinent, and wryte to the
Quenis Majestie, and unto my brother the Erle of Murray."

  [772] The 26th March, 1562.

  [773] Mr. Richard Strang was an Advocate. His name occurs in the
  proceedings of the General Assembly as one of the three Procurators
  who were appointed in 1567, "to defend and pursue all actions
  pertaining to the Kirk."

  [774] Alexander Guthrie held for many years the office of Town Clerk
  of the City of Edinburgh.

Johne Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that
treassone?" He ansuered, "Nay." "Then, (said he,) in my judgement, his
wordis, albeit thei war spoken, can never be treassone unto you; for
the performance of the fact dependis upoun your will, whairto ye say
ye have disassented; and so shall that purpose evanise and dye by the
self, onless that ye waiken it; for it is not to be supposed that he
will accuse you of that which he him self [hes] devised, and whairto
ye wold not consent." "O, (said he,) ye understand not what craft is
used against me: It is treassone to conceall treassone." "My Lord,
(said he,) treasson maun importe consent and determinatioun,
quhilk[775] I hear upoun neather of your partis. And thairfoir, my
Lord, in my judgement it shalbe more suyre and moir honorable to you
to depend upoun your [awin] innocencye, and to abyde the injust
accusatioun of ane other, (yf any follow thairof, as I think thair
shall not,) then ye to accuise, (especiallie after so lait
reconciliatioun,) and have none other witnesses but your awin
affirmatioun." "I know, (said he,) that he will offer the combatt unto
me; but that wold not be suffered in France; but I will do that which
I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his
loodgeing the saidis Alexander Guthery and Mr. Richart Strang; from
whense was dyted and written a letter to the Quenis Majestie,
according to the formar purpose, which letter was direct with all
diligence to the Quenis Majestie, who then was in Falkland.

  [775] In MS. G, "of the quhilks."

The Erle him self raid after to Kynneill, to his father, the Duckis
Grace.[776] How he was entreated, we have but the commoun bruyte; but
from thense he wrait ane other letter with his awin hand, in sypher,
to the Erle of Murray, compleanyng upoun his rigorous handelling and
entreatment by his awin father, and by his freindis; and affirmed
farther, that he feared his lyef, in case that he gat not suddane
reskew. But thairupoun he remaned not, but brack the chalmer whairin
he was put, and with great pain past to Striveling, and from thense he
was convoyed to the Hallyardis,[777] whair he was keapt till that the
Erie of Murray cam unto him, and convoyed him to the Quene, then beand
in Falkland, who then was sufficientlie instructed of the hoill mater;
and upoun suspitioun conceaved, had caused apprehend Maister Gawan
Hammyltoun and the Erle Bothwell foirsaid; who knowing nothing of the
formar advertismentis, cam to Falkland,[778] which augmented the
formar suspitioun.

  [776] "Upon the 25th day of March 1562, my Lordis of Arrane, quha was
  eldest sone to James Duke of Chattellarault, and Bothwill, wer aggreit
  be Johne Knox minister, and thairefter raid and spak with the Duke."
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 71.) "And upoun the 29th day of March, my
  Lord of Arrane come furth of the Palice of Kynneill, in ane franysy,
  in the nycht, at ane heich wyndo, and past to the Quenis Grace at
  Falkland, and sayd to her that my Lord Duke his fader, and my Lord
  Bothwill, and Gawin Commendatare of Kilwynning, had conspirit aganis
  the Quenis Grace and Lord James." (Ib. p. 71.)

  [777] Hallyards, in the parish of Auchertule in Fifeshire. Sir Robert
  Sibbald, in 1710, speaks of "Hallyairds, the residence of a gentleman
  of the name of Skeen: a great building, surrounded with gardens, large
  enclosures and planting: having large meadows to the west, and a loch
  fertile of fish to the east." (Hist. of Fife, edit. 1710, App. p. 3.)
  At the time referred to by Knox, it belonged to Sir William Kirkaldy
  of Grange: see vol. i. p. 90.

  [778] "Upon the last day of March (1562,) my Lord Bothwill and the
  Commendatare of Kilwynning wer commandit in ward, in the Palice of
  Falkland." Diurnal, p. 71.)

But yit the letteris of Johne Knox maid all thingis to be used more
circumspectlie; for he[779] did planelie foirwarne the Erle of Murray,
that he espyed the Erle of Arrane to be stricken with phrenesy, and
thairfoir willed not oure great credytt to be gevin unto his wordis
and inventionis. And as he advertised, so it cam to pass; for within
few dayis his seaknes increased; he devised of wonderouse signes that
he saw in the heavin; he alledged that he was bewitched; he wold have
bene in the Quenis bed, and affirmed that he was hir husband; and
fynallie, he behaved him self in all thingis so foolishelie, that his
phrenesy could not be hyd. And yit war the saidis Erle Bothwell and
Abbott[780] of Kylwynning keapt in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and
conventit[781] befoir the Counsall, with the said Earl of Arrane, who
ever stoode ferme, that the Erle Boithwell proponed to him suche
thingis as he advertissed the Quenis Grace of; but styflie denyed that
his Father, the said Abbote, or freindis, knew any thing thairof,
eathir yit that thei intended any violence against him; but alledged,
that he was enchanted so to think and wryte. Whairat the Quene,
heghlie offended, committed him to preasone, with the other two, first
in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and thairafter caused thame to be
convoyed to the Castell of Edinburgh. James Stewarte of
Cardonall,[782] called Capitane James, was evill bruited [of], for the
rigorous entreatment that he schew to the said Erle in his seaknes,
being appointed keeper unto him.

  [779] It is a peculiarity in Knox's chief amanuensis, always to write
  "he" as "hie."

  [780] In MS. G, "Mr. Gawin, Abbot," &c.

  [781] In MSS. G, and L 4, "conveened."

  [782] James Stewart of Cardonald, about two miles from Paisley, in the
  county of Renfrew. In a letter dated 7th September 1561, Randolph
  says, "James Steward's admission to be Captain of the garde, stayett
  upon the Lord of Lidington's retorne, to certifye whether he be sworne
  Englishman." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 74.) On the 4th May
  1562, "Capitane Stewart, capitane of the Quenis gard," with 24
  horsemen, convoyed Arrane, Bothwell, and the Abbot of Kilwinning from
  St. Andrews to Edinburgh. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.)

To consult upoun these accusationis, the hoill Counsalle was assembled
at Sanctandrois, the 18 day of Aprile, in the year of God J^m V^c, and
threscoir twa yearis;[783] in which it was concluded, that, in
consideratioun of the formar suspitioun, the Duck his Grace should
render to the Quene the Castell of Dumbartane,[784] the custodie
whairof was granted unto him by appointment, till that lauchfull
successioun should be sein of the Quenis body: But will prevailled
against reassone and promisses, and so was the said Castell delivered
to Capitane Anstrudour, as having power fra the Quene and Counsall to
receave it.[785]

  [783] In the Acts of the Privy Council, there is no minute of any
  meeting held on the 18th of April 1562. But the records of that time
  are not very entire. In the Diurnal of Occurrents it is stated, that a
  Convention was appointed to be held at St. Andrews, on the 15th of
  that month, "for taking tryell of the matter above written, and thair
  compeirit certane Lordis to the samyne;" and that, on the 18th of
  April, "My Lord Duke raid to the Quenis Grace in Sanctandrois,
  quhairintill he purgit himself of the conspiracie foirsaid in hir
  presens."

  [784] "Upon the xxvij day of April (1562) the Castell of Dumbartane
  wes deliverit be my Lord Duke to Capitane Anstruther, in the name and
  behalf of the Quenis Grace." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.) Captain
  Robert Anstruther, in the previous year, had the command of the
  fortified island of Inchkeith, in the Frith of Forth, with "40
  hagbutteris, remanand within the said Inche," (Treasurer's Accounts.)

  [785] At the end of this paragraph, the transcriber of MS. L 4, has
  added, "Thus farr Mr. Knox in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Let
  the Reader compare this relation with Buchanan's, and follow his own
  judgement." In like manner Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 177,) says,
  "Thus I have related this part of the Historie, as Knox hath sett it
  down in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Mr. Buchanan, his relation,
  is somewhat different. He writeth," &c. Instead of quoting this
  passage, the reader may be referred to Buchanan's own work, in which
  he ascribes a plot to murther the Earl of Murray, as having been
  devised by the Earl of Bothwell, upon finding that he would not join
  Bothwell in his first design against the Hamiltons.

[Sidenote: PSAL. 2.]

Thingis ordoured in Fyfe, the Quene returned to Edinburgh,[786] and
then began dansing to grow hote; for hir freindis began to triumph in
France. The certantie heirof came to the earis of Johne Knox, for
thair war some that schew to him, from tyme to tyme, the estait of
thingis; and amangis otheris, he was assured, that the Queyne had
daunced excessivelie till after mydnycht, becaus that sche had
receaved letteris that persecutioun was begun agane in France, and
that hir Uncles war begyning to steir thair taill,[787] and to truble
the hoill Realme of France. Upoun occasioun of this text, "And now
understand, O ye kingis, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he
began to taxt the ignorance, the vanitie, and the dyspyte of princes
against all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice
and love of vertew appeired.[788]

  [786] Queen Mary returned from her journey and residence in Fife, to
  Edinburgh, early in May. Knox probably confounded this absence from
  Edinburgh, with the Queen's more protracted progress in the North in
  Autumn, (see page 381,) which may account for his mistaking the
  precise time of his second communing with the Queen, which actually
  took place in December: see next page, note 2.

  [787] In MS. G, "taills."

  [788] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 16th December 1562, says,
  "upon Sunday last he (Knox) inveighed sore against the Queenis
  dancing, and little exercise of herself in vertue and godliness. The
  report hereof being brought unto her ears, _yesterday she sent for
  him_. She talked long time with him: little liking there was between
  them, of the one or the other, yet did they so depart as no offense or
  slander did rise thereon." We thus learn, that Knox's sermon was
  delivered on the 13th, and that the interview occurred on the 15th
  December.

[Sidenote: THE SECOUND COMMONYNG OF JOHNE KNOX WITH THE QUENE]

The reporte heirof maid unto the Quene, the said Johne Knox was send
for. Mr. Alexander Cockburne,[789] who befoir had bone his scolare,
and then was very familiare with him, was the messinger, who geve him
some knowledge both of the report and of the reportairis. The Quene
was in hir bed-chalmer, and with hir, besydis the Ladyes and the
commoun servandis, war the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun,
Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and some of the garde that had maid the
report. He was called and accused, as are that had irreverentlie
spoken of the Quene, and that travailled to bring hir in haitterent
and contempt of the people, and that he had exceaded the boundis of
his text: And upoun these three headis, maid the Quene hir self a long
harangue or orisoun;[790] whairto the said Johne ansuered as
followis:--

  [789] In MS. L 4, "Patrick Cockburne." See page 324, note 3.

  [790] In MS. G. "oratioun."

"Madame, this is often tymes the just recompense which God geveth to
the stubburne of the world, that becaus thei will nott hear God
speaking to the conforte of the penitent, and for amendment of the
wicked, thai are oft compelled to hear the fals report of otheris to
thair greatter displeasur. I doubt not but that it cam to the earis of
proud Herode, that our Maister Christ Jesus called him a fox; but
thai told him not how odiouse a thing it was befoir God to murther ane
innocent, as he had laitlie done befoir, causing to behead Johne the
Baptiste, to reward the dansing of a harlottis doughtter. Madam, yf
the reportaris of my wordis had bene honest men, thai wold have
reaported my wordis, and the circumstances of the same. But becaus
thai wold have credyte in Courte, and lacking vertew worthy thairof,
thai mon haif somewhat to pleise your Majestie, yf it war but
flatterye and lyes. But such pleasour (yf any your Grace tack in suche
personis) will turn to your everlasting displeasour. For, Madam, yf
your awin earis had heard the hoill mater that I entreated; yf thair
be into you any sparckle of the Spreit of God, yea, of honestie or
wisdome, ye could not justlie have bene offended with any thing that I
spack. And becaus that ye have heard thair report, please your Grace
to hear my self reherse the same, so neyr as memory will serve." (It
was evin upoun the nixt day after that the sermon was maid.) "My text,
(said he,) Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be learned,
ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, (said he,) that I had declaired
the dignitie of kingis and reullaris, the honour whairinto God lies
placed thame, the obedience that is dew unto thame, being Goddis
lievtennentis, I demanded this questioun,--But, O allace! what compte
shall the most part of princes maik befoir that Supreme Judge, whose
throne and authoritie so manifestlie and schamefullie thai abuse? That
the complaynt of Salomon is this day most trew, to wit, 'That violence
and oppressioun do occupy the throne of God here in this earth:' for
whill that murtheraris, blood-thrystie men, oppressouris, and
malefactouris dar be bold to present thame selfis befoir kingis and
princes, and the poor sanctis of God are banisshed and exyled, what
shall we say, But that the devill hath tacken possessioun in the
throne of God, which aught to be fearfull to all wicked doiris, and a
refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwyse be? For
princes will not understand; thai will nott be learned as God
commandis thame. But Goddis law thei dispyse, His statutis and holy
ordinances thei will not understand; for in fidling and flynging thei
ar more exercised then in reading or hearing of Goddis most blessed
word; and fidlaris and flatteraris (which commonlie corrupt the youth)
are more pretious in thair eyes then men of wisdome and gravitie, who
by holsome admonitioun mycht beat doun into thame some part of that
vanitie and pryde whairintill all are borne, but in princes tack
[deepe] roote and strenth by wicked educatioun. And of dansing, Madam,
I said, that albeit in Scripturis I fand no praise of it, and in
prophane wryttaris, that it is termed the jesture rather of those that
ar mad and in phrenesye then of sober men; yitt do I not utterlie
dampne it, provyding that two vices be avoided: the formare, That the
principall vocatioun of those that use that exercise be not neglected
for the pleasur of dansing; Secoundly, That they daunse not, as the
Philisteanis thair fatheris, for the pleasur that thai tack in the
displeasur of Goddis people. For yf any of boyth thai do, as thai
shall receave the reward of dansaris, and that willbe drynk in hell,
onless thai spedilie repent, so shall God turn thair myrth in suddane
sorow: for God will not alwayes afflict his people, neither yitt will
he alwayes wynk at the tyranny of tyrantis. Yf any man, Madam, (said
he,) will say that I spack more, let him presentlie accuse me; for I
think I have nott only tueiched the somme, but the verry wordis as I
spack them." Many that stood by bair witnesse with him, that he had
recyted the verray wordis that publictlie he spack.

The Queyn looked about to some of the reaportaris, and said, "Your
wourdis ar scharpe yneuch as ye have spocken thame; but yitt thei war
tald to me in ane uther maner. I know (said sche) that my Uncles and
ye ar nott of ane religioun, and thairfoir I can nott blame you
albeit you have no good opinioun of thame. But yf ye hear any thing of
my self that myslyikis you, come to my self and tell me, and I shall
hear you."

"Madam," quod he, "I am assured that your Uncles ar enemyes to God,
and unto his Sone Jesus Christ; and that for manteanance of thair awin
pompe and worldlie glorie, that thei spair not to spill the bloode of
many innocents; and thairfoir I am assured that thair interpryses
shall have no better successe then otheris haif had that befoir thame
have done that thei do now. But as to your awin personage, Madam, I
wold be glade to do all that I could to your Graces contentment,
provided that I exceed nott the boundis of my vocatioun. I am called,
Madam, to ane publict functioun within the Kirk of God, and am
appointed by God to rebuk the synnes and vices of all. I am not
appointed to come to everie man in particular to schaw him his
offense; for that laubour war infinite. Yf your Grace please to
frequent the publict sermonis, then doubt I nott but that ye shall
fullie understand boyth what I like and myslike, als weall in your
Majestie as in all otheris. Or yf your Grace will assigne unto me a
certane day and hour when it will please you to hear the forme and
substance of doctrin whiche is proponed in publict to the Churches of
this Realme, I will most gladlie await upoun your Grace's pleasur,
tyme, and place. But to waitt[791] upoun your chalmer-doore, or ellis
whair, and then to have no farther libertie but to whisper my mynd in
your Grace's eare, or to tell to you what otheris think and speak of
you, neather will my conscience nor the vocatioun whairto God hath
called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's commandiment I am
heare now, yitt can not I tell what other men shall judge of me, that
at this tyme of day am absent from my book and wayting upoun the
Courte."

  [791] In MS. G, "to cum to waitt."

"You will not alwayis," said sche, "be at your book," and so turned
hir back. And the said Johne Knox departed with a reasonable meary
countenance; whairat some Papistis offended said, "He is not
effrayed." Which heard of him, he answered, "Why should the pleasing
face of a gentill woman effray me? I have looked in the faces of many
angrie men, and yit have nott bene effrayed above measure." And so
left he the Quene and the Courte for that tyme.

In this meanetyme, the negotiatioun and credytte[792] was great betwix
the Quene of England and our Soverane: letteris, curreouris, and
postis ran verray frequent.[793] Great bruyt thair was of the
interview and meating of the two Quenes at York, and some preparatioun
was maid thairfoir in boyth the Realmes. But that failed upoun the
parte of England, and that be occasioun of the trubles moved in
France, (as was alledged,) which caused the Quene and hir Counsall
attend upoun the Sowth partes[794] of England, for avoyding of
inconvenientis.

  [792] In MS. G, "and credytte," are omitted.

  [793] Various letters written by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth at this
  time are contained in the Prince A. Labanoff's collection: "Lettres,
  Instructions et Mémoires de Marie Stuart, Reine d' Ecosse," &c.
  Londres, (Paris) 1844, 7 vols. 8vo. See also Keith's History.

  [794] In MSS. M and L 4, the words after "Sowth partes" are omitted,
  and the following sentence interpolated. "Duke D'Awmall had opened up
  the English Ambassaders letters, who was then lying at Court, as wes
  reported; and by his procurement an English schip quhairin another
  Ambassador did fair, wes spoiled. There being appearance of warres
  betwix England and France, the Quene came from St. Andrews to
  Edinburgh, at what tyme she committed the Earl of Arran to ward in the
  Castell of Edinburgh." Calderwood has copied these words verbatim.
  (History, vol. ii. p. 182.)

That symmer, thair cam ane Ambassadour from the King of Swaden,
requyring marriage of our Soverane to his Maister the King.[795] His
intertenment was honorable; but his petitioun lyked our Quene nothing;
for such a man was too base for hir estait; for had nott sche beyn
great Queyn of France? Fye of Swaden! What is it? But happy was the
man that of suche a one was forsaken. And yitt sche refuised nott one
far inferiour to a vertouse King.[796]

  [795] The Swedish Ambassador, "Herr Peter Groif," arrived in Leith on
  the 24th April, where he remained till the 9th of May, when the Queen
  came from Fife. In Edinburgh "he logeit in Mr. Harie Lawder's
  lodgeing, quhairto he was conveyit honorabill," and departed on the
  1st of June, "with his answer, and imbarkit that nycht at ten houris
  at nicht, and obtanit ane fair wynd." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 72,
  73.)

  [796] The King of Sweden referred to was Eric XIV., who was born in
  the year 1533. He was educated in the Protestant faith, and succeeded
  to the throne on the death of his father Gustavus Vasa, 29th September
  1560. He was unfortunate in his projected alliances, and also in the
  latter part of his career, having been forced to abdicate in 1568; and
  he died of poison in 1578.

The Erle of Levenax and his wyff[797] war committed to the Towre of
London for trafiquin with Papistis. The young Lard of Barr[798] was a
travaler in that busines, and was apprehended with some letteris,
which war the cause of his and thair truble.

  [797] Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, succeeded his father in 1526. He
  married Lady Margaret Douglas, the daughter of Archibald Earl of
  Angus, by his wife, Margaret Queen of Scotland, widow of James the
  Fourth, and sister of Henry the Eighth. Their son Henry Lord Darnley,
  who married Queen Mary of Scots, was born in 1545. The Earl of Lennox
  was elected Regent of Scotland 11th July 1570, but was slain 4th
  September 1571. The Countess of Lennox died 9th March 1577, in the 62d
  year of her age.

  [798] John Lockhart, son of John Lockhart of Barr in Ayrshire. He was
  served heir of his father, 10th May 1575.

[Sidenote: HAWICK RAIDE.]

The Erle of Murray maid a privey raid to Hawick upoun the fayre-day
thairof, and apprehended fyftie theaffis; of which nomber war
sevintene drowned;[799] otheris war executed in Jedburght. The
principallis war brought to Edinburgh, and thair suffered, according
to thair merittis, upoun the Burrow Mure.[800] The Quene was nothing
content of the prosperitie and gude successe that God gave to the Erle
of Murray in all his interprysses, for sche hated his uprycht
dealling, and the image of God which evidently did appear into him;
but at that tyme sche could not weall have beyn served without him.

  [799] The disturbed state of the Borders called for this summary act
  of justice. According to Randolph's letter, dated 7th July 1562, there
  were eighty-three persons apprehended at Hawick, "of the which twenty
  were acquitted by the assize; the rest condemned; of the which
  twenty-two were presently drowned there, for lack of trees and
  halters; six hanged at Edinburgh, yesterday being Monday," &c.
  (Chalmers' Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 360; Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p.
  259. But Chalmers dates this letter 7th June; Tytler, the 8th July.)

  [800] The Borough or Common Muir, about a mile to the south of
  Edinburgh, was of great extent, stretching from the Pleasance westward
  to beyond Merchiston Castle. The place where the old wooden gallows
  stood for the execution of criminals, according to Maitland, was "on
  the west side of the Dalkeith road, where it is left by the way to
  Musselburgh." The position was afterwards changed: see his History of
  Edinburgh, p. 176, chap. 177, respecting the Borough Muir.

[Sidenote: SCHARPE LEFT PREACHING AND TOOK HIM TO THE LAWES.]

[Sidenote: ANNO 1566 IN MAIJ.]

The Assemblye of the Kyrk at Mydsymmer, the [29th] of Junij,[801] anno
1562, approached, in the which war many notable headis entreated
concernying good ordour to be keapt in the Churche; for the Papistis
and the idolatrie of the Queyn began to truble the formar good
ordouris. Some ministeris, suche as Maister Johne Scharpe,[802] had
left thair charges, and entered into other vocationis more profitable
for the belly; against whom war actis maid, althought to this day thei
have nott bene putt in executioun.

  [801] In MS. 1566, "the 24;" in MS. L 4, "the penult of Junij;" in MS.
  M, "the penult of Julie." The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the
  penult or 29th of June 1562. See the Booke of the Universall Kirk of
  Scotland, vol. i. p. 13. It should no doubt be, in "Mr. Henry Lawder's
  lugeing," instead of "Mr. _Hendrie Lands_ house," (ib. p. 14,) where
  the Assembly was held.

  [802] Mr. John Scharp was educated in St. Leonard's College, St.
  Andrews, having taken his Bachelor's degree in 1555; and he became a
  licentiate or Master of Arts in 1557. At the Reformation he appears to
  have occasionally exercised himself in the office of the ministry,
  without being appointed to any particular church. The want of
  efficient preachers to supply the vacant charges rendered the General
  Assembly more anxious to secure the services of qualified persons. On
  the 2d July 1562, the Assembly "finding him able to preach the word
  and minister the sacraments, as he had done before times, charged him
  to re-enter to the ministry, the place where he should minister being
  reserved to farther deliberation." And on the 4th July, "It was
  concludit that Mr. John Scharp should re-enter in the ministrie, and
  to serve in the kirk whilk the Superintendent of Lothian should
  appoint; and if he refused, that the censures of the Kirk be execute
  against him." Scharp, however, according to the above marginal note,
  became an Advocate, and long practised at the bar with great success.
  Mr. John Scharp, Advocate, had a charter of the lands of Houston, in
  the shires of Edinburgh and Linlithgow, 25th March 1576. His name
  occurs in an Act of Parliament, in July 1604, as "Maister John Scharp
  of Houston, Lawer." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 264.) He was one of
  five persons connected with Scotland who were knighted by King James
  at Whitehall, on the 17th December 1604.

The tennour of the Supplicatioun redd in oppen audience, and approved
by the hoill Assemblye to be presented to the Quenis Majestie, was
this:--


     TO THE QUENIS MAJESTIE, AND HIR MOST HONORABLE PRIVEY
         COUNSALL, THE SUPERINTENDENTIS AND MINISTERIS OF THE
         EVANGELL OF JESUS CHRIST WITHIN THIS REALME, TOGETHER WITH
         THE COMMISSIONARIS OF THE HOILL CHURCHES,[803] DESYRE GRACE
         AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH
         THE SPREIT OF RYCHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

  [803] In the Booke of the Kirk, "of the haill Kirk."

HAVING in mynd that fearfull sentence, pronunced by the Eternall God
against the watchemen that see the sweard of Goddis punishement
approche, and do not in plane wordis foirwarne the people, yea, the
Princes and Reularis, that thei may repent, we can not but signify
unto your Hienes, and unto your Counsall, that the estait of this
Realme is sic for this present, that onless redress and remeady be
schortlie provided, that Goddis hand can not long spayr in his anger,
to stryck the head and the taill; the inobedient Prince and synfull
people: For as God is unchangeable and trew, so must he punische in
these our dayis, the grevouse synnes that befoir we read he hes
punished in all aiges, after that he hes long called for reapentance,
and none is schawin.

[Sidenote: THIS[804] CAUSES THE QUENIS RELIGIOUN TO HAVE MANY
FAVOURARIS.]

  [804] In MS. G, "These cause;" MS. L 4, "This causethe."

And that your Grace and Counsall may understand what be the thingis we
desyre to be reformed, we will begyn at that quhilk we assuredlie know
to be the fontane and spring of all other evillis that now abound in
this Realme, to wit, That idoll and bastard service of God, the Messe;
the fontane, we call it, of all impietie, not only becaus that many
tack boldnes to syn be reassone of the opinioun which thei have
conceaved of that idoll, to wit, That by the vertew of it, thei get
remissioun of thair synnes; but also becaus that under the cullour of
the Messe, are hoores, adulteraris, drunkardis, blasphemaris of God,
of His holy Word and Sacramentis, and such other manifest
malcfactouris, manteaned and defended: for lett any Messesayare, or
earnest manteanar thairof be deprehended in any of the foirnamed
crymes, no executioun can be had, for all is done in haiterent of his
religioun; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedlie, clocked
and defended by that odious idoll. But supposing that the Messe war
occasioun of no such evillis, yit in the self it is so odiouse in
Goddis presence, that we can not cease with all instance to desyre the
removing of the same, alsweall frome your self as from all otheris
within this Realme, tacking heavin and earth, yea, and your awin
conscience to record, that the obstinat manteanance of that idoll
shall in the end be to you destructioun of saule and body.

Yf your Majestie demand, why that now we ar more earnest then we have
bein heirtofoir; We ansuer, (our formar silence no wiese excused,)
becaus we fynd us frustrat of our hope and expectatioun; quhilk was,
that in processe of tyme, your Grace's heart should have bein
mollifyed, so far as that ye wold have heard the publict doctrin
taught within this Realme; by the quhilk, our farther hope was, that
Goddis Holy Spreit should so have moved your hearte, that ye should
have suffered your religioun (quhilk befoir God is nothing but
abominatioun and vanitie) to have been tryed by the trew tueich-stone,
the writtin word of God; and that your Grace fynding it to have no
ground nor fundatioun in the same, should have gevin that glorie unto
God, that ye wold have preferred his treuth unto your awin
preconceaved vane opinioun, of what antiquitie that ever it hes bene.
Whairof we in a parte now discoraged[805] cane no longer keape
silence, onless we wold mack our selfis criminall befoir God of your
blood, perisheing in your awin iniquitie; for we plainlie admonishe
you of the dangearis to come.

  [805] In MS. G, "discharged." In the Book of the Kirk, and MS. L 4,
  "disappointed."

[Sidenote: GRUDGEING OF THE NOBILITIE ONE AGAINST OTHER]

The Secound that we requyre, is punishement of horrible vices, sic as
ar adultery, fornicatioun, open hurdome, blasphemye, contempt of God,
of his Word, and Sacramentis; quhilkis in this Realme, for lack of
punishement, do evin now so abound, that syne is reputed to be no
syne. And thairfoir, as that we see the present signes of Goddis wrath
now manifestlie appear, so do we foirwarne, that he will stryck, or it
be long, yf his law without punishement be permitted thus manifestlie
to be contempned. Yf any object, that punishementis can nott be
commanded to be executed without a Parliament; We answer that the
eternall God in his Parliament has pronounced death to be the
punishement for adulterye and for blasphemye; whose actis yf ye putt
not to executioun, (seing that Kingis ar but his lieutennentis, having
no power to geve lyefe, whair he commandis death,) as that he will
reputt you, and all otheris that foster vice, patronis of impietie, so
will he nott faill to punishe you for neglecting of his judgementis.

Our Third requeast concerneth the Poore, who be of thre sortis: the
poore lauboraris of the ground; the poore desolat beggaris, orphelyns,
wedoes, and strangaris; and the poore ministeris of Christ Jesus his
holie evangell, quhilk ar all so crewallie entreated by this last
pretended Ordour tacken for sustentatioun of Ministeris, that thair
latter miserie far surmonteth the formar. For now the poore lauboraris
of the ground ar so oppressed by the creualtie of those that pay thair
Thrid, that they for the most parte advance upoun the poore,
whatsoever they pay to the Quene, or to any other. As for the verray
indigent and poore, to whome God commandis a sustentatioun to be
provided of the Teyndis, they ar so dyspised, that it is a wonder that
the sone geveth heat and lycht to the earth, whair Godis name is so
frequentlie called upoun, and no mercy (according to his commandiment)
schawin to his creaturis. And also for the Ministeris, thair lyvingis
ar so appointed, that the most parte shall lyve but a beggaris lyef.
And all cumeth of that impietie, that the idill bellies of Christis
ennemyes mon be fedd in thair formare delicacie.

We dar nott conceall frome your Grace and Honouris our conscience,
quhilk is this, That neather by the law of God, neather yitt by any
just law of man, is any thing dew unto thame, who now most creuellie
do exact of the poore and riche the Two partes of thair Benefices, as
they call thame: And thairfoir we most humblie requyre, that some
other Ordour may be tacken with thame, nor that thei be sett up agane
to impyre above the people of God, eathir yitt above any subject
within this Realme. For we fear that sic usurpatioun to thair formar
estaite be neather in the end pleasing to thame selfis, nor profitable
to thame that wold place thame in that tyrannye. Yf any think that a
competent lyving is to be assigned to thame, we repugne not, provided
that the Lauboraris of the ground be nott oppressed, the Poore be nott
utterlie neglected, and the Ministeris of the word so scharplie
entreated as now thay ar. And, finallie, that those idill bellies, who
by law can crave nothing, shall confesse that thei receave thair
sustentatioun, nott of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble
requeast is thairfoir, that some suddane ordour may be tacken, that
the poore Lauboraris may fynd some releaf, and that in everie
parochine some portioun of the Teyndis may be assigned to the
sustentatioun of the Poore within the same; and lykwise that some
publict releaf may be provided for the Poore within Broughtis; that
collectouris may be appointed to gatther, and that scharpe comptis may
be tacken, alsweall of thair receat as of thair deliverance. The
farther consideratioun to be had to our Ministeris, we in some parte
remitt to your Wisdomes, and unto thair particular complayntis.

Oure Fourt petitioun is for the mansses, yardis, and gleibes, justlie
apperteanyng to the Ministeris, without the quhilkis it is unpossible
unto thame quyetly to serve thair chargeis; and thairfoir we desyre
ordour to be tacken thairinto without delay.

Oure Fyft concerneth the inobedience of certane wicked personis, who
not onlie truble, and have trubled Ministeris in thair functioun, but
also disobey the Superintendentis in thair visitatioun; whairof we
humblye crave remeady; which we do not so much for any fear that we
and our Ministeris have of the Papistis, but for the love that we bear
to the commoun tranquillitie. For this we can not hyd from your
Majestie and Counsall, that yf the Papistis think to triumphe whair
thai may, and to do what thai list, whair thair is not a partie able
to resist thame, that some will think, that the godlie mon begyn whair
thai left, who heirtofoir have borne all thingis patientlie, in hope
that Lawes should have brydilled the wicked; whairof yf thai be
frustrat, (albeit that nothing be more odiouse to thame then tumultis
and domesticall discord,) yit will men attempt the uttermost, befoir
that in thair awin eyes thai behold that House of God demolisshed,
quhilk with travaill and danger God hath within this Realme erected by
thame.

Last, We desyre that sick as have receaved remissioun of thair
Thriddis be compelled to susteane the Ministerie within thair boundis,
or ellis we foirwarne your Grace and Counsall, that we fear that the
people shall reteane the hoill in thair handis, unto sic tyme as thair
ministery be sufficientlie provided. We farther desyre the kirkis to
be repared according to ane Act set furth by the Lordis of Secreat
Counsall, befoir your Majesties arryvall in this countrey: That Judges
be appointed to hear the causes of divorsement; for the Kirk can no
longare sustean that burthen, especiallye becaus thair is no
punishement for the offendars: That sayeris and heararis of Messe,
prophanaris of the Sacramentis, such as have entered in [to] benefices
by the Papis bulles, and such otheris transgressouris of the Law maid
at your Grace's arryvall within this Realme, may be seveirlie
punished; for ellis men will think that thair is no treuth ment in
macking of sick Lawis.

Farther, We most humblye desyre of your Grace and Honorable Counsall,
a resolut ansuer to everie ane of the headis foirwritten, that the
same being knawin, we may somewhat satisfie such as be grevouslie
offended at manifest iniquitie now manteaned, at oppressioun under
pretext of Law done against the poor, and at the rebelliouse
disobedience of many wicked personis against Godis word and holy
ordinance.

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so reull your heartis, and
direct your Grace and Counsallis judgementis by the dyttament and
illuminatioun of his Holy Spreit, that ye may ansuer so as that your
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that rychteous Judge,
the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt nott but ye your selfis shall fynd
felicitie, and this poor Realme, that long hes bene oppressed by
wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillitie and rest, with the treu
knowledge of God.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: ESAI.]

[Sidenote: ANSUERE TO LETHINGTON.]

These thingis redd in publict Assernblie,[806] as said is, war
approved of all, (and some wissed that moir scharpness had bene used,
becaus that the tyme so craved,) but the monzeoris of the Court, and
Secreatarie Lethingtoun abuf otheris, could not abyd such hard
speiking; "For who ever saw it writtin (said he) to a Prince, That God
wold stryck the head and the taill: That yf Papistis did what thei
list, men wold begyn whair thei left." But abuf all otheris that was
most offensyve, that the Quene was accused, as that sche wold raise up
Papists and Papistrie agane. To put that in the people's head was no
less then treassone; for oathes durst be maid[807] that sche never
ment such thing. To whom it was ansured, "That the Prophete Esaias
used such manor of speiking; and it was no doubt but he was weill
acquented in the Court; for it was supposed he was of the Kingis
stock. But howsoever it was, his wordis mack manifest, that he spack
to the Court and Courteouris, to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and
Preastis: And yit, (sayes he,) "The Lord shall cut away the head and
the taill," &c. "And so," said the first wryttar, "I fynd that such
phrase was ones used befoir us. And yf this offend you, that we say,
'Men maun begyn whair thei left,' in case that Papistis do as thei do;
we wold desyre you to teache us, not so much how we shall speak, but
rather what we shall do, when our Ministeris ar strycken, our
Superintendentis disobeyed, and a plane rebellioun decread against all
good ordour." "Complean," said Lethingtoun. "Whom to?" said the other.
"To the Quenis Majestie," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quod the
whole. "Till that ye get remeady," said the Justice Cleark: "geve me
thair names, and I shall geve you letteris." "Yf the shepe," said one,
"shall compleane to the wolf, that the wolves and whelpis hes devoured
thair lambis, the compleanar may stand in danger; but the offendar, we
feare, shall have libertie to hunt after his prey." "Sic
comparisonis," said Lethingtoun, "are verray unsaverie; for I am
assured, that the Quene will neather erect, nor yit manteane
Papistrie." "Let your assurance," said ane other, "serve your self,
but it can not assure us, for hir manifest proceadings speakis the
contrair."

  [806] At the 6th Sess., 4th July.

  [807] In MS. G, "wer maid."

After sick tanting reassonyng of boyth the sydis, the multitude
concluded, that the Supplicatioun, as it was conceaved, should be
presented, onless that the Secreatarie wold forme one more aggreable
to the present necessitie. He promest to keap the substance of ouris,
but he wold use other termes, and ask thingis in a mair gentill maner.
The first writtar ansured, "That he served the Kirk at thair
commandiment, and was content, that in his dictament should men use
the libertie that best pleased thame, provided that he was not
compelled to subscryve to the flatterie of such as more regarded the
personis of men and wemen, then the simple treuth of God." And so was
this formar Supplicatioun gevin to be reformed as Lethingtounis
wisdome thought best. And in verray deid he framed it so, that when it
was delivered by the Superintendentis of Lotheane and Fyfe, and when
that sche had redd somewhat of it, sche said, "Here ar many fair
wordis: I can not tell what the heartis ar." And so for our paynted
oratorye, we war termed the nixt name to flatteraris and dissemblaris.
But for that Sessioun the Kirk receaved none other ansuer.

[Sidenote: JOHNE GORDOUN AND OGILBY.]

Schort after[808] the conventioun of the Kirk, chansed that unhappy
persuyt whilk Johnne Gordoun, Laird of Fynlater,[809] maid upoun the
Lord Ogilby,[810] who was evill hurt, and almost yit abydis mutilat.
The occasioun was, for certane landis and rights, quhilkis old
Fyndlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he was perseuing, and
was in appearance to obteane his purpose. Whairat the said Johne and
his servandis war offended, and thairfoir maid the said persuyt, upoun
a Setterday, at nycht, betwix nyne and ten. The freindis of the said
Lord war eather not with him, or ellis not weall willing to feght that
nycht; for thei took straikis, but geve few that left markis. The
said Johne was tane, and put in the Tolbuyth, whair he remanent
certane dayis, and then brack his warde, some judged, at his fatheris
commandiment; for he was macking preparatioun for the Quenis cuming to
the North, as we will after hear.

  [808] As mentioned in the previous page 337, Knox has mistaken the
  time when the General Assembly met, and in this way he probably
  committed the mistake of saying, "Schort after," instead of "Short
  before the Conventioun." The meetings of the Assembly were from Monday
  the 29th June, till Saturday the 4th July 1562. The above conflict
  took place on Saturday the 27th June. The Magistrates having
  apprehended and imprisoned Gordon of Finlater, and ordered two of the
  Ogilvies to be kept in ward, they sent a messenger to the Queen, who
  was then in Stirling, to obtain her instructions. The Queen's letter,
  dated penult of June, is preserved in the Council Register, and is
  printed by Keith. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 156.) But Sir John Gordon, as
  Knox mentions, soon afterwards made his escape to the North.

  [809] Sir John Gordon was third son of George fourth Earl of Huntley.
  Alexander Ogilvy of Ogilvy, in 1545, having disinherited his son James
  Ogilvy of Cardell, settled his estates of Finlater and Deskford upon
  John Gordon, who assumed the name of Ogilvie, which was the occasion
  of the animosity that existed between the two families. James Ogilvy
  of Cardell had been in France, and was Master of the Household of
  Queen Mary. He was now endeavouring to recover possession of his
  father's estates. The claim between the rival families of Gordon and
  Ogilvy having at length been referred to arbitration, the estates of
  Deskford and Finlater, in 1566, were affirmed to James Ogilvy, the
  ancestor of the Earls of Finlater; and this award was ratified in
  Parliament, 19th April 1567.

  [810] According to most accounts James sixth Lord Ogilvy of Airly was
  so severely wounded in this conflict, on the 27th June 1562, that his
  life was considered to be in imminent danger; but he recovered and
  survived till the year 1606.

The interview and meating of the two Quenis, delayed till the nixt
year, oure Soverane took purpose to visyt the North, and departed from
Striveling in the moneth of August. Whitther thair was any secreat
pactioun and confederacye betwix the Papistis in the South, and the
Erle of Huntley and his Papistis in the North; or, to speak more
planelie, betwix the Quene hir self and Huntley, we can not certanlie
say.[811] But the suspitionis war wounderous vehement, that thair was
no good will borne to the Erle of Murray, nor yit to such as depended
upoun him at that tyme. The History we shall faythfullie declair, and
so leave the judgement free to the readaris.

  [811] In MS. G, "certanely affirme."

That Johne Gordoun brack his ward, we have already heard, who
immediately thairafter reapared to his father George, then Eric of
Huntley;[812] and understanding the Quenis cuming, maid graite
provisioun in Strabogye, and in other partis, as it war to receave the
Quene. At Aberdene the Quene and Court remaned certane dayis to
deliberat upoun the affaires of the countrey; whair some began to
smell, that the Erle of Huntley was under gatthering, as heirefter
shalbe declaired.

  [812] George fourth Earl of Huntley succeeded his grandfather in 1524.
  He became a favourite of King James the Fifth, with whom he had been
  educated. He was admitted a Privy Councillor in 1535, and was
  constituted Lieutenant-General of the North in 1540. In 1546 he
  succeeded Cardinal Beaton as Lord Chancellor. He obtained in 1549 a
  grant of the Earldom of Murray, but this he was forced to resign in
  1559. The estates and dignities of Mar and Murray having afterwards
  been conferred upon Lord James Stewart, this served to encrease those
  fatal dissensions which ultimately led to the Earl's death, at
  Corrichie, on the 28th October 1562.

[Sidenote: BOTHWELL BRAKE WARDE.]

[Sidenote: THE FALS BISHOPE AND HIS TRAFIQUE]

Whill thingis war so wyrking in the North, the Erle Bothwell brack his
ward, and cam furth of the Castell of Edinburgh, the 28th of August.
Some say that he brack the stancheour of the wyndo; utheris whispered,
that he gat easye passage by the yettis. One thing is certane, to wit,
The Quene was litill offended at his eschaiping. Thair passed with him
a servand of the Capitane's, named James Porterfield. The said Erle
schew him self not verray affrayed, for his commoun residence was in
Lowthean. The Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Crosraguell keapt
secreat conventioun that same tyme in Paslay, to whom resorted diverse
Papistis; yea, the said Bischope spack the Duck, unto whom also cam
the Lord Gordon from the Erle of Huntley, requyring him "to putt to
his handis in the South, as he should do in the North; and so it
should not be Knoxis crying nor preaching that should stay that
purpose." The Bischope, be he never so close, could not altogether hyd
his mynd, but at his awin table said, "The Quene is gone into the
North, belyke to seak disobedience: sche may perchance fynd the thing
that sche seikis." It was constantlie affirmed, that the Erle Bothwell
and the said Lord Gordon spack together, but of thair purpoise we
heard no mentioun.

[Sidenote: COMMISSIONARIS.]

That same year, and at that instant tyme, war appointed Commissionaris
by the Generall Assemblie to Carryk and Cunighame, Maister George Hay,
who, the space of a moneth preached with great fruct in all the
churches of Carryk. To Kyle, and to the partis of Galloway was
appointed Johnne Knox, who besyde the doctrine of the evangell schawen
unto the commoun people, foirwarned some of the Nobilitie and Baronis
of the dangearis that he feared, and that war appearing schortlie to
follow; and exhorted thame to put thame selfis in sic ordour as that
thei mycht be able to serve the authoritie, and yit not to suffer the
ennemeis of Goddis treuth to have the upper hand. Whairupoun a great
part of the Baronis and Gentilmen of Kyle and Cunynghame and Carrik,
professing the treu doctrine of the evangell, assembled at Ayre; and
after exhortationis maid, and conference had, subscrivit this Band.
The tennour whairof followis:--

     WE, whais Names are underwrittin, do promesse, in the
     presence of God, and in the presence of his Sone our Lord
     Jesus Christ, that we, and everie ane of us, shall and will
     manteane and assist the preaching of his holy Evangell, now
     of his mear mercy, offered unto this Realme; and also will
     manteane the ministeris of the same against all personis,
     power, and authoritie, that will oppone the self to the
     doctrin proponed, and by us receaved. And farther, with the
     same solempnitie, we protest and promesse, that everie ane
     of us shall assist otheris; yea, and the hoill body of the
     Protestantis within this Realme, in all lauchfull and just
     actionis, against all personis; so that whosoever shall
     hurt, molest, or truble ony of our body, shalbe reaputed
     ennemye to the hoill, except that the offendar wilbe content
     to submit him self to the judgement of the Kirk, now
     establisshed amangis us. And this we do, as we desyre to be
     accepted and favored of the Lord Jesus, and reaccompted
     worthy of credyte and honestie in the presence of the
     godlie. At the Brough of Air, the ferd day of September, the
     year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa zeiris.

     Subscrivit by all these with thair handis, as followis:--

      MR. MICHAELL WALLACE, Provest of Air,[813]
      JAMES LOCKART,[814]
      WILLIAME MONTGOMERY,
      JOHNNE CRAUFURD of Wolstoun,[815]
      GLENCARNE,[816]
      RO. BOYD,[817]
      R. FAILFURD,[818]
      MATTHEW CAMPBELL of Lowden, knyght,
      ALLANE LORD CAYTHCART,
      JOHNNE MURE in Wole,
      HEW WALLACE of Carnell,
      JAMES CHALMER of Gathgirth,
      HEW MONTGOMERY of Hesheilhead,
      JOHNNE FULLARTOUN of Dreghorne,
      I WILLIAME CUNYGHAME, with my hand,
      SKELDOUN,[819]
      FARGUSHILL,[820]
      MR. OF BOYD,[821]
      JOHNNE LOCKART of Barr,
      WILLIAME CUNYGHAME of Capringtoun younger,
      ROBERT KER of Carsland,
      ROBERT CRAWFURD,
      DAVID CRAWFURD,
      WILLIAME CUNYGHAME,
      CHARLES CAMPBELL, Burgess of Air,
      JAMES DALRYMPLE of Stayre,
      MUNGO MURE,
      JAMES REID,
      JAMES KENNEDY, Burgess of Air,
      GEORGE LOCKART, Burgess thair,
      JOHNE CUNYNGHAME of Capringtoun,
      CUNYNGHAMHEID,[822]
      VCHILTRIE,[823]
      GEORGE CRAUFURD of Lefnoreise,
      JOHNE MURE of Rowallane,
      HEW CUNYGHAME of Watterstoun,
      ROBERT CUNYGHAME,
      AKYNHARVYE,[824]
      MYDDILTOUN,[825]
      JOHNE WALLACE of Cragie,
      JOHNE BOYD of Narstoun,
      ROBERT CAMPBELL of Kingzeanclewcht,
      GILBERT ECCLES,
      THOMAS CAYTHCARTE, with my hand,
      ALLANE CAITHCART of Clawance,[826]
      ADAM REYD of Barskymming,
      JOHNNE CAITHCART of Gibiszard,[827]
      JOHNE REID, with my hand,
      JOHNE ...[828]
      ROBERT SCHAW, Burgess thair,
      JOHNNE DUNBAR of Blantyre,
      ROBERT CHALMER of Martnem,[829]
      ROBERT HUNTAR of Huntarstoun,
      ROBERT RANKIN,
      ARCHIBALD BOYLE,
      ALEXANDER NYSBETT,
      JAMES LOCKART,
      WILLIAME STEWART of Halrig,
      HECTOUR DUNBAR of Clousting,
      JAMES CAMPBELL of Louchley,
      ADAM CAITHCART of Bardarocht,
      GEORGE RYD of Chapellhouse,
      HEW WALLACE of the Meanfurd,
      ROBERT CAMPBELL of Cragdow,
      ANDRO NEVEN of Monkredden,
      WILLIAME CAITHCART,
      DAVID CRAUFURD of the Kerse,
      JOHNNE KENNYDYE of Ternganoche,
      PATRIK KENNYDIE of Daljarocht,[830]
      ALLANE CAITHCART of Carlton,
      ROBERT BOYD of Pemont,[831]
      WILLIAME CAMPBELL of Horsclewcht,[832]
      WILLIAME CAITHCART, brother to the Lord Caithcart,
      JOHNNE MACQUHIDAILL,
      GEORGE CORRY of Kelwod,
      WILLIAME KENNYDIE of Ternganocht,
      JOHNNE KENNYDIE of Kirkmichaell,
      THOMAS MACKALEXANDER of Corsclais.[833][834]

  [813] The Provost of Ayr was, no doubt, Wallace of Holmstone, on the
  south bank of the river, about a mile from the town.

  [814] Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee.

  [815] Or Walston, parish of Tarbolton.

  [816] Alexander fourth Earl of Glencairn.

  [817] Robert fourth Lord Boyd: see page 259, note 7.

  [818] Robert Cunningham, minister of Failfurd: see a subsequent note.

  [819] William Campbell of Skeldon, in the parish of Dalrymple.

  [820] John Fergushill of Fergushill, in the parish of Kilwinning.

  [821] Robert Master of Boyd. He predeceased his father Lord Boyd.

  [822] Sir William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead.

  [823] Andrew second Lord Stewart of Ochiltrie.

  [824] In the list this appears as a distinct name, but Robert
  Cunningham was Laird of Auchinharvy.

  [825] The Laird of Middleton was also a Cunningham.

  [826] Or Clavanes, parish of Dundonald.

  [827] Or Gibb's-yard.

  [828] In all the copies of Knox this name is left blank, his
  transcriber in 1566 apparently being unable to decypher it.

  [829] Or Martinham, parish of Dalrymple.

  [830] Or Daljarrock, parish of Colmonell.

  [831] Or Piedmont.

  [832] Or Horsecleuch, in the parish of Cumnock, a designation assumed
  by the Campbells of Skerrington, although probably at first by a
  distinct branch of the family.

  [833] Or Corseclays, in the parish of Colmonell.

  [834] In MS. G, at the end of this list of names is added, "With many
  uther Gentilmen of worth, and Burgesses." In MS. L 4, the list is
  dated, the 3d of September; but the names of the Subscribers of this
  Bond are only partially given; but adding these words, "with an
  hundreth more gentlemen," &c. Calderwood also gives a similar abridged
  list. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 202.)

These thingis done at Ayr, the said Johne passed to Nethisdaill and
Galloway, whair, in conference with the Maister of Maxwell,[835] a man
of great judgment and experience, he communicat with him such thingis
as he feared; who by his motioun wraytt to the Erle Bothwell, to
behave himself as it became a faythfull subject, and to keape good
quyetness in the partis committed to his charge, and so wold his cryme
of the breaking of the ward be the more easelie pardoned. Johne Knox
wrait unto the Dukis Grace, and earnestlie exhorted him neather to
geve eare to the Bischope[836] his bastard brother, nor yit to the
persuasionis of the Erle of Huntley; for yf he did, he assured him,
that he and his House should come to a suddane ruyn.

  [835] Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, Warden of the West Marches: see
  vol. i. p. 319.

  [836] Giving ear to the Bishop, that is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of
  St. Andrews.

By such meanis war the South partis keapte in reassonable quyetness,
during the tyme that the trubles war in brewing in the North. And yit
the Bischope and the Abbote of Corsraguell,[837] did what in thame lay
to have rased some truble; for besydis the fearfull bruytes that thei
sparsed abroad, (sometymes that the Quene was tacken; sometymes that
the Erle of Murray and all his band war slane; and sometymes that the
Quene had gevin her self unto the Erle of Huntley,--besydis such
bruites) the Bischope, to brek the countrey of Kyle, whair quyetness
was greatest, rased the Craufurdis against the Readis for the payment
of the Bischopis Pasche fynes; but that was stayed by the laubouris of
indifferent men, who favored peace.

  [837] Quintin Kennedy was the fourth son of Gilbert second Earl of
  Cassillis. As a younger son, intended for the church, he pursued his
  studies at St. Andrews, and afterwards at Paris. He obtained the
  Abbacy of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, in the year 1549. He died on the
  22d August 1564. See notice of his life in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol.
  i. p. 89.

[Sidenote: DISPUTATIOUN.]

[Sidenote: CROSRAGUELL OFFFRED HIM ANES TO PREACH.]

The Abbot of Crosraguell requyred disputatioun of Johne Knox for
mantenance of the Messe, which was granted unto him, and whiche held
in Mayboll thre dayis. The Abbot had the advantage that he requyred,
to wit, He took upoun him to prove that Melchisedeck offered bread and
wyne unto God, which was the ground that the Messe was builded upoun
to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the travaill of thre dayis thair could
no prooff be produced for Melchisedeckis oblatioun, as in the same
disputatioun (which is to be had in print[838]) clearlie may appear.
The Papistis constantlie looked for a wolter, and thairfoir thei wold
maid some bragg of reassonyng. The Abbote farther presented him self
to the pulpit, but the voice of Maister George Hay[839] so effrayed
him, that efter ones he wearyed of that exercise.

  [838] The Disputation referred to took place at Maybole in September
  1562. Knox published a detailed account of it, under the title of "The
  Copie of the Reasonyng which was betwix the Abbot of Crossraguell and
  Johne Knox, in Maybole, concerning the Masse," &c. Printed at
  Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1563, 4to. This, of course, will be
  reprinted in a subsequent volume of his Works.

  [839] Mr. George Hay was first minister of Eddilston, and in or before
  1563, was appointed Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and Banff,
  and also Minister of Ruthven. In August 1562, he had been appointed to
  visit Ayrshire (see page 347); and Knox's allusion is evidently to
  Hay's controversy with the Abbot at this time, which was published
  under this title, "The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguells
  Masse, set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by
  Robert Lekprewik, 1563," 4to; dedicated "To the Most Noble, Potent,
  and Godly Lord James, Earle of Murray."

After that the Quene was somewhat satisfyed of hunting, and other
pastyme,[840] sche cam to Abirdene, whair the Erle of Huntley met hir
and his Lady, with no small tryne, remaned in Court, was supposed to
have the greatest credyte, departed with the Quene to Buchquhane, met
hir again at Rothymay, looking that sche should have passed with him
to Strabogye. But in the jorney certane word cam to hir that Johne
Gordoun had brocken promesse in not re-entering in ward; for his
father the Erie had promessed that he should enter agane within the
Castell of Stryveling, and thair abyd the Quenis pleasur. But whetther
with his fatheris knowledge and consent, or without the same we know
not, but he refused to enter; which so offended the Quene, that she
wold not go to Strabogye, but passed through Straythyla to Innerness,
whair the Castell thairof was denyed unto hir. The Capitane was
commanded to keape it, and looked for releaf, for so had Johne of
Gordoun promessed; but being thairof frustrat, the Castell was
randered, and the Capitane named Gordoun was executed; the rest war
damned, and the handis of some bound, but eschaiped.

  [840] The following is a brief notice of the Queen's progress in the
  North of Scotland. She set out from Edinburgh, on horseback, on the
  11th August 1562, dined that day at Calder, and then reached the
  Palace of Linlithgow. Next day, after dinner, at Lord Livingstone's,
  in Callander House, she came to Stirling Castle, where she remained
  till the 18th. She proceeded to Aberdeen, where she arrived on the
  27th, and remained till the 1st of September. Having changed her
  purpose of visiting the Earl of Huntley, she proceeded, stopping at
  places not so well prepared for her reception, passed the Spey, and
  reached Elgin on the 4th. On the 8th she passed forward to Kinloss
  Abbey; on the following day to Tarnaway Castle, the chief mansion of
  the Earldom of Murray, where a Privy Council was held on the 10th of
  September; and Lord James Stewart having resigned the title of Mar,
  produced his patent, and assumed the title of Murray. Next day the
  Queen reached Inverness. On the 15th she set out on her return,
  stopping at Tarnaway and Spynie Castle, recrossed the Spey at
  Fochabers, and reached Aberdeen on the 22d, where the inhabitants
  shewed their loyalty on occasion of her public entry. Here she
  remained till the 5th of November, during which time the fatal
  conflict at Corrichie took place, ensuring the triumph of Murray, and
  the ruin of Huntley, which Chalmers and other writers assert was the
  chief object in inducing the Queen to undertake this journey. In her
  return she passed through Dunottar, Montrose, Dundee, Perth, and
  arrived at Holyrood on the evening of the 21st of November, after more
  than three months' absence. See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. i.
  sect. iv.

[Sidenote: SO WAS THE DUCK, THE ERLIS ERGYLE, MURRAY, AND GLENCARNE,
WITH ALL THAIR COMPANIES AFTER SERVED.][841]

  [841] Being denounced rebels, in August and October 1565.--Some
  letters in this marginal note, cut away by the binder, are supplied
  from MS. G.

This was the begynning of farther truble; for the Erie of Huntley
thairat offended, began to assemble his folkis, and spaired not to
speak that he wold be revenged. But alwayes his Wyef bayre faire
countenance to the Quene; and it is verrely supposed, that no other
harme then the Quene hir self could easilie have stand content with,
was ment unto hir awin persone. But the hoill malice lay upoun the
Erie of Murray, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and upoun the Lard of
Pittarro. Yitt the Quene begane to be effrayed, and by proclamatioun
caused warne Stryveling, Fyffe, Anguss, Mearness, and Straytherne,
charge all substantiall men to be in Abirdene the fyfth day of
October, thair to remane the space of twenty dayis. In hir returning
from Innerness, sche required the Castell of Fynlater, which was
lykewise denyed, and so was Auchendowne, which more inflammed the
Quein. The Erie of Huntley was charged to caus deliver the said
housses, under pane of treasson. To schaw some obedience, he caused
the keyis of boyth to be presented by his servand, Mr. Thomas Keyr.
But befoir had the Quene send young Capitane Stewarte, (sone to
Capitane James,[842] who to this day hes neather bein stout, happye,
nor trew,) with sex scoir of soldartis, to ly about the said place of
Fynlater. They lodged in Culane, nott far distant from the said place.
Upoun a nycht Johne Gordoun cam with a cumpany of horsemen, took the
Capitane, slew certane of the soldiouris, and disarmed the rest. This
fact, done (as the Quene alledged) under traist, so inflambed hir,
that all hope of reconciliatioun was past; and so the said Erle of
Huntley was charged, under pane of putting of him to the home, to
present him self and the said Johne befoir the Quene and Counsall
within sax dayis: whiche charge he disobeyed, and so was denunced
rebell. Whitther it was law or not, we dispute litill thairintill; but
it was a preparative to otheris that after war served with that same
measure. He was sought at his place of Strathbogye, but eschaped.

  [842] Apparently Capt. Alexander Stewart, son of Capt. James Stewart
  of Cardonald, who is mentioned at page 329. On the 29th October 1562,
  there was paid by the Queen's speciale command "to Capitane Moffet
  ensinge to Capitane Stewart for his trew service done and to be done,
  £66, 13s. 4d."

[Sidenote: 1562.]

The evill encreased, for the Erle assembled his folk out of all partes
of the North. He martched forward towardis Abirdene, and upoun the
twenty-twa day of October, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa
yearis, cam to the Loch of Skein. His army was judged to sevin or
aught hundreth men. The Quenis army, boyth in nomber and manhead, far
surmounted his, and yitt he took no fear; for he was assured of the
most parte of thame that war with the Quene, as the ishew did witness.
Within the toune thei stood in great fear; and thairfoir it was
concluded that thei wold assaile the uttermost upoun the feildis. The
Forbesses, Hayes, and Leslyes, took the vantgard, and promessed to
feght the said Erle without any other helpe. Thei passed furth of the
toune before ten houris. Thei putt thame selfis in array, but thei
approached not to the enemye till that the Erle of Murray and his
cumpanye war come to the feildis, and that was efter two at efter
none; for he was appointed with his cumpanye onlye to have beholden
the battell. But all thingis turned otherwyese then the most parte of
men supposed.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF HUNTLEYIS PRAYER.]

The Erle of Huntley was the nycht befoir determined to have retyred
him self and his cumpanye; but that mornyng he could not be walkened
before it was ten houres, and when he was up on foote his spreitis
failed him, (be reassone of his corpolencie,) so that rychtlie a longe
tyme he could do nothing. Some of his freindis, fearing the danger,
left him. When that he looked upoun boyth the cumpanyes, he said,
"This great cumpany that approcheth neyest to us will do us no harm,
thei ar our freindis. I only fear yonder small cumpayne that stand
upoun the hill-syd, yone ar our enemyes. But we ar anew for thame, yf
God be with us." And when he had thus spoken, he fell upoun his knees,
and maid his prayer in this forme. "O Lord, I have been a bloode
thristye man, and by my meanes hes mekle innocent bloode bein spilt;
but wilt thou geve me victory this day, and I shall serve thee all the
dayis of my lyef."--Note and observe, good Readar, he confessed that
be had bein a blood-thristy man, and that he had bein the cause of the
schedding of much innocent bloode: but yitt wold he have had victorye;
and what was that ellis, but to have had power to have schedd more,
and then wold he have satisfied God for all togetther. Wherein is
expressed the nature of hypocrytis, whiche neather farther feareth nor
loveth God then present danger or proffeitt suadeth. But to our
Historye.

[Sidenote: CORRECHY BURNE, OR FARA BANK.]

[Sidenote: THE TREASSONABLE FACT OF THE NORTH.]

[Sidenote: SECRETARIE LETHINGTOUN HIS ORISONE ATT CORRECHIE.]

The Leslyes, Hayes, and Forbesses, espying the Erle of Murray and his
to be lyghted upoun thair foote, maid fordwarde against the Erle of
Huntley and his, who stoode in Correchie Burne, (some call it Fara
Bank;)[843] but or thei approched, ney by the space of the schote of
ane arrow, they caist frome thame thair spearis and long weaponis, and
fled directlie in the faces of the Erle of Murray and his company. The
danger espyed, the Lard of Pettarro, a man boyth stout and of a reddy
wytt, with the Maister, now Lord Lyndsay, and Tutour of Pettcur,[844]
said, "Let us cast downe spearis to the formest, and lett thame nott
come amanges us, for thair is no doubt but that this flying is by
treassone." And so thei did: so that they that fled keapt thame selfis
apart frome the few nomber that war marching upoun foote in ordour.
The Erle of Huntley, seing the vantgard flie, said unto his company,
"Oure freindis ar honest men, they have keapt promesse: lett us now
rencounter the rest." And so he and his, as suyre of victorye,
martched fordwarte.

  [843] The battle of Corrichie takes its name from the vale or small
  stream so called, in the parish of Mid-Mar, about twenty miles west of
  Aberdeen. The hill of Fare is computed to be 1793 feet above the level
  of the sea.

  [844] This veteran has been several times mentioned by Knox: see vol.
  i. p. 317; vol. ii. pp. 56, 63. It may be added that at a later period
  of life he obtained a grant of the Commendatorship of the Priory of
  Pittenweem. As elsewhere mentioned he died in 1588, aged seventy. He
  was buried in the church of Dundee, and the inscription on his
  monument, which, I believe, is still preserved, was published by
  Monteith, in his "Theater of Mortality." Edinb. 1713, 8vo.

The Secreatarie, in few wordis, maid a vehement orisoun, and willed
everie man to call upoun his God, to remember his deuitie, and nott to
fear the multitude; and, in the end, concluded thus: "O Lord, thou
that reullis the heavin and the earth, look upoun us thy servandis,
whose bloode this day is most unjustlie sought, and to man's judgement
is sold and betrayed: Our refuge is now unto thee and our hope is in
thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Erle of Huntley,
and the rest of our ennemyes. Yf ever we have injustlie sought his or
thair destructioun and bloode, lett us fall in the edge of the sweard.
And, O Lord, yf thou knowest our innocencye, manteane thou and
preserve us for thy great mercyes saik."

[Sidenote: THE RESPONSE OF THE ERLE OF HUNTLEIS WYTTCHES.]

[Sidenote: 12 JUNIJ, 1566.][845]

  [845] In MS. G, this marginal date is inserted in the text.

Schort after the speaking of these and the lyke wordis, the formar
rankis joyned, for Huntleyis cumpany maid great haist. They war
repulsed by the Maister of Lyndsay, and the cumpanyes of Fyffe and
Anguss. Some of thame that fledd returned, and followed the Erle of
Murray, but gave na straykis till that Huntleyis cumpanye geve back.
In the front thair war slane about eighteen or twenty-foure men, and
in the fleyeing thair fell ney a hundreth. Thair was tacken a
hundreth, and the rest war spaired. The Erle himself was tacken alyve;
his two sons, Johne foirsaid, and Adam Gordoun, war tacken with him.
The Erle, immediatlie after his tacken, departed this lyiff without
any wound, or yitt appearance of any strock, whairof death might have
enseued; and so, becaus it was laitt, he was cassen over-thorte a pair
of crealles, and so was caryed to Abirdene, and was laid in the
Tolbuyth thairof, that the response whiche his wyffis wyttches had
gevin mycht be fulfilled, whay all affirmed (as the most parte say,)
that that same nycht should he be in the Tolbuyth of Abirdene without
any wound upoun his body. When his Lady gatt knowledge thairof, sche
blamed hir principale witche, called Janet; but sche stoutlie defended
hir self, (as the devill can ever do,) and affirmed that she geve a
trew answer, albeit she spack nott all the treuth; for she knew that
he should be thair dead:[846] but that could nott proffeit my
Lady.[847] Scho was angrye and sorye for a seassone, but the Devill,
the Messe, and wyttches have als great credyte of hir this day as thei
had sevin yearis ago.

  [846] In MS. L 4, all the words after "should be there dead," are
  omitted.

  [847] Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Robert Lord Keith, who with his
  father William third Earl Marischal, was killed at Floddon in 1513.

The Erle of Murray send message unto the Quene of the mervalouse
victorye, and humblie prayed hir to schaw that obedience to God as
publictlie to convene with thame, to geve thankis unto God for his
notable deliverance. Sche glowmed boyth at the messenger[848] and at
the requeast, and skarselie wold geve a good worde or blyth
countenance to any that sche knew earnest favoraris of the Erle of
Murray, whose prosperitie was and yitt is, a verray vennoume to hyr
boldened harte, against him for his godlynes and uprycht plainess. Of
many dayes she bair no better countenance; whairby it myght have bene
evidentlie espyed, that sche rejosed nott greatlie of the successe of
that mater; and albeit sche caused execut Johne Gordoun and diverse
otheris, yitt it was the destructioun of otheris that sche sought.

  [848] In MS. 1566, "message."

[Sidenote: THE LADY FORBES HIR WOURDIS.]

Upoun the morow after the disconfiture, the Lady Forbess, a woman
boyth wyese and fearing God, cam amangis many other to vesytt the
corps of the said Erle; and seing him ly upoun the cold steanes,
having onlye upoun him a doublat of cammoise, a pair of Scottishe gray
hoise, and covered with ane arrass-work,[849] she said, "What
stabilitie shall we judge to be into this world: thair lyeth he that
yesterday in the morneyng was holden the wyesest, the richest, and a
man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in verray dead
sche lyed nott; for, in mannis opinioun, under a prince, thair was not
suche a one these thre hundreth yearis in this Realme produced. Bott
felicitie and worldlye wisdome so blynded him, that in the end he
perished in thame, as shall all those that dyspyse God, and trust in
thame selfis.[850]

  [849] In MS. L 4, "an Yrish work."

  [850] In MS. G, in this place there is a marginal note, "Let utheris
  that yet live mark this."

Johne Gordoun,[851] at his death, confessed many horrible thingis,
devised by his father, by his brother, and by him self. Thair war
letteris found in the Erles pocket, that disclosed the treassone of
the Erle of Sutherland, and of diverse otheris. Mr. Thomas Keir, who
befoir was the hole counsallour to the Erle foirsaid, disclosed
whatsoever he understoode myght hurte the Gordones and thair freyndis:
and so the treassone planelie disclosed, whiche was, that the Erle of
Murray with certane otheris should have bene murthered in Strabogye;
the Quene should have bene tane, and keapt at the devotioun of the
said Erle of Huntley.

  [851] See page 345, note 2.

[Sidenote: 1562.]

[Sidenote: MENIS JUDGEMENTIS OF THE QUENIS MARIAGE.]

These thingis (we say) reveilled, the Quene left the North,[852] and
cam to Dondye, Sanct Johnestoun, Stirveling, and then to
Edinburgh.[853] The Erle of Huntleyis body was caryed about in a
boat,[854] and laid without buriall in the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, till
the day of his forfaltour, as after shall be declaired.[855] The Duck
apprehended the Lord Gordoun[856] his sone in law, becaus that the
Quene had straitlie commanded him so to do, yf he repaired within his
boundis. Befoir he delivered him, the Erle of Murray laubored at the
Quenis hand for the saiftye of his lyeff, which hardly was granted;
and so was he delivered within the Castell of Edinburgh, the
twenty-aught day of November, whair he remaned till the aught of
Februare, when he was put to ane assise, accused, and convict of
treassone; but was restored agane, first to the Castell foirsaid, and
thairafter was transported to Dumbar, whair he remaned preasoner till
the moneth of August, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir fyve yearis,
as we will after hear.

  [852] In MS. L 4, this sentence reads, "These thingis thus reveilled,
  the Quene returned shortlie efter, leaving the Thesaurer, Mr. James
  M^c Gill, Mr. John Spence of Condie, and the Laird of Pittarrow in
  Aberdene, to compone for the eschetes of those who were in the fields
  with the Erle of Huntlie." Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 200) copies
  these words verbatim. The Treasurer in his Accounts from February
  1561-2 to February 1562-3, charges himself with £3542, 6s. 8d., as the
  composition of various persons in the North for assisting, &c. George
  Earl of Huntley, "in Campo de Correchie, in mense Oct. ult." In
  October £33 was paid to Archibald Earl of Argyle, Lord Justice, and
  £62 to Sir John Bellenden, Justice Clerk, for the time they remained
  in Aberdeen. "Item, to John Johnstoun, Clerk of the Secreit Counsel,
  for his extraordinar wagis and ane servand, awaiting upoun the Quenis
  grace and Lordis of hir Secreit Counsel, all the tyme fra hir Grace
  departing furth of Edinburgh towart the North partis, fra the first
  day of August, 1562 zeris, to the last day of November in the said
  zeir, extending to 122 dayis, &c. £100."

  [853] On the 21st November.

  [854] The following payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, confirm this
  notice of the Earl's contemplated forfeiture:--

    1562, November, Item to Patrick Hume,
      for the fraucht of his schip, of Abirdene
      to Leith,                             £10
    --for the carriage of ane kist, quhairin
      wes contenit my Lord of Huntleis
      bodie, of Leith to Edinburgh,         4s.
    --for bandis for the same,             10s.
    --to Robert Hendersone, chirurgen, for
      expensis maid be him upoun spicis,
      vinagre, acquavitie, pulderis, odouris,
      and hardis, with sindrie utheris necessaris,
      and for his laubouris in the
      handeling of the said Erle of Huntleis
      bodie that it suld nocht putrefie, as
      compt gevin in be the said Robert,
      beris                        £28, 3s. 4d.

  [855] See _infra_, page 380.

  [856] George Lord Gordon was the second son of the Earl of Huntley. He
  succeeded his elder brother Alexander Lord Gordon, who died in 1553,
  without issue. Alexander married Lady Margaret, the second daughter,
  and George, Lady Anne, the third daughter of the Duke of
  Chattelherault. On his father's death at Corrichie, George became
  fifth Earl of Huntley. But being apprehended, he was convicted of
  treason on the 8th February 1562-3, his estates forfeited, and he
  himself sentenced to be executed. The latter part of the sentence
  however being delayed, he was sent to Dunbar Castle, where he remained
  a prisoner until August 1565. He was then restored to favour, and
  adhered to the Queen's party. He was advanced to be Lord Chancellor in
  March 1566, and after several changes of fortune, he died in 1576.

In this meantyme the trubles war hote in France; and the intelligence
and outward familiaritie betwix the two Quenis was great. Lethingtoun
was direct with large commissioun both to the Quene of England and
unto the Guisianes. The mariage of our Queyn was in all mannis mouth.
Some[857] wold have Spaine; some the Emperouris brother; some Lord
Robert Dudlye; some Duck de Nemours; and some unhappilie gessed at the
Lord Darnlye. What Lethingtounis credyte was, we know not; but schorte
after thair began much to be talked of the Erle of Levenox, and of his
sone, the Lord Darnlye. It was said that Lethingtoun spack the Lady
Margarete Dowglass,[858] and that Robert Melven[859] receaved ane
horse to the Secreatare's use, fra the Erle of Levenox, or from his
wyff. Howsoever it was, Maister Foullare, servand to the said Erle,
cam with letteris to the Quenis Grace, by the which, licence was
permitted to the Erle of Levenox to cum to Scotland, to travell in his
lauchfull busynes. That same day that the licence was granted, the
said Secreatarye said, "This day have I tacken the deadlie haiterent
of all the Hamyltonis within Scotland, and have done unto thame no
less displeasur than that I had cutted thair throttis."

  [857] Of the five persons here named, who were proposed as husband to
  Queen Mary, the first was Don Carlos, Infant of Spain, son of Philip
  the Second, born in 1545, and died in 1568. The next was the Archduke
  Charles, a younger son of the Emperor Ferdinand the First, and brother
  of Maximilian the Second, born in 1540, and died in 1596. The third
  was Lord Robert Dudley, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, who created
  him Earl of Leicester, born in 1532, and died in 1588. The fourth was
  James (of the house of Savoy) Duke de Nemours, born in 1531, and died
  in 1585. He was reckoned as "l'un des plus beaux Princes de son tems,
  et des plus braves, fut liberal, magnifique, et sçavoit des langues."
  In 1566, he married Anne d'Este, widow of Francis Duke de Guise.
  (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p. 512.) The last was Henry Lord
  Darnley, eldest son of Matthew Earl of Lennox, born 1545, and whom she
  afterwards married, 29th July 1565.

  [858] See page 335, note 2.

  [859] Robert Melvin or Melville, the second son of Sir John Melville
  of Raith. In May 1555, "Robert Melville, servand to the Quenis Grace,
  received be hir speciale command," the sum of £50; and in September
  following, £75, as his pension for the Whitsunday term, that year. He
  had long resided at the Court of France, during the reign of Henry the
  Second; and was afterwards much employed in public affairs. He was
  knighted in 1582, and was raised to the Peerage, by the title of Lord
  Melville of Monimail, in 1616, having survived till 1621, when he died
  at the very advanced age of 94.

The Erle Bothwell, who befoir had brocken ward, fearing apprehensioun,
prepared to pas to France; but by storme of weather was dryven into
England, whair he was stayed, and was offerred to have bein randered
by the Quene of England. But our Quenis ansuer was, "That he was no
rebell, and thairfoir sche requeasted that he should have libertie to
pas whair it pleiseth him."[860] And thairto Lethingtoun helped not a
litill; for he travailled to have freindis in everie factioun of the
Courte. And so obteined the said Erle licence to pas to France.

  [860] In MS. G, "quhair he pleased."

[Sidenote: THE PREACHEOURIS RAILLED UPOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

[Sidenote: THE PREACHERIS ADMONITIOUN AFTER THE DEATH OF THE ERLE
HUNTLEY.]

[Sidenote: HUNTLYE.][861]

  [861] In MS. G, "mening of Huntlie."

[Sidenote: LET THE WARLDE JUDGE NOWE, 1571, FOR LETHINGTOUN THEN WAS
THE FATHER OF ALL MISCHEIF.[862]

  [862] In MS. 1566, the marginal note at the top of the next page,
  judging from the different hand and colour of ink, was evidently added
  in 1571. The words "then was," refer to the year 1562-3. The note
  occurs in MS. G, with this addition, "then was (as he is now)."

The wynter after the death of the Erle of Huntley, the Courte remaned
for the maist part in Edinburgh. The Preacheouris war wonderous
vehement in reprehensioun of all maner of vice, which then began to
habound; and especiallie avarice, oppressioun of the poor, excesse,
ryotouse chear, banketting, immoderat dansing, and hurdome, that
thairof enseuis. Whairat the Courteouris began to storme, and began to
pyck querrallis against the Preachearis, alledging that all thair
preaching was turned to raylling. Whairunto one of thame gave ansuer
as followeth: "It cumis to our earis that we ar called raillaris,
whairof albeit we wounder, yitt we ar not eschamed, seing that the
most worthy servandis of God that befoir us have travalled in this
vocatioun, have so bein styled. But unto you do I say, that that same
God, who from the begyning has punished the contempt of his word, and
hes poured furth his vengeance upoun such proude mockaris, shall not
spair you; yea, he shall not spair you befoir the eyis of this same
wicked generatioun, for the pleasur whairof ye dispyse all holsome
admonitionis. Have ye not sein ane greattar than any of you sitting
whair presentlie ye sitt, pyck his naillis, and pull down his bonet
ower his eyis, when idolatrie, witchecraft, murther, oppressioun, and
such vices war rebuked? Was not his commoun talk, When thei knaiffis
have railled thair fill, then will thei hald thair peace? Have ye not
heard it affirmed to his awin face, that God should revenge that his
blasphemy, evin in the eyis of such as war witnesses to his iniquitie?
Then was the Erle Huntley accused by you, as the manteanar of
idolatrie, and only hinderar of all good ordour. Him hes God punished,
evin according to the threatnyngis that his and your earis heard; and
by your handis hath God executed his judgementis. But what amendment
in any caise can be espyed in you? Idolatrie was never in greattar
rest: vertew and verteouse men war never in more contempt: vice was
never more bold, nor less feared punishement. And yitt who guydis the
Quene and Court? Who but the Protestantis? O horrible sclanderaris of
God, and of his holie evangell. Bettir it war unto you plainelie to
renunce Christ Jesus, then thus to expone his blessed Evangell to
mockage. Yf God punishe not you, that this same aige shall see and
behold your punishement,[863] the Spreit of rychteous judgement guydis
me not."

  [863] In MS. G, is this marginal note, which cannot be attributed to
  the author:--"The end declared thair words to be trew." Lethington, it
  is well known, having adhered to the Queen's party, he remained in the
  Castle of Edinburgh during the whole time of the siege by the English
  troops in 1573, until its surrender, under promise that the Governor
  and his associates should be favourably treated. But Queen Elizabeth
  delivered them up to their implacable enemy the Regent Morton; and
  Lethington was with Kirkaldy of Grange, and the other prisoners,
  carried to Leith; but whether it was his own act, to save the disgrace
  of a public execution, or that of others, he died, "not without
  suspicion of poison," on the 9th June 1573.

[Sidenote: THE DEFENCE OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

This vehemence provocked the hatterent, not onlie of the Courteouris,
but also of diverse otheris against the speakar;[864] for such as be
in credyte never lack flatteraris. "Thair brethren of the Courte war
irreverentlie handilled. What was that, but to raise the heartis of
the people against thame? Thei did what thei myght; such speaking wold
cause thame do less." And this was the frute the Preachearis gatthered
of thair just reprehensionis.

  [864] In MS. G, "the speaker, quhilk was John Knox."

[Sidenote: 1562.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISE.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche,[865] holden the twenty-fyve of
December, the year of God 1562, approched, in the which, great
complentis war maid, that churches lacked Ministeris; that Ministeris
lacked thair stipendis; that wicked men war permitted to be
School-maisteris, and so to infect the youth; amongis whom one Maister
Robert Cumyn, school-maister in Aberbrothok, was compleaned upoun by
the Laird of Dun,[866] and sentence was pronunced against him. It was
farther compleaned, that idolatrie was erected in diverse partis of
the Realme; for redress whairof, some thought best, that new
supplicatioun should be presented to the Quenis Grace. Otheris
demanded, what ansuer was receaved of the formar? The Superintendent
of Lowtheane confessed the deliverance of it, "But," said he, "I
receaved no ansuer." It was ansuered for the parte of the Quene, (for
hir suppostis war ever thair,) "That it was weill knawin to the hoill
Realme what trubles had occurred since the last Assemblie; and
thairfoir, that thei should not wounder albeit that the Quene had not
ansuered: but betwix that and the Parliament which was appointed in
May, thei doubted not but that such ordour should be tacken, as all
men should have occasioun to stand content." This satisfyed, for that
tyme, the hoill assemblie: And this was the practise of the Quene and
of hir Counsall, with fair wordis to dryve tyme, as befoir we have
said.

  [865] In MS. G, "of the Kirk."

  [866] John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns.
  Calderwood repeats this notice, and says, that Cumming was accused
  "for infecting the youth committed to his charge with idolatrie."

The Assemblie, nochtwithstanding, proceided fordward in establessing
of such ordouris, as whairby vice myght be punished, and vertew myght
be manteaned. And becaus that thair was a great sclander rissen upoun
Paule Meffen,[867] of whom mentioun is maid in the Secound Booke of
this Historie, commissioun and charge was gevin unto Johne Knox,
minister of Edinburgh, and unto certane of the eldaris of the Kirk of
Edinburgh, to pass to the toune of Jedburgh, whair the said sclander
was rased, and to be found thair the thrid of Januar nixt, for the
tryall to be tane in the sclander rased, and to hear the articules and
complaynt of the said Paule; and after the tryall, to report the
treuth to the Sessioun of the Churche of Edinburgh; to whom, with the
assistance of the Superintendent of Lowthiane, commissioun was gevin
to decern thairintill. The tryall and examinatioun of that cryme was
difficill. The sclander was universall in that toune and countrey. The
servand woman of the said Paule had betwix termes left his house; sche
had borne a child; no father to it could she fynd; but alledged hir
self to have bein oppressed late in ane evening. The said Paule
constantlie affirmed him self innocent, and wold have gevin his
publict purgatioun; but becaus that his accusatouris had tacken upoun
thame to prove thair accusatioun, that was denyed. Many witnesses war
produced, of whom some deponed so clearlie, that the Commissionaris
suspected that thei had bene suborned, and thairfoir thei requyred to
have inspectioun of the places, whair some said thei saw, and some
said thei heard thame in the verray act of iniquitie. The syght and
consideratioun of the places augmented greatlie the suspitioun. But
one thing was most suspitiouse of all otheris; for the wyiff of the
said Paull, ane auncient matron, was absent from him the space of
aucht or nyne weakis in Dundye; which tyme (or at least a great part
thairof) thei suspected, and he lay nyghtlie in ane house, without
other cumpany than a child of sevin or eight yearis of aige.

  [867] Knox has previously mentioned Paul Methven as an active and
  zealous preacher, (vol. i. p. 300.) The proceedings against him by
  order of the Assembly, contained in the Book of the Kirk, consist of
  extracts from Calderwood. Knox was appointed on the 30th December
  1562, to proceed to Jedburgh, and on the 3d of January to take trial
  of the slander raised against Methven. At the next General Assembly,
  on the 25th June 1563, Knox reported that Methven had been removed
  from his charge, and excommunicated.

[Sidenote: HEIR THE INIQUITIE OF PAULL MEFFEN WAS CLEARLIE PROVEN]

The Judges, notwithstanding these suspitionis, haveing a good opinioun
of the honestye and godlynes of the man, travalled what thei could
(conscience not hurte) to purge him of the sclander. But God, who wold
not that such vilanye should be clocked and conceiled within his
Churche, otherwyese had decreed; for he brought the brother of the
gyltie woman to the toune, having no mind of such materis, who being
produced by the accusatouris, as one that was prevey of the fact, and
knew the veritie with all circumstances: This witness, (we say,) which
could not be suspected, being produced, maid the mater so plane and
clear, that all suspitioun was removed; for he it was that convoyed
the woman away; he it was that caused the child to be baptised,
alledging it to be his awin: he it was that caryed frequent message
betwix thame, and from Paull caryed money and claythis diverse tymes.
How soon that ever the said Paule saw that man produced, as witnesse,
he withdrew himself, and left the toune, by that mean plainlie tacken
upon him the cryme; and so the Commissionaris with full informatioun
returned to Edinburgh, and notified the fact unto the Churche, who
caused publictlie summond the said Paull to hear the sentence
pronunced; who not compearing, in the end, for his odiouse cryme and
contumacye, was publictlie excommunicated, and depryved of all
functioun within the Churches of Scotland: and so left he the Realme.

For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the ordour keapt in
punishment of the same: formar, To foirwarne such as travaill in that
vocatioun, that, according to the admonitioun of the Apostle, "Suche
as stand, tack head lest thei fall." No man in the begyning of the
Evangell was judged more fervent and more upryght, and yit we have
heard how far Sathane has prevailled against him. God grant that we
may hear of his reapentance.[868] Neather yitt aught his fall any
thing to prejudge the authoritie of the doctrin which he taucht; for
the doctrin of God have authoritie of no creature, but has the
assurance of God him self, how weak or imperfite that ever the
instrumentis be by whom it pleases God to publishe the same. The
treason of Judas, the adulterie of David, and the abnegatioun of
Petir, did derogat nothing to the glorie of Christis evangell, nor yit
to the doctrin which befoir thei had taught; but declaired the one to
be a reprobat, and the other to be instrumentis in whome mercy must
neadis surmount judgement. The other caus is, That the world may see
what difference thair is betwix light and darknes, betwix the
uprychtness of the Churche of God, and the corruptioun that ringes in
the synagoge of Sathan, the Papisticall rable; for how many of that
sorte hath bein, and still remane openlie knowin hooremongaris,
adulteraris, violataris of virgenis, yea, and committaris of such
abhominationis as we will nott name; and yit ar thei called and
permitted to be Bischoppis, Archbischoppis, Cardinallis, and Papis
thame selfis. For what synnes can unable the sworn servandis of
Simonye, and of his father the devill? For bragg what thei lyst of
Christ, of Petir, and of Paule, thair lyves and conversationis bearis
witnesse whom to they belong. But we return to our Historye of thingis
done in Courte.

  [868] The writer of the Fifth or Supplemental Book of the present
  work, notices Methven's contrition and public repentance; and his
  earnest desire to be received again into church-fellowship. It does
  not appear that he was permitted to resume his ministerial functions.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: CHATTELETT AND THE QUENE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS DESYRE CONCERNYNG CHATTELETTIS DEATH.]

Amongis the monzeonis of the Courte,[869] thair was one named Monsieur
Chattelett,[870] a Frencheman, that at that tyme passed all otheris
in credytt with the Quene. In dansing of the Purpose, (so terme thei
that danse, in the which man and woman talkis[871] secreatlie--wyese
men wold judge such fassionis more lyke to the bordell than to the
comelynes of honest women,) in this danse the Quene chosed Chattelett,
and Chattelett took the Quene. Chattelett had the best dress. All this
wynter Chattelett was so familiare in the Quenis cabinett, ayre and
laitt, that scarslye could any of the Nobilitie have access unto hir.
The Quene wold ly upoun Chattelettis shoulder, and sometymes prively
she wold steall a kyss of his neck. And all this was honest yneuch;
for it was the gentill entreatment of a stranger. But the familiaritie
was so great, that upoun a nycht, he privelie did convoy him self
under the Quenis bed; but being espyed, he was commanded away. But the
bruyte arysing, the Quene called the Erle of Murray, and bursting
furth in a womanlie affectioun, charged him, "That as he loved hir, he
should slay Chattelett, and let him never speak word." The other, at
the first, maid promesse so to do; but after calling to mynd the
judgementis of God pronunced against the scheddaris of innocent
bloode, and also that none should dye, without the testimonye of two
or thre witnesses, returned and fell upoun his kneis befoir the Quene,
and said, "Madam, I beseak your Grace, cause not me tack the blood of
this man upoun me. Your Grace hes entreated him so familiarlie befoir,
that ye have offended all your Nobilitie; and now yf he shalbe
secreatlie slane at your awin commandiment, what shall the world judge
of it? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him
suffer be law according to his deserving." "Oh," said the Quene, "ye
will never let him speak?" "I shall do," said he, "Madam, what in me
lyeth to saiff your honour."

  [869] The following account of Chastelard, in MS. L 4, is introduced
  with a passage relating to "Danvill, son to Annas Montmorrencie,
  Constable of France," who had accompanied "the Guises to Scotland;"
  but the reference, "as Thuanus sayeth," clearly shews it to be a
  subsequent interpolation. "When he (Danvill) departed, he left behind
  him Monsieur Chattellet, nephew to the famous knyght Pierr Tertall, by
  his daughter. Whill he is left a brocker between Danvill and the
  Queen, he lauboured to conquist hir affection to himself. He passed
  all others in credit," &c. See Cald. Hist. vol. ii. p. 211. It may be
  added, in reference to this MS. L 4, that it corresponds very closely
  with the MS. portion of Mr. M'Crie's copy of Vautrollier's edition;
  and the latter was probably the copy that Calderwood the Historian
  made use of, as his extracts correspond with it, and the MS. additions
  resemble the handwriting of his amanuensis.

  [870] The name of Chastelard, among other varieties by different
  writers, occurs as Chatelar, Chastellet, Charterlet, Chatillon. But we
  cannot well identify him with a person of nearly the same name who had
  been attached to the household of the Queen Regent in 1555, as appears
  from this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts, on the 7th
  January:--"Item, Given to _Franschois Chattillihon_, kepar of the
  Quenis Grace chalmer dur, be ane precept and speciale command at his
  departing to Fransche--1 lb." (£50.)

  Chastelard arrived in Scotland in 1561, as one of the suite of M. de
  Damville. He returned with him to France; but in November 1562, he
  again visited Scotland as the bearer of letters to the Queen. He
  remained about the Court until the 12th of February 1562-3, the night
  when he concealed himself in the Queen's bed-chamber in the Palace of
  Holyrood. He followed her to Fife, and two days later, he was
  discovered, as Knox relates, at Burntisland, and being arrested, he
  was conveyed and tried at St. Andrews, where he was executed on the
  22d February 1562-3. No account of his trial has been preserved, the
  scroll Court-book of Justiciary, from May 1562 to May 1563, being
  lost. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 427.)

  [871] In MS. G, "talketh."

Poor Chattelett was brocht back from Kinghorne to Sanctandrois,
examinat, putt to ane assise, and so beheaded, the twenty-twa day of
Februar, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa. He begged licence to
wryte to Fraunce the cause of his death, which, said he, in his toung,
was, "Pour estre trouvé en lieu trop suspect;" that is, "Becaus I was
found in a place too much suspect." At the place of executioun, when
he saw that thair was no remeady but death, he maid a godly
confessioun, and granted, that his declyning from the treuth of God,
and following of vanitie and impietie, was justlie recompensed upoun
him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavenis, with
these words, "O cruelle Dame," that is, "Cruell Maistress."[872] What
that complaint imported, luvaris may devine. And so receaved
Chattelett the reward of his dansing; for he lacked his head, that his
toung should nott utter the secreattis of our Quene. "Deliver us, O
Lord, from the raige of such inordinat reullaris."

  [872] Brantome has given a tolerably full account of Chastelard, and
  says, he was a gentleman of Dauphinè, and grand-nephew on the mother's
  side of the celebrated M. de Bayard. On the day of his execution, he
  says, when brought to the scaffold, he took into his hands the hymns
  of the French poet Ronsard, "et, pour son éternelle consolation, se
  mit à lire tout entiérement l'hymne de la mort, _qui est tres-bien
  fait, et propre pour ne point abhorrer la mort_; ne s'aydent autrement
  d'autre livre spirituel, ny de Ministre, ny de Confesseur." He then
  adds that Chastelard turned to the place where he supposed the Queen
  to be, and cried aloud,--"Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel
  Princess of the world." (Oeuvres, tome ii. p. 357.) Randolph, however,
  says, "he died with repentance." (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 274)

[Sidenote: THE PUNISHMENT OF GOD FOR MANTEYNYNG AND ERECTING OF THE
MESSE.]

[Sidenote: DEARTH AND FAMYN IN THE NORTH.]

The year of God a thousand fyve hundreth threscoir thre yearis, thair
was ane universall dearth in Scotland. But in the northland, whair the
harvest befoir the Quene had travailled, thair was ane extreame famyn,
in the qubilk many dyed in that countrey. The dearth was great ower
all, but the famyn was principallie thair. The boll of wheat gave sax
pound: the boll of bear, sax markis and ane half: the boll of meill,
four markis: the boll of aittis, fyfty schillingis: ane ox to draw in
the pleuch, xx markis: a weddir, thretty schillingis. And so all
thingis apperteanyng to the sustentatioun of man, in tripill and more
exceaded thair accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the
threatnyng of His law, punish the idolatrie of our wicked Quene, and
our ingratitud, that suffered hir to defyle the land with that
abominatioun agane, that God so potentlie had purged, by the power of
his wourd. For the ryotouse feasting, and excessive banquetting, used
in Court and countrey, whair soevir that wicked Woman repaired,
provocked God to stryck the staff of braid, and to geve his
maledictioun upoun the fructis of the earth.[873] But, O allace, who
looked, or yit lookis to the very cause of all our calamities.

  [873] Bishop Keith animadverts with some severity on Knox's language
  in thus attributing this dearth and high price of provisions "as an
  immediate punishment upon what he calls 'the idolatry of our wicked
  rulers.'" (Hist. vol. ii. p. 193.) He also quotes an Act of Privy
  Council, 11th February 1562-3, against eating flesh during the season
  of Lent, because, as the Act bears, "The cattle had suffered much by
  the tempestuous storms of the winter bypast."

[Sidenote: PASCH OR EASTER.]

Lethingtoun was absent, as befoir we have heard, in the Quenis
effairis.[874] The Papistis, at that Pasche,[875] anno lxiij^o, in
diverse partis of the Realme, had erected up that idoll, the Messe;
amongis whom the Bisshope of Sanctandrois, the Priour of
Whithorne,[876] with diverse otheris of thair factioun, wold avow it.
Besydis the first proclamatioun, thair had letteris past in the
contrair, with certificatioun of death to the contraveanar.

  [874] On the 13th February 1562-3, "Williame Maitland apperand of
  Lethingtoun, and Secretar to our Soverane Ladie, depairtit furth of
  Edinburgh to France in ambassatorie, to quhat effect none knowis."
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.) Keith has printed from what he calls
  "the Shattered MS.," the "Instructions by the Queen of Scots to her
  Secretary, Mr. William Maitland, younger of Lethingtoun." (Hist. vol.
  ii. p. 188.) They have reference, however, to his mission to Queen
  Elizabeth, and not to the Court of France. The date, 12th February
  1562-3, is confirmed by a letter quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi. p.
  275.

  [875] Easter Sunday, 11th April.

  [876] Whitehorn or Candida Casa, was a Priory in Wigtonshire, founded
  in the reign of David the First, by Fergas, Lord of Galloway. The
  Commendator here mentioned was Malcolm Fleming, supposed to be a
  younger son of John second Lord Fleming, who died in 1524. Dns.
  Malcolmus Flemyng Vicarius chori Glasg., was incorporated in the
  University of Glasgow, 29th October 1519. He was Commendator and
  Vicar-General of the Diocese of Galloway, in December 1541. His name
  as Commendator occurs in February 1515-6, (Chalmers's Caledonia, vol.
  iii. pp. 439, 419.) Also, in 1565, (ib. p. 432.) He died intestate in
  the year 1568. John Lord Fleming being "decernit executor dative."
  (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[Sidenote: THE STOUTNES OF THE PROTESTANTIS IN THE WEST.][877]

  [877] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G.

The brethren universallie offended, and espying that the Quene, by hir
proclamationis, did but mock thame, determined to put to thair awin
handis, and to punishe for example of otheris. And so some Preastis in
the westland war apprehended, intimatioun maid unto otheris, (as unto
the Abbot of Crossraguell,[878] the Parsone of Sanquhair,[879] and
such,) that thei should nether complayne to Quene nor Counsall, but
should execute the punishment that God has appointed to idolateris in
his law, by such means as thei mycht, whairever thei should be
apprehended.

  [878] Quintin Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, (see
  _supra_, pp. 351, 352.)

  [879] Mr. Robert Creichton was Parson of Sanquhar, in Dumfries-shire,
  and Canon of Glasgow, in 1549. He was educated at the College of
  Glasgow, being incorporated in 1521. He died 16th January 1570-1.
  (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX SEND FOR BY THE QUENE.]

The Quene stormed at sick fredome of speaking, but she could not amend
it; for the Spreit of God, of boldness and of wisdom, had not then
left the most part of such as God had used instrumentis in the
begynyng. Thei war of one mynd to manteane the treuth of God, and to
suppresse idolatrie. Particularties had not divided thame; and
thairfoir could not the devill, working in the Quene and Papistis, do
then what thei wold; and, thairfoir, she began to invent a new craft.
She send for Johne Knox to come unto hir, whair she lay at
Lochleaven.[880] She travailled with him earnestlie two houris befoir
hir suppar, that he wold be the instrument to perswaid the people, and
principallie the gentilmen of the West, not to put handis to punishe
any man for the using of thame selfis in thair religioun as pleased
thame. The other perceaving hir craft, willed hir Grace to punishe
malefactouris according to the lawis, and he durst promesse quietness
upoun the part of all thame that professed the Lord Jesus within
Scotland. But yf hir Majestie thought to delude the lawis, he said, he
feared that some wold lett the Papistis understand, that without
punishement, thei should not he suffered so manifestlie to offend
Goddis Majestie.

  [880] This interview is supposed to have taken place on the 13th April
  1563. On the 15th of that month the Queen removed from Lochlevin to
  Perth.

[Sidenote: REASSONYNG BETWIX THE QUENE AND JOHNE KNOX.]

" Will ye," quod sche, "allow that thei shall tack my sweard in thair
hand?"

"The Sweard of Justice," quod he, "Madam, is Goddis, and is gevin to
Princes and reuallaris for ane end, which, yf thei transgresse,
spairing the wicked, and oppressing innocentis, thei that in the fear
of God executis judgement, whair God hes commanded, offendis not God,
althought Kingis do it not; neather yitt synne thei that brydillis
kingis to stryek innocent men in thair raige. The examples ar evident;
for Samuell feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of
Amalech, whom king Saule had saved. Neather spaired Helias Jesabellis
fals propheittis, and Baallis preastis, albeit that king Achab was
present. Phyneas was no magistrat, and yit feared he not to stryek
Cosby and Zimbrye in the verray act of fylthie fornicatioun. And so,
Madam, your Grace may see that otheris then cheaf magistrattis may
lauchfullie punishe, and hes punished, the vice and crymes that God
commandis to be punished. And in this case I wold earnestlie pray your
Majestie to tack good advisement, and that your Grace should lett the
Papistis understand, that thair attemptatis will not be suffered
unpunissed. For power, be Act of Parliament, is gevin to all judges
within thair awin boundis, to searche mesmongaris, or the heareris of
the same, and to punishe thame according to the law. And thairfoir it
shalbe profitable to your Majestie, to considder what is the thing
your Grace's subjectis lookis to receave of your Majestie, and what it
is that ye aught to do unto thame by mutuall contract. Thei ar bound
to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye ar bound to keape lawis unto
thame. Ye crave of thame service: thei crave of you protectioun and
defence against wicked doaris. Now, Madam, yf ye shall deny your
dewtie unto thame, (which especialle craves that ye punishe
malefactouris) think ye to receave full obedience of thame? I feare,
Madam, ye shall not."

Heirwith, she being somewhat offended, passed to hir suppar. The said
Johne Knox left hir, informed the Erle of Murray of the hoill
reassonyng, and so departed of finall purpose to have returned to
Edinburgh, without any farther communicatioun with the Quene: But
befoir the sonne, upoun the morne, war two direct (Watt Melven was the
one[881]) to him, commanding him not to departe whill that he spack
the Quenis Majestie; which he did, and met hir at the halking[882]
be-weast Kynross. Whitther it was the nychttis sleape, or a deape
dissimulation lokked in hir breast, that maid hir to forget hir formar
anger, wyese men may doubt; but thairof sche never moved word, but
began diverse other purposses; such as the offering of a ring to hir
by the Lord Ruthven,[883] "Whome," said she, "I can not love, (for I
know him to use enchantment,) and yit is he maid one of my Privy
Counsall."

  [881] In MS. G, "war two directed, (Walter Melvill was the
  one.)"--Walter Melville, a younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith,
  was in the Queen Regent's service, and at the time of her death
  received £30. At this time he was in the Queen's service. He
  afterwards became one of the gentlemen of the Earl of Murray's
  chamber. His brother, Sir James Melville, in reference to him and
  Kirkaldy of Grange, says, "Quhilk twa tint him sa schone (soon) as he
  became Regent, and lykwise my self; for we had bene famyliar with him,
  and had assisted him in all his troubles; but when he was Regent, wald
  reprove, admonish, and tell his faltis, wherby we tint his favour. And
  uthers that had ny bene in his contrair befoir, cam in and flatterit
  him in his proceedings, and bekkit wery laiche to him, calling him
  'Your Grace,' at ilk word, &c." (Memoirs, Bann. Club, edit. p. 260.)

  [882] Hawking appears to have been a favourite pastime of the Queen.
  In April 1562, Matthew Ker succeeded James Lindesay as "Maister
  Falconar." In the same month £20 was paid to two persons, "passand of
  Edinburgh to Scheitland for halkis."

  [883] Patrick Lord Ruthven. His grandson, John second Earl Gowrye, was
  also accused of dealing in magic.

"Whome blamis your Grace," said the other, "thairof?"

"Lethingtoun," said she, "was the haill cause."

"That man is absent," said he, "for this present, Madam; and thairfoir
I will speak nothing in that behalf."

"I understand," said the Quene, "that ye ar appointed to go to
Drumfreise, for the electioun of a Superintendent to be establessed in
thai countreys."

"Yis," said he, "those quarteris have great nead, and some of the
gentilmen so require."

"But I hear," said she, "that the Bischope of Athenis[884] wold be
Superintendent."

  [884] In MS. G, "the Bishop of Cathenis;" (but the marginal note in
  that MS. reads correctly "Bishop of Athens.") This error in the
  printed copies has led Mr. Tytler and others into the mistake of
  saying, that the Queen here referred to "the Bishop of Caithness." The
  titular Archbishop of Athens, Alexander Gordon, afterwards Bishop of
  Galloway, &c., (see page 259, note 10,) was undoubtedly the person
  alluded to.

"He is one," said the other, "Madam, that is put in electioun."

"Yf ye knew him," said sche, "als weall as I do, ye wold never promote
him to that office, nor yit to any other within your Kirk."

"What he hes bein," said he, "Madam, I neather know, nor yitt will I
enquyre; for, in tyme of darkness, what could we do but grop and go
wrang evin as darkness caryed us? But yf he fear not God now, he
deceaves many ma then me. And yitt, (said he,) Madam, I am assured God
will not suffer his Churche to be so far deceaved as that ane unworthy
man shalbe elected, whair free electioun is, and the Spreit of God is
earnestlie called upoun to decyd betwix the two."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS JUDGEMENT OF THE BISCHOPE OF ATHENIS.]

"Weall," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerouse
man."[885]

  [885] In the proceedings of the General Assemblies, held between June
  1562 and August 1575, (or less than three months of his death,) Bishop
  Gordon's name frequently occurs. Having petitioned the Assembly in
  June 1562, it was declared, the Assembly "cannot acknowledge him for a
  Superintendent lawfully called for the present, but offered unto him
  their aid and assistance, if the Kirks of Galloway shall suit
  (solicit), and the Lords present;" and enjoins him to subscribe the
  Book of Discipline, (although he seems actually to have done so in
  1561: see page 258.) On the 29th December 1562, the Assembly nominated
  for that office, "Mr. Alexander Gordon, entituled Bishop of Galloway,
  and Mr. Robert Post, minister of Dunkell;" and ordered the
  inauguration of the person elected to take place in the Parish Kirk of
  Dumfries, "on the last Lord's day of April." The election, as Knox
  intimates, did not take place. But Gordon was continued as
  Commissioner for planting and visiting the churches of that diocese;
  although there were frequent complaints made against him.

And thairintill was nott the Queue deceaved; for he had corrupted most
part of the gentilmen, not onlie to nominat him, but also to elect
him; which perceaved by the said Johne, Commissionare, delayed the
electioun, and left with the Maister of Maxwell, Mr. Robert Pont, (who
was put in electioun with the foirsaid Bischope,) to the end that his
doctrin and conversatioun mycht be the better tryed of those that had
not knawin him befoir. And so was the Bischope frustrat of his purpose
for that present. And yit was he, at that tyme, the man that was most
familliare with the said Johne, in his house, and at table. But now to
the formar conference.

When the Queue had long talked with Johne Knox, and he being oft
willing to tack his leave, she said, "I have one of the greatest
materis that have tweiched me since I cam in this Realme, to open unto
you, and I maun have your help into it." And she began to maik a long
discourse of hir sister, the Lady Ergyle,[886] how that sche was not
so circumspect in all thingis as that sche wisshed hir to be. "And
yitt," said sche, "my Lord, hir husband, whom I love, entreattis hir
not in many thingis so honestlie and so godlie, as I think ye your
self wold requyre."

  [886] Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of King James the Fifth,
  and Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Carmichael. Her marriage with
  Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle took place in April 1554, and proved
  unfortunate for both parties; but no separation ensued till about the
  year 1564. She received from her sister, Queen Mary, a pension of
  £150, in June 1565. She was one of the party at supper in Holyrood
  Palace the night of Riccio's murder, 9th March 1566. She stood sponsor
  for Queen Elizabeth at the baptism of James the Sixth. In 1567, (15th
  November,) the Treasurer paid "to Dame Janet Stewart, Comptis of
  Ergile," £133, 6s. 8d. The action of Divorce founded upon the
  complaints of both parties, led to a lengthened litigation, of which
  Mr. Riddell has furnished a detailed account in his most valuable work
  on Peerage and Consistorial Law, vol. i. pp. 547-551. In 1569, the
  Earl offered to adhere, and to receive her in his Castle of Dunoon,
  but the Lady now refused. At length the Earl, on the 23d June 1573,
  "obtained, (says Mr. Riddell,) a decree of divorce, _simpliciter_, by
  the Commissaries of Edinburgh, adjudging her to have 'lost her tocher
  _ad donationis propter nuptias_."' The Earl immediately availed
  himself of this judgment, by forming an alliance with Lady Jane
  Cunningham, daughter of Alexander Earl of Glencairn, in the month of
  August. Having died within a month of his second marriage, 12th
  September 1573, (see page 258;) his first wife soon afterwards raised
  an action of Reduction of the Divorce, styling Lady Jane Cunningham,
  as "pretendit spous of umquhil Archibald Erle of Argyle." She died in
  the Canongate, 7th January 1586-7, and was interred in the Royal Vault
  in the Abbey of Holyrood House. Her own settlement became the subject
  of litigation. (Commissary Court Records, 11th March 1587)

"Madam," said he, "I have been trubled with that mater befoir, and
anes I put sick ane end to it, (and that was befoir your Grace's
arryvall,) that boith she and hir freindis seamed fullie to stand
content: And she hir self promessed befoir hir freinds, that sche
should never complain to creature, till that I should first understand
the controversie by hir awin mouth, or ellis [by an] assured
messinger. I now have heard nothing of hir part; and thairfoir I think
thair is nothing but concord."

"Weall," said the Quene, "it is war then ye beleve. But do this mekle
for my saik, as anes agane to put thame at unitie; and if sche behave
not hir self so as she aught to do, she shall find no favouris of me:
But, in any wyse, (said sche,) let not my Lord know that I have
requested you in this mater; for I wald be verray sorry to offend him
in that or any other thing. And now, (said sche,) as tueching our
reassonyng yisternycht, I promess to do as ye requyred; I sall caus
summond all offendaris, and ye shall know that I shall minister
Justice."

"I am assured then," said he, "that ye shall please God, and enjoy
rest and tranquillitie within your Realme; which to your Majestie is
more profitable than all the Papes power can be." And thus thei
departed.

       *       *       *       *       *

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deaplie
MARIE, QUENE OF SCOTLAND, can dissembill; and how that she could cause
men to think that she bare no indignatioun for any controversie in
religioun, whill that yitt in hir hearte was nothing but vennome and
destructioun, as short after did appear.

Johne Knox departed, and prepaired him self for his jorney, appointed
to Drumfreise; and from Glasgow, according to the Quenis commandiment,
he wraitt this Lettir to the Erle of Ergile, the tenour whairof
followis:--

    "_The Lord cumith and shall not tarie, &c._

     "AFTER commendatioun of my service unto your Lordschipe, yf
     I had knawin of your Lordshipis suddane departing, the last
     tyme it chaunsed me to see and speak you, I had opened unto
     you somewhat of my greaf. But supposing that your Lordshipe
     should have remaned still with the Quenis Grace, I delayed
     at that tyme to utter any part of that which now my
     conscience compelleth me to do. Your behaviour toward your
     wyff is verray offensive unto many godlie. Hir complant is
     grevouse, that ye altogetther withdraw the use of your body
     from hir. Yf so be, ye have great nead to look weill to your
     awin estait; for albeit that ye within your self felt no
     more repugnance, than any flesche this day on earth, yitt by
     promesse, maid befoir God, ar ye debttour unto hir, as
     reassonablie ye shalbe requyred of hir. But yf that ye burne
     on the one syd, (albeit ye do no worse,) and sche in your
     defalt upoun the other, ye ar not onlie mensworne befoir
     God, but also doeth what in you lyeth, to kendle against
     your self his wraith and havie displeasour. These wordis ar
     scharpe, and God is witnesse that in dolour of heart I
     wraitt thame; but becaus thei ar trew, and pronunced by God
     himself, I dar not but admonische you, perceaving you, as it
     war, sleaping in synne. The proude stubburnes, whairof your
     Lordship hath oft compleaned, will not excuise you before
     God; for yf ye be not able to convict hir of one cryme, ye
     aught to beir with other imperfectionis, and that ye wold
     that she should bear with you, in the lyik. In the bowellis
     of Christ Jesus, I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect to
     your awin salvatioun, and not to abuse the lenitie and long
     suffering of God: for that is a fearfull treasure that ye
     heap upoun your awin head, whill that he calleth you to
     reapentance, and you obstinatlie contineu in your awin
     impietie; for impietie it is, that ye abstract your confort
     and cumpany from your lauchfull wyff. I wrytt nothing in
     defence of hir mysbehavour towardis your Lordship in any
     sort; but I say, yf ye be not able to convict hir of
     adulterie committed since your last reconciliatioun, which
     was in my presence, that ye can never be excuissed befoir
     God of this freammed and strange intreatment of your wyff.
     And yf by you such impietie be committed, as is bruited,
     then, befoir God, and unto your awin conscience I say, that
     everie moment of that fylthie pleasure shall turne to you in
     a yearis displeasur; yea, it shalbe the occasioun and caus
     of everlasting dampnatioun, onless spedelie ye reapent: and
     reapent ye can nott, except that ye desist from that
     impietie. Call to mynd, my Lord, 'That the servand knawing
     the will of his Lord, and doing the contrarie, shalbe
     plagued with many plagues.' Syn, my Lord, is sweat in
     drinkyng, but in digesting more bitter then the gall. The
     Eternall move your heart earnestlie to considder, how
     fearfull a thing it is ever to have God to be [ane] ennemye.

     "In the end, I most heartlie pray your Lordship, not to be
     absent from Edinburgh the nynetene of this instant, for sick
     causses as I will not wraitt. This much onlie I foirwarne
     your Lordship, that it will nott be profitable for the
     commoun quyetness of this Realme, that the Papistis brag,
     and that justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease
     farther to truble your Lordship, whom God assist. In haist
     from Glasgu, the 7. of May 1563. Your Lordships to command
     in godlynes.

                      (_Sic subscribitur._)
                                                 "JOHNE KNOX."

This bill was not weall accepted of the said Erle; and yitt did he
utter no part of his displeasur in publict, but contrairrelie schew
him self most familiar with the said Johne. He keapt the dyett, and
sat in judgment him self, whair the Bischope and the rest of the
Papistis war accused, as after followis.

[Sidenote: ROBERT NORWALLIS FACT.]

[Sidenote: THE JUDGEMENT OF SOME.]

[Sidenote: HUNTLEY FOIRFALTED.]

The summondis war direct against the Messe-mongaris with expeditioun,
and in the streatest form. The day was appointed the xix of May, a day
onlie befoir the Parliament. Off the Papis knychtis[887] compeared the
Bischop of Sanctandrois,[888] the Priour of Whitthorne,[889] the
Parsone of Sanquhair,[890] Williame Hammyltoun of Camskeyth, Johne
Gordoun of Barskeoghe, with otheris diverse. The Protestantis convened
hoill to crave for justice. The Quene asked counsall of the Bischope
of Ross,[891] and of the old Laird of Lethingtoun,[892] (for the
youngar was absent, and so the Protestantis had the fewar unfreindis,)
who affirmed, "That she must see hir lawis keapt, or ellis she wold
get no obedience." And so was preparatioun maid for thair
accusationis. The Bischope, and his band of the exempted sorte, maid
it nyse to entyre befoir the Erle of Argyle who sat in judgement;[893]
butt at last he was compelled to entir within the barr. A meary man,
(who now sleapis in the Lord,) Robert Norwell, instead of the
Bischoppis croce, bair befoir him a steyll hammer; whairat the
Bischope and his band was not a lytill offended, becaus the Bischoppis
priviledges war nott then currant in Scotland, (which day God grant
oure posteritie may see of longar continuance then we possessed it.)
The Bischope and his fellowis, after much ado, and long dryft of tyme,
cam in the Quenis will, and war committed to warde, some to one place,
some to ane other. The Lady Erskin,[894] (a sweatt morsall for the
devillis mouth,) gatt the Bischoppis for hir part. All this was done
of a most deape craft, to abuse the simplicitie of the Protestantis,
that thei should not prease the Quene with any other thing concernyng
materis of religioun at that Parliament, quhilk began within two dayis
thairefter.[895] Sche obteined of the Protestantis whatsoever sche
desyred; for this was the reassone of many, "We see what the Quene has
done; the lyek of this was never heard of within the Realme: we will
bear with the Quene; we doubt not but all shalbe weill." Otheris war
of a contrarie judgement, and foirspak thingis, as after thei cam to
pas, to wit, that nothing was meant but deceat; and that the Quene,
how soon that ever Parliament was past, should set the Papistis at
freedome: and thairfoir willed the Nobilitie not be abused. But becaus
many had thair privat commoditie to be handilled at that Parliament,
the commoun cause was the less regarded.

  [887] On the 15th of February 1562-3, proclamation had been made for
  Parliament to assemble on the 20th March. It was delayed till the 26th
  of that month: see next page, note 2.

  [888] On the 19th of May 1563, John Archbishop of St. Andrews, and
  forty-seven others, chiefly persons in holy orders, were tried before
  the Court of Justiciary for celebrating Mass, and attempting to
  restore Popery, at Kirk Oswald, Maybole, Paisley, and Congalton. Among
  the pannels were the persons mentioned by Knox--Malcolm Prior of
  Whitehorn, Robert Creichton, parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton,
  tutor of Cammiskeyth, and John Gordon of Barskcocht. Most of the
  persons were committed to ward in Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and other
  places. See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *427, and the
  Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.

  [889] See page 370, note 4.

  [890] See page 371, note 3.

  [891] Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and President of the Court of
  Session.

  [892] Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. This venerable Judge was
  born in 1496, and survived till 1586. His attachment to literature has
  conferred an enduring celebrity on his name.

  [893] Archibald Earl of Argyle, as hereditary Lord Chief Justice,
  presided on such occasions.

  [894] Daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine: see page 128,
  note 2.

  [895] The meeting of Parliament took place on the 26th May 1563.
  Randolph, on the 3d June, writes thus to Cecil: "The Parliament began
  26th May, on which day the Queen came to it in her robes, and crowned;
  the Duke carrying the crown, Argill the scepter, and Murray the sword.
  She made in English an oration publiquely there, and was present at
  the condemnation of the two Earles, Huntley and Sutherland." In like
  manner, the Diurnal of Occurrents states, that "Upon the xxvj day of
  the said moneth of Maij, the Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of
  Edinburgh, with the Lordis of Parliament, in the maist honourable
  manner, and past thairin; and efter that she had maid hir proposition
  and orisoun in Parliament, the Lordis chesit the Lordis of the
  Articles," &c. (p. 76.)

The Erle of Huntley, whose corps had lyn unburyed till that tyme, it
was brought to the Tolbuyth:[896] he was accused, his armes rent of,
him self, the Erle of Sudderland, and ellevin Baronis and Lairdis,
bearing Gordoun to surname, war that day foirfalted. The Lady Huntley
craftely protested, and asked the support of a man of law. In that
Parliament war restored the Laird of Grange in Fyff, Maister Henrie
Balnaves, Johne Lesly, and Alexander Whytlaw.[897]

  [896] According to a barbarous custom, the body of a person deceased,
  when accused of treason, was brought into Court. It will be seen from
  the note at page 359, that Huntley's body, in the view of carrying
  through his forfeiture, had been brought to Edinburgh in December
  1562. And, "Upoun the xxviij day of the said moneth, [May 1563] the
  Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh and Lordis of
  Parliament, at ane efternone, and foirfaltit George Erle of Huntlie,
  _being in the said Tolbuyth in ane kist_, &c.; and als Alexander Erle
  of Sutherland was foirfaltit, and the saidis Erlis armes reven and
  deletit furth of memorie." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 76.)

  [897] The record of this Parliament is lost; and in the printed Acts
  no mention is made of the forfeitures of Kirkaldy of Grange, Balnavis
  of Halhill, Lesley of Parkhill, and Whytlaw of New-Grange, having been
  rescinded.

[Sidenote: THE PRYDE OF WEMEN AT THAT PARLIAMENT.]

[Sidenote: FLATTERARES VNEW.]

Such styneken pryde of wemen as was sein at that Parliament, was never
sein befoir in Scotland. Thre syndrie dayis the Quene raid to the
Tolbuyth. The first day sche maid a paynted orisoun;[898] and thair
mycht have bene hard among hir flatteraris, "_Vox Dianæ!_ The voce of
a goddess, (for it could not be _Dei_,) and not of a woman! God save
that sweat face! Was thair ever oratour spack so properlie and so
sweitlie!"

  [898] In MS. G, "an oration."

[Sidenote: WHY RELIGIOUN AND THE COMMOUNWEALTH WAR DOYTH NEGLECTED.]

[Sidenote: VARIANCE BETWIX THE ERLE OF MURRAY AND JOHNE KNOX.]

All thingis myslyking[899] the Preachearis, thei spack boldlie against
the tarejatting of thair taillies, and against the rest of thair
vanitie, which thei affirmed should provock Goddis vengeance, not
onlie against those foolishe wemen, but against the hoill Realme; and
especiallie against those that manteaned thame in that odiouse abusing
of thingis that mycht have bene better bestowed. Articles war
presented for ordour to be tacken for apperall, and for reformatioun
of other enormities; but all was scripped at. The Earldome of Murray
neaded confirmatioun, and many thingis war to be ratified that
concerned the help of friendis and servandis; and thairfoir thei
myght nott urge the Quene, for yf thei so did, she wald hald no
Parliament; and what then should become of thame that had melled with
the slaughter of the Erle of Huntley? Lett that Parliament pas ower,
and when the Quene asked[900] any thing of the Nobilitie, as sche most
do befoir hir mariage, then should the Religioun be the first thing
that should be establessed. It was answered, That the poetts and
paynteris erred nott altogether, that fayned and paynted Occasioun
with a bald hynd-head:[901] for the first, when it is offered, being
lost, is hard to be recovered againe. Thc mater fell so hote betwix
the Erle of Murray and some otheris of the Courte, and Johne Knox,
that familiarlie after that tyme thei spack nott togetther more then a
year and half; for the said Johne, by his letter, gave a discharge to
the said Erle of all further intromissioun or cayr with his effaires.
He maid unto him a discourse of thair first acquaintance; in what
estait he was when that first thei spack togetther in London;[902] how
God had promoted him, and that abuf manis judgement; and in the end
maid this conclusioun, "But seing that I perceave myself frustrat of
my expectatioun, which was, that ye should ever have preferred God to
your awin affectioun, and the advancement of his treuth to your
singular commoditie, I committ you to your awin wytt, and to the
conducting of those who better can please you. I praise my God, I this
day leave you victour of your enemyes, promoted to great honouris, and
in credytt and authoritie with your Soverane. Yf so ye long continew,
none within the Realme shalbe more glad than I shalbe: but yf that
after this ye shall dekay, (as I fear that ye shall,) then call to
mynd by what meanes God exalted you; quhilk was neather by bearing
with impietie, neather yitt by manteanyng of pestilent Papistis."

  [899] In MS. G, "mislyked."

  [900] In MS. G, "sall ask."

  [901] In MS. G, is this marginal note, "Occasioun painted with a bald
  hind-heid."

  [902] This was probably in July 1552, Lord James having remained for
  some time in London on his way to France, or upon his return in
  December following. In 1556-7, he subscribed the letter sent to Knox
  at Geneva, inviting him to return to Scotland. See vol. i. p. 267.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOXES DISCHARGE TO THE ERLE OF MURRAY.]

This bill and discharge was so pleasing to the flatteraris of the said
Erle, that thei triumphed of it, and war glad to have gotten thair
occasioun; for some invyed that so great familiaritie was betwix the
said Erle and Johne Knox. And thairfoir fra the tyme that thei gat
ones that occasioun to separat thame, thei ceassed nott to cast oyle
in the burnyng flambe, which ceassed nott to burne, till that God by
watter of afflictioun, began to slocken it, as we shall after hear.
But least that thei[903] should alltogetther have bein sein to have
foirsaikin God, (as in verray deid boyth God and his Word was far
frome the hearttis of the most parte of the Courteouris in that aige,
and a fewe excepted,) thei began a newe schift, to wit, to speak of
the punishement of adulterye, of witchcraft, and to seik the
restitutioun of the glebes and manses to the Ministeris of the Kirk,
and of the reparatioun of churches: and thairby thei thought to have
pleased the godlye that war hyghtlie offended at thair slackness.

  [903] After the words, "least that they," in the margin of MS. 1566,
  there was added, "Lethingtoun and his Companyons;" but this note was
  afterwards deleted. At this Parliament, Lethington was not present.
  Two or three slight corrections in the text of the MS. also occur in
  this place.

The Act of Oblivioun passed, becaus some of the Lordis had intresse;
but the actis against adulterye, and for the mansses and gleibes, war
so modifyed, that no law, and such law mycht stand _in eodem
predicamento_; to speak plaine, no law and such Actis war boyth alyik.
The Actis ar in prynt:[904] lett wyese men read, and then accuse us,
yf without cause we compleane.

  [904] The Acts of this Parliament were printed in a separate form at
  Edinburgh by Robert Lekprewik, 1565, folio,--an edition of great
  rarity. The Acts of 1563, are twenty-five in number, "extractit furth
  of the buikis of Parliament," by Maister James Makgill, Clerk
  Register. They are included in the collected edition of the Acts of
  1424 to 1564, which issued from the same press in 1566, and in all the
  subsequent editions.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS SERMON.]

[Sidenote: [905]THE SPEAKAR WAS THE DEANE OF RESTALRIG.]

  [905] Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, and afterwards Lord
  President of the Court of Session.

In the progresse of this corruptioun, and befoir the Parliament
dissolved, Johne Knox, in his sermon befoir the most parte of the
Nobilitie, began to enter in a deape discourse of Goddis mercyes which
that Realme had felt, and of that ingratitude quhilk he espyed almost
in the hoill multitude, which God had marvelouslie delivered from the
boundage and tyrannye boyth of body and saule. "And now, my Lordis,"
said he, "I praise my God, throught Jesus Christ, that in your awin
presence I may powre furth the sorowis of my hearte; yea, your selfis
shalbe witnesse, yf that I shall maik any ley in thingis that ar
bypast. From the begyning of Goddis myghty wirking within this Realme,
I have bein with you in your most desperat tentationis. Ask your awin
consciences, and lett thame answer you befoir God, yf that I, (not I,
but Goddis Spirite by me,) in your greatest extremitie willed you nott
ever to depend upoun your God, and in his name promissed unto you
victorye and preservatioun from your ennemyes, so that ye wold only
depend uponn his protectioun, and preferr his glory to your awin lyves
and worldlie commoditie. In your most extreame dangearis I have bein
with you: Sanct Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and the Craiggis of
Edinburgh, ar yitt recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorouse
nyght whairin all ye, my Lordis, with schame and feare left this
toune,[906] is yitt in my mynd; and God forbid that ever I forgett it.
What was (I say) my exhortatioun unto you, and what is fallen in vane
of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye your selfis
yitt lyve to testifie. Thair is nott one of you against whom was death
and destructioun threatned, perished in that danger: And how many of
your ennemyes hes God plagued befoir your eyis! Shall this be the
thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God, to betray his cause,
when ye have it in your awin handis to establesh it as ye please? The
Quene, say ye, will not agree with us: Ask ye of hir that which by
Goddis word ye may justlie requyre, and yf she will not agree with you
in God, ye ar not bound to agree with hir in the Devill: Lett her
plainelie understand so far of your myndis, and steall not from your
formar stoutness in God, and he shall prosper you in your interpryses.
But I can see nothing but such a reculling frome Christ Jesus, as the
man that first and most spedelie flyeth from Christis enseignzie,
holdeth him self most happy. Yea, I hear that some say, That we have
nothing of our Religioun establesshed, neather by Law or Parliament.
Albeit that the malitious wordis of sick can neather hurte the treuth
of God, nor yitt us that thairupoun depend, yitt the speakar for his
treasone against God committed, and against this poore Commounwealth,
deserves the gallowes. For oure Religioun being commanded, and so
establesshed by God, is accepted within this Realme in publict
Parliament; and yf thei will say that was no Parliament, we man, and
will say, and also prove, that that Parliament was also lauchfull as
ever any that passed befoir it within this Realme. Yea, yf the King
then lyving[907] was King, and the Quene now in this Realme be
lauchfull Quene, that Parliament can nott be denyed.

  [906] After the skirmish of Restalrig, (see vol. i. pp. 460-463,) on
  Monday the 6th November 1559, "the said day at evin in the nycht, the
  Congregatioun depairtit furth of Edinburgh to Lynlithquo, and left
  thair artailzerie void upon the calsay lyand, and the Toun [of
  Edinburgh] desolute." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 54.)

  [907] This refers to Queen Mary's first husband, Francis the Second,
  who was styled King of France and Scotland.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS AFFIRMATIOUN.]

"And now, my Lordis, to putt end to all, I hear of the Quenis mariage:
Duckis, brethren to Emperouris, and Kingis, stryve all for the best
game; but this, my Lordis, will I say, (note the day, and beare
witnesse efter,) whensoever the Nobilitie of Scotland professing the
Lord Jesus, consentis that ane infidell (and all Papistis are
infidellis) shalbe head to your Soverane, ye do so far as in ye lyeth
to banishe Christ Jesus from this Realme; ye bring Goddis vengeance
upoun the countrey, a plague upoun your self, and perchaunse ye shall
do small conforte to your Soverane."

These wordis, and this maner of speaking was judged intollerable.
Papistis and Protestantis war both offended; yea, his most familiaris
disdained him for that speaking. Placeboes and flatteraris posted to
the Courte to geve advertisement that Knox had spockin against the
Quenis mariage. The Proveist of Lyncluden,[908] Dowglass of
Drumlangrik by surname, was the man that geve the charge that the said
Johne should present him self befoir the Quene: quhilk he did sone
after dennar. The Lord Ochiltrie, and diverse of the faythfull, bayr
him cumpany to the Abbay; but none past in to the Quene with him in
the cabinet but Johne Erskine of Dune, then Superintendent of Anguss
and Mearnes.[909]

[908] In MS. 1566, it was originally written "The Persone of
Dundrennan," but this is deleted, and "Proveist of Lyncluden, Douglas
of Drumlanrig by name," inserted. In the MS. the name Lyncluden
appears as if written Glyncluden; and this form of the name is
retained in the later MSS., adding an additional blunder, by writing,
"N. Douglas _of Lanerk_ by surname, &c."--Lincluden was a Priory or
Convent of Black Nuns, situated upon the water of Cluden a few miles
above Dumfries; but owing to their scandalous lives, the Priory had
been changed by the Earl of Douglas, in the reign of Robert the Third,
into a College or Provostry. (Keith's Catalogue, pp. 459, 470.)

According to the peerage writers, Mr. Robert Douglas, Provost of
Lincluden, (from whom the Douglasses of Burford are descended,) was
the second son of Sir William Douglas of Drumlanrig, who was killed at
Floddon in 1513. But Chalmers has shown, that he was the natural son
of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, who succeeded to the estates in
1513, and died in 1578. Mr. Robert Douglas obtained letters of
legitimation, 8th October 1559, being twelve years after his
appointment as Provost of Lincluden, 16th September 1547. (Caledonia,
vol. iii. p. 309.) In December 1585, Mr. Robert Douglas still retained
his title as Provost of Lincluden, and the fruits of the benefice,
when a gift of the Provostrie was ratified by an Act of Parliament in
favour of William Douglas, lawful son to ---- Douglas of Drumlanrig.
(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. pp. 415, 436.) About the same time he was
appointed Collector General and Treasurer of the New Augmentations: he
is so styled in deeds and Parliamentary proceedings between 1587 and
1594. William Douglas of Lincluden and Grenelaw, "the eldest son and
apparent heir of William Douglas of Baitford," was tried and executed
at Edinburgh in September 1610. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii.
p. 90.)

[909] This interview with the Queen must have been at the end of May
or beginning of June, as Knox says it was immediately after a sermon
he had preached before Parliament was dissolved.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FUME AGAINST JOHNE KNOX.]

The Quene, in a vehement fume, began to cry out, that never Prince was
handled as she was. "I have," said sche, "borne with you in all your
rigorouse maner of speaking, bayth against my self and against my
Uncles; yea, I have sought your favouris by all possible meanes. I
offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it pleassed you to
admonishe me; and yitt I can nott be quyte of you. I avow to God, I
shalbe anes revenged." And with these wordis, skarslie could
Marnock,[910] hir secreat chalmer-boy, gett neapkynes to hold hyr eyes
drye for the tearis; and the owling, besydes womanlie weaping, stayed
hir speiche.

  [910] Evidently the same person with Marna, whose name occurs among
  the "gentilhomes servans," in the "Menu de la Maison de la Royne,
  faict par Mons. de Pinguillon," 1562; as the names of persons, in this
  curious record, are very incorrectly written. A few copies were
  printed for private circulation, by Thomas Thomson, Esq., in 1818,
  4to.

[Sidenote: ANSURE.]

The said Johne did patientlie abyde all the first fume, and att
opportunitie answered, "Trew it is, Madam, your Grace and I have bein
att diverse controversies, into the which I never perceaved your Grace
to be offended at me. Butt when it shall please God to deliver you fra
that bondage of darknes and errour in the which ye have been
nurisshed, for the lack of trew doctrin, your Majestie will fynd the
libertie of my toung nothing offensive. Without the preaching place,
Madam, I think few have occasioun to be offendit at me; and thair,
Madam, I am nott maister of my self, but man obey Him who commandis me
to speik plane, and to flatter no flesche upoun the face of the
earth."

"But what have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage?"

"Yf it pleise your Majestie," said he, "patientlie to hear me, I shall
schaw the treuth in plane wordis. I grant your Grace offered unto me
more than ever I requyred; but my answer was then, as it is now, that
God hath not sent me to await upoun the courtes of Princesses, nor
upoun the chamberis of Ladyes; but I am send to preache the Evangell
of Jesus Christ, to such as please to hear it; and it hath two
partes, Repentance and Fayth. And now, Madam, in preaching
reapentance, of necessitie it is that the synnes of men be so noted,
that thei may know whairin thei offend; but so it is, that the most
parte of your Nobilitie ar so addicted to your affectionis, that
neather God his word, nor yitt thair Commounwealth, ar rychtlie
regarded. And thairfoir it becomes me so to speak, that thei may know
thair dewitie."

"What have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage? Or what ar ye
within this Commounwealth?"

[Sidenote: LETT PAPISTIS JUDGE THIS DAY, 1567.]

"A subject borne within the same," said he, "Madam. And albeit I
neather be Erle, Lord, nor Barroun within it, yitt hes God maid me,
(how abject that ever I be in your eyes,) a profitable member within
the same: Yea, Madam, to me it apperteanes no lesse to foirwarne of
suche thingis as may hurte it, yf I foirsee thame, then it does to any
of the Nobilitie; for boyth my vocatioun and conscience craves
playness of me. And thairfoir, Madam, to your self I say that whiche I
speak in publict place: Whensoever that the Nobilitie of this Realme
shall consent that ye be subject to ane unfaythfull husband, thei do
as muche as in thame lyeth to renunce Christ, to banishe his treuth
from thame, to betray the fredome of this Realme, and perchance shall
in the end do small conforte to your self."

At these wordis, owling was heard, and tearis mycht have bene sein in
greattar abundance than the mater requyred. Johne Erskin of Dun, a man
of meak and gentill spreit, stood besyd, and entreated what he could
to mitigat hir anger, and gave unto hir many pleasing wordis of hir
beautie, of hir excellence, and how that all the Princes of Europe
wold he glaid to seak hir favouris. But all that was to cast oyle in
the flaming fyre. The said Johne stood still, without any alteratioun
of countenance for a long seasson, whill that the Quene gave place to
hir inordinat passioun; and in the end he said, "Madam, in Goddis
presence I speak: I never delyted in the weaping of any of Goddis
creatures; yea, I can skarslie weill abyd the tearis of my awin boyes
whome my awin hand correctis, much less can I rejoise in your
Majesties weaping. But seing that I have offered unto you no just
occasioun to be offended, but have spocken the treuth, as my vocatioun
craves of me, I man sustean (albeit unwillinglie) your Majesties
tearis, rather then I dar hurte my conscience, or betray my
Commounwealth through my silence."

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS TALK AMONGIS THE QUENIS LADYIS.]

Heirwith was the Quene more offended, and commanded the said Johne to
pass furth of the cabinet, and to abyd farther of hir pleasur in the
chalmer. The Laird of Dun taryed, and Lord Johne of Coldinghame cam
into the cabinet, and so thei boyth remaned with hyr neyr the space of
ane houre. The said Johne stood in the chalmer, as one whom men had
never sein, (so war all effrayed,) except that the Lord Ochiltrie
bayre him companye: and thairfoir began he to forge talking of the
ladyes who war thair sitting in all thair gorgiouse apparell; whiche
espyed, he mearelie said, "O fayre Ladyes, how pleasing war this lyeff
of youris, yf it should ever abyd, and then in the end that we myght
passe to heavin with all this gay gear. But fye upoun that knave
Death, that will come whitther we will or not! And when he hes laid on
his areist, the foull wormes wilbe busye with this flesche, be it
never so fayr and so tender; and the seally sowll, I fear, shalbe so
feable, that it can neather cary with it gold, garnassing, targatting,
pearle, nor pretious stanes." And by suche meanes procured he the
cumpany of women; and so past the tyme till that the Laird of Dun
willed him to departe to his house quhill new advertisement. The Queue
wold have had the censement of the Lordis of Articles, yf that such
maner of speaking deserved not punishement; but sche was consailled to
desist: and so that storm quiettit in appearance, but never in the
hearte.

[Sidenote: THE BISCHOPPE OF SANCTANDROIS SETT AT LIBERTIE.]

[Sidenote: LEDINGTHONIS PRACTISES.]

Schort after the Parliament, Lethington returned frome his
negotiatioun in England[911] and France. God, in the Februare befoir,
had strycken that bloody tyrane the Duke of Gueise,[912] which somwhat
brak the fard of our Quene for a seassone. But schort after the
returnyng of Lethington, pryde and malice begane to schaw thame selfis
agane. Sche sett at libertie the Bischope of Sanctandrois, and the
rest of the Papistes that befoir war put in preasone for violating of
the lawis. Lethingtoun, at his returnyng, shew him self nott a litill
offended, that any bruit should have rissen of the Quenis mariage with
the King of Spane; for he took upoun him that suche thing never
entered in hir hearte: but how trew that was we shall after hear. The
end of all his acquittance and complaynt was to discreditt Johne Knox,
who had affirmed, that such ane mariage was boyth proponit, and, upoun
the parte of our Quene, by the Cardinall accepted.[913] Lethingtoun,
in his absence, had run intill ane verray evill bruite among the
Nobilitie for too muche serving the Quenis affectionis against the
Commounwealth; and thairfoir had he, as one that lacketh no worldly
wisdome, maid provisioun boyth in England and in Scotland: For in
England he travailled for the freedome of the Erle Bothwell, and by
that meane obteaned promesse of his favour. He had thair also tacken
ordour for the hamecuming of the Erle of Levenox, as we shall after
hear. In Scotland he joyned with the Erle of Atholl: him he promoted,
and sett fordwart in Courte; and so began the Erle of Murray to be
defaced. And yitt to the said Erie, Lethingtoun at all tymes schew a
fayre countenance.

  [911] Lethington returned from England towards the end of June. Keith
  says, "The Secretary was not in Council on the 18th of June, but he
  was present next Council-day, viz. 8th July."

  [912] Francis de Lorraine succeeded his father as Duke de Guise, in
  1550. He died 24th February 1562-3, having been assassinated by one of
  his own gentlemen, named Poltrot, while besieging the city of Orleans,
  which was defended by the Protestants. In the following month, the
  Grand Prior, (see page 268, note 7,) another of the Queen's uncles,
  was slain at the battle of Dreux.

  [913] The Cardinal de Lorraine, in August 1563, had actually proposed
  the Archduke Charles of Austria to Queen Mary for a husband; but she
  declined such an overture.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS ANSURE TOWARDIS HIS PRAYER.]

The rest of that Sommer the Quene spent in hir progresse throught the
West countrey, whair in all tounes and gentilmennes places she had her
Messe.[914] Which cuming to the earis of Johne Knox, he began that
forme of prayer which ordinarlie he sayeth after thankis-giving at his
table: "1. Deliver us, O Lord, from the boundage of Idolatrie. 2.
Preserve and keap us from the tyranny of strangearis. 3. Continew us
in quyetnesse and concord amangis our selfis, yf thy good pleasur be,
O Lord, for a seassone," &c. Whille that diverse of the familiaris of
the said Johne asked of him why he prayed for quyetnesse to continew
for a seassone, and nott rather absolutlie that we should continew in
quyetness? His answer was, "That he durst nott pray but in fayth; and
faith in Goddis word assured him, that constant quietness could nott
continew in that Realme whair Idolatrie had bene suppressed, and then
was permitted to be erected agane."

  [914] Knox, in a letter to Cecil on the 6th October 1563, (quoted by
  Mr. Tytler,) expresses this same feeling in regard to the Queen's
  progress, when he says, "the carrying of the Mass through those
  quarters which longest had been best reformed, had dejected the hearts
  of many, and caused him to disclose the plainness of a troubled
  heart." (Hist. vol. vi. p. 286.)

From the West countrey, the Quene past in Ergyll[915] to the hunting,
and after returned to Striveling. The Erle of Murray, the Lord Robert
of Halyrudhouse,[916] and Lord Johne of Coldinghame, past to the
Northland. Justice Courtis war halden; thevis and murtheraris war
punished; twa witches war burnt, the eldest was so blynded with the
Devill, that sche affirmed, "That na Judge had power ower hir."

  [915] Randolph, on the 13th June 1563, informs Cecil that "The Queen,
  the Parliament now ended, hath made her Highland apparel for her
  journey into Argile." The absence of the English ambassador from
  Scotland during the next three months, has deprived us of much minute
  information. Keith states that the Queen "sat in Council at Glasgow on
  the 8th of July, after which day both she and the Earl of Argyle were
  not in Council until the 19th of August at Dumfries."

  [916] See vol. i. p. 458; vol. ii. pp. 271, 321.

[Sidenote: THE LAST COMMENDATIOUN OF LORD JOHNE TO THE QUENE.][917]

  [917] In the MS. 1566, these words, "quhairof more is spoken after,"
  form part of this note, but are deleted, probably when the additional
  passage was inserted: see next note.

That same tyme Lord Johne of Coldinghame[918] departed this lyfe in
Innerness. It was affirmed, that he commanded suche as war besyd him
to say unto the Quene, "That onless she left hir idolatrie, that God
wold nott fail to plague hir. He asked God mercy, that he had so far
borne with hir in hir impietie, and had manteaned hir in the
same:[919] And that no one thing did him more regreat then that he had
flattered, fostered, and menteyned hir in hir wickednes against God
and his servandis." And in verie deid great cause had he to have
lamented his wickednes; for besydes all his other infirmities, in the
end, he, for the Quenis plesour, became enemie to verteu and all
verteous men, and a patrone to impietie to the uttermost of his power:
yea, his vennome was so kendled against God and his word, that in his
rage he bursted forth thir wordis: "Or I see the Quenis Majestie sa
trubled with the railing of thir knaves, I shall have the best of
thame sticked in the pulpett," What farther villanie came fourth of
baith their stinking throttes and mouthes, modestie will not suffer us
to wryte; wherof, yf he had grace to unfeynedlie repent, it is no
small document to Godis mercyes. But howsoever God wrought with him,
the Quene regarded his wordis as wynd, or ellis thocht thame to have
been forged be otheris, and not to have proceaded from him self; and
affirmed plainlie, that they wer devysed be the Laird of Pettarro and
Mr. Johne Wode, whome sche both hated, because they flattered hir not
in hir danceing and other doinges.[920] One thing in plane wordis she
spak, "That God tuik alwyse from hir thay persounes in whome sche had
greatest pleasour:" and that she repented; but of farther wickednes no
mentioun.

  [918] Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham: see page 320, note
  5. By his marriage with the sister and sole heir of James Hepburn Earl
  of Bothwell, his family inherited a reversion of that lordship; and
  his son, Francis Stewart, in 1587, obtained the dignity of Earl of
  Bothwell.

  [919] The remaining portion of this paragraph is added in the MS.
  1566, upon a separate slip of paper, written in a hand very like
  Knox's own; and there is written as a marginal direction to his
  amanuensis, "_Tak in this that is sewed in this place quhar it is
  scraped out_." The words that are so scored through to be deleted,
  are: "When such thingis war schawin unto the Quene, thei war but
  mocked at, sche affirmyng that thei war devised by Maister Johne Woode
  and by the Laird of Pettarrow; as we sall after more planelie heare."
  See fac-simile.

  [920] In MS. G, "uther things."

Whill the Quene lay at Striveling, with hir idolatrie in hir chapell,
in the Palice of Halyrudhouse war left certane dontybouris, and
otheris of the Frenehe menzie, who raised up thair Messe more
publictlye then they had done at any tyme before. For upon those same
Sundayes that the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the
Lordis Table, the Papistis in great number resorted to the Abbay, to
thair abomination. Which understand, dyverse of the brethren, being
sore offended, consulted how to redress that inormitie; and so war
appoynted certane of the most zelous, and most upryght in the
religion, to await upon the Abbay, that thai myght note such persones
as resorted to the Messe. And perceaving a great number to enter into
the chapell, some of the brethren burst also in; whereat the Preist
and the Frenche dames being affrayed, made the schout to be sent to
the town; and Madame Raylie,[921] maistres to the Quenis dontiboures,
(for maides that Court could not then beare,) posted on with all
diligence to the Comptrollar, the Laird of Pettarro, who then was in
Sanct Gelis Kirk at the sermon; and cryed for his assistance, to save
hir lyfe, and to saif the Quenis Palice: Who, with greattar haist then
nead requyred, obeyed hir desyre, and tuik with him the Provest, the
Baillies, and a great part of the faithfull. But when they came where
the feare was bruted to have bene, they fand all thingis quyet, except
the tumult they broght with thame selves, and peaceable men luiking to
the Papistis, and forbidding thame to transgress the lawis. Trew it
is, a zelous brother, named Patrick Cranstoun, past into the chapell,
and fynding the altar covered, and the Preast reddye to go to that
abomination, said, "The Quenis Majestie is not heir: how dar thou then
be so malepart, as opinlie to do against the law?" No farther was done
nor said, and yit the bruit heirof was posted to the Quene, (with such
information as the Papistis could give; which fand such credit, as
thair heartis could have wished for,) which was so haynous a cryme in
hir eyes, that satisfactioun for that syn was there none without
bloode. And therfore, without delay was summoned Andro Armstrang[922]
and Patrik Cranstoun, to fynd suyrtie to undirlie the law, for
forethought, fellonie, hamesukkin, violent invation of the Quenis
Palice, and for spoliation of the same.

  [921] In MS. G, "Madame Baylie."--This Madame Raylie was the wife of
  Mons. Raullet or Roullet, the Queen's private Secretary. The
  disturbance which is here alluded to, happened on Sunday the 15th of
  August 1563. Roullet is frequently mentioned in Queen Mary's
  correspondence. He was sent to Flanders with letters of credit from
  the Queen, addressed to the Cardinal de Granville, in January 1564-5.
  (Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. i. pp. 197-206, vol. vii. p. 291.) He
  died 30th August 1574, as the Queen informs Beaton, Archbishop of
  Glasgow, in a letter dated Sheffield, 4th September, (ib. vol. iv. p.
  216.) The Earl of Shrewsbury took this occasion to search his coffers
  in the hope of discovering letters or papers that might implicate his
  Royal Mistress, the unfortunate Queen of Scots. (Chalmers's Life, &c.,
  vol. ii. p. 68.) In 1586, in the list of the Queen's attendants, one
  of the "gentlewomen of her chamber," was Renee Rallay _alias_
  Beauregard. (Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. vii. p. 252.)

  [922] Andrew Armstrong and George Rynd, burgesses of Edinburgh, on the
  1st October, found surety "to underly the law," on the 24th of that
  month, for breaking the Queen's proclamation, "in carrying sundry
  pistollets, and for convocation of the lieges at the Palace of
  Holyrood, and invading sundry of the Queen's domestick servants
  therein." The case was postponed to the 13th November, when Patrick
  Cranston was commanded to appear. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i.
  p. *434.) No account of the subsequent proceedings has been preserved.
  At the same time Christian Pinkerton, spouse of James Rogers, and
  twenty-one other persons, of whom eight were females, were impannelled
  for being present at the celebration of Mass, in the Chapel of
  Holyrood, on the 8th August.

These letteris divulged,[923] and the extremitie feared, Brethren (the
few that war within the town) consulted upon the next remedie; and in
the end concluded, that Johne Knox (to whom the charge was geven to
mak advertismentis whensoever daunger sould appear) should wryte to
the Brethren in all quarteris, geving information as the matter
stoode, and requyring thair assistance: which he did in tennour[924]
as heir followes:--

  [923] In MS. 1566, "devulgat."

  [924] In the MS. 1566, the transcriber has written thirteen lines of
  the paragraph at page 397, beginning, "The Brethren advertissed," &c.,
  preceded with the words, "as after we shall heare." Having obtained a
  copy of his own letter, all this is deleted; the words "as heir
  followes" are added, and the paragraph itself repeated, after the
  letter: see p. 397.

[Sidenote: THE SUPERSCRIPTIOUN.]

  "_Wheresoever two or thre are gathered together in my
  name, thare am I in the middest of thame._

[Sidenote: MR. ROBERT PONT STRIKKEN IN THE HEAD WITH A QUHINGAR BE
CAPTANE LAUDER.][925]

  [925] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G; but it occurs in MS. L
  4; and in MS. L 3, it forms part of the text.--The name of Captain
  Robert Lauder occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts for 1561, and at
  other times. Captain Robert Lauder had a charter of the lands of
  Straegthrow, in Forfarshire, 20th July 1566. Parliament, in 1578,
  passed an Act of Pacification in his favour. (vol. iii. p. 111.) In
  March 1566-7, we find the names of "Capitanes Robert and Hew Lauderis,
  Alexander Stewart, and James Culane." (This Stewart was probably the
  person mentioned at p. 354.)

     "IT is not unknawen unto yow, deare Brethren, what conforte
     and tranquillitie God gave unto us, in tymes most dangerous,
     by our Christian assemblies, and godly conferences, as oft
     as any danger appeared to any member or members of oure
     bodye; and how that since we have neglected, or at the least
     not frequented our conventionis and assemblies, the
     adversaries of Christ Jesus his holie Evangill have
     interprysed, and boldened thame selves publictlie and
     secretlie, to do many thingis odious in Goddis presence, and
     maist hurtfull to the libertie of trew religion, now of
     Goddis great favour granted unto us. The holie Sacramentis
     are abused be profane Papistis. Messes have bein (and yit
     are) opinlie said and manteyned. The bloode of some of our
     dearest ministeris has bein shed, without fear of punishment
     or correction craved be us. And now last, are two of our
     dear brethren, Patrik Cranstoun and Andro Armstrang,
     summoned to underly the law, in the town of Edinburgh, the
     24th of this instant October, 'For forethought fellonie,
     pretended murther, and for invading the Quenis Majesties
     Palice of Halyrudhouse, with unlauchfull convocatioun, &c.'
     This terrible summonds is direct against owre Brethren,
     because that they with two or thre more, passed to the Abbey
     upon Sunday, the 15th of August, to behald and note what
     persones repared to the Messe; and that because that the
     Sunday before, (the Quenis Grace being absent,) there
     resorted to that idole a rascall multitude, having opinlie
     the least devillissh ceremonie (yea even the conjuring of
     thair accurssed watter) that ever they had in the tyme off
     greatest blyndnes. Becaus, (I say,) our said Brethren
     passed, and that in maist quyet maner, to note sick
     abusearis, thir fearfull summondis ar directed against
     thame, to mak (no doubt) preparation upon a few, that a door
     may be opened to execute creweltie upon a greattar
     multitude. And yf so it come to pass, God, no doubt, has
     justlie recompanced oure formare negligence and ingratitude,
     towardis hym and his benefittis receaved in oure awin
     bosoms. God gave to us a most notable victorie, of his and
     our ennemies: he brak thair strength, confounded thair
     counsailles: he sett us at fredome, and purged this Realme
     (for the maist part) of oppin idolatrye; to the end, that
     we, ever myndfull of so wounderous a deliverance, should
     have keapt this Realme clean from sick vyle filthiness, and
     dampnable idolatrie. But we, alace! preferring the pleasour
     of flesche [and blude,] to the pleasour and commandement of
     our God, have suffered that idoll, the Messe, to be erected
     agane, and therfore justlie sufferis he us now to fall in
     that danger that to luke to ane idolatour, going to his
     idolatrie, salbe repute a cryme lityll inferiour to
     treasone. God grant that we fall not farther. And now I,
     whom God has of his mercye made one amangis many to travell
     in setting fordward of his trew religion within this Realme,
     seing the same in danger of ruin, can not but of conscience
     crave of you, my Brethren, of all estaitis, that have
     professed the treuth, your presence, comfort, and
     assistance, at the said day, in the Town of Edinburgh, even
     as that ye tender the advancement of Goddis glorie, the
     saiftie of your brethren, and your awin assurance; togedder
     with the preservatioun of the Kirk in thir appearing
     daungers. It may be, perchance, that persuasions be made in
     the contrarie, and that ye may be informed, that either your
     assemblie is not necesser, or ellis that it will offend the
     uppar poweris: But my gude hope is, that nether flatterie
     nor feare sall mak you sa far to declyne fra Christ Jesus,
     as that, against your publict promise and solempned band, ye
     will leave your brethren in sa just a cause. And albeit
     there ware no great daunger, yet cannot oure assemblie be
     unproffitable; for many thingis requyre consultation,
     quhilkis can not be had, onles the wysest and godliest
     convein. And thus, doubting nothing of the assistance of
     owre God, yf that we uniformlie seik his glory, I cease
     farther to trouble you, committing you heartlie to the
     protection of the Eternall.

                                            "JOHNE KNOX.
  "Fra Edinburgh, the 8th of October 1563."

[Sidenote: THE MINISTER OF FAILL, AND BISHOPE OF ROSSE.]

THE Brethren, advertissed be this bill, prepaired thameselves, so many
as war thocht expedient for everie town and province, to keap the day
appoynted. But by the meanis of false brethren, the letter came to the
handis of the Quene; and the maner was this: It was read in the town
of Ayre, whare wes present Robert Cunyghame, minister of
Faillfurde,[926] who then was halden an earnest professor of the
Evangell; who (be what meanes we knaw not) gat the said letter, and
send it with his token to Maister Hendrie Sinkclare, then President
of the Seat and College of Justice, and styled Byshope of Ross, ane
perfyct hypocrite, and ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus,[927]
whome God after straik according to his deservingis. The said Mr.
Hendrie being ennemie to all that unfeynedlie professed the Lord
Jesus, but cheiflie to Johne Knox, for the libertie of his toung; for
he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirme, that a Bischope that
receaves proffit, and feidis not the flock, even be his awin labouris,
is boith a theif and a murderare: The said Mr. Hendrie, we say,
thinking him self happie that had found so gude occasion to trouble
him, whose life he hated, posted the said letter, with his counsaill
to the Quene, who then lay in Striveling.[928]

  [926] Failfurd, the seat of a convent of Red Friars, in the parish of
  Torbolton, Ayrshire, was founded in 1252. "The chief who ruled this
  convent," says Chalmers, "was styled _Minister_. The _Minister_ of
  Failfurd was Provincial of the Trinity Order in Scotland. From being
  the head of the Order, he appears to have had a seat in Parliament."
  (Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 492.) In 1540, Robert Cunningham, a natural
  son of William Earl of Glencairn, at the age of twenty-two, was
  appointed _Minister_; and he sat in Parliament among the clergy in
  1546; and also in 1560. "William Wallace, brother to John Wallace of
  Cragy, had a letter of presentation to the benefice of the ministrie
  of Failfurde, vacant be deceis of umquhile Robert Cunnynghame, last
  minister thairof," dated 18th April 1576. (Register of Signatures.)

  [927] Mr. Henry Sinclair, (see vol. i. p. 274,) was successively
  Rector of Glasgow and a Lord of Session in 1537, Abbot of Kilwynning
  in 1541, Dean of Glasgow in 1550, and President of the Court of
  Session in 1559. The Queen Regent, on the 27th March 1560, had written
  in his favour, to be advanced to the See of Ross, then vacant, by the
  death of David Panter, as mentioned by the French envoys De la Brosse
  and the Bishop of Amiens, in their letter of that date, to the
  Cardinal de Lorraine, and the Duko de Guise:--"La Royne Douugere vous
  escript pour les expeditions de l'Evesché de Rosse en faveur du Doyen
  de Glascou, qui est President de la Session. Son age, et fort bonne
  vye, et emynent scauoir le recommendent assez; et n'avons voulu
  faillir a vous en porter sa tesmoignage, et vous dire qu'il est bien
  affectioné et bien necessaire pardeça. L'Evesché est encores entièr."
  (Stevenson's Illustrations, &c. p. 80.)

  [928] Calderwood says, that Sinclair "was a speciall enemy to Mr.
  Knox, becaus he still affirmed, that a Bishop receiving profite, and
  not feeding the flock by his owne labours, is a theefe and a
  murtherer." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 233.) Knox employs no measured terms in
  also speaking of his brother John Sinclair, who became Bishop of
  Brechin, and his successor as President, "as ane perfyte hypocrite,"
  (vol. i. pp. 265.) Queen Mary, on the 20th February 1563-4, applied to
  Queen Elizabeth for a safe conduct "unto our traist Counsalour. Henry
  Bischop of Ross, (quhom we haif licent to pas to the partes of France,
  to seke cure and remedie of certane maladyis quhairwith he is
  presentlie diseasit,") &c. (Labanoff, Recueil des Lettres, &c., vol.
  vii. p. 293.) On the 18th September 1564, the Queen applied for a safe
  conduct to "oure weil belovit Clerk, Maister Johne Sinclair, Dene of
  Restalrig, being in the partes of France, and willing to returne
  hamewart in this oure Realme." (Ib. vol. i. p. 227.) In the above
  passage Knox evidently alludes to the disease of which the Bishop of
  Ross died, at Paris, on the 2d January 1564-5. (Diurnal of Occurrents,
  pp. 77, 79.)

The letter being read, it was concluded be the Counsale of the
Cabinet, that is, be the maist Secreat Counsale, that it imported
treason: wherof the Quene was not a little rejoised, for she thoght
anes to be reveanged of that hir great ennemie. It was concluded that
the Nobilitie sould be written for, that the condampnation sould have
the greatter authoritie. The day was appointed about the middest of
December; which was keapt of the hoill Counsale, and of dyvers
utheris, such as the Maister of Maxwell, the auld Laird of
Lethingtoun, and the said President.

[Sidenote: THE MAISTER OF MAXWELIS DISCHARGE TO JOHNE KNOX.]

In the meane tyme, the Erle of Murray returned from the North, to whom
the Secretary Lethingtoun opened the matter as best pleased him. The
Master of Maxwell[929] gave unto the said Johne, as it had bene, a
discharge of the familiaritie which before wes great betwix thame,
onles that he wald satisfie the Quene at hir awin syght.

  [929] In MS. G, "the Maister of Maxwell, efter maid Lord Herries." In
  a previous note, (vol. i. p 319,) it will be seen that Sir John
  Maxwell, whose name occurs repeatedly in Knox, married the eldest
  daughter and co-heiress of Lord Herries of Terreglis. Sometimes he is
  styled the Master of Maxwell, as presumptive heir of the title. He was
  much employed in public affairs, and was long Warden of the West
  Marches. Having joined himself with the Lords of the Congregation, on
  the 2d February 1559-60, he was one of the ambassadors sent by them to
  England. He was generally known as Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis; and
  this barony, in 1566, was erected into a Lordship, and Sir John took
  his seat in the Parliament 1567, as Lord Herries. In the latter period
  of his life, he became one of the most constant and zealous adherents
  of Queen Mary.

[Sidenote: REASSONYNG BETWIX YE MAISTER OF MAXWELL AND JOHNE KNOX.][930]

The answer[930] [of Johne Knox] was, "He knew no offence done be him
to the Quenis Majestie, and therfoir he wist nocht quhat satisfactioun
to mak."

  [930] The portion of the MS. which bears internal evidence of having
  been transcribed in 1566, terminates with the commencement of this
  paragraph. In what follows, having the marginal note 3 as a kind of
  title at the head of the page, and extending in all to twenty-nine
  leaves, the transcription could not have been earlier than December
  1571, (yet during Knox's life.) This concluding portion is hastily
  written, more like a scroll copy from dictation, than an accurate
  transcript--many of the words are omitted or inaccurately written.
  Various minute corrections, chiefly in orthography, have therefore
  been adopted from MS. G. It may further be added, that from the
  irregular manner of the writing, the marginal notes have suffered so
  much in the binder's hands, that some of them can scarcely be
  deciphered; but the Glasgow MS. fortunately serves to supply such
  deficiencies.

"No offence!" said the uther. "Haif ye not writtin letteris desyring
the Bretherin from all pairts to convene to Andro Armstrang and Patrik
Cranstounis day?"

"That I grant," said the uther; "but thairin I acknawledge no offence
[done be me."

"No offence,"][931] said he, "to convocat the Quenis liegis?"

  [931] The words inclosed within brackets are supplied from MS. G.

"Not for sua just ane cause," said the uther; "for grytter thingis wer
reput no offence within thir two yeiris."

"The time," said he, "is now uther; for than our Soverane wes absent,
and now sche is present."

"It is neather the absence nor the presence of the Quene," said he,
"that reulis my conscience, but God speiking plainlie in his word;
quhat was lauchfull to me last yeir, is yit lauchfull, becaus my God
is unchangeable."

"Weill," said the Maister, "I haif gevin you my counsell, do as ye
list; but I think ye sall repent it, gif ye bow not unto the Quene."

"I understand not," said he, "Maister, quhat ye mene. I nevir maid my
self ane adversarie pairtie unto the Quenis Majestie, except in to the
heid of religioun, and thairintill I think ye will nocht desyre me to
bow."

"Weill," said he, "ye are wise eneuch; but ye will find that men will
nocht beir with you in times to cum, as thay haif done in tymes
bypast."

"Gif God stand my freind," said the uther, "as I am assurit he of his
mercie will, so lang as I depend upon his promeise, and prefer his
glorie to my life and warldlie proffeit, I littill regaird how men
behave thame selffis towardis me; nether yit knaw I quhairin till ony
man hes borne with me in times past, unles it be, that of my mouth
thay haif heard the word of God, quhilk in times to cum, gif thay
refuise, my hairt wilbe persit, and for ane seasone will lament; but
the incommoditie wilbe thair awne."

And efter thir wordis, quhairinto the Laird of Lochinvar[932] wes
witness, thai departit. But unto this day, the 17th of December
1571,[933] thay met nocht in sick familiaritie as thay had befoir.

  [932] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar: see _supra_ p. 260, note 27.

  [933] This date forming part of the text, proves that this portion of
  the MS. must have been transcribed at that date: see introductory
  notice, vol i. p. xxx.

The bruit of the accusatioun of Johne Knox being divulged, Mr. Johne
Spens of Condie, Advocat,[934] a man of gentill nature, and ane that
professit the doctrine of the Evangell, came, as it wer, in secreit to
Johne Knox, to inquyre the cause of that grit bruit. To quhom the said
Johne wes plane in all thingis, and schew unto him the dowbill of the
letter. Quhilk heard and consydderit, he said, "I thank my God, I came
to you with ane feirfull and sorrowfull hairt, feiring that ye had
done sick ane cryme as lawis mycht haif punischit, quhilk wald haif
bene na small trubill to the hairtis of all sik as hes ressavit the
worde of life quhilk ye haif preichit; but I depairt gritlie rejosit,
alsweill becaus I persaif your awin confort, evin in the myddis of
your trubillis, as that I cleirly understand, that ye haif committit
no sik cryme as ye ar burdenit with: Ye wilbe accusit, (said he,) but
God will assist you." And sua he departit.

  [934] Mr. John Spens of Condie was Queen's Advocate from 1558, and has
  several times been mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 419. He died in
  June 1573. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 5th March 1577-8.)

[Sidenote: BEFOIR THAY DISDAINED NOT TO CUM TO HIS AWIN HOUS.]

[Sidenote: THE SECRETOURIS COUNSELL TO JOHN KNOX]

The Erle of Murray and the Secretarie send for the said Johne to the
Clerk of Registeris house, and began to lament that he had so heighlie
offendit the Quenis Majestie, the quhilk thai feirit sould cum to ane
grit inconvenient to him self, gif he wer not wyselie forsene. Thay
schew quhat paines and travell thai had tackin to mittigat hir anger,
but thai could find na thing but extremitie, unless he him self wald
confes his offence, and put him in hir Grace's will. To quhilk heidis
the said Johne answerit as followis:--

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX HIS ANSUER.]

"I praise my God, through Jesus Chryst, I haif leirnit nocht to cry
conjuratioun and tressoun at everie thing that the godles multitude
dois condempne, neither yit to feir the thingis that thai feir. I haif
the testimonie of ane gude conscience, that I haif gevin no occasioun
to the Quenis Majestie to be offendit with me; for I haif done na
thing but my dewtie, and so quhatsoevir sall thairof insew, my gude
houpe is, that my God will gif me patience to beir it. But to confes
ane offence whair my conscience witnesseth thair is nane, far beit
from me."

"How can it be defendit?" said Lethingtoun: "Haif ye not maid
convocatioun of the Quenis leigis?"

"Gif I haif nocht," said he, "a just defence for my fact,[935] lat me
smart for it."

  [935] In MS. 1566, "my falt."

"Lat us heir," said thai, "your defensses; for we wald be glaid that
ye mycht be found innocent."

"Nay," said the uther, "for I am informit, and that be diverse, and
evin be you, my Lord Secreatarie, that I am allreddie condampnit, and
my cause prejudged: Thairfoir I mycht be reputed ane fooll, gif I wald
mak you previe to my defensses."

[Sidenote: THIS WES THE FIRST TYME THAT THE ERLE OF MURRAY SPAK TO THE
SAID JOHN[936] EFTER THE PARLIAMENT.]

  [936] In MS. G, "spack to Johne Knox,"]

At thoise wordis thai semeit baith offendit; and so the Secretarie
departit. But the said Erle remanit still, and wald haif interit in
farder discourse of the estait of the Court with the said Johne, quho
ansuerit, "My Lorde, I understand mair than I wald of the effairis of
the Court; and thairfoir it is nocht neidfull that your Lordschip
trubill you with the recompting thairof. Gif ye stand in gude caise I
am content; and gif ye do not, as I fear you do nocht allreddie, or
ellis ye sall nocht do or it be lang, blame nocht me. Ye haif the
Counsalouris quhome ye haif chosin; my waik judgement baith ye and
thay dispyseit: I can do no thing but behald the end, quhilk, I pray
God, be other than my trubilled hairt feireth."

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX CALLIT BEFOIR THE QUENE AND COUNSELL IN ANNO
1563.][937]

  [937] In MS. G, "in December 1563."

Within four days, the said Johne wes callit befoir the Quene and
Counsell betwix sax and sevin houris at nycht:[938] The seassoune of
the yeir wes the middes of December. The bruit rysing in the toune,
that Johne Knox wes send for be the Quene, the brethering of the
Kirk[939] followit in such noumer, that the inner close was full, and
all the stairs, evin to the chalmer dure whair the Quene and Counsall
sat; quho had bene ressonyng amangis thame selves befoir, but had
nocht fullie satisfeyit the Secretaris mynd. And so wes the Quene
retyreit to hir cabinet, and the Lordis wer talkand ilk one with
uther, as occasioune served. Bot upoun the entre of John Knox, thay
wer commandit to tak thair places, and so thai did, sytting as
Counsalouris one aganis ane uther.

  [938] Knox states that his examination before the Privy Council was
  the middle of December. Randolph, in one of his dispatches to Cecil,
  on the 21st December, mentions that the Lords had assembled for three
  causes, the last of which was, "To take order with Knox and his
  faction, who intended, by a mutinous assembly made by his letter
  before, to have rescued two of their brethren, (viz. Armstrong and
  Cranston,) from course of lawe, for usinge an outrage upon a Priest
  saying Masse to the Queen's household at Halliruydhous." (Keith's
  Hist., vol. ii. p. 210.)

  [939] In MS. G, "the brethren of the Toun."

The Duke, according to his dignitie, began the one syde. Upone the
uther syde sat the Erle of Argyle, and consequentlie followit the Erle
of Murray, the Erle of Glencarne, the Erle of Merchell, the Lord
Ruthven, the commoun officeris, Pettarro than Controllor, the Justice
Clark, Mr. John Spens of Condie Advocat; and diverse utheris stude by.
Removeand from the tabill sat auld Lethingtoun, father to the
Secretour, Mr. Henrie Synclare then Bischope of Rosse, and Mr. James
M'Gill Clark Register.

Thingis thus put in ordour, the Quene cam furth, and with no littill
warldlie pomp, wes placeit in the chyre, haifing twa faithfull
supportis, the Maister of Maxwell upoun the ane tor, and Secretour
Lethingtoun on the uther tor of the chyre; quhairupoun thay waittit
dillegentlie all time of that accusatioun, sumtymes the one occupying
hir ear, sumtymes the uther. Hir pomp lackit one principall point, to
wit, womanlie gravitie; for when sche saw John Knox standing at the
uther end of the tabill bair-heided, sche first smyleit, and efter
gaif ane gawf lauchter. Quhairat quhen hir placeboes[940] gaif thair
_plaudite_, affirming with lyke countenance, "This is ane gude
begyning," sche said: "But wat ye whairat I lauch? Yon man gart me
greit, and grat never teir him self: I will see gif I can gar him
greit." At that word the Secretoure quhisperrit hir in the ear, and
sche him agane, and with that gaif him ane letter. Efter the
inspectioun thairof, he directit his vissage and speche to Johne Knox
in this maner:--

  [940] In MS. 1566, "hir placebo boyis."

"The Quenis Majestie is informit, that ye haif travellit to raise a
tumult of hir subjectis against hir, and for certificatioun thairof,
thair is presented to hir your awin letter subscryvit in your name.
Yit because hir Grace will do na thing without ane gude advysement,
sche hes convenit you befoir this pairt of the Nobilitie, that thai
may witness betwix you and hir."

"Lat him acknawlege," said sche, "his awin hand writ, and than sall we
juge of the contentis of the letter."

And so wes the letter presentit from hand to hand to Johne Knox, who,
taking inspectioun of it, said, "I glaidlie acknawlege this to be my
hand writ: and also I remember, I dyteit ane letter in the month of
October, giffin significatioun to the brether in sindrie quarteris, of
sick thingis as displesit me. And that gude opinioun haif I of the
fidelatie of the Scribes that willinglie thai wald nocht adulterat my
originall, albeit I left diverse blankis subscryvit with thame; and so
I acknawlege boith the hand write and the dytement."

"Ye haif done more," said Lethingtoun, "than I wald haif done."

"Charritie," said the uther, "is not suspicious."

"Weill, weill," said the Quene, "reid your awin letter, and than
answer to such thingis as salbe demandit of you."

"I sall do the best I can," said the other; and so with loud voce he
began to reid as befoir expressed.

Efter that the letter was red to the end, it was presentit agane to
Mr. Johne Spens; for the Quene commandit him to accuse, as he efter
did, but verie gentillie,--Efter, we say, that the letter was red, the
Quene, behalding the hoill tabill, said, "Hard ye evir, my Lordis, ane
mair dispitfull and tressonable letter?"[941]

  [941] The Letter on which this accusation was founded, is printed at
  page 395.

Quhill that no man gaif ansuer, Lethingtoun addressit him to John
Knox, and said, "Maister Knox, ar ye nocht sorie from your hairt, and
do ye nocht repent that sick ane letter hes past your pen, and from
you is cumin to the knawlege of utheris."

Johne Knox ansuerit, "My Lord Secretour, befoir I repent I maun be
taucht of my offence."

"Offence," said Lethingtoun, "gif thair wer na mair but the
convocatioun of the Quenis leigis, the offence can nocht be denyit."

"Remember your self, my Lord," said the uther, "thair is a differens
betwix ane lauchfull convocatioun, and ane unlauchfull. Giff I haif
bene giltie in this, I haif oft offendit sen I come [last] in
Scotland: for what convocatioun of the brethering hes ever bene to
this day into quhilk my pen servit not? Befoir this no man led it to
my chairge as ane cryme."

"Than wes than," said Ledingtoun, "and now is now: We haif no neid of
sick convocatiounis as sometimes we haif had."

Johne Knox ansuerit, "The time that hes bene is evin now befoir my
eyis; for I see the pure flock[942] in no less daunger nor it hes bene
at ony time befoir, except that the Devill hes gottin a vissorne upon
his face. Befoir he come in with his awin face, discoverit be opin
tyrannie, seiking the destructioun of all that hes refuissit
idolatrie; and than I think ye will confess the brethering lauchfullie
assembled thame selfis for defence of thair lyffeis. And now the
Devill cumis under the cloke of Justice, to do that quhilk God wald
nocht suffer him to do by strength."

  [942] In MS. 1566, "folk."

"What is this?" said the Quene. "Me think ye tryfill with him. Quho
gaif him authoritie to mak convocatioun of my leigis? Is nocht that
tressoun?"

"Na, Madam," said the Lord Ruithven, "for he makis convocatioun of the
pepill to heir prayer and sermoun almost daylie, and whatevir your
Grace or utheris will think thereof, we think it no tressoun."

"Hald your peace," said the Quene, "and let him mak ansuer for him
self."

"I began, [Madam]" said Johne Knox, "to ressoun with the Secratour,
quhome I tak to be ane far better dialectician[943] then your Grace
is, that all convocatiouns ar nocht unlauchfull: and now my Lord
Ruithven hes gevin the instance, quhilk gif your Grace will deny, I
sall addres me for the prufe."

  [943] In MS. 1566, "dalectiane."

"I will say nathing," said the Quene, "aganis your religioun, nor
aganis your convenyng to your sermonis: But quhat authoritie haif ye
to convocat my subjectis quhen ye will, without my commandiment?"

"I haif no plesour," said Johne Knox, "to declyne from the formar
purpoise. And yit, Madam, to satisfie your Grace's two questiounis, I
ansuer, that at my will I nevir convenit four persounis in Scotland;
but at the ordour that the bretherin hes appoyntit, I haif gevin
diverse adverteismentis, and grit multitudis haif assemblit
thairupone. And gif your Grace complane that this wes done without
your Graceis commandiment, I ansuer, sa hes all that God hes blissed
within this Realme from the begyning of this actioun. And thairfoir,
Madam, I maun be convyckit be ane just law, that I haif done aganis
the deutie of Godis messinger in writting of this letter, befoir that
either I be sorie, or yit repent for the doing of it, as my Lord
Secretour wald perswaid me: For what I haif done, I haif done [at] the
commandiment of the generall Kirk of this Realme; and thairfoir, I
think, I haif done na wrang."

"Ye sall not eschaip so," said the Quene. "Is it nocht tressoun, my
Lordis, to accuse ane Prince of creweltie? I think thair be Actis of
Parliament aganis sick whisperaris." That wes grantit of monie.

"But whairintill," said Johne Knox, "can I be accusit?"

"Reid this pairt of your awin bill," said the Quene, quhilk began,
"Thir feirfull summondis is direct aganis thame, (to wit, the
bretherin foirsaid,) to make, no dout, preparatioun[944] upoun ane
few, that ane dore may be opened till execute creweltie upoun ane
grytter multitude." "Lo," said the Quene, "quhat say ye to that?"

  [944] In MS. G. "a preparatyve."

Quhill monie doubtit quhan the said Johne sould ansuer, he said unto
the Quene, "Is it lauchfull for me, Madam, to ansuer for my self? Or
sall I be dampned befoir I be hard?"

"Say what ye can," said sche; "for I think ye haif eneuch ado."

"I will first [then] desyre this of your Grace, Madam, and of this
maist Honorabill audience, quhidder gif your Grace knawis nocht, that
the obstinat Papistis ar deidlie ennemeis to all sick as profess the
Evangill of Jesus Christ, and that thai moist eirnistlie desyre the
exterminatioun of thame, and of the trew doctrine that is taucht
within this Realme?"

The Quene held hir peace: but all the Lordis, with commoun voce, said,
"God forbid that either the lyves of the faythfull, or yit the staying
of the doctrine, stude in the power of the Papistis: for just
experience hes tauld us what creweltie lyis in[945] thair hertis."

  [945] In MS. G, 1566, "is in."

"I maun proceid than," said Johne Knox, "seing that I persaif that all
will grant that it wer ane barbarous creweltie to destroy sick ane
multitude as profess the Evangell of Jesus Christ within this Realme,
quhilk ofter then anis or twyse thai haif tempit to do be force, as
thingis done of lait dayis do testify, quhairof thay, be God and his
providence, being dissapointit, haif inventit moir craftie and
daingerous practises, to wit, to mak the Prince pairtie under cullour
of law: and so what thai could not do [be] oppin force, thai sall
perform be craftie deceat. For who thinkis, my Lordis, that the
insatiable crewaltie of the Papistis, within this Realme, I meane,
sall end in the murthering of these two bretherin now injustlie
summond, and moir unjustlie to be accusit. I think no man of judgement
can sa esteme, but rayther the direct contrair, that is, that by this
few noumer thai intend to prepair a way to thair bloodie interprises
aganis the whole. And thairfoir, Madam, cast up when ye list the Actis
of your Parliment. I haif offendit nathing aganis thame; I accuse
nocht in my letter your Grace, nor yit your natoure of creweltie. But
I affirm yit agane, that the pestilent Papistis, quho have inflamit
your Grace without caus againis those pure men at this present, ar the
sonis of the devill; and thairfoir maun obey the desires of thair
father, quho hes bene ane liar and ane murtherour from the begyning."

"Ye forget your self," said ane; "ye ar not now in the pulpit."

[Sidenote: LAT THE WARLD JUGE QUHAT EFFER SCHORTLIE ANSUERIT.][946]

  [946] This marginal note is omitted in MS G.

"I am in the place," said the uther, "quhair I am demandit of
conscience to speik the treuth; and thairfoir I speik. The treuth I
speik impung it quhoso list. And heirunto [I add,] Madam, that honest,
gentill, and meik naturis be appeirance, be wickit and corrupt
counsallouris, may be convertit and alter[947] to the direct contrair.
Exampill we haif of Nero, who in the begyning of his impyre, we find
haifing some naturall schame;[948] but efter that his flatteraris had
encuraged him in all impietie, alleging, that na thing wes either
unhonest nor yit unlauchfull for his personage, quho wes Empriour
abuif utheris: quhen he had drunken of this coup, I say, to quhat
enormiteis he fell, the historeis beiris witnes. And now, Madam, to
speik planelie, Papistis and conjureit ennemeis to Jesus Christ, haif
your Graceis eare patent at all tymeis. I assure your Grace thai ar
daingerous counsallouris, and that your Mother fand."

  [947] In MS. G, "be subverted and altered."

  [948] In M.S. 1566, "some mortell."

As this wes said, Ledingtoun smyleit,[949] and spak secreitlie to the
Queue in hir eare; what it wes, the tabill hard nocht. But immediatlie
sche addressit hir vissage, and spack to Johne Knox, and said, "Weill,
ye speik fair eneuch heir befoir my Lordis; but the last tyme I spak
with you secreitlie, ye causit me weip monie salt teiris, and said to
me stubernelie, 'Ye set not by my greitting.'"

  [949] In MS. G. "smyrklit."

"Madam," said the uther, "becaus now the secound tyme your Grace hes
burdened me with that crime, I maun ansuer, as [leist] for my silence
I be haldin gyltie. [If your Grace] be rypelie rememberit, the Laird
of Dun, yit leving to testifie the treuth, was present at that tyme
quhairof your Grace complenis. Your Grace accuseit me, that I had
irreventlie handyllit you in the pulpat; that I denyit. Ye said, What
ado had I to speik of your marriage? What was I, that I sould mell
with syk maiteris? I ansuerit, As tueching natour, I wes ane worm of
this earth, and yet ane subject of this Commounwelth; but as tueching
the office whairintill it hes plesit God to place me, I wes ane
watchman, bayth over the Realme, and over the Kirk of God gatherit
within the same; be reasoun whairof I wes bound in conscience to blaw
the trumpet publictlie, so oft as evir I saw onie upfall, onie
appeiring dainger,[950] either of the one or of the other. But sa it
wes, that ane certane bruit affermed that traffick of mariage wes
betwix your Grace and the Spanishe allya; quhairinto I said, that gif
your Nobylattie and Estaitis did agrie, unles that bayth ye and your
husband sould be so straitlie bound, that neither of you mycht hurte
this Commounwealth, nor yit the pure Kirk of God within the same, that
in that cais I wald pronunce, that the consentaris wer trubleris[951]
of this Commounwelth, and ennemeis to God, and to his promeis plantit
within the same.[952] At these wordis, I grant, your Grace stormed,
and burstit furth into ane unressonable weiping. Quhat myttigatioun
the Laird of Dun wald haif maid, I suppois your Grace hes not forget.
But whill that nathing wes abill to stay your weiping, I wes compellit
to say, I tak God to record, that I never tuik plesour to see onie
creatour weip, [yea, not my children quhen my awin hands had bett
thame,][953] meikle less can I rejoise to see your Grace mak sick
regreat. But seing I haif offerit your Grace no such occasioun, I maun
rather suffer your Grace to tack your awin plesour, or that I dar
conceil the treuth, and so betray baith the Kirk of God and my
Commounwelth. Thir wes the maist extreme wordis that I spak that day."

  [950] In MS. G, "ony upfall or apparand danger." In MS. 1566, "apfaw."

  [951] In MS. G, "wer traytors."

  [952] In MS. G, "and to his truth planted within the same."

  [953] These words omitted in MS 1566.

Efter that the Secretar had conferrit with the Quene, he said, "Mr.
Knox, ye may returne to your hous for this nicht."

"I thank God and the Quenis Majestie," said the other. "And, Madame, I
pray God to purge your hairt from Papeistrey, and to preserve you
from the counsall of flatteraris; for how pleasand that thei appeir to
your ear and corrupt affectioun for the tyme, experience hes tauld us
in what perplexatie thay have brocht famous princes."

Ledingtoune and the Maister of Maxwell [were] that nycht the two
stoupeis of hir chair.

Johne Knox being departit, the Tabill of the Lordis, and utheris that
wer present, wer demandit, everie man be his vote, Gif Johne Knox had
nocht offendit the Quenis Majestie. The Lordis voteit uniformelie thai
coulde find no offence. The Quene wes past to hir cabinet. The
flatteraris of the Courte, and Ledingtoune pryncipally, raged. The
Quene wes brocht agane, and placeit in hir chyre, and thai commandit
to vote oure agane: quhilk thing heichlie offendit the haill
Nobylattie, and began to speik in opin audience, "What! sall the Laird
of Lethingtoune haif power to controle us: or sall the presence of ane
woman caus us to offend God, and to dampne ane innocent aganis oure
conscience for plesour of onie creatour?" And so the haill Nobylattie
absolved Johne Knox agane, and praisit God for his modestie, and for
his plane and sensible ansueris. Yit befoir the end, ane thing is to
be noittit, to witt, that amangis sa monie placeboes, we mene the
flatteraris of Courte, thair wes nocht ane that planelie durst
condampne the pure man that was accusit, this same God reuling thair
tounge that sometymeis reulit the toung of Balaam,[954] when gladlie
he wald haif cursit Godis pepill.

  [954] In MS. 1566, "Balam."

[Sidenote: THE TANT OF THE QUENE TO MR. HENRIE SYNCLAIR.]

[Sidenote: THE CRAFT OF THE COURTE.]

This persaveit, the Quene began to upbraid Mr. Henrie Synclair, then
Bischope of Ross, and said, heiring his vote to agree with the rest,
"Trubill nocht the barne: I pray you trubill him nocht; for he is
newlie walknit out of his sleip. Why soulde nocht the aulde fule
follow the futestapis of thame that haif passit befoir him." The
Bischope answerit cauldlie, "Your Grace may considder, that it is
neither affectioun to the man, nor yit lufe to his proffessioun that
moved me to absolve him; but the sempill treuthe, quhilk planelie
appeiris in his defence, drawis me efter it, albeit that utheris wald
haif condampnit him." And this being said, the Lordis and haill
assisteris araise and departit. That nycht wes nether dansing nor
fyddilling in the Courte; for Madame wes disappoyntit of hir purpois,
quhilk wes to haif had Johne Knox in hir will be vote of hir
Nobylattie.

Johne Knox, absolved be the votes of the grittest pairt of the
Nobylattie from the cryme intendit aganis him, evin in the presence of
the Quene, sche rageit, and the placebois of the Courte stormed: And
so began new assaultis to be maid at the handis of the said Johne, to
confes ane offence, and to put him in the Quenis will, and thay soulde
promeis that his gryttest punischement sould be to go within the
Castell of Edinburgh, and immediatlie to returne to his awin hous. He
answerit, "God forbid that my confessioune soulde dampne those nobill
men that of thair conscience, and with displasour of the Quene, have
absolved me. And forder, I am assureit, ye will nocht in earnist
desyre me to confes ane offence, onles that thairwith ye wald desyre
me to ceise from preiching: for how can I exhorte utheris to peace and
Cryssin quyetnes, gif I confes myself ane authour and mover of
seditioun?"

[Sidenote: QUHILK BEGAN THE 25 OF DECEMBER.][955]

  [955] This note is taken into the text in MS. G. In MS. L 4, the
  paragraph reads:--"The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk convened at
  Edinburgh in the New Tolbuith, the 25th of December." And this
  marginal note is added:--"Quick speeches betwix some Courteours,
  Barrons, and Ministers."

[Sidenote: THE COURTE REFUISIT THE MINISTERIS.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk approcheit. But the juste
petitiounis of the Mynisteris and Commissionaris of Kirkis wer
dispysit at the first, and that with thir wordis, "As Mynisteris will
not follow our counsellis, so will we suffer Mynisteris to labour for
thame selfis, and see what speid thai cum." And when the quhole
Assemblie said, "Gif the Quene will not [provide for our Ministeris],
we man; [for] bayth Thrid and Tua pairt ar rigyrrouslie takin frome
us, and frome our tennentis." "Giff utheris," said one, "will follow
my counsell, the gaird and the Papistis sall complene als lang as our
Mynisteris haif done." At these wordis the former scherpnes wes
cullourit, and the speikare allegit, that he menit not of all
Mynisteris, bot of sum to quhome the Quene wes no dettour; for what
Thrid ressavit sche of Borrowis? Cristopheir Gudeman[956] ansuerit,
"My Lord Secretour, gif ye can schaw me what [just] tyttill either the
Quene hes to the Thrid, or the Papistis to the Twa pairt, then I think
I soulde solve[957] quhidder sche wer dettour to Mynisteris within
broughis or not." But thairto he ressavit this check for ansure, "_Ne
sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica_;" that is, "Lat not ane
strainger be curious in a strainge Commounewelth." The man of God
ansuerit, "Albeit I be ane strainger in your pollicey, yit so am I not
in the Kirk of God; and thairfoir the cair thairof does no less
appertene to me in Scotland than gif I wer in the myddis of Ingland."

  [956] Christopher Goodman was a native of Chester, born about the year
  1520, and educated at Oxford. During the persecutions in England,
  after Queen Mary's accession to the throne, he went first to
  Frankfort, then to Strasburg, and in September 1555, he was chosen
  Knox's colleague at Geneva. In 1558, he published his celebrated
  treatise, "How Superior Powers ought to be obeyed," which rendered him
  so obnoxious to Queen Elizabeth, on account of his statements on "The
  Regiment of Women." Finding no encouragement, on returning to England,
  he accompanied Knox's wife and family to Scotland, in September 1559,
  and became minister of Ayr. He was soon afterwards translated to St.
  Andrews, as a place of greater importance. He returned to England
  towards the close of 1565. (Booke of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 72.) He died
  at an advanced age, at Chester, in 1601. See notices collected by Dr.
  M'Crie, Life of Knox, vol. ii. pp. 331-333, 459.

  [957] In MS. 1566, "resonne."

[Sidenote: KNOX FALSLIE REPOIRTIT OF.]

Monie wonderit at the sylence of Johne Knox; for in all those quick
ressonyngis he openit not his mouthe. The cause thairof he himself
expressit in those wordis: "I haif travellit, rycht honorabill and
belovit Bretherin, sen my last arryval within this Realme in ane
uprycht conscience befoir my God, seiking no thing more, as he is [my]
wytness, than the advancement of his glorie, and the stabillitie of
his Kirk within this Realme; and yit of lait dayis I haif bene
accuseit as ane sedytious man, and as ane that usurpes unto my self
power that becumis me nocht. Trew it is, I haif gevin adverteismentis
into the bretherin in dyveris quarteris, of the extremitie intendit
aganis certane faythfull for luiking to ane Preist going to Mess, and
for observing of those that transgressit juste lawis; bot [that]
thairintill I haif usurped farther power than is gevin into me, till
that be you I be dampned, I utterlie deny; for I say, that be you,
that is be the chairge of the Generall Assemblie, I haif als just
power to adverteise the bretherin from tyme to tyme of daingers
appeiring, as that I haif to preche the worde of God in the pulpett of
Edinbrough; for be you I wes appoyntit to the one and to the uther;
and thairfoir, in the name of God, I craif your jugementis. The
dainger that appeirit to me in my accusatioun wes nocht sua feirfull
as the wordis that come to my earis wer dollorous to my hairt; for
thir wordis wer planelie spokin, and that be sum Protestantis, 'What
can the Pape do mair then send furth his Letteris, and requyreit thame
to be obeyit.' Lat me haif your jugementis thairof, quhidder that I
haif usurped onie power to my self, or gif I haif bot obeyit your
commandiment."

The flatteraris of the Courte, amangis quhome Sir Johne Ballentyne,
Justice Clerk,[958] wes then not the leist, began to storme, and said,
"Sall we be compellit to justifie the rasch doingis of men?" "My
Lorde," said Johne Knox, "ye sall speik your plesour for the present:
of you I craif no thing; bot gif the Kirk that is heir present do not
either absolve me, or ellis condampne me, nevir sall I in publict or
in privat, as ane publict mynister, open my mouthe in doctrine or in
ressonyng."

  [958] In MS. G, "Bellenden," the same name during the 16th century
  being written Ballenden, Bellenden, Ballantyne, Bannatyne. Sir John
  Bellenden of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk, is repeatedly mentioned by
  Knox: see notes in vol. i. pp. 358, 418.

Efter lang contentioun, the said Johne being removed, the whole Kirk
fand, that a chairg wes gevin unto him to adverteis the Bretherin in
all quarteris as oft as evir dainger appeirit; and thairfoir avowit
that fact not to be his onlie, bot to be the fact of all. Thairat wer
the Quenis claw-backis mair inrageit than evir thai wer; for sum of
thame had promissit to the Quene to get the said Johne convyct, baith
be the Consall and be the Kirk;[959] and being frustrat of boith, sche
and thai thocht thame selffis nocht [a little] dissapoyntit.

  [959] In MS. G, "Churche" is now generally used for "Kirk."

[Sidenote: 1563.]

[Sidenote: HURDOME AND MURDOUR IN THE COURTE.]

[Sidenote: SEMPILL AND LEVINGSTOUN.]

[Sidenote: MARIES REGIMENT.]

In the verie tyme of the Generall Assemblie, thair cumis to publyct
knawlege ane heinous murdour committed in the Courte, yea, not far
from the Quenis awin lap; for ane Frenche woman, that servit in the
Quenis chalmer had playit the hure with the Quenis awin
hipoticary.[960] The woman conceveit and bare ane child, quhome with
commoune consent the father and the mother murthered. Yit wer the
cryis of ane new borne barne hard; searche wes maid, the chylde and
mother wes baith deprehendit; and so wer baith the man and the woman
dampned to be hangit upoun the publict streit of Edinburgh. The
punischment wes notable, becaus the cryme wes heinous. Bot yit wes not
the Courte purged of hureis and huredome, quhilk wes the fontane of
sik enormiteis; for it wes weill knawin, that schame haistit mariage
betwix Johne Sempill, callit the Danser, and Marie Levingstoune,
surnameit the Lustie.[961] What bruit the Maries and the rest of the
dansaris of the Courte had, the ballattis of that aige[962] did
witnes, quhilk we for modesteis sake omit. Bot this wes the commoune
complaint of all godlie and wyse men, that giff thai thocht that sick
ane Courte soulde lang continew, and giff thai luikit for no uther
lyffe to cum, thay wald haif wissit thair soneis and dochteris rather
to have bene brought up with fydlaris and dansaris, and to have bene
exerceit in flinging upone ane flure, and in the rest that thairof
followis, than to haif bene nurisched in the companie of the godlie,
and exerceissit in vertew, quhilk in that Courte wes haittit, and
fylthines not onlie maintenit, bot also rewairded. Witnes the
Lordschip[963] of Abercorne, the baronie of Authormortie,[964] and
diverse utheris pertenyng to the patrimonie of the Crowne, gyffin in
heritage to scouparis, dansaris, and dalliaris with damis. This wes
the begyning of the regement of Marie Quene of Scottis, and thir wer
the fructeis that sche brocht furth of France. "Lorde, luik upone our
mysereis, and delyver us from the tyrannie[965] of that hure, for thy
awin meir mercies saik."

  [960] MS. G, "Hypothecary;" in MS. L 4, "Apothecar." No notice of
  their trial and execution is elsewhere given; and the Record of the
  Criminal Court at this period, which might have furnished the same, is
  not preserved.

  [961] John Sempill was the son of Robert third Lord Sempill, by a
  second marriage with Elizabeth Carlyle. (Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p.
  494.) Mary Levingstone was one of the Queen's Maries who accompanied
  her to France, and was the youngest daughter of Alexander fifth Lord
  Levingstone. It may have been to ensure their marriage that the Queen,
  by a special grant under the Privy Seal, to "John Sempill, sone to hir
  cousin Robert Lord Sempill, and Marie Levingstoun his spous, sister to
  William Lord Livingstone," granted a charter of various lands, in
  consideration that "it had pleisit God to move thair hartis to joyne
  togidder in the stait of matrimonye." It is dated 9th March 1564-5. In
  the Parliament 19th April 1567, when it proposed to annul the
  forfeiture of George Earl of Huntley, which would affect various
  grants that had been made, the charter of infestment in the lands of
  Auchtermuchty, Stewarton, and others, to Sempill, was anew ratified by
  the Queen. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 559.) The same favour was
  continued by James the Sixth, on the penult November 1581, from his
  general Revocation of grants, among other exceptions, "reservit and
  exceptit" the infestment made by Queen Mary "to umquhile John Semple
  of Butress, and Marie Livingston his spous, of the town and lands of
  Auchtermuchtie, and otheris," &c. (ib. vol. iii. p. 245.) This shews
  that Semple was then deceased. He had acquired the lands of Beltrees
  in Renfrewshire--a name distinguished in the literature of Scotland
  during the 17th century.

  [962] The ballads to which Knox specially alludes are not known to be
  preserved. Various enactments and proclamations were made from time to
  time, prohibiting, in 1556, for instance, "the odeous ballates and
  rymes laitly sett furth be sume evill inclinit personis of your toun."
  (Maitland's Hist. of Edinb., p. 14.)

  [963] In MS. 1566, "Bischope of."

  [964] In MS. G, "Achermoutie." It will be seen from the previous note
  3, that the lands of Auchtermuchty, in Fife, had been conferred on
  John Sempill and Mary Levingstone, his wife, in 1565. The Lordship of
  Abercorn was probably bestowed about the same time upon one of the
  courtiers. At a later period, at least, John Levingstone, one of the
  Master Stabularis, had a grant in feu-farm of the lands, &c., of
  Abercorn, 10th October 1587, of which he obtained a ratification by
  Parliament, 5th June 1592. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. iii. p. 643.)

  [965] In MS. 1566, "tyranitie."

[Sidenote: PRAYIT AND WRITTEN QUHEN SHE WES IN GRYTEST
AUTHORITIE.][966]

  [966] Or, in the year 1566.

[Sidenote: GREIT WEIT AND FROIST IN JANUARE 1563.]

[SIDENOTE: WONDARIS SENE IN FEBRUAR.]

[Sidenote: BANKITING IN THE COURTE, BOT CONTEMP OF THE MYNISTERIS.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PROMEIS.]

God from hevin, and upone the face of the eirth, gaif declaratioun
that he wes offendit at the iniquitie that wes committit evin within
this Realme; for upone the 20th day of Januare thair fell weit in grit
aboundance, quhilk in the falling freisit so vehementlie, that the
eirth wes bot ane scheit of ysce. The foules baith grit and small
freisit, and mycht nocht flee: monie deyit, and sum wer takin and laid
besyde the fyre, that thair fetheris mycht resolve. And in that same
moneth the sey stude still, as wes clerlie observed, and nather ebbit
nor flowit the space of 24. houris. In the moneth of Februare, the
15th and 18th day thairof, wes sene in the fyrmament battelis arrayit,
speiris, and utheris weapounis, and as it had bene the joinyng of two
armeis. Thir thingis wer nocht onlie observed, bot also spokin and
constantlie affyrmed be men of jugement and credit. But the Quene and
our Court maid myrrie. Thair wes banketting upoun banketting. The
Quene wald banket all the Lordis; and that wes done upoun polessie, to
remove the suspitioune of hir displesour aganis thame, becaus thai
wald nocht at hir devotioun dampne Johne Knox. To remove, we say, that
jeloussie, sche maid the banket to the haill Lordis, quhairat sche
wald haif the Duke amangis the rest. It behuifit thame to banket hir
agane; and so did banketting continew till Fastronis-evin and efter.
But the pure Mynisteris wer mockit, and reputed as monsteris; the
gaird, and[967] the effairis of the kytcheing wer so gryping, that the
Mynisteris stipendis could nocht be payit; and yit at the Assemblie
precedeand, solemnitlie promeis wes maid in the Quenis name, be the
mouth of Secretour Lethingtoune, in the audiance of monie of the
Nobylatie and of the hoill Assemblie, who affyrmeit, that he had
commandiment of hir Heichnes to promeis[968] unto thame full
contentatioun to all the Mynisteris within the Realme of thingis
bygane; and of suche ordour to be keipit in all tymeis to cum, that
the whole bodie of the Protestantis soulde haif occasioune to stand
content. The Erle of Murray affermit the same, with monie uthair fair
promeisses gevin be writ be Lethingtoune him self; as in the register
of the Actis done in the Generall Assemblie may be sene.[969] Bot how
that, or yit anie uther thing promissit by hir, or in hir name, unto
the Kirk of God, wes observed, the Warlde can witnes.

  [967] In MS. 1566, "regairdand" as one word.

  [968] In MS. 1566, "to pronunce."

  [969] See the proceedings of the General Assembly, (Book of the
Universall Kirk, vol. i. p. 48.)

The Mynisteris perceaving all thingis tend to ruyne, dischairgit thair
conscience in publict and in previt; but thay ressaifit for thair
laubouris haitred and indignatioun; and amangis utheris, that worthie
servand of God, Mr. John Craig, speiking aganis the manifest
corruptioun that then withoute schame or feir declareit the self,
said, "Sum tymeis wer hypocriteis knawin be thair disgyseit habittis,
and we had men to be monkis, and women to be nunis; but now all
thingis ar so chaingit, that we can nocht dyscerne the Erle frome the
Abbot, nor the Nun frome sik as wald be haldin the Nobill-wemin;[970]
so that we haif gottin ane new ordour of monkis and nunis. But, (said
he,) seing that ye eschame not of that unjuste proffeit, wald God that
thairwith ye had the coule of the nun, the vaill, yea, and the taill
joyned with all,[971] that so ye mycht appeir in your awin cullouris."

  [970] In MS. 1566, "gentillman."

  [971] In MS. 1566, these words appear in this unintelligible form, "ze
  had the coule of the waill, ye and the taill junit with all."

[Sidenote: LETHINGTOUNE TWYSE DEFYIT THE SERVANDIS OF GOD.]

This lybertie did so provoik the choller[972] of Lethingtoune, that in
opin audience he gaif him unto the Devill, gif that ever efter that
day he sould regaird what become of Mynisteris, that he sould do what
he could, that his companyeounis sould haif ane skair with him; "And
lat thame bark and blaw," said he, "alse loude as thay list." And so
that wes the second tyme that he had gevin [his] defyance to the
servandis of God. And heirupone raise whispering and complainttis, all
be the flatteraris of the Courte, complenyng that men wer not
cheritably[973] handyllit: "Mycht nocht synnis be repruifit in
generall, albeit that men wer not so specialie taxed, that all the
warlde mycht knaw of whome the preachour spak?" Quhairinto wes the
ansuer maid, "Let men eschame publiklie to offend, and the Mynisteris
sall abstene from specialiteis; but so lang as Protestantis ar not
eschameit manifestlie to do aganis the evangill of Jesus Chryste, so
lang can nocht the Mynisteris of God ceise to cry, that God wilbe
revengit upoun sik abusearis of his holie worde."

  [972] In MS. 1566, "the collowre."

  [973] In MS. 1566, "chyrrable."

And thus had the servandis of God ane doubill battell, fechting upoun
the one syde aganis the idolatrie and the rest of the abominatiounis
mentenit be the Quene; and upoun the uther pairt, aganis the
unthankfulnes of sik as sumtyme wald haif bene estemed the cheiff
pyllaris of the Kirk within the Realme.

[Sidenote: 1564.]

The threitnyngis of the prechouris wer feirfull; but the Courte thocht
the self in [such] securitie that it coulde nocht myscary.[974] The
Quene, efter the banketting, keipit a dyett [be directioun of]
Monsieur Lusury, Frenche man, who had bene acquaintit with hir maladie
befoir, being hir physicioun:[975] And theirefter sche, for the
secound tyme, maid hir progresses in the North,[976] and commandit to
waird in the Castell of Edinburgh the Erle of Kaithness,[977] for ane
murther committit be his servandis upoun the Erle of Merchellis men.
He obeyit, bot he wes sodentlie relevit; for sik blude-thrystie men
and Papeistis, sik as he is, ar best subjectis to the Quene. "Thy
kingdome cum, O Lord; for in this Realme is no thing (amangis sik as
soulde punische vyce and mentene vertew) but abhominatiounis abounding
withoute brydell."

  [974] In MS. 1566, "mynnistrey."

  [975] In MS. G, "Monsieur la Usurie." The person referred to was
  Jacques Lusgerie, who had been the Queen's physician while she resided
  in France. He is mentioned by her in a letter to Catharine de Medicis,
  12th March 1565. In May 1571, the Queen requests Beaton to send her a
  physician from France, with the advice, or recommended by Lusgerie.
  (Labanoff, Lettres, &c., vol. i. p. 256; vol. vii. p. 305.)

  [976] Before the Queen's second progress in the North, she had visited
  the West of Scotland, and returned from Inverary through Ayrshire to
  Dumfries. This journey lasted from the 29th June till the beginning of
  September 1563. After stopping a few days in Edinburgh, she proceeded
  to Perthshire and Stirling. But the journey to which Knox here alludes
  was in the following year. She rode from Edinburgh on the 22d of July
  1564. She was at Perth on the 31st, when she went into the district of
  Athole "to the hunting." After crossing the mountains, and visiting
  some parts of Inverness-shire, and the Chanonry of Ross, she returned
  along the east coast, by Aberdeen and Dunottar, to Dundee and St.
  Andrews, reaching Holyrood on the 25th or 26th September, after an
  absence of upwards of two months.

  [977] George fourth Earl of Caithness, who died 9th September 1582.

The flatteraris[978] of the Courte did daylie inrage aganis the pure
Prechouris: happyest wes he that coulde invent the moist bytter tantis
and disdainfull mokingis of the Mynisteris. And at lenth thai began to
jest at the terme of Idolatrie, affirmyng, "That men wist nocht what
thai spak, quhan thai callit the Messe Idolatrie." Yea, sum proceidit
farder, and feirit nocht at opin tabilles to affirme, "That thai wald
sustene the argument, that the Messe wes no Idolatrie." These thingis
cuming to the earis of the prechouris, wer proclamit in publyct
pulpett of Edinburgh, with this complaynt direct be the speikare[979]
to his God. "O Lord, how lang sall the wyckit prevaill aganis the
juste! How lang sall thou suffer thy self and thy blessit Evangill to
be dyspysit of men; of men, we say, that makis[980] thame selfis
defendaris of the treuth! For of thy manifest and knawin ennemeis we
complene nocht, bot of such as unto whom thou hes reveilit thy lycht:
for now it cumis into our eiris, that men, not Papistis, we say, bot
cheif Protestantis, will defend the Messe to be no Idolatrie. Giff so
wer, O Lord, myserablie haif I bene disavit, and myserablie, alace, O
Lord, haif I deceavit thy peopill; quhilk thou knawis, O Lord, I haif
evir moir abhorrit than a thousand deithis. Bot," said he, turnyng his
face towardis the rowme where sik men as so had affirmed, sat, "Gif I
be nocht able to prove the Messe to be the moist abhominable Idolatrie
that evir wes useit sen the begynning of the Worlde, I offer my self
to suffer the punischement appoyntit be God to a fals teichare; and it
appeiris unto me," said the preichare, "that the affirmeris soulde be
subject to the same law: for it is the treuthe of God that ye
persecute and blaspheme; and it is the inventioun of the Devill, that
obstinatlie aganis his Worde, ye menteyne. Whairat, albeit ye now
flyrt and ye flyre, as [thocht] that all wer spokin wer but wind,[981]
yit am I [als] assureit, as I am assureit that my God leveth, that sum
that hear this your defectioun and railling aganis the treuthe and
servandis of God, sall see ane pairt of Godis jugementis poured furth
upoun this Realme, (and pryncipallie upoun you[982] that fastest
cleifes to the favour of the Courte,) for the abominatiounes that ar
be you menteneit." Albeit that suche vehemencie provoikit teiris of
sum, yit those men that knew themselfis guilty, in a mocking maner
said, "We must recant, and burne oure bill; for the Prechouris ar
angrie."

  [978] In MS. 1566, "flattering."

  [979] That is, by Knox himself.

  [980] In MS. G, "that boastis."

  [981] In MS. 1566, "wounde."

  [982] In MS. M. there is added this remark, "But this threatening was
  accomplished in his owne person;" and the next paragraph is wholly
  omitted.

[Sidenote: ANNO 1564.]

[Sidenote: THIS WES NEVIR DONE BE THIS AUTHOR.]

The Generall Assemblie, halden in Junij 1564,[983] approcheit, unto
the which greit[984] pairt of the Nobylatie, of those that ar callit
Protestantis, convenit; sum for assistance of the mynisteris, and sum
to accuse thame, as we will efter heir.[985]

  [983] At Edinburgh on the 25th June 1564.

  [984] In MS. 1566, "aggreit."

  [985] Here and a few lines above, in MS. 1566, of two marginal notes
  only some unintelligible letters remain unmutilated by the binder: but
  the notes occur in MS. G, as follows:--

  "Lethingtounes countenance at the threatnings of the preichars."

  "Let the Warld judge quhidder this has cummyn to pas or not, and quhat
  has fallin out sen that tyme."

A lyttill befoir the trubles, quhich Sathan raised in the bodie of
the Kirk, began Davie[986] to grow grit in Courte. The Quene usit him
for Secretarie, in thingis that appertenit to hir secreit effaires, in
France[987] or ellis quhair. Grit men maid in Courte unto him, and
thair sutes wer the better heard. Bot of the begynning and progress,
we delay now forder to speik, becaus his end will requyre the
descryptioune of the whole: [And referris it unto suche, as God sall
rayse up to do the same.][988]

  [986] In MS. G, "began one Davie, ane Italiane." That is David Riccio:
  see article in the Appendix to this volume.

  [987] The words "in France," are omitted in MS. 1566; and "effaires,"
  is written "faires."

  [988] The words enclosed within brackets, are supplied from MS. G.
  They occur in MS. L 4, but neither in L 3, or in MS. 1566. In place of
  this, on the margin of that MS. we find, as above, "THIS WES NEVIR
  DONE BE THIS AUTHOR;" a remark, which was probably added after Knox's
  death by his Secretary, or the person who transcribed this portion of
  the MS.

The first day of the Generall Assemblie, the Courtiouris nor the
Lordis that dependit upoun the Court, presentit nocht thame selfis in
the sessioun with thair Bretherin. Whairat monie wondering, ane
anceyant and honorable man, the Laird of Lundie,[989] said, "Nay, I
wonder nocht of thair present absence; but I wonder that at our last
Assemblie, thai drew thame selfis ane pairt, and joynit nocht with us,
but drew from us some of our mynisteris, and wylleit thame to conclude
sik thingis as war never proponit in the publick Assemblie, [quhilk
apperis to me to be a thing][990] verrie prejudiciall to the libertie
of the Kirk. And, thairfoir, my jugement is, that thai salbe informit
of this offence, quhilk the whole Bretherin haif consaveit of thair
former falt; humblie requyring thame, that gif thai be Bretherin, thai
will assist thair Bretherin with thair presence and counsall, for we
had nevir grytter neid. And gif thai be myndit to fall back from us,
it wer better we knaw it now than afterward." Thairto aggreyit the
whole Assemblie, and gaif commissioun to certene Bretherin to signify
the myndis of the Assemblie to the Lordis; quhilk wes done that same
day efter noon.[991]

  [989] Walter Lundie or Lundin of Lundie, in Fife. The name of the
  "Laird of Lundie" occurs very frequently in the Book of the Kirk.

  [990] The words within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.

  [991] According to Calderwood, on the 26th June 1564 "The Laird of
  Lundie, and the Superintendent of Lowthian, war appointed to request
  the Lords of Secreit Counsell to assist the Assemblie with thair
  presence and counsell." In like manner, at the next General Assembly,
  on the 25th December, "William Wallace of Carnell, and Andrew Ker of
  Fadownside, war sent to the Lords of Secreit Counsell, to requist
  thair Honours to assist the Assemblie with thair presence and
  counsell."

The Courteouris at first semeit nocht a lyttill offendit, that thay
sould be as it wer suspectit of defectioun: yit, nevirtheles, upoun
the morrow, thai joynit with the Assemblie, and come into it: But thai
drew thame selfis, lyke as thai did befoir, apairt, and enterit the
Inner Counsell-house. Thair wes the Dukis Grace, the Erles Argyle,
Murray, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merchell, Rothes; the Maister of Maxwell,
Secretour Lethingtoun, the Justice Clark, the Clark of Register, and
the Controllour, the Laird of Pittarro.

Efter a lyttill consultatioun, thai direct ane messinger, Mr. George
Hay,[992] than callit the Minister of the Court, requyring the
Superintendantis, and sum of the leirnit ministeris, to confer with
thame. The Assemblie ansuerit, "That thai convenit to delyberat upoun
the commoun effairis of the Kirk; and, thairfoir, that thay could
nocht lack thair Superintendantis and cheif ministeris, whose
jugementis wer so necessarie, that without thame the rest sould sit as
it wer idill; and thairfoir willand thame (as of befoir) that gif thay
acknawlege thame selfis memberis of the Kirk, that thai wald joyne
with the Bretherin, and propone in publict sik thingis as thai
pleissit; and so thai sould haif the assistance of the whole in all
thingis that mycht stand to Godis commandiment. But to send from thame
selfis a portioun of thair companie, thai understand that thairof hurt
and sclander mycht aryse, rather than anie proffeit or conforte to the
Kirk: for thay feirit, that all men sould nocht stand content with
the conclusioun, whair the conference and ressounis wer hard but of a
few."

  [992] See note 2, page 352. In the proceedings of the General
  Assembly, 30th December 1563, Mr. George Hay is styled "Minister of
  the Privie Counsell."

This ansuer wes nocht giffin without cause; for no small travell wes
maid, to haif drawin sum mynisteris to the factioun of the
Courtiouris, and to haif sustenit thair argumentis and opiniounis. But
whan it wes persaifit be the moist politick amangis thame, that thai
could not prevaill be that meanes, thai proponeit the matter in uther
termis, purging thame selfis, first, that thai nevir ment to
devyde[993] thame selfis from the sociatie of thair bretherin; but,
because thai had certane heidis to confer with certane ministeris;
thairfoir, for avoyding of confusioun, thai thocht it mair expedient
to haif the conference befoir a few, rather than in the publict
audience. But the Assemblie[994] did still reply, "That secreit
conference wald thay nocht admit in those heidis that sould be
concludit be generall voit." The Lordis promeissit, "That no
conclusioun sould be taikin, nether yit voit requyreit, till that
bayth the propositiounis and the ressounis sould be heard, and
considderit of the whole bodie." And upoun that conditioun wer
directit unto thame, with expressit chairge to conclude no thing
without the knawledge[995] and advyse of the Assemblie, the Laird of
Dun, Superintendant of Anguss, the Superintendantis of Lothyane and
Fyffe,[996] Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, Williame Crystisoune, Mr.
David Lyndesay, mynisteris, with the Rectour of Sanctandrois,[997] and
Mr. George Hay; the Superintendant of Glasgow, Mr. Johne Willok, wes
Moderatour, and Johne Knox waitit upoun the Scrybe. And so thay wer
appoyntit to sit with the Bretherin. And that because the principall
compleint tuychit[998] Johne Knox, he wes also callit for.

  [993] In MS. G, "to separate."

  [994] "Assemblie" is usually written "assemble;" but, as already
  remarked, the orthography in this portion of the MS. is very peculiar,
  and requires correction.

  [995] In MS. G, "acknawlege."

  [996] John Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynrame.

  [997] John Douglas.

  [998] In MS. G, "concernit."

[Sidenote: LEDINGTOUN'S HARANGE AT THE ASSEMBLIE IN JUNIJ 1564
ZEIRIS.]

Secretour Lethingtoun began the harangue,[999] which contenit these
heidis: First, How much we wer adettit unto God, be whois providence
we had libertie of religioun under the Quenis Majestie, albeit that
sche wes nocht persuadeit in the same: Secoundlie, How necessarie ane
thing it wes that the Quenis Majestic, be all gude offices, (so spak
he,) of the Kirk, and of the mynisteris principally, sould be retenit
in that constant opinioun, that thai unfeinzeitlie favourit hir
advancement, and procureit hir subjectis to haif ane gude opinioun of
hir: And, last, How daingerous ane thing it was, that mynisteris sould
be noittit ane to disagree from ane uther, in form of prayer for hir
Majestie, or in doctrine conserning obedience to hir Majesties
authoritie: "And in these two last heidis, (said he,) we desyre you
all to be circumspect; but especially we maun craif of you our
brother, Johne Knox, to moderat your selff, als weall in form of
praying for the Quenis Majestie, as in doctrine that ye propone
tuyching hir estait and obedience. Neither sall ye tak this, (said
he,) as spokin to your reproche, _quia nevus[1000] interdum in corpore
pulchro_, but becaus that otheris, by your example, may imitate the
lyke libertie, albeit nocht with the same modestie and foirsycht; and
what opinioun may ingedder[1001] in the peopillis heidis, wyse men do
forsee."

  [999] In MS. G, this marginal note stands: "Lethingtonis harrange in
  the Assembly in 1584;" a mistake in the date only worthy of notice, as
  affording an indication of the time when the MS itself was
  transcribed.

  [1000] In MS. G, "_quia mens_."

  [1001] In MS. G, "ingender."

The said Johne prepairit him for ansuer, as followis: "Gif such as
feir God haif occasioune to praise him, that becaus that idolatrie is
maintenit, the servandis of God dispyseit, wyekit men placeit agane in
honour and authoritie, (Mr. Henrie Synclair wes of schort tyme befoir
maid President,[1002] who befoir durst nocht haif syttin in jugement;)
and, finalie, (said he,) gif we aucht to prais God becaus that vice
and impyettie overfloweth this hoill Realme without punischment, than
haif we occasioun to rejoise and to prayse[1003] God: But gif those
and the lyke use to provoik Godis vengeance aganis Realmis and
Natiounis, than, in my jugement, the godlie within Scotland aucht to
lament and murne; and so to prevent Goddis jugementis, leist that he,
fynding all in a lyke security,[1004] stryke in his hot indignatioun,
begynning [perchance] at sik as think thai offend nocht."

   [1002] Sinclair had been appointed President of the Court of Session
   in 1559: see page 398, note 1.

   [1003] In MS. 1566, "and praysit."

   [1004] In MS. 1566, "lyke secreit."

"That is ane heid," said Lethingtoun, "whairinto ye and I nevir
aggreyit; for how ar ye abill to prove that evir God straik or plaigit
ane natioun or peopill for the iniquitie of thair Prince, gif that
thame selfis levit godlie?"

[Sidenote: 2 PARALI. 33.][1005]

  [1005] That is, _Paralipomena_, a name given by the Alexandrian
  translators to the two Books of Chronicles, as _things omitted_ or
  supplementary to the other historical records belonging to the Old
  Testament Canon. (Kitto's Biblical Cyclopedia.)

"I lukeit," said he, "my Lord, to haif audience, till that I had
absolvit the uthor two pairtis; but seing it pleissis your Lordship to
cut me off befoir the myddis, I will ansuer to your questioun. The
Scriptour of God teichis me, that Jerusalem and Juda wes punischit for
the sinne of Manasses; and gif ye will allege, that thai wer punischit
because that thai wer wyckit, and offendit with thair King, and nocht
because thair King wes wyckit; I ansuer, that albeit the Spreit of God
makis for me, saying in expressit wordis, 'For the syn of Manasses,'
yit will I nocht be so obstinat as to lay the whole syn, and plaigis
that thairof followit, upoun the King, and utterlie absolve the
peopill; but I will grant with you, that the whole peopill offendit
with the King: but how, and in what fassioun, I feir that ye and I
sall nocht agrie. I doute nocht but the grit multitude accumpanit him
in all abhominatiounis quhilk he did; for idolatrie, and ane fals
religioun haith evir bene, is, and wilbe plesing to the moist pairt of
men. But to affirm that all Juda committit realie the actis of his
impyettie, is but to affirm that quhilk nether hes certentie, nor yit
appeirence of ane treuth: for who can think it to be possible, that
all those of Jerusalem sould so schoirtlie turn to externall
idolatrie, considdering the notabill reformatioun laitlie befoir had
in the days of Ezechias? But yit, says the text, 'Manasses maid Juda
and the inhabitantis of Jerusalem to erre.' True it is; for the one
pairt, as I haif said, willinglie followit him in his idolatrie, and
the other, be ressoune of his authoritie, sufferit him to fyle
Jerusalem, and the tempill of God, with all abhominatiounis, and so
wer thai all cryminall for his sin; the one be act and deid, the uther
be suffering and permissioun: even as hoill Scotland is guiltie this
day of the Quenis idolatrie, and ye, my Lordis, speciallie above all
utheris."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that is the cheif heid quhairin we nevir
aggreit; but of that we sall speik heirefter. What will ye say as
tuyching the moveing of the peopill to haif ane gude opinioun of the
Quenis Majestie, and as concerning obedience to be gevin to hir
authoritie, as also of the form of the prayer quhilk commounlie ye
use," &c.

"My Lord," said he, "moir eirnistlie to move the peopill, or yit
utherwyse to pray than heirtofoir I haif done, a gude conscience will
nocht suffer me; for He who knawis the secreittis of hertis, knawis
that privilie and publictlie I haif callit to God for hir conversioun,
and haif willit the peopill to do the same, schawing thame the
dangerous estait quhairin nocht onelie sche hir self standis, but also
the haill Realme, be the ressoun of hir indureit blindnes," &c.

"That is it," said Lethingtoun, "whairin we find gryttest falt. Your
extremitie aganis hir Messe, in particular, passis meassour. Ye call
hir ane slaif to Sathan; ye affirme that Godis vengeance hingis oure
the Realme, be ressoune of hir impietie;[1006] and what is this ellis
but to rouse up the hairt of the peopill aganis hir Majestie, and
aganis thame that serve hir."

  [1006] In MS. G, "iniquity."

[Sidenote: THE MR. OF MAXWELL'S WORDS IN THE ASSEMBLIE.]

Thair wes heard ane exclamatioun of the rest of the flatteraris, that
sick extremittie could nocht proffit. The Maister of Maxwell said in
plane wordis, "Gif I war in the Quenis Majesties place, I wald nocht
suffer sick thingis as I heir."

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX HIS PRAYER FOR THE QUENE.]

"Gif the wordis of prechouris," said Johne Knox, "sall alwayis be rest
to the worst pairt, than will it be hard to speik onie thing so
circumspectlie, provyded that the treuth be spokin, quhilk sall not
eschape the censure of the calamniatour. The moist vehement, and, as
ye speak, excessive maneir of prayer that I use in publict is this, 'O
Lord, gif thy plesour be, purge the hairt of the Quenis Majestie from
the venoum of idolatrie, and deliver hir from the boundage and
thraldom of Sathan, in the quhilk sche hes bene brocht up, and yit
remanis, for the lack of true doctrine; and lat hir see, be the
illuminatioun of thy Holie Spreit, that thair is no meane to pleis
thee but be Jesus Christ thy onlie Son, and that Jesus Christ can
nocht be found but in thy holie word, nor yit ressavit but as it
prescrybeis; which is, to renunce our awin wittis, and preconsavit
opinioun, and worschip thee as thou commandis; that in sa doing sche
may avoid that eternall dampnatioun quhilk abydeis all obstinat and
impenitent unto the end; and that this poor Realme may also eschaip
that plaig and vengeance quhilk inevitablie followis idolatrie,
menteinit aganis thy manifest worde, and the opin lycht thairof.'
This, (said he,) is the form of my commoun prayer, as your selflis can
witnes. Now, what is worthie reprehensioun in it I wald heir?"

"Thair ar three thingis," said Lethingtoun, "that nevir lykeit unto
me. And the first is, Ye pray for the Quenis Majestie with ane
conditioun, saying, 'Illuminat hir hairt, gif thy gude plesour be;'
quhairby it may appeir, that ye doute of hir conversioun. Whair haif
ye the example of sik prayer?"

"Whairsoevir the exampillis are," said the uther, "I am assureit of
the reule, whilk is this, 'Gif we sall ask onie thing according to his
will, he sall heir us;' and our Maister, Chryst Jesus, commandit us
to pray unto our Father, 'Thy will be done.'"

"But," said Lethingtoun, "whair evir find ye onie of the Propheitis so
to haif pray it?"

"It sufficeth me," said the uther, "my Lord, that the Maister and
teicheare of bayth Prophettis and Appossillis hes taucht me so to
pray."

"But in so doing," said he, "ye put ane doute in the peopillis heid of
hir conversioun."[1007]

  [1007] In MS. 1566, "conversatioun."

"Nocht I, my Lord," said the uther, "but hir awin obstinat rebellioune
causis mo than me to doute of hir conversioun."

"Whairinto," said he, "rebellis sche aganis God?"

"In all the actiounis of hir lyffe," said he, "but in thir two heidis
especiallie; former, That sche will nocht heir the preiching of the
blissit evangill of Jesus Chryst; and secoundlie, That sche menteinis
that idoll, the Messe."

"Sche thinkis nocht that rebellioune," said Lethingtoun, "but goode
religion."

"So thocht thai," said the uther, "that sumtymes offerit thair
childerin unto Moloch, and yit the Spreit of God affirmeis that thai
offerit thame unto devillis, and nocht unto God. And this day the
Turkis thinkis to haif ane better religioune than the Papistis haif;
and yit, I think, ye will excuse nether of thame boith from committing
rebellioun aganis God: nether yit justlie can ye do the Quene, onles
that ye will mak God to be parcyall."

"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "why pray ye nocht for hir without moving
onie doute?"

"Becaus," said the uther, "I haif leirnit to pray in faith. Now Faith,
ye know, dependis upoun the wordis of God, and so it is that the word
teichis me, that prayeris proffettis the sonis and dochteris of Godis
electioun, of which noumer, quhether sche be ane or nocht, I haif just
cause to doute; and, thairfoir, I pray God 'illuminat hir hairt, gif
his gude plesour be.'"

"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "ye can produce the exampill of none that
so hes prayit befoir you."

"Thairto I haif alreddy ansuerit," said Johne Knox; "but yit for
farther declaratioun, I will demand ane questioun, quhilk is this,
Quhider gif ye think that the Appossillis prayit thame selves as thai
commandit utheris to pray."

"Who douttis of that?" said the haill companie that wer present.

"Weill than," said Johne Knox, "I am assureit that Peter said thir
wordis to Symoun Magus, 'Repent thairfoir of this thy wyckitness, and
pray to God, that gif it be possible the thought of your hairt may be
forgevin thee.' Heir we may cleirlie see that Peter joynes ane
conditioun with his commandiment, That Symoun sould repent and pray,
to wit, gif it wer possible that his sin mycht be forgevin; for he wes
nocht ignorant that sum synnis wer unto the deith, and so without all
houpe of repentence or remissioun. And think ye nocht, my Lord
Secretar, (said he,) but the same doute may tuich my hairt, as
tuyching the Quenis conversioun, that then tuiched the hairt of the
Appossill?"

"I wald nevir," said Lethingtoun, "heir you or onie uther call that in
doubt."

"But your will," said the uther, "is no assurance to my conscience:
And to speik frelie, my Lord, I wonder gif ye your self doute nocht of
the Quenis conversioun; for more evident signes of induratioun haif
appeirit, and still do appeir in hir, than Peter outwartlie could haif
espyit in Symoun Magus. For albeit sum tymes he wes are sorcerar, yit
joynit he with the Appossillis, belevit, and wes bapteissit; and
albeit that the venome of avarice remaneit in his hairt, and that he
wald haif bocht the Holie Goist, yit when he heard the feirfull
threitnyngis of God pronunceand aganis him, he trymbillitt, desyreit
the assistance of the prayeris of the Appossilis, and so humblit him
self, so far as the jugement of man could perss, lyke ane true
penitent, and yit we see that Peter douttis of his conversioun. [Quhy
then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversioun][1008] of
the Quene, wha hes usit idolatrie, quhilk is no less odious in the
sicht of God than is the other and still continewis in the same, yea,
that dispyseis all threitnyngis, and refuisses all godlie
admonitiounis?"

  [1008] Those words are omitted in MS. 1566.

"Quhy say ye that sche refuisses admonitioun?" said Lethingtoun. "She
will glaidlie heir ony man."

"But what obedience," said the uther, "to God or to his worde, ensewis
of all that is spokin unto hir? Or when sall sche be sene to gif hir
presence to the publict preiching?"

"I think nevir," said Lethingtoun, "so lang as sche is thus
intreittit."

"And so lang," said the uther, "ye and all utheris maun be content
that I pray so as I may be assureit to be heard of my God, that his
gude will may be done, ether in making hir comfortable to his Kirk, or
gif that he hes appoyntit hir to be ane scurge to the same, that we
may haif patience, and sche may be brydellit."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "lat us cum to the Secound Heid. Whair find
ye that the Scriptour callis onie the bound slaiffis to Sathan? or
that the Propheittis of God speik so irreverentlie of kingis and
princes?"

[Sidenote: ACTIS 26]

[Sidenote: 2 TIMO. 2]

"The Scriptour," said Johne Knox, "sayis, that 'be natour we are all
the soneis of wraith.' Our Maister, Chryst Jesus, affirmes, 'that sik
as do sin ar servandis to sin,' and that it is the onlie Son of God
that settis men at freedome. Now what difference thair is betwix the
sonnis of wraith, and the servandis of sin, and the slaiffis to the
devill, I understand nocht, except I be taught; and gif the scharpnes
of the terme offendit you, I haif nocht inventit that phrase of
speich, but haif leirnit it out of Godis Scriptour; for those wordis
I find spokin unto Paul, 'Behauld, I send thee to the Gentillis, to
oppin thair eyes, that thay may turn from darknes to lycht, and from
the power of Sathan unto God.' Mark thir wordis, my Lord, and sture
nocht at the speiking of the Holie Goist. And the same Apostle wryting
to his scoller Timotheus, says, 'Instruct with meiknes those that ar
contrarie myndit, gif that God at onie tyme will gif thame repentence,
that thay may knaw the treuth, and that thay may cum to amendment, out
of the snair of the Devill, quhilk ar tackin of him at his will.' Gif
your Lordschip rychtlie considder these sentences, ye sall nocht onlie
find my wordis to be the wordis of the Holie Goist, but also the
conditioune quhilk I use to adde, to haif the assurance of Godis
Scriptouris."

"But thay spak nothing aganis kingis in especiall," said Lethingtoun,
"and yit your continewall crying is, 'The Quenis Idolatrie, the Quenis
Messe, will provoke Godis vengeance.'"

"In the former sentences," said the uther, "I heir nocht Kingis and
Quenis excepit, but all unfaithfull ar pronunced to stand in one rank,
and to be in bondage to ane tyrant, the Devill. But belyke, my Lord,
ye lyttill regaird the estait whairin thay stand, when ye wald haif
thame so flatterit, that the daingour thairfoir sould neither be
knawin, neither yit declareit to the poore peopill."

"Quhair will ye find," said Lethingtoun, "that onie of the Propheittis
did so intreat Kingis and Quenis, reuleris or magistratis?"

"In mo placeis than ane," said the uther. "Achab wes ane King, and
Jesabell wes ane Quene, and yit what the Prophet Helias said to the
one and to the uther, I suppois ye be nocht ignorant?"

"That wes nocht cryit out befoir the peopill," said Lethingtoun, "to
mak thame odious unto thair subjectis."

"That Helias said, 'Doggis sail lyck the blude of Achab,'" said Johne
Knox, "'and eat the flesche of Jesabell,' the Scriptouris assuris me;
but that it wes whisperit in thair awin eir, or in ane cornar, I reid
nocht. But the plane contrair appeiris to me, quhilk is, that boith
the Peopill and the Court understude weill eneuch what the Propheit
had promeissit;[1009] for so witnessit Jehu, efter that Godis
vengeance had strickin Jesabell."

  [1009] In MS. G, "pronuncit."

"Thay wer singular motiounis of the Spreit of God," said Lethingtoun,
"and appertene nothing to this our aige."

"Then hes the Scriptour far dissavit me," said the uther; "for Sanct
Paule teichis me, that 'Whatsoevir is wryttin within the Holie
Scriptouris, the same is writtin for our instructioun,' And my Maister
said, that 'Everie leirnit and wyise scribe bringis furth his tresour,
baith thingis auld and thingis new.' And the Propheit Jeremye
affirmis, that 'Everie realme and everie cytie that lykwyse offendis,
as then did Jerusalem, sould lykewyse be punischit.' Why then that the
factis of the ancient Propheittis, and the feirfull jugementis of God
executed befoir us upoun the disobedient, appertene nocht unto this
our aige, I neither see nor yit can understand. But now, to put end to
this heid, my Lord, (said he,) the Propheittis of God hes nocht
spairit to rebuke wickit kingis, alsweill in thair face as befoir the
pepill and subjectis. Elischa[1010] feirit nocht to say to king
Jehoram, 'What haif I to do with thee? Get thee to the Propheittis of
thy [Father, and to the Propheittis of thy] Mother; for as the Lord of
Hostis levis, in quhose sicht I stand, gif it wer nocht that I regaird
the presens of Jehosaphat, the king of Juda, I wald nocht haif luikit
toward thee, nor sene thee.' Plane it is, that the Propheitt wes ane
subject in the kingdom of Israell, and yit how little reverence he
gevis to the King, we heir. Jeremye the Propheit wes commandit to cry
to the King and to the Quene, and to say, 'Behaif your selfis lawlie;
execute justice and jugement; or ellis your carcageis salbe eassin to
the heit of the day, and unto the froist of the nicht.' Unto Cononias,
Sallum, and Zedechias, he speikis in speciall, and schawis into tham,
in his publict sermoundis thair misserable endis; and thairfoir ye
aucht nocht to think it strainge, my Lord, (said he,) albeit that the
servandis of God mark the vice[1011] of Kingis and Quenis, evin als
weill as of uther offendouris, and that because thair synnis be moir
noisum to the Commounwelth, than ar the synnis of inferiour
persounis."

  [1010] In MS. G, "Helisias."

  [1011] In MS. G, "tax the vices."

The moist pairt of this ressounyng, Secretour Lethingtoun leanit upoun
the Maister of Maxwellis breist, who said, "I am almoist werie: I wald
that sum uther wald ressoun in the chief heid, quhilk is nocht
tuychit."

Then the Erle of Mortoune, Chancellour, commandit Mr. George Hay to
reassoun aganis Johne Knox, in the heid of Obedience dew unto
Magistratis; who began so to do. Unto whom Johne Knox said, "Brother,
that ye sall ressoun in my contrair I am weill content, because I know
you boith ane man of leirnyng and of modestie: but that ye sall oppone
your self in the treuth whairof,[1012] I suppoise, your awin
conscience is no less perswaded than is mine, I can nocht weill
approve; for I wald be sorie that I and ye suld be reputed to ressoun
as two scolleris of Pythagoras, to schaw the quicknes of our ingyne,
as it wer to ressoune on boith the pairtis. I protest heir befoir God,
that whatsoevir I sustene, I do the same of conscience; yea, I dar no
moir sustene ane propositioun knawin unto my self untrew, than that I
dar teich false doctrine in the publict place: And thairfoir, Brother,
gif conscience move you to oppone your self to that doctrine, whilk ye
haif heard of my mouth in that maitter, do it bauldlie: it sall nevir
offend me. But that ye sall be found to oppone[1013] your self unto
me, ye being perswaidit in the same treuthe, I say yit agane, it
pleisses me nocht; for thairin may be gritter inconvenient than either
ye or I do considder for the present."

  [1012] In MS. 1566, "quhairfoir."

  [1013] In MS. 1566, "oppone" is usually written "appone."

The said Mr. George ansuerit, "That I wald oppone my self unto you as
willing to impugn or confute that heid of doctrine, whilk nocht onlie
ye, but monie utheris, yea, and I my self haif affirmit, far be it
from me; for so sould I be found contrarious to my self. For my Lord
Secretour knawis my jugement in that heid."

"Marye!" said the Secretour, "ye ar the weall worst of the twa; for I
remember weill your ressonyng whan the Quene wes in Caryke."[1014]

  [1014] In MS. G, "I remember yit our resouning quhen the Quene was in
  Carrick."

"Weill," said Johne Knox, "seing, Brother, that God hes maid you to
occupy the chyre of verittie, whairin, I assure, we will aggrie in all
principall heidis of doctrine, lat it nevir be said that we disaggrie
in disputatioun." Johne Knox wes moved thus to speik, because he[1015]
understood moir of the craft than the other did.

  [1015] In MS. 1566, "because thai."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I am sumwhat better provydeit in this last
heid, then I wes in the uther twa. Mr. Knox, (said he,) yisterday we
heard your jugement upoun the 13 to the Romanis; we heard the mynde of
the Appossill weill opened; we heard the causses why God hes
establissed Poweris upoun the earth; we heard the necessitie that
mankynde hes of the same; and we heard the deutie of Magistratis
sufficientlie declareit: But in two thingis I wes offendit, and I
think sum mo of my Lordis that than wer present. The ane was, ye maid
difference betwix the ordinance of God and the persounis that wer
placeit in authoritie; and ye affirmed, that men mycht refuise[1016]
the persounis, and yit nocht to offend againis Godis ordinance. This
is the ane; the uther ye had na tyme to explane; but this methocht ye
menit, that subjectis wer nocht bound to obey thair Princes gif thai
commandit unlauchfull thingis; but that thai mycht resist thair
Princes, and wer nocht ever bound to suffer."

  [1016] In MS. G, "micht resist."

"In verie deid," said the uther, "ye haif rychtlie bayth markit my
wordis, and understand my mynd; for of that same jugement I haif lang
bene, and so yit I remane."

"How will ye prove your divisioun and difference," said Lethingtoun,
"and that the persoun placeit in authoritie may be resistit, and Godis
ordinance nocht transgressit, seing that the Appossill says, 'He that
resistis [the poweris,] resisteth the ordinance of God.'"

"My Lord," said he, "the plane wordis of the Appossill makis the
difference, and the factis of many approved be God, prove my
affirmative. First, The Appossill affirmis, that the poweris ar
ordanit of God, [for the preservation of quyet and peacebill men, and
for the punischment of malefactours; quhairof it is plane, That the
ordinance of God,][1017] and the power giffin unto man, is one thing,
and the persone clad with the power or with the authoritie, is ane
uther; for Godis ordinance is the conservatioun of mankynd, the
punischment of vyce, the mentenyng of vertew, quhilk is in it self
holie, just, constant, stable, and perpetuall. But men clad with the
authoritie, ar commounlie prophane and unjust; yea, thai ar mutabill
and transitorie, and subject to corruptioun, as God threitneth thame
be his Prophet David, saying, 'I haif said, Ye ar godis, and everie
one of you the sones of the Moist Heichest; but ye sall die as men,
and the princes sall fall like utheris.' Heir I am assureit, that
persounis, the saule and bodie of wyckit Princes, ar threitnit with
death: I think, that so ye will nocht affirm is the authoritie, the
ordinance and the power, whairwith God hes indeuit sik persounis; for
as I haif said, as it is holie, so it is the permanent will of God.
And now, my Lord, that the Prince may be resistit, and yit the
ordinance of God nocht violatit, it is evident; for the peopill
resistit Saule, when he had sworn be the leving God that Jonathan
sould die. The peopill, (I say,) swair in the contrair, and delyverit
Jonathan, so that ane hair of his heid fell nocht. Now, Saule wes the
anoyntit King, and thai wer his subjectis, and yit thai so resisted
him, that thai maid him no better than mansworne."

  [1017] The words inclosed within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.

"I doute," said Lethingtoun, "if in so doing the peopill did weill."

"The Spreit of God," said the uther, "accuses thame nocht of onie
cryime, but rather praisses thame, and dampnis the King, alsweill for
his foolish vow and law maid without God, as for his crewell mynd,
that so seveirlie wald haif punischit ane innocent man. But heirin I
sall nocht stand: this that followis sall confirm the former. This
same Saule commandit Abimelech and the Preistis of the Lord to be
slane, becaus thay had committit tressoune, as he allegit, for
intercommuning with David: His gaird and principall servandis walde
nocht obey his unjust commandiment; but Doeg the flatterar put the
Kingis creweltie to executioun. I will nocht ask your jugement,
Whidder that the servandis of the King, in nocht obeying his
commandiment, resisted God or nocht? or whidder Doeg, in murthering
the Preastis, gaif obedience to ane just authoritie? for I haif the
Spreit of God, speiking be the mouth of David, to assure me of the one
alsweill as of the uther; for he, in his 52d Psalme, dampnis that fact
as ane moist crewell murther; and affirmis, that God wald punisch,
nocht onlie the commander, but the mercyles executour. And thairfoir,
I conclude, that thai who ganestand his commandiment, resistit nocht
the ordinance of God.

"And now, my Lord, to ansueir to the place of the Appossill, who
affirmis, 'That such as resistis the Power, resistis the ordinance of
God;' I say, that the power in that place is nocht to be understande
of the unjuste commandiment of men, but of the just power whairwith
God hes armit his Magistratis and Lievtenentis to punische syn, and
mentene vertew. As gif onie man sould interpryise to tak fra the
handis of ane lauchful juge ane murderare, ane adulterar, or onie
[uther] malefactour that be Godis law deserved deith, this same man
resistit Godis ordinance, and procureit to him self vengeance and
dampnatioune, because that he stayit Godis sworde[1018] to stryke. But
so it is nocht, gif that men in the feir of God oppone[1019] thame selfis
to the furie and blynd rage of Princes; for so thai resist nocht God,
but the Devill, who abusis the swerd and authoritie of God."

"I understand sufficientlie," said Lethingtoun, "what ye mene; and to
the one pairt I will nocht oppone[1019] my self. But I doute of the
uther. For gif the Quene wald command me [to] slay Johne Knox, because
sche is offendit at him, I wald nocht obey hir. But, and sche wald
command utheris to do it, or yit be ane collour of justice tak his
lyffe fra him, I can nocht tell gif I be found to defend him aganis
the Quene and aganis hir officiaris."

  [1018] In MS. 1565, "Godis worde."

  [1019] In MS. 1566, "appone."

"Under protestatioun," said the uther, "that the auditour think nocht
that I seik favouris to my self,[1020] I say, my Lord, that gif ye be
persuadeit of my innocency, and gif God hes giffin unto you sik ane
power and credyt as mycht deliver me, and yit sufferit me to perisch,
that in so doing ye soulde be cryminall and gyltie of my blude."

  [1020] In MS. G, "that I speik in favours of my self."

"Prove that, and win the play," said Lethingtoun.

"Weill, my Lord," said the uther, "remember your promeis, and I sail
be schoirt of my probatioun. The Propheit Jeremey wes apprehendit be
Preistis and Prophettis, (who wer ane pairt of the authoritie within
Jerusalem,) and be the multitude of the peopill, and this sentence wes
pronunceit aganis him, 'Thou sall dey the deith; for thou hes said,
This hous salbe lyk Siloch, and this cytie salbe desolat without ane
habitant.' The Princes heiring the uprore, come from the Kingis hous,
and sit doune in jugement in the entrie of the new gait of the Lordis
hous, and thair the Preistis find the Prophettis befoir the Princes,
and befoir all the peopill, intendit thair accusatioun, in these
wordis, 'This man is worthie to dye, for he hes propheissit aganis
this cytie, as your eiris haif heard.' Jeremey ansuerit, 'That
whatsoevir he had spokin proceidit from God; and thairfoir, (said he,)
as for me, I am in your handis: do with me as ye think gude and rycht:
But knaw ye for certane, that if ye put me to deith, ye sall surelie
bring innocent blude upoun your saulis,[1021] and upoun this cytie,
and upoun the habitatiounis[1022] thairof; for of treuth, the Lord hes
send me unto you, to speik all these wordis.' Now, my Lord, gif the
Princes and the hole peopill sould haif bene gyltie of the Propheittis
blude, how sall ye or utheris be jugeit innocent befoir God, gif ye
sall suffer the blude of sik as haif nocht deservit deith to be sched,
when that ye may save it?"

  [1021] In MS. G, "yourselves."

  [1022] In MS. G, "inhabitants."

"The cases ar nothing lyke," said Lethingtoun.

"And I wald learn," said the uther, "whairin the dissymilitude
standis."

"First," said Lethingtoun, "the King had nocht condampnit him to the
deith. And nixt, the false Propheittis and the Preistis and the
peopill accuseit him without ane caus, and thairfoir thai could nocht
but be gyltie of his blude."

"Nether of these," said Johne Knox, "fechtis aganis my argument; for
albeit the King wes nether present, nor yit had condampnit him, yit
wer the princes and cheif counsallouris thair sytting in jugement, who
presentit the Kingis persoune and authoritie, heiring the accusatioune
laid unto the chairge off the Propheit; and thairfoir he foirwairnis
thame of the dainger, as befoir I said, to wit, that in case he soulde
be condampnit, and so put to deith, that the King, the Counsell, and
the whole cytie of Jerusalem, soulde be gyltie of his blude, becaus
he had committit no cryme worthy of deith. And gif ye think, that thai
souldo haif bene all cryminall onelie, becaus that thay all accuseit
him, the plane text witnesses the contrair; for the princes defendit
him, and so no doute did a greit pairt of the peopill; and yit he
bauldlie affirmis, that thai soulde be all gyltie of his blude gif
that he soulde be put to deith. And the propheit Ezechiell gifis the
ressoune why all are guilty of ane commoune corruptioune, 'Becaus,'
sayis he, 'I socht ane man amangis thame that soulde mak [up] the
hedge, and stand in the gappe befoir me for the land, that I soulde
nocht distroy it, but I fand none; thairfoir, haif I powrit my
indignatioune upoun thame.' Heirof, my Lorde, (said he,) it is plaine,
that God craveis nocht onlie that a man do no iniquittie in his awin
persoune, but also that he oppone[1023] him self to all iniquitie, sa
far furth as into him lyis."

  [1023] In MS. 1566, "that to heip upone."

"Than will ye," said Lethingtoun, "mak subjectis to controlle thair
prynces and reuleris."

"And what harm," said the uther, "soulde the Commounewelth ressaif,
gif that the corrupt effectiounis off ignorant reuleris wer moderatit,
and so brydillit be the wisdome and discretioun of godlie subjectis,
that thai soulde do wrang nor violence to no man?"

"All this ressonyng," said Lethingtoun, "is nocht of the purpois; for
we ressoune as gif the Quene soulde becum sik an ennemye to oure
religioune, that sche soulde persecute it, and put innocent men to
deith; whilk I am assureit sche nevir thocht, nor nevir will do. For
gif I soulde see hir begin at that end, yea, gif I soulde suspect onie
sik thing in hir, I soulde be also far fordwarte in that argument as
ye or onie uther within this Realme: Bot thair is nocht sik ane thing.
Oure questioune is, Whidder that we may and aucht to suppres the
Quenis Messe? Or whidder hir Idolatrie salbe laid to our chairge?"

"What ye may," said the uther, "be force, I disput nocht; bot what ye
may and aucht to do be Godis express commandiment, that I can tell.
Idolatrie aucht nocht [only] to be suppressit, but the idolater aucht
to dey the deith, unless that we will accuse God."

"I knaw," said Lethingtoun, "the idolater is commandit to dey the
deith; but be whome?"

"Be the peopill of God," said the uther; "for the commandiment wes
gevin to Israell, as ye may reid, 'Heir, Israell,' sayis the Lorde,
'the statutis and the ordinancis of the Lord thy God,' &c. Yea, ane
[commandment] wes gevin, That gif it be heard that idolatrie is
committit in onie ane cytie, inquisitioune salbe taikin; and gif it be
founde trew, that than the whole bodie of the peopill sall aryse and
destroy that cytie, spairing in it nether man, woman, nor chylde."

"But thair is no commandiment gevin to the peopill," said the
Secretour, "to punisch thair King gif he be ane idoliter."

"I find no moir privilege grantit unto Kingis," said the uther, "be
God, moir than unto the peopill, to offend Godis majestie."

"I grant," said Lethingtoun; "but yit the peopill may nocht be jugeis
unto thair King to punisch him, albeit he be ane idolater."

"God," said the uther, "is the Universall Judge, alsweill unto the
King as to the peopill; so that what his worde commandis to be
punischit in the one, is nocht to be absolved in the uther."

"We agree in that," said Lethingtoun; "but the peopill may nocht
execute Godis jugement, but man leif it unto him self, who will either
punische it be deith, be war, be emprisounment, or be sum uther
plaigis."[1024]

  [1024] In MS. G, "or be sum uther kynd of his plagues."

"I knaw the last pairt of your ressoune," said Johne Knox, "to be
trew; but for the first, to wit, that the peopill, yea, or ane pairt
of the peopill may nocht execut God jugementis aganis thair King,
being ane offender, I am assureit ye haif no uther warrand except your
awin imaginatioun, and the opinioune of sik as moir feir to offend
princes than God."

"Why say ye so?" said Lethingtoun, "I haif the jugementis of the most
famous men within Europe, and of sik as ye your self will confes boith
godlie and leirnit."

And with that he callit for his paperis, quhilk produceit be Mr.
Robert Maitland,[1025] he began to reid with greit gravitie the
jugementis of Luther, Melanchton, the myndis of Bucer, Musculus, and
Calvin, how Christianis soulde behaffe thame selffis in tyme of
persecutioun: yea, the Buik of Baruch wes nocht omittit with this
conclusioune.[1026] "The gathering of these thingis," said he, "hes
coist moir travell, than I tuik this sevin yearis in reiding of anie
commentareis."

  [1025] Mr. Robert Maitland was Dean of Aberdeen, having succeeded Mr.
  Robert Erskine, about the year 1560. He was frequently a member of the
  General Assembly, and became one of the Commissaries of Edinburgh. He
  died at Brechin in August 1579. In his confirmed Testament, (recorded
  19th August 1580.) mention is made of his brother-german, James
  Maitland, in Monlaittie: and in 1601, the name occurs (probably his
  nephew) of Mr. Robert Maitland of Monlatie. (Eccl. Records of
  Aberdeen, p. 177.)

  [1026] In MS. 1566, "yea, the Buik of Baruce was nocht admitted, with
  his conclusioun."

"The moir pitie," said the uther, "and yit, what ye haif proffeitit
your awin cause, let utheris juge. But as for my argument, I am
assureit, ye haif infirmit it nothing; for your first two witnesses
speik aganis the Anabaptistis, who deny that Christianis soulde be
subject to magistratis, or yit that is lauchfull for ane Christiane to
be ane magistrate; quhilk opinioune I no less abhore than ye do, or
onie uther that levis do. The uthers speik of Christiane subjectis
unto tyrantis and infidellis, so dispersed that thai haif no uther
force but onlie to sobbe to God for delyverance. That sik indeid sould
haisard onie farder than these godlie men willis thame, I can nocht
haistellie be of counsell. But my argument hes ane uther grounde; for
I speik of the peopill assembled togidder in one bodie of ane
Commounewelth, unto whome God hes gevin sufficient force, nocht onlie
to resyst, but also to suppres all kynde of opin idolatrie: and sik
ane peopill, yit agane I affirme, ar bound to kepe thair land clene
and unpollutit. And that this my devissioune sall nocht appeir strange
unto you, ye sall understand, that God requyreit one thing of Abrahame
and of his seid, when he and thay wer strangeris and pilgremes in
Egipte and Canaan; and ane uther thing requyrit he of thame, when thay
wer delyverit fra the boundage of Egipt, and the possessioune of the
land of Canaan grantit unto thame. At the first, and during all the
tyme of thair boundage, God craveit no moir but that Abraham soulde
nocht defyle himself with idolatrie. Nether wes he, nor yit his
posterittie commandit to distroy the idollis that wer in Canaan or in
Egypt. But when God gaif unto thame the possessioune of the land, he
gaif unto thame this strait commandiment, 'Bewar that you mak league
or confyderacye with the inhabitantis of this land: gif nocht thy
sonnis unto thair dochteris, nor yit gif thy douchteris unto thair
sonnis. But this sall ye do unto thame, cut downe thair grovis,
destroy thair imageis, brek doune thair altaris, and leif thou no
kynde of remembrance of those abominatiounis, whilk the inhabitantis
of the land useit befoir: for thou art ane holie peopill unto the
Lorde thy God. Defyle nocht thy self, thairwith, with thair goddis.'

"To this same commandiment, I say, are ye, my Lordis, and all sik as
haif professit the Lorde Jesus within this Realme bound. For God hes
wrocht no less myrakill upoun you, baith spirituall and corporall,
than he did unto the carnell seid of Abraham. For in what estait your
bodyis, and this pure Realme wes, within this sevin yeir, your selfis
can nocht be ignorant: You and it wer boith in boundage of ane strange
natioun; and what tyrrantis rang over your conscience, God perchance
may lat you feill, becaus that ye do nocht rychtlie acknawlege the
benefit ressavit. When oure pure Bretherin befoir us gave thair
bodeis to the flamis of fyre, for the testimonie of the treuthe, and
when skairslie coulde ten be founde into ane contrie, that rychtlie
knew God, it had bene folishnes to haif craveit ether of the
Nobillitie, or of the meane Subjectis, the suppressing of Idolatrie;
for that had beene no thing but to haif exponeit the sempill scheip in
ane prey to the woulves. But sen that God hes multipleyit knawlege,
yea, and hes gevin the victorie to his treuthe, evin in the handis of
his servandis, gif ye suffer the land agane to be defyleit, ye and
your Princess sall boith drink the coupe of Godis indignatioun, sche
for hir obstinat abydeing in manifest idolatrie, in this grit lycht of
the Evangill of Jesus Chryste, and ye for your permissioune and
mentenyng hir in the same."[1027]

  [1027] In MS. G, there is this marginal note, which, we may suppose,
  was added by the transcriber: "QUHIDDER THIS HES CUM TO PAS OR NOT,
  LET THE WARLD JUDGE."

Lethingtoun said, "In that poynt we will nevir agree; and whair find
ye, I pray you, that evir onie of the Prophettis or of the Appossillis
taucht sik ane doctrine, that the peopill soulde be plaigit for the
idolatrie of the prince; or yit, that the subjectis mycht suppres the
idolatrie of thair rewleris, or punisch thame for the same?"

"What wes the commissioune giffin to the Appossillis," said he, "my
Lorde, we knaw: it wes to preche and plant the Evangill of Jesus
Chryste, whair darkness affoir had dominioune; and thairfoir it
behuifit thame, first to lat thame see the lycht befoir that thay
soulde will thame to put to thair handis to suppress idolatrie. What
preceptis the Appossillis gaif unto the faythfull in perticular, other
than that thai commandit all to fley frome idolatrie, I will nocht
affirme: But I find two thingis quhilk the faithfull did; the one wes,
thay assisted thair preichouris, evin aganeis the reuleris and
magistrates; the other wes, thay suppressit idolatrie whairsoever God
gaif unto thame force, asking no leif at the Empriour, nor of his
deputtis. Reid the Ecclesiasticall Historie, and ye sall find cxampill
sufficient. And as to the doctrine of the Prophettis, we knaw thay
wer interpretouris of the law of God; and we knaw thay spak alsweill
to the kingis as to the peopill. I reid that nether of boith wald heir
thame; and thairfoir come the plaig of God upoun boith. But that thai
more flatterit Kingis than that thay did the peopill, I can nocht be
persuadit. Now, Godis lawis pronunces deith, as befoir I haif said, to
idolateris withoute exceptioune of onie persoune: Now, how the
Propheittis coulde rychtlie interpret the law, and schew the causes of
Godis jugementis, quhilk evir thay threitned soulde follow idolatrie,
and for the rest of abominatiounis that accumpaney it, for it is nevir
alone; but still corrupt religioune bringis with it ane fylthie and
corrupt lyfe: How, I say, the Propheittis coulde reprove the vyces,
and nocht schaw the peopill thair dewtie, I understand nocht; and
thairfoir I constantlie beleif that the doctrine of the Prophettis wes
so sensible, that the Kingis understude thair awin abhominatiounis,
and the peopill understude what thay aucht to haif done, in punisching
and repressing thame. But becaus that the moist pairt of the pepill
wer no less rebellious unto God than wer thair princes, thairfoir the
ane and the uther conveineit aganis God and aganis his servandis. And
yit, my Lord, the factis of sum Propheittis ar so evident, that
thairof we may collect what doctrine thay taucht; for it war no small
absurdity to affirme that thair factis soulde repugn to their
doctrine."

"I think," said Lethingtoun, "ye meane of the historie of Jehu. What
will ye prove thairby?"

"The cheif heid," said Johne Knox, "that ye deny, to wit, That the
Propheittis nevir taucht that it appertenit to the peopill to punisch
the idolatrie of thair Kingis; the contrair whairof I affirm: And for
the probatioun, I am reddie to produce the fact of ane Propheit; for
ye knaw, my Lord, said he, that Eliseus send one of the childrene of
the Propheittis to anoynt Jehu, who gaif him in commandiment to
destroy the hous of his maister Achab for the idolatrie commitit be
him, and for the innocent blude that Jesabell his wyckit wyff had
sched: quhilk he obeyit, and pat in full execution; for the quhilk God
promessit unto him the stabillatie of the kingdom to the fourt
generation. Now, said he, heir is the fact of ane Propheit, that
proveis that subjectis wer commandit to execute jugementis upoun thair
King and Prince."

"Thair is eneuch," said Lethingtoun, "to be ansuerit thairto; for Jehu
wes ane King befoir he pat onie thing in executioun; and besydis this,
the fact is extraordinaire, and aucht nocht to be imitat."

"My Lord," said the uther, "he wes ane meir subject, and no King whan
the Propheittis servand came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow
capitanis, heiring of the message, blew the trumphet, and said, 'Jehu
is king;' yit I doute nocht, but Jesabell boith thocht and said, 'He
wes ane traitour;' and so did monie utheris that wer in Israell and in
Samaria. And as tuiching that ye allege, that the fact wes
extraordinarie, and is nocht to be imitat, I say, that it had ground
of Godis ordinary jugement, whilk commandis the idolater to dey the
deith; and, thairfoir, I yit agane affirme, that it is to be imitat of
all those that prefferis the true honour, the true worschip and glorie
of God, to the affectiounis of flesch, and of wickit Princes."[1028]

  [1028] The conclusion of this sentence is corrected by MS. G. In MS.
  1566, the words are here awkwardly transposed; and various others in
  this Disputation have either been omitted, or inaccurately
  transcribed.

"We ar nocht bound to imitat extraordinarie exampillis," said
Lethingtoun, "unles we haif the lyke commandiment and assurance."

"I grant," said the uther, "gif the exampill repugn to the law; and
gif ane avaricious and deceitfull man wald borrow [gold,] silver,
rayment, or [ony] uther necessaris from his nychtbour, and withhauld
the same, alledging, that so thay mycht do and nocht offend God,
because that the Iseraellitis did so to the Egiptianis at thair
depairtour furth of Egipt. The exampill served to no purpoise unles
that thai coulde produce the lyke cause, and the lyke commandiment
that the Iseraellitis had, and that because thair fact repugnit to
this commandiment of God, 'Thou sall nocht steill.' But whair the
exampill aggreis with the law, and is, as it wer, the executioun of
Godis jugementis expressit in the same, I say, that the exampill
approved of God standis to us in place of a commandiment: for, as God
of his natour is constant, immutable, sa can he nocht dampne in the
aigis subsequent, that whilk he hes approvit in his servandis befoir
us. But in his servandis befoir us, He be his awin commandiment hes
approvit, that subjectis hes nocht onlie distroyit thair Kingis for
idolatrie, but also hes ruitit out thair hoill posteritie, so that
none of that race wes left efter to impyre above the peopill of God."

"Whatsoevir thai did," said Lethingtoun, "wes done at Godis
commandiment."

"That fortifeis my argument," said the uther; "for be Godis
commandiment he approvit, that subjectis punish thair Princes[1029]
for idolatrie and wickitness be thame committit."

  [1029] In MS. G, "thair Kings."

"We haif nocht the lyke commandiment," said Lethingtoun.

"That I deny," said the uther; "for the commandiment, 'The idolater
sall dey the deith,' is perpetuall, as [ye] your self hes grantit: You
douttit onlie who sould be executouris againis the King; and I said
the peopill of God, and hes sufficientlie provin, as I think, that God
hes raissit up the peopill, and by his Propheit hes anoyntit ane King
to tak vengeance upoun the King, and upoun his posteritie. Quhilk
fact, God sen that tyme hes nevir retreittit; and, thairfoir, to me it
remanis for ane constant and cleane commandiment to all the peopill
professing God, and haifing the power to punisch vyce, what thay aucht
to do in the lyke caise. Gif the peopill had interprysit onie thing
without Godis commandiment, we mycht haif doutit whidder thai had done
weill or evill; but seing that God did bring the execution of his law
agane in practice, efter that it wes cum in oblivioun and contempt,
what ressonable man can doute now of Goddis will, unles we will doute
of all thingis quhilk God renewis nocht unto us be miracallis, as it
wer from age to age. But I am assureit, that the ansuer of Abraham
unto the riche man, who being into hell, desyreit that Lazarus, or sum
of the deid, sould be send unto his bretherin and freindis, to
foirwairne thame of his incredable [pane and] tormentis, and that thay
sould behaif thame selfis, so that thai sould nocht cum in that place
of torment: the ansuer, I say, gevin unto him, sall confound sik as
craif farder approbatioun of Godis will then is alreddy expressit
within his holie Scriptouris; for Abraham said, 'Thay haif Moyses and
the Propheittis, whome gif thay will nocht beleif, neither will thay
beleif albeit that one of the deid sould ryise.' Evin so, I say, my
Lord, that sik as will nocht be taucht what thay aucht to do, be
commandiment of God anis gevin, and anis put in practice, will nocht
beleif nor obey, albeit that God sould send angellis from hevin to
instruct that doctrine."

"Ye haif but produceit ane exampill," said Lethingtoun.

[Sidenote: 2 PARALI.2][1030]

  [1030] See page 427, note 1.

"One sufficeth," said the uther; "but yit, God be praissit, we lack
nocht utheris; for the whole peopill conspyreit aganis Amasiath king
of Juda, efter that he had turnit away from the Lord, followit him to
Lachess and slew him, and tuik Uziah and anoyntit him king in steid of
his father. The peopill had nocht altogidder forgottin[1031] the
league and covenant quhilk wes maid betwix thair king and thame, at
the inauguratioun of Joash, his father, to wit, 'That the King and the
peopill sould be the peopill of the Lord,' and than sould thai be his
faythfull subjectis: From the quhilk convenant, whan that first the
father, and efter the sonne declynit, thai wer boith punischit to the
deith, Joash be his awin servandis, and Amasias be the whole peopill."

  [1031] In MS. 1566, "gottin."

"I doubt," said Lethingtoun, "whidder thay did weill or nocht."

"It salbe free for you," said the uther, "to doubt as ye pleis; but
whair I find executioun according to Godis lawis, and God him self
nocht to accuse the doaris, I dar nocht doubt of the equittie of thair
cause. And farder, it appeiris unto me, that God gaif sufficient
approbatioun and allowance to thair fact; for he blissit thame with
victorie, peace, and prosperitie, the space of fifty-two yeiris
thairafter."

"But prosperitie," said Lethingtoun, "does nocht alwayis prove that
God approveis the factis of men."

"Yis," said the uther; "when the factis[1032] of men aggrie with the
law of God, and ar rewairdit according to Godis awin promeise,
expressit in his law, I say, that the prosperitie succeiding the fact
is moist infallable assurance that God hes approvit that fact. Now so
it is, that God hes promeissit in his law, that when his peopill sall
exterminat and destroy sik as declyne from him, that he will bliss
thame, and multipley thame, as he hes promeissit unto thair fatheris.
But so it is, that Amasias turneit fra God; for so the text do
witness; and plane it is the peopill slew thair king; and lyke plane
it is, that God blissit thame: Thairfoir, yit agane conclude I, that
God approvit thair fact, in so far as it wes done according to his
commandiment, wes blissit according to his promeise."

  [1032] In MS. 1566, "faltis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think nocht the ground sa sure as I
durst builde my conscience thairupoun."

"I pray God," said the uther, "that your conscience haif no worse
ground than is this, when soevir ye sall begin that lyke work whilk
God in your awin eis hes alreddie blessit. And now, my Lord, (said
he,) I haif but one exampeill to produce, and than I will put [an] end
to my ressonying, becaus I wearie langer to stand." (Commandiment wes
gevin that he sould sytt doune; but he refuissit it, and said,
"Melancholius[1033] ressouns wald haif sum myrth intermixed.") "My
last exampill, (said he,) my Lord, is this:--Uzzias the King, nocht
content of his royal estait, malepeirtlie tuk upoun him to enter
within the temple of the Lord, to burne incense upoun the alter of
incense; 'And Azarias the preist went in efter him, and with him
fourscore preistis of the Lord, vailzeant men, and thay withstude
Uzzias the king, and said unto him, It pertenith thee nocht,
Uzzias,[1034] to burne incense unto the Lord, but to the preistis, the
sonnis of Aaroune, that ar consecratit to offer incense: Go furth of
the sanctuary, for thou hes transgressit, and you sall haif no honour
of the Lord God.' Heirof, my Lord, I conclude, that subjectis nocht
onlie may, but also aucht to withstand and resist thair princes,
whensoever thay do onie thing that expreslie repugnis to God, his law,
or holie ordinance."

  [1033] In MS. 1566, "malankourelie;" in MS. L 3, "malancholik."

  [1034] In MS. G, "it apperteneth not unto Uzzias."

"Thay that withstude the King," said Lethingtoun, "wer nocht sempill
subjectis, but wer the Preistis of the Lord, and figoureis of Chryste,
and sik preistis haif we none this day, to withstand Kingis gif thay
do wrang."

"That the Hye Preist wes the figour of Chryste," said the uther, "I
grant: but that he wes nocht ane subject, that I deny. For I am
assureit, that he in his priestheid had no prerogative above those
that had passit befoir him. Now, so it is, that Aaroune wes subject
unto Moyses, and callit him his Lord. Samuell, being boith propheit
and preist, subject him self to Saule, eftor he wes inaugurat of the
peopill. Sadock bowit befoir David; and Abiathar wes depossit frome
the preistheid be Salamoune, quhilkis all confessit thame selfis
subjectis to the Kingis, albeit that thairwith thei ceissit nocht to
be the figouris of Christe. And whairas ye say, that we haif no sik
preistis this day, I mycht answer, that nether haif we sik Kingis this
day as than wer annoyntit at Godis commandiment, and sat upoun the
sait of David, and wer no les the figour of Chryste Jesus in thair
juste administratioun, then wer the preistis in thair appoyntit
office: and sik Kingis, I am assureit, we haif nocht now moir than
that we haif sik preistis: for Chryste Jesus being annoyntit in our
natour, of God his Father, both King, Priest, and Prophet, hes put an
end to all externall unctioune. And yit, I think, ye will nocht say,
that God hes now diminissit his graceis for those whome he appoyntis
ambassadouris betwix him and his peopill, [more] than that he dois
from kingis and princes; and thairfoir, why that the servandis of
Jesus Chryste may not also justlie withstand kingis and princes, that
this day no less offendit Godis majestie than Uzzias did, I see nocht,
onless that ye will say, that we, in the brychtnes of the Evangill, ar
nocht sa straitlie bound to regaird Godis glorie, nor yit his
commandimentis, as wer the fatheris that leiffit under the dark
schaddowis of the Law."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I will dip no farder in that heid. But how
resisted the Preistis the King? Thai onelie spak unto him without
farder violence intendit."

"That thay withstude him," said the other, "the text assureis me; but
that thay did nothing but speik, I can nocht understand; for the plane
text affirms the contrair, to wit, that thay caused him haistilie to
depairt frome the sanctuarie, yea, and that he wes compellit to
depairt: quhilk maner of speiking, I am assureit in the Hebrew toung
impoirtis uther thing than exhoirting, or commanding by worde."

"Thay did that," said Lethingtoun, "efter that he wes espyit
leaprous."

"Thay withstude him hefoir," said the other; "but yit thair last fact
confermes my propositioune so evidentlie, that sik as will oppone
thame unto it, moist neidis oppone thame unto God; for my assertioun
is, that kingis haif no previlege moir than has the peopill to offend
Godis majestie; and gif that so thay do, thay ar no moir exempted from
the punischment of the law than is onie uther subject; yea, and that
subjectis may nocht onlie lauchfullie oppone thame selfis to thair
kingis, whensoevir thay do onie thing that expressedlie repugnes to
Goddis commandiment, but also that thay may execute jugement upoun
thame according to Goddis law; so that [if] the king be ane murtherar,
adulterar, or idolater, he soulde suffer according to Godis law, nocht
as ane king, but as ane offender, and that the peopill may put Godis
lawis in executioune, this Historie cleirlie proveis: for how soon
that the leprosie appeirit[1035] in his foirheid, he wes nocht onelie
compellit to depairt oute of the sanctuarie, but also he was removeit
frome all publick socyetie and administratioune of the kingdome, and
wes compellit to dwell in ane house ane pairt, evin as the law
commandit, and gat no grytter privilage in that cais than onie uther
of the peopill soulde haif done; and this wes executit be the peopill;
for it is no doute mo wer witnesses of his leprossie than the preistis
allone. But we fynd none oppone thame selfis to the sentence of God
pronounced in his law aganis the leprouse; and thairfoir, yit agane
say I, that the peopill aucht to execute Goddis law evin aganis thair
princes, when that thair oppin crymes be Godis law deserve deith, but
especialie when thay ar sik as may infect the rest of the multitude.
And now, my Lordis, (said he,) I will ressoune no langer, for I haif
spokin moir than I intendit."

  [1035] In MSS. G, and L 3, "the leprosie was espyed."

"And yit," said Lethingtoun, "I can nocht tell what can be concludit."

"Albeit ye can nocht," said the uther, "yit I am assureit what I haif
provin, to wit:--

"1. That subjectis haif delyverit ane innocent frome the handis of
thair King, and thairintill offendit nocht God.

"2. That subjectis haif refuseit to stryke innocentis whan ane King
commandit, and in so doing denyit no just obedience.

"3. That sik as struck at the commandiment of the King befoir God wer
reputed murtheraris.

"4. That God hes nocht onlie of ane subject maid ane King, but also
hes airmit subjectis aganis thair naturall Kings, and commandit thame
to tak vengence upoun thame according to his law.

"And, last, That Godis pepill hes executit Godis law aganis thair
King, having no farther regaird to him in that behalf, than gif he had
bene the moist simpill subject within this Realme.

"And thairfoir, albeit ye will not understand what sould be
concludeit, yit I am[1036] assureit that nocht onlie Goddis pepill
[may], but also, that thai ar bounde to do the same whair the lyke
crymes ar committit, and when he gevis unto thame the lyke power."

  [1036] In MS. G, "I am not."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think ye sall nocht haif monie leirnit
men of your oppinioun."

"My Lord," said the uther, "the treuthe ceisses nocht to be the
treuthe, howsoevir it be that men [either] misknaw it, or yit
ganestand it. And yit, (said he,) I praise my God, I lack nocht the
consent of Godis servandis in that heid." And with that he presentit
unto the Secretour the Apologie of Magdeburgh;[1037] and willit him to
reid the names of the Mynisteris who had subscribed the defence of the
Toune to be ane moist juste defence; and thairwith addit, "That to
resist ane tyrant, is not to resist God, nor yit his ordinance."

  [1037] Magdeburg, in the province of Saxony, is a town of ancient
  date, and of importance from its situation. It was involved in
  disputes with Austria, on account of the protection which it granted
  to Lutheranism. This drew upon it the ban of the Empire, followed by a
  siege in 1550, which endured for twelve months; but a treaty was
  concluded in 1551, without the Magdeburgers being betrayed into any
  mean submission to the Emperor. (See Robertson's Charles V., Book x.)

Whilk when he had read, he scripped and said, "_Homines
obscuri_."[1038] The uther ansuerit, "_Dei tamen servi_."[1039]

  [1038] That is, "Men of no note."

  [1039] That is, "Servants of God however."

And [so] Lethingtoun arose and said, "My Lordis, ye haif hard the
ressounis upoun boith pairteis: it becumis you now to decyde, and [to]
put ane ordour unto preicheouris, that thay may be uniforme in
doctrine. May we, think ye, tak the Queenis Messe frome hir?"

Whille that sum began to geif thair voittis, for sum wer appoyntit, as
it wer, leaderis to the rest, Johne Knox said, "My Lordis, I suppois
that ye will nocht [do] contrair to your [Lordships] promeis, maid to
the whole Assemblie, whilk wes, That nothing soulde be voited in
secreit, till that the first all maitteris soulde be debaittit in
publict, and that than the voittis of the whole Assemblie sould put an
end to the controversie. Now haif I onelie sustenit the argument, and
haif rather schawin my conscience in moist simpill maner, than that I
haif insystit upoun the force and vehemence of onie ane argument: And
thairfoir I, for my pairt, utterlie disassent frome all voitting, till
that the whole Assemblie haif hard the propositiounis and the
ressounis of boith pairteis. For I unfeinyeitlie acknawlege, that
monie in this cumpanie ar moir abill to sustene the argument than I
am."

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethingtoun, "that sik ane multitude
[as] ar now convenit, soulde ressoune and voit in these heidis and
matteris that concerne the Quenis Majesties awin persoune and
effairis?"

"I think," said the uther, "that whatsoevir soulde bind, the multitude
soulde heir, unless that thai haif resignit thair power unto thair
Commissioneris, whilk thai haif nocht done, sua far as I understand;
for my Lord Justice-Clark heard thame with ane voice say, That in no
wayis wald thai consent that onie thing soulde ether here be voited or
concludit."

"I can nocht tell," said Lethingtoun, "[if] that my Lordis that be
heir present, and that beir the burding of sik maitteris, soulde be
bounde to thair will. What say ye, (said he,) my Lordis? Will ye voit
in this maitter, or will ye nocht voit?"

Efter lang ressonyng, sum that wer maid for the purpois said, "Why may
nocht the Lordis voit, and than schaw unto the Kirk whatsoevir is
done?"

"That appeiris to me," said Johne Knox, "nocht onlie ane backwart
ordour, but also ane tyrranie usurpeit upoun the Kirk: But for me, do
as ye list, (said he,) for as I ressoune, so I voit; yit protesting as
befoir, that I dissent frome all voiting, till that the hoill
Assemblie understand alsweill the questiounis as the ressonyngis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that can nocht be done now, for the tyme
is spent; and thairfoir, my Lorde Chanceler, (said he,) ask ye the
voittis, and tak [be course] everie ane of the Mynisteris, and ane of
us."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHNE DOUGLAS RECTOUR.]

And so wes the Rectour of Sanctandrois[1040] commanded first to speik
his conscience; who said, "I reffer, to the Superintendant of Fyffe,
for I think we ar boith in one jugement; and yit, (said he,) gif ye
will that I speik first, my conscience is this, That gif the Quene
oppone hir self to oure religioun, whilk is the onelie trew religioun,
that in that caise the Nobillitie and Estaitis of this Realme,
professouris[1041] of the trew doctrine, may justlie oppone thame
selffis unto hir. But as concernyng hir awin Messe, I knaw it is
idolatrie, but yit I am nocht yit resolved, whidder that be violence
we may tack it frome hir or nocht." The Superintendant of Fyffe[1042]
said, "That same is my conscience." And so affirmit sum of the
Nobillitie. But utheris voitted frankley, and said, "That as the Messe
wes abominatioun, so wes it juste and rycht that it soulde be
suppressit;[1043] and that in so doing, men did no moir wrong to the
Quenis Majestie than thay that soulde be force tak frome hir ane
poysonit coupe when sehe wes going to drink it."

  [1040] At page 286 of the former volume, a brief notice of Douglas is
  given, in order to show that he must be distinguished from John
  Douglas, a Carmalite Friar, who, forsaking his order, became in 1558,
  Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle. As stated in the note referred to, Mr.
  John Douglas was elected Provost of St. Mary's College, St. Andrews,
  in 1547. He was also elected for a long series of years Rector of the
  University; and having embraced the Reformed opinions, he still
  continued his residence at St. Andrews, retaining his situation as
  Provost of the College. In 1571, when "an auld feeble man," by
  "compromise with the Earl of Morton, he was nominated to the See of
  St. Andrews: Knox having refused to inaugurate him, the ceremony was
  performed by Mr. John Wynrame. (M'Crie's Life of Knox.) According to
  his Confirmed Testament, 29th January 1574-5, "Johne Archbishop of
  Sanctandrois, &c. died in (blank) 1574;" and it shows that his nominal
  dignity had not enriched him. The Summa of his Inventar amounted only
  to £280, 4s. 4d., and this included "Item, his L[ordship's] liberall
  [library] of bukis, extending to ane hundreth pundis."

  [1041] In MS. G, "that have professit."

  [1042] Mr. John Wynrame. See note in vol. i. p. 150. As Sub-prior of
  St. Andrews, he sat as one of the Judges at the trials of Sir John
  Borthwick in 1540, of George Wishart in 1546, and of Walter Myln in
  1550. In 1549, at the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, he is
  styled "M. Johannes Wynrame Ecclesiæ Metrop. Primitialis S. Andreæ,
  Canonicus Regularis, et Supprior, Theologiæ Doctor." He survived till
  the year 1582, when he died at the advanced age of ninety.

  [1043] In MSS. G, and L 4, "repressed."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHN CRAIG.]

At last, Mr. Johne Craig,[1044] fellow-minister with Johne Knox in the
Kirk of Edinburgh, wes requyreit to gif his jugement and vote, who
said, "I will glaidlie schaw unto your Honouris what I understand; but
I gritlie doubt whidder my knawlege and conscience sall satisfy you,
seing that ye haif heard so monie ressounis and ar so lyttil moved be
thame. But yit I sall nocht conceill from you my jugement, adhering
first to the protestatioun of my Brother, to wit, That our voitting
prejudge nocht the lybertie of the Generall Assembly. I wes, (said
he,) in the Universitie of Bononia,[1045] in the yeir of God
1554,[1046] whair, in the place of the Blak-Freiris of the same
toune, I saw in the tyme of thair Generall Assemblie this Conclusioun
set furth: This same I hard ressoned, determined, and concludit:--

  [1044] Mr. John Craig was born in 1512, became a Dominican Friar, and
  narrowly escaped from a sentence of the Inquisition at Rome, which had
  condemned him to the flames as a heretic in 1559. He at length
  succeeded in reaching Scotland. He was minister of the Canongate for a
  short time, before he was appointed Knox's colleague. He was
  translated from Edinburgh to New Aberdeen before 1574; but was brought
  back as King's Minister in July 1580. He survived till the year 1600,
  and died at the advanced age of eighty-eight. (M'Crie's Life of Knox,
  vol. ii. p. 53-57; Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 455.)

  [1045] The Latin name of Bologna.

  [1046] So also in MS. L 3; but in MS. A i, the date is "1550;" in MSS.
  L 4, and M, "1553." MS. G, makes it "1562"--an obvious mistake, as
  Craig returned to Scotland in 1560, and is not known to have left it
  at any subsequent period.

                              CONCLUSIO.

     "PRINCIPES omnes, tam supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et
     debent reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur,
     confirmantur, vel admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide
     præstita subditis per juramentum deficiunt: Quoniam relatio
     juramenti subditorum et principum mutua est, et utrinque
     æquo jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem
     juramenti ab utraque parte facti."

"That is, All Reuleris, be thay supreame or be thay inferiour, may and
aucht to be reformed or deposed be thame be whom thay ar chosin,
confirmed, or admitted to thair office, as oft as thay brak that
promeis maid be the oath to thair subjectis: Because that thair Prince
is no less bound be oath to the subjectis, then is the subjectis to
thair Princeis, and thairfoir aucht to be keipit and reformed
equallie, according to the law and conditioun of the oath that is maid
of other partie."

"This Conclusioun, my Lordis, I heard sustenit and concludit, as I
haif said, in ane moist notabill auditour. The sustenar wes ane
leirnit man, M. Thomas de Finola, the Rectour of the Universitie, ane
man famous in that cuntrie. Magister Vincentius de Placentia, affirmed
the Conclusioun to be moist true and certane, agreable boith with the
law of God and man. The occasioun of this Disputatioun and
Conclusioun, wes ane certene disordour and tyrranie that wes attempit
be the Paipes Governouris, who began to mak innovationis in the
cuntrie aganis the lawis that wer befoir establischit, alledging thame
selfis nocht to be subject to sik lawis, be ressoune that thay wer
nocht institute be the peopill, but be the Paip, who wes King of that
cuntrie; and, thairfoir thay, haifing full commissioun and authoritie
of the Paip, mycht alter and change statuteis and ordinanceis of the
cuntrie, without all consent of the peopill. Aganis this [thair]
usurped tyrranie, the leirnit and the peopill opponcit thame selffis
opinlie: and when that all ressounis whilk the Paipis governouris
could allege wer heard and confuted, the Paip him self wes fane to tak
up the maitter, and to promeis to keip nocht onlie the lybertie of the
peopill, but also that he sould neither abrogat[1047] onie law [or]
statute, neither yit mak onie new law without thair awin consent. And,
thairfoir, my Lord, (said he,) my vote and consience is, that Princes
ar nocht onlie bound to keip lawis and promeisses to thair subjectis,
but also, that in caise thai faill, thay justlie may be deposeit; for
the band betwix the Prince and the Peopill is reciproce."

  [1047] In MS. 1566, "haif brocht."

Then start [up] ane claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wat
nocht what ye say; for ye tell us what wes done in Bononia; we ar ane
kingdome, and thai ar but ane Commounwelth."

"My Lord," said he, "my jugement is, that everie kingdom is, or at
leist, sould be ane Commounwelth, albeit that everie Commounwelth be
nocht ane kingdom; and, thairfoir, I think, that in ane kingdom no
less dylligence aucht to be taikin, that lawis be nocht violatit, than
is [in] ane Commounwelth; because that the tyrranie of Princeis who
continwallie ring[1048] in ane kingdom, is moir hurtfull to the
subjectis, than is the misgovernment of those that from yeir to yeir
ar chaingit in fre Commounwelthis. But yit, my Lordis, to assure you
and all utheris farder, that heid wes disputed be the utermoist; and
than, in the end, it was concludit,[1049] that thay spak nocht of sik
thingis as wer done in diverse kingdomis and natiounis be tyrranie and
negligence of peopill. 'But we conclude,' said thai, 'what aucht to be
done in all Kingdomis and Commounwelthis, according to the law of God,
and unto the just lawis of man. And gif be the negligence of the
peopill, or be tyrranie of Princes, contrair lawis haif bene maid, yit
may that same peopill, or thair posteritie, justlie craif all thingis
to be reformed,[1050] according to the originall institutioun of
Kingis and Commounwelthis: and sik as will nocht [do] so, deserve to
eit the frute of thair awin folischnes.'"

  [1048] In MS. 1566, "who continewing."

  [1049] In MSS. 1566, and L 3, "nocht concluded."

  [1050] In MS. 1566, "ressonit."

Maister James Makgill,[1051] than Clark of Register, persaifing the
voittis to be different, and heiring the bauld plainess of the
foirsaid servand of God, said, "I remember that this same questioun
wes lang debaittit aneis befoir this in my house, and thair, be
ressoune that we wer nocht all of ane mynd, it wes concludit, that Mr.
Knox sould in all our names haif writtin to Mr. Calvin for his
jugement in the contraversie."

  [1051] Some notices respecting Mackgill, who was appointed Clerk
  Register in 1554, are given at page 156. From the Treasurer's Accounts
  it appears his salary was only 20 merks, or £13, 6s. 8d.

"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretour wald nocht consent that I
sould wrytte, alleging, that the grittest weycht of the ansuer stude
in the narrative, and thairfoir [promeisit that] he wald wryte, and I
sould sey it. But when, (said he,) that diverse tymes I requyreit him
to remember his promeis, I fand no thing but delay."

Whairto the Secretour did ansuer, "True it is, I promeist to wryte,
and true it is, that diverse tymeis Mr. Knox requyreit me so to do.
But when I had moir deiplie consydderit the weycht of the maitter, I
began to find mo douttis than that I did befoir, and this one amangis
utheris, How I durst, I being ane subject, and the Quenis Majesties
Secretarie,[1052] tak upoun me to seik resolutioun of contraverseyis
depending betwix hir Heyness and hir subjectis, without hir awin
knawlege and consent." Than wes thair ane acclamatioun of the
claw-backis of the Courte, as if Apollo had gevin his response: It wes
wyselie and faythfullie done.

  [1052] William Maitland, usually styled Laird of Lethington, was the
  eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, and was born
  probably between 1525 and 1530. He is said to have studied at St.
  Andrews, but his name does not occur in the Registers as having taken
  any degree. Chalmers has devoted much labour in tracing the career of
  this very able man, whose policy in changing his views from time to
  time proved equally unfortunate to himself and his country. (Life of
  Mary Queen of Scots, 2d edit. vol. iii. page 530 to 615.) At an early
  period of life Maitland took an active share in public affairs. Knox
  mentions him under the year 1555, (vol. i. p. 247;) and on more than
  one occasion calls him "the author of all the mischief" that had
  occurred. He first appears in the service of the Queen Regent; and in
  September 1555, the Treasurer paid "to William Maitland, be the Quenis
  Grace precept, for his pension of this instant zeir, £150." After the
  death of Bishop Panter, on the 4th December 1558, he was appointed
  Secretary of State. In October 1559, he joined the Lords of the
  Congregation; in August 1560, he acted as Speaker of Parliament; and
  in the following year he was raised to the bench. After various
  embassies to France and England, and after having an active share in
  all the intrigues and public affairs of the time, he died at Leith, as
  alluded to at page 363, note I, 9th June 1573. He was twice married.
  On the 10th November 1552, he had a charter of lands in Stirlingshire
  to himself and Janet Menteith his spouse: she was the daughter of
  Menteith of Kerse. He married, secondly, at Stirling, 6th January
  1566-7, Mary Fleming, daughter of Malcolm third Lord Fleming. After
  his death she addressed a pathetic letter to Lord Burleigh, dated from
  Edinburgh, 21st June 1573, praying that her husband's body might
  "_receive no shame or ignominy_." The English General, on the 18th,
  had also written, that he had been pressed by the Earl of Athole and
  others, "that the body of Ledingtoun might be buried, _and not remain
  above the ground as it does_."--In 1584, Parliament passed an Act of
  "Pacification to Marie Flemyng, (relict of umquhill William Maitland
  younger of Lethingtoun, Secretare to our Soverane Lord) and his
  bairnis." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 313.)

"Weill," said Johne Knox, "let warldlie men praise warldlie wisdome so
heichlie as thay pleise, I am assureit, that be sik shiftis, idolatrie
is mentenit, and the treuth of Jesus Chryste is betrayit, whairof God
one day will be revengit." At this, and the lyke scherpnes, monie
offendit, the voitting ceissit, and everie factioun began planelie to
speik as effectioun moveit thame.

Johne Knox in the end wes commandit yit to wryte to Mr. Calvin, and to
the leirnit in uther Kirkis, to knaw thair jugementis in that
questioune; quhilk he refuissit, schawing his ressoun, "I myself am
nocht onlie fullie resolved in conscience, but also I haif heard the
jugementis in this, and all uther thingis that I haif affirmit within
this Realme, of the moist godlie and moist leirnit that be knawin in
Europe. I come nocht to this Realme without thair resolutioun; and
for my assurance I haif the hand wrytingis of monie; and, thairfoir,
gif I sould [now] move the same questioun agane, what sould I do
uther, but either schaw my awin ignorance and forgetfulness, or ellis
inconstancey: And, thairfoir, it may pleise you to appardoune me,
albeit I wryte nocht. But I will teich you the surer way, whilk is
[this], that ye wryte and complayne upoun me, that I teich publictlie
and affirme constantlie sik doctrine as offendis you, and so sall ye
knaw thair plane myndis, and whidder that I and thay aggrey in
jugement or nocht."

[Sidenote: THE END OF THE RESSONYNG BETWIX JOHN KNOX AND THE SECRETOUR
IN JUNE 1564.]

Diverse said the offer wes gude; bot no man wes founde that wald be
the secretour. And so did that Assemblie in lang ressonyng brek up.
Efter the whilk tyme, the mynisteris, that wer callit preceissit, wer
haldin of all the Courteouris as monstouris.

In all that tyme[1053] the Erle of Murray wes so formed[1054] to Johne
Knox, that nowther be word nor write wes there ony communicatioun
betwix thame.[1055]

  [1053] In MS. 1566, this short paragraph of three lines, is in a
  different hand and colour of ink, and bears a close resemblance to
  Knox's own writing.

  [1054] So in the MS.; but evidently intended for _fremmit_, strange,
  foreign: in MS. G, "fremmed;" in MS. M, "freamed;" in MS. L 4,
  "frame;" in MS. A 1, "framed;" but MS. L 3, has "formed."

  [1055] In the later MSS. there are several variations at the end of
  this book. In MSS. A 1, and L 3, an extract from his Sermon in 1565,
  is added with this title, "These words following are found written be
  John Knox, in the preface of a certain Treatise maid be him upon the
  xxvj. cap. Isayas." In MSS. M, and L 1, we read as follows: "In this
  Conference, (with Lethington,) ye may see a proofe of Mr. Knox his
  deep jugement and promptness in citing the passages of Scripture,
  besides his great zeal, courage, and sinceritie in the cause of God,
  without respect to flesh or blood." MS. L 4, adds, "Mr. Knox endeth
  the 4 Buik of his Storie, with this Conference." In MS. M, "Heere
  endeth the Fourth Booke of Mr. Knox his Historie of the Church of
  Scotland." On a separate leaf in MS. L 4, are four paragraphs which
  occur in Book Fifth, and are copied nearly _verbatim_ in Calderwood's
  History, vol. ii. pp. 280, 284, 294, 295. The last paragraph breaks
  off in the middle of a sentence, and in the margin is added, "The rest
  of this section ye will find elsewhere, in the beginning of some writt
  scrollis."

[Illustration: Hand written page]




THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.




INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH.


IN the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of THE
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND were written by Knox, between
the years 1559 and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as
completed by himself, without being either mutilated or interpolated,
except in the common printed editions of the work. But of the Fifth
Book, no manuscript copy has been discovered; and although there may
be sufficient reason to prevent us from ascribing its composition to
the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the propriety of
annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.

This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from
September 1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to
abdicate the throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was
first published in folio, in the year 1644, by DAVID BUCHANAN, a
person of literary distinction, of whom some account will be given in
the Appendix to the present volume. The volume has this title:--

"THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND; Containing
five Books: Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History.
Published by Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) LONDON, Printed
by _John Raworth_, for _George Thomason_ and _Octavian Pullen_, and
are to be sold at the Signe of the Rose in _Paul's_ Church-yard.
MDCXLIV."

In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared
under a similar title:--"THE HISTORIE, &c. Printed at LONDON for _G.
T._ and _O. P._ And Re-Printed at EDINBURGH by ROBERT BRYSON, and are
to be sold at his Shop at the Signe of JONA. 1644."

It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal
reprint. The greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch
that the words and letters in most of the lines correspond in the two
editions; still there are some changes which it is not improbable were
introduced under Buchanan's immediate inspection. The Preface "To the
Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I have thought fit in this
place to point at some main occurrences from that time (1567) till
now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills
eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death
of John Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An
Acrostick" (8 lines), and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the
pretious memorie of John Knox, that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the
Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The historical "Preface," relating
to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling thirty leaves
in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no
alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the
close of Book Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them
being transposed from the commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions
occur towards the latter part of Book Fifth. And in the subjoined
Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief Exhortation," dated from
Geneva, 12th January 1557.

The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, is worthy of notice. After mentioning
Knox's education and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers
to his sufferings, and says, "For the cause of the truth, he suffered
very much by sea and land, in minde and body; among forraigners, and
amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in this History of the
Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History, namely so
much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly
under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken
thorowout the whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent
agent in the businesse of the Reformation in the Church: Next, because
he hath penned with his own hand, or spoken by word of mouth, the most
part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in
the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of his Papers
and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of
JOHN KNOX. But to return to his Life," &c.

In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as
follows:--after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the
prime publike actors in that worthy worke of our Primitive
Reformation," Buchanan says, "And because some singular fruit, more
then ordinare, is expected from him who hes some singular enduements,
more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world how farre his
thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little he
did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many
choise and worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and
judicious minde, the truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout
the whole progresse of this Church-Historie, which may justly bee
published and sent abroad under his name, because the most part
thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand, or spoken and
uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of his
Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without
partialitie. Hee hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin.
And therefore I hope his unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable
to no good man, be hee never so great. Wearie not then in reading, but
adventure your patience as he hes done his paines, and I doubt not,
but in each particular, you shall get such a full and satisfactorie
information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike
fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to
his Life," &c.

In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement
of facts, the occasional modes of expression, and the above
declaration by the Editor, that "the whole History is gathered out of
Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite opposed to the general
notion that it was written or even compiled by David Buchanan. Neither
can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as the
style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from
1570 to 1573, which has been published under his name; and from which
portions at least ought to be included in a collection of the
Reformer's Works. This will form part of the concluding volume.

On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy
to give any tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems
probable that Mr. David Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps
he was beholden to Mr. Knox's scrolls, but I wish he had carefully
distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his own, and forborn his
interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty no
person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;)
have given the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave
it to the Reader to value it as he finds cause." But these Editors
have taken an unusual liberty, which they have not specified, in
altering the language to correspond to the more antiquated orthography
of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present edition, the text
is given from that of London, 1644.

Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from
Knox's papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded
claims to be regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the
previous Books, I have not thought it necessary to devote much time to
its elucidation by encumbering the pages with foot-notes; and the more
so, as the period of three years which it embraces, has been so
fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger share of
literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National
History.

[Sidenote: There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan,
of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]

  [1056] The marginal notes in this Book are evidently added by the
  original editor, David Buchanan.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the
hunting; and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and
returned to Fyfe in September.[1057] All this while there was
appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; for
there was many letters full of civility and complements sent from
either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides costly presents
for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured to
come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at
Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's
Majestie; namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her
letters, written in his favour: And because he could not be restored
to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a
Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh, the 13. day of
December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a
Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly
the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word
be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the
Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean
time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed.[1060]

  [1057] On the 25th or 26th September 1564: see note 4, page 420.

  [1058] Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox. He arrived at Edinburgh
  on the 23d September. A letter, addressed by Queen Mary to Queen
  Elizabeth, on the 28th of that month, mentions, that he had presented
  the letters of Elizabeth, at Holyrood-House, on the previous day.
  (Tytler's Hist., vol. vi. p. 297; Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 233.)

  [1059] The proceedings of this Parliament are not preserved, and the
  day of meeting in variously stated. Some Acts passed on the 15th
  December are recorded. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 545.) In an
  abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, marked 3d December 1564,
  (an evident error in the date for the 23d,) we read, "Lennox restored
  by Parliament called only for that purpose. The Queen made an Oration
  in the Parliament, shewing the reason of restoring Lennox; and the
  rather, because it was at the request and suit of her sister of
  England." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259.) On the 15th, Lennox's
  restoration was proclaimed with great solemnity at the Cross of
  Edinburgh.

  [1060] In Buchanan's republication of Knox's History, at Edinburgh,
  1644, this and the next paragraph are transposed to the end of Book
  Fourth, with two additional paragraphs, for the purpose evidently of
  bringing the History down to the close of the year 1564. The first of
  these, as follows, occurs nearly _verbatim_ in Calderwood's History,
  vol. ii. p. 280: see also the Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 47.--


  "ARTICLES AND PETITIONS.

  "It was thought good by the Church Assembly immediately preceding
  [viz. in June 1564,] and conforme to the Acts made before the Queen's
  arrivall, and approven since, that Christ's true Religion bee _de
  novo_, established, ratified, and approven throughout the whole
  Realme; And that all Idolatry, especially the Masse, he abolished
  every where, so that no other face of Religion be suffered to be
  erected within this Realme. And for this effect, that the Ministrie be
  sufficiently provided with maintenance, and sure appointment where
  they shall take up thair stipends. In like manner, to desire that the
  transgressors of the said Laws bee punished, specially in Aberdeen,
  the Karse of Gowry, Seyfield, and other places which shall be
  specified. These Articles were appointed to bee presented to the Lords
  of the Secret Councel. The Earls of Murray, Argyle, Glencairne, and
  the Secretary being present, and sent by the Queene to observe what
  things were propounded in the Assembly, thought not good that the
  Articles should be propounded after this manner, but drew out two
  heads; First, they would declare the good mind and obedience of the
  Assembly; Next, they would labour at her G[race's] hands for settling
  of Religion according to the order established before her arrivall.
  They promised also to deal with her for set stipends. Lethington
  returned a gracious answer to these Heads. It was appointed that a
  request should be presented to the Queen for obtaining the gift of the
  Frier's Kirk of Kirkcudbright, to be holden hereafter the Parish Kirk
  of Kirkcudbright."

  The second paragraph is entitled,


  "AN ANSWER TO PAUL METHVEN'S SUPPLICATION.

  "The General Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of
  December, the exhortation and invocation of the name of God being made
  by John Knox. John Ærskin of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes,
  was chosen Moderator. In this Assembly Paul Methven's supplication
  anent his receiving to repentance, &c., was read and considered. The
  Brethren were content to receive him, providing he presented himself
  personally before them, and shew evident signes of unfained
  repentance, and willingness to obey such a forme of repentance as they
  should enjoyne. As for deleting the processe out of their Books, they
  could no wayes condescend, neither thought they such a Petition could
  proceed of the Holy Spirit, seeing David, a notable servant of God,
  was not ashamed to leave in register his offence, to God's glory and
  his own confusion. Anent his admission and re-entrie to the Ministrie
  within this Realme, it was ansuered, That could not be granted till
  the memorie of his former offence were more deeply buried, and some
  particular Kirks within the Realme made request for him. And, further,
  That his entrie in the Ministrie of England, hee being excommunicated
  and unreconciled to the Kirk, hath grievously offended them." This
  paragraph is copied nearly _verbatim_ from the Acts of Assembly, 27th
  December 1564. (Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 55.)

At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the
said Earle of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He
was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule.
There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the
abolishing of the Masse universally, and for punishment of vice; but
there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That
scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then
publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not
put in execution.

In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the
Church was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for
setling of the affairs of the Church.

  [1061] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1564.

In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the
Gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that
such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme; which
caused the wilde fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold for a
crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the
confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of divers
Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's
absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear
Masse; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some
of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in
February, they made an Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on
the one side of the quire, and one or two on the other side, with
Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children, and making
marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy,
alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament
than to a tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the
Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Even-song was the
occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which
being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell,
especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the
Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such
things were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was
promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also
alleadged, That they were a great number; and that she could not
trouble their conscience.

  [1062] The Queen left Edinburgh on the 19th January 1564-5. Randolph,
  who followed soon after, transmitted to England an interesting account
  of his interviews with her at St. Andrews. (Chalmers' Life of Queen
  Mary, vol. i. p. 123-127. Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 261.) She
  afterwards visited Wemyss Castle. where she received Darnley's first
  visit, on the 16th February, and returned to the Palace of Holyrood on
  the 24th of that month.

  [1063] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 20th March 1564-5, refers
  to the excesses of both parties at this time; and in particular, that
  "one of the Queen's chappel, a singing man, said, that he believed as
  well a tale of Robin Hood as any word is written in the Old Testament
  or New." He further adds, the Queen's "own Mass, and the resort into
  it; such blasphemies as there unpunished; her will to continue
  Papistry, and her desire to have all men live as they list, so
  offendeth the godly men's consciences, and so many besides that desire
  alteration, that it is continually feared that these matters will
  shortly break out to some greater mischief."

About the 20. of this moneth, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart,
Lord Darnley;[1064] from thence he passed to Fyffe: And in the place
of Weemes he was admitted to kisse the Queen's hand; whom she liked so
well, that she preferred him before all others, as shall hereafter,
God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the moneth of March, the
Earle Bothwell arrived out of France; whereat the Earle of Murray was
highly offended, because of the evil report made to him of the Lord
Bothwell; and passing immediately to the Queen's Majestie, demanded
of her, If it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home;
and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should
leave the countrey, and therefore desired that he might have justice.
Her answer was, That seeing the Earle Bothwell was a nobleman, and had
done her service, she could not hate him: Nevertheless she would do
nothing that might be prejudiciall to the Erle of Murray, but desired
that the matter might be taken away. Within few days she caused summon
the Earle Bothwell to answer to the course of law the 2d of May, for
the conspiracy which the Earle of Arrane had alledged two years
before, and for the breaking of the ward of the Castle. In the
meanwhile there was nothing in the Court but banquetting, balling, and
dancing, and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the
disordered appetite; and all for the entertainment of the Queen's
cousin from England, the Lord Darnley, to whom she did shew all the
expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse.[1065]

  [1064] Henry Lord Darnley, then in the twentieth year of his age,
  arrived in Edinburgh, on the 13th February 1564-5. After visiting the
  Queen at Wemyss Castle, in Fife, on the 16th, he proceeded to Dunkeld,
  where his father the Earl of Lennox was residing; but he hastened back
  to Edinburgh to wait the Queen's arrival at Holyrood.--In both edit.
  1644, his name is always printed "Darley."

  [1065] Within a month of Darnley's arrival in Scotland, Queen Mary had
  fixed her affections on him, as her proposed husband, and to
  communicate this to Queen Elizabeth, was the main object of
  Lethington's mission to the English Court. He had arrived there on the
  18th April, and had returned to Edinburgh on the 13th May 1565.
  (Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii p. 551.)

Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to
Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The chief point
of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen
was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley; and the rather,
because he was so near of blood to both Queens: for by his mother, he
was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also of near kindred, and
of the same name by his father: His mother was cousin-german to the
Queen of England. Here mark God's providence: King James the Fifth
having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earle
of Lenox his heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that
design ceased. Then came the Earle of Lenox from France, with
intention to marry King James his widow; but that failed also: He
marries Mary[1066] Dowglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the
Fifth his daughter. And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, The
Crown continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England,
nevertheless, shewed her self nothing pleased therewith, but rather
declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such
contracts or alliance that might be prejudiciall to her; and for the
same purpose sent a post to the Queen with letters, wherein she
complained greatly of the mind of our Mistris, seeing the great
affection she bare to her, intending to declare her heretrix of her
Realme of England, providing only that she would use her counsell in
marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord
Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was
below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private subject.
At the same time she wrote to the Earle of Lenox, and to his son,
commanding them to repair both into England. Some write, That all this
was but counterfeit by the Queen of England, and from her heart she
was glad of the marriage, for by that means the Succession of the
Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darnley being the right heir
after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see
her married to one of inferior rank, for by that means she thought the
Scots Queen would be less proud.

  [1066] An error in both edit. 1644 for Lady Margaret Douglas: see page
  336, note 2.

[Sidenote: At this time an Italian named Davie, entered in great
familiarity with the Queen so that there was nothing done without
him.]

During this time there were certain letters directed to the Brethren
of Edinburgh, to Dundie, Fyfe, Angus, and Mernes, and other places,
from the Brethren of Kyle, and other places in the West Countrey,
desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places, to remember what
the Eternall God had wrought, and how potently he had abolished all
kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed his word in this Realm,
so that no man could say otherwise but it was the work of God, who
also had delivered this countrey from the bondage and tyranny of
strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that
idol the Masse not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that
the maintainers thereof are like, by all appearance, to get the upper
hand, which would be the occasion of our destruction: And for that the
Papists purposed to set up their idol at Easter following, in all
places, which was to be imputed to the slothfulness and want of godly
zeal of the professors. Therefore they admonished the Brethren to
strive to avert the evil in time, and not to suffer such wickedness to
continue and encrease, lest God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares
like a consuming fire. By these letters many Brethren were animated,
and their spirits wakened, minding to provide as God should give them
grace. And first of all, by the advice of the most learned in
Edinburgh, there was a Supplication made, and given to the Queen's
Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing, in effect,
That the Church in generall of the Realme, had divers times most
humbly craved of her Majesty, That committers of adultery should be
punished according to the law of God and the Acts of Parliament,
nevertheless they continued in their wickednes; and the Papists, of
obstinate malice, pretended nothing else but to erect and set up their
idolatry and superstition; and at Easter day following, they intended
to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the
Evangel could not suffer; therefore wished her Majestie to take heed
of the matter.

This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the
Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queen's
name, That there should be such provision made as should serve to
their contentment: And for the same purpose, the Queen's Majestie writ
to all such places as were suspected, especially to the Bishop of
Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine, (as was said,) not to use any Masse,
and that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the
Protestants, or convene any Councell, and thereto commanded them. Now
the Communion was administred in Edinburgh, the 1st day of April 1565:
At which time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at
their Masse; and as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such
things, they having with them one of the Bayliffs, took one Sir James
Carvet, riding hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Masse, and
conveyed him, together with the master of the house, and one or two
more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately revested him
with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the
Market-Crosse, where they set him on high, binding the chalice in his
hand, and himself fast tyed to the said Crosse, where he tarried the
space of one hour; during which time the boyes served him with his
Easter eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his
assistants, were accused and convinced by an assize, according to the
Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offence he deserved death,
yet for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the
space of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping
him, the boyes and others were busie with eggs casting; and some
Papists there were that stopped as far as they could: And as the
presse of people encreased about the Crosse, there appeared to have
been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with some
Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith. The
Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information that
the Priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some
extreme punishment; for she thought that all this was done in contempt
of her, and of her Religion; and it was affirmed, That the Towne
should have been sacked, and a great number executed to death: she
sent to such as she pleassed, commanding them to come to her at
Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces; and in the mean time she
sent her Advocate, Master Spence of Condie, to Edinburgh, to take a
sure triall of the matter. The Provost and Councell wrote to the Queen
the truth of the matter as it was, desiring her Majestie to take the
same in good part, and not to give credit to false reports, and
therewith sent to her Majestie the processe and enrolment of the Court
of the Priest convict. Thus the Queen's Majestie being informed of the
truth by her said Advocate, sent againe, and stayed the said meeting
of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the copie
followeth:--


  _The Queen's Letter to the Provest, Bailiffe, and Councell
                           of Edinburgh._

     "PROVEST, Bayliffe, and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh,
     We received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by
     this report what diligence you took to stay the tumult in
     the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh; wherein, as you
     did your duty in suppressing the tumult, so can We not take
     in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a
     thing, without certain seditious persons, who were pleased
     to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates
     authoritie, be condignly and really punished for their
     rashnesse and misbehaviour; for if all private persons
     should usurpe to take vengeance at their own hands, what
     lies in ours? And to what purpose hath good laws and
     statutes been established? Since, therefore, We have never
     been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders,
     prescribed by the lawes, but have alwayes maintained justice
     in that case without respect of persons, it is our will, and
     We command you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience
     and allegiance, that you will take before you certane of the
     most responsall persons which are declared authors of the
     said sedition, and usurpers of our authority, and to
     administer justice upon them, in such sort as We may know a
     sinceritie on your parts, and our authority no wayes
     slighted. But if you faile, perswade your selves, (and that
     shortly,) We will not oversee it, but will account this
     contempt not only to be in the committers thereof, but in
     yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us on our
     part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution,
     which We look for so soon as reason will permit.

           "Subscribed with our hand at Sterlin, this 24. of April,
           Anno 1565."

By this manner of writing and high threatning, may be perceived how
grievously the Queen's Majestie would have been offended if the said
Tarbot[1067] and Messe-monger had been handled according to his
demerite, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest
whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer; nevertheless, within
few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and Bailiffs to set him at
libertie, commanding them further, that no man should trouble nor
molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded
him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John Low and John
Kennedie, set at libertie in the same manner. At this Easter-tyde, in
Sterlin, the Queen made her domestick servants use Papisticall rites
and ceremonies, and more, she perswaded others by faire means to do
the same, and threatned those that were most constant at the Earle of
Cassels house.

  [1067] So in both edit. 1644; but at page 476 the name is "Carvet."

Upon the second day of May 1565, conveened at Edinburgh, the Earl of
Murray with his friends in great numbers, to keepe the day of law
against the Earle of Bothwell; who being called, appeared not, only
the Laird of Rickerton protested, That the personall absence of the
Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to him, by reason, that for
just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man, since he had so
potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queen's Majesty,
was of greatest estimation and authority of any man within this Realm,
to whom assisted at this present day of law, seven or eight hundred
men, which force he could not resist, and therefore had absented
himself; which protestation being made, those that had been sureties
for his appearance, were outlawed. The said Earle Bothwell, a few
dayes after, past into France, after he had been in Liddesdale, where,
suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance of his
life, notwithstanding he was not put to the horne; for the Queen
continually bore a great favour towards him, and kept him to be a
souldier, as appeared within lesse than half a year; for she would not
suffer the Lord Morton, nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murray's great
friends, to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earles
of Argyle, Glenearne, and Crawford, with great numbers, and many Lords
and Barons, who for the most part conveened the same afternoon to
treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion; where some articles
were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to
the Queen's Majestie and Privie Councell; which articles were enlarged
at the Generall Assembly following, as shall be declared.

In the meane time, as they were informed in Court of this great
Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were affraid, for naturally the
Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own
presence, and devised by her self. The chief Counsellors in the Court
were the Earls of Lenox and Athole. The Queen writ incontinent for all
the Lords to come to Sterlin, so soone as she was advertised that they
had treated in Edinburgh of Religion; she writ likewise for the
Superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being
there, they caused to keep the ports or gates, and make good watch
about the towne. The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to
the Lord Darnley title of honour, openly and solemnly, with consent of
the Nobles, before the marriage.

The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin, where he
was well received by the Queen's Majestie, as appeared; and
immediately, as he past with her to my Lord Darnley's chamber, they
presented to him a contract, containing in effect, That forasmuch, as,
or since, the Queen had contracted marriage with the Lord Darnley, and
that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-written,
ratified, and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto
him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall, (by a new Court
solecisme in policie, the Crowne for the second time is surnamed
Matrimoniall; before, when the Queen was first married, it was so
called also,) to serve and obey him and her as their lawfull
Soveraignes. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe, as many
others had done before; which hee refused to do, "Because, (said he,)
it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at
least the principall, and such as he himself was posteriour unto,
before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded."

The Queen's Majesty no wayes content with this answer, insisted still
upon him, saying, The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there
present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a
Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family, and
the surname, according to their Father's will and desire, as was said
of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes
above written.

Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassadour from England, named
Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,[1068] arrived at Sterlin, and in his
company the Laird of Lethington; the Ambassador was at the Castle gate
or ever they were aware; and as he stood there in the entry, he was
desired to passe to his lodgings. The next day he had audience of the
Queen, and was graciously received according to the dignity of his
message. The whole summe of this his message was, to shew and declare
to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistris was offended with this
precipitated marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man
of inferiour rank and condition to her selfe: and therefore disswaded
her therefrom. And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home
her subjects, the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Darnley: but all in
vaine; for the matter was well farre proceeded. In her heart Queen
Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first, because if Queen Mary
had married a foraign Prince, it had been an accesse to her
greatnesse, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other;
next, both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of
consanguinitie unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry
being children to her Father's sister.

  [1068] Throckmorton, in his letter to the Queen of England, on the
  20th May 1565, mentions that he reached Edinburgh on the 13th, and
  Stirling on the morning of 15th May; when, he says, "At my arrival at
  the Castle, the gates were shut against me, whether it proceeded from
  fear, or of some other passion, I know not. I thus remaining some time
  before the gate, there came unto me the Master of Arskine and the
  Justice-Clerk, who desired me, in the Queen their Mistress's behalf,
  to retire unto my lodging which was appointed in the town, saying,
  that after I had reposed myself, the Queen did mind to give me
  audience." (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 279.)

With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart, promising
to do all she could to satisfie the Queen of England; and for the same
purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent gave
his, which before he refused.]

In the meane time the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was
prepared and propounded in Councell, and the chief of the Nobilitie,
such as the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glenearne, with the
rest, granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the
Religion established in Parliament, by the Queene, and the idolatrous
Masse and Superstition abolished; shortly it was concluded, that they
should convene again to Saint Johnstoun, where the Queen promised to
take a finall order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the
last of May, at Perth: my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queen's
Majestie communed with the Lords, who were very plain with her,
saying, Except the Masse were abolished, there should be no quietnesse
in the countrey. The twelfth day of May the Lord Darnley was belted,
(that is, created) Earle of Rosse, with great solemnity, a belt or
girdle being tyed about his waist or middle; and albeit all kinde of
provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time it
came not to effect, albeit the crown and robe-royall were prepared to
him for the same. For the entertainment of this triumph there were
many Knights made, to the number of fourteen.[1069] The next day,
which was the thirteenth of May, the Queen called for the
Superintendants, by name John Willock, John Winram, and John
Spotswood, whom she cherished with faire words, assuring them, that
she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory of God, and
satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the Commonwealth; and
albeit she was not perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she
was brought up, yet she promised to them that she would hear
conference and disputation in the Scriptures: And likewise she would
be content to hear publike preaching, but alwayes out of the mouth of
such as pleased her Majestie; and above all others, she said, she
would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus, (for he was a mild and
sweet natured man,) with true honesty and uprightnesse, John
Ariskin[1070] of Dun.

  [1069] According to a memorial transmitted by Sir Nicholas
  Throckmorton to Queen Elizabeth, this ceremony took place at Stirling
  on the 15th May; and he enumerates the names and titles of the
  fourteen Knights. (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 289.)

  [1070] In the Lond. edit. 1644, "Sir Ariskin;" in the Edinb. edit.
  "Sir Ærskin."

Soon after the Queen past to Saint Johnston, after that she had
directed Master John Hay,[1071] Prior of Monimusk, to passe to
England, who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton did in Scotland.

  [1071] Mr. John Hay was Master of Requests, a Privy Counsellor, and
  Commendator of Balmerinoch. He died on the 3d December 1573. (Register
  of Confirmed Testaments.)

Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston,
my Lord of Murray, most carefull of the maintenance of Religion, sent
to all the principall Churches, advertising them of the matter, and
desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in learning and
reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and dissimulation
appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of
France,[1072] with others, such as Mr. John Lesley, Parson of
Oyne,[1073] afterward Bishop of Rosse, caused the Queen to understand
that thing whereof she was easily perswaded, to wit, That there ought
to be given to all men libertie of conscience, and for this purpose to
shun or put off the first day appointed. The Queen writ to the
Nobility, That because she was informed that there was great meetings
out of every shire and town in great number; and then the other
partie, (so termed she the Papists,) were minded to gether to the said
Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather
than any other thing; therefore she thought it expedient, and willed
them to stay the said meetings, and to deferre the same till such a
day that she should appoint with advice of her Councell. At this time
there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the
twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants having
best judgement, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the
inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Councell at this time was
only the Earles of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthven, but chiefely
David Rizio the Italian ruled all; yet the Earle of Rosse[1074] [was]
already in greatest credit and familiarity.

  [1072] Queen Mary applied for a safe conduct to "Maister John
  Sinclair, Deane of Restalrig, being from the partes of France, and
  willing to returne hameward," 18th September 1561. (Labanoff, Recueil,
  vol. i. p. 227)

  [1073] In both edit. 1644, Lesley is called "Parson of Vune," an error
  for Une, or Oyne, in Aberdeenshire: see the Appendix to this volume.

  [1074] Henry Lord Darnley: see page 495.

These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and
twentieth day of May; and within twelve dayes thereafter, she directed
new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring, or commanding
them, to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth day of June
following, to consult upon such things as concerned Religion, and
other things, as her Majesty should propose; Which day was even the
day before that the Generall Assembly should have been held in
Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that
the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the
Earle of Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said
day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in Lochleven, where he
remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh,
where the Generall Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held
the four and twentieth day of July.[1075] The Earles of Argyle and
Glencarne assisted the Church, with a great company of Lods, Barons,
and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain
Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the Church National, should passe to
the Queen's Majestie, with certain Articles, to the number of six,
desiring her most humbly to ratifie and approve the same in
Parliament.

  [1075] The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 25th June 1565.

And because the said ARTICLES are of great weight, and worthy of
memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.[1076]

  [1076] The Articles here inserted were drawn up by John Erskine of
  Dun, John Willock, Christopher Goodman, and John Row; and, on the
  following day, they received the Assembly's approbation.

     _Imprimis_, That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse, with
     all Papisticall idolatry, and Papall jurisdiction, be
     universally supprest and abolisht thorowout this Realme, not
     only in the subjects, but also in the Queen's own person,
     with punishment against all persons that should be
     deprehended to transgresse and offend in the same: And that
     the sincere word of God, and Christ's true Religion, now at
     this present received, be established, approved, and
     ratified, thorowout the whole Realme, as well in the Queen's
     own person as in the subjects: And that the people be
     [astricted] to resort upon the Sundays at the least, to the
     prayers and preaching of God's word, even as they were
     before to the idolatrous Masse: And these Heads to be
     provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's
     Majesty.

     _Secondly_, That [sure] provision be made for sustentation
     of the Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time
     to come: And that such persons as are presently admitted to
     the Ministry, may have their livings assigned unto them, in
     places where they travell in their calling, or at least next
     adjacent thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath
     been vacant since the month of March 1558, or that hereafter
     shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified and
     learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and discharge
     the vocation concerning the Ministry, by tryall and
     admission of the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no
     Benefice or Living, having many Churches annexed thereunto,
     be disponed altogether in any time to come, to any [one]
     man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally
     disponed, and that to severall persons; so that every man
     having charge may serve at his own church according to his
     vocation: And to that effect, likewise the Gleebs and the
     Manses be given to the Ministers, that they may make
     residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge
     their consciences according to their vocation; and also,
     that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly; and that a law
     be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament, as
     said is.

     _Thirdly_, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls,
     [Schools,] Colledges, or Universities, neither privately or
     publickly to teach and instruct the youth, but such as shall
     be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of churches,
     and found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by them
     to their charges.

     _Fourthly_, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands
     founded for hospitality of old be restored again to the same
     use; and that all lands, annual-rents, or any other
     emoluments, pertaining any ways sometimes to the Friers, of
     whatsoever Order they had been of; as likewise the
     annuities, alterages, obits, and other duties pertaining to
     Priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, and
     uphold of the town-schools in towns, and other places where
     they lie.

     _Fifthly_, That such horrible crimes as now abound within
     this Realme, without any correction, to the great contempt
     of God and his Word; such as Idolatry, blasphemie of God's
     name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft,
     sorcery, inchantment, adultery, manifest whoredome,
     maintenance of bordals, murther, slaughter, oppression, with
     many other detestable crimes, may be severely punished; and
     Judges appointed in every province and diocesse, for
     execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that by
     Act of Parliament.

     _Lastly_, That some order be devised and established for
     ease of the poor labourers of the ground, concerning the
     [un]reasonable payment of the tythes, who are oppressed by
     the leasers of the tythes set over their heads, without
     their own consent and advice.

The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles,
and present them to the Queen's Majestie, were the Lairds of
Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spot, and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for
the Broughs:[1077] These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston,
where they presented the said Articles to the Queen's Majestie,
desiring and requiring her Highnesse most humbly to advise therewith,
and to give them answer. The next day, ere they were aware, the Queen
departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed; and after they had
gotten audience, they desired the Queen's Majestie most humbly to give
their dispatch. She answered, That her Councell was not there present,
but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes, and there they
should receive their answer.

  [1077] These five Commissioners were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, in
  Fife; William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire; William
  Durham of Grange, in Forfarshire; George Hume of Spot, in
  Berwickshire, and James Barron, merchant-burgess of Edinburgh.

At the same time, as the Generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh,
the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be,
they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's Craig,[1078] where they
concluded they would defend themselves; and for the same purpose,
elected eight persons of the most able, two of every quarter, to see
that the Brethren should be ready armed.

  [1078] The district of St. Leonard's is now included in the suburbs of
  Edinburgh. It is on the south side of the city, immediately in front
  of Salisbury Crags.

And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court
four or five days after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh, there the
matter was proposed in Councell: And after long and earnest reasoning
upon these Articles, at length it was answered to the Commissioners by
the Secretary, That the Queen's Majesties command was, That the matter
should be reasoned in her presence; which for the gravitie of the
same, there could nothing be concluded at that time, albeit the
Queen's Majestie had heard more in that matter then ever she did
before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great
part of the Nobilitie should be present in Edinburgh, where they
should have a final answer.

At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer
in writing in her presence, according to the tenour hereof, as
followeth:--

     THE QUEEN'S MAJESTIES ANSWER TO THE ARTICLES PRESENTED TO
         HER HIGHNESSE, BY CERTAIN GENTLEMEN, IN THE NAME OF THE
         WHOLE ASSEMBLIE OF THE CHURCH.

     To the first, Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and
     abolished, as well in the head as in the members, with
     punishment against the contraveners; as also, the Religion
     professed to be Established by Act of Parliament: It was
     answered first, for her Majesties part, That her Highness is
     no way yet perswaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any
     impiety is in the Masse; and therefore believeth, that her
     loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion
     against her conscience, which should be unto her a
     continuall trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a
     perpetuall unquietness. And to deal plainly with her
     subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the
     Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and
     believeth the same to be well-grounded; knowing, besides the
     grudge of conscience that she should receive, upon the
     change of her own Religion, that she should lose the
     friendship of the King of France, the married Allia of this
     Realme, and of other great Princes her friends and
     confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and of
     whom she may look for their great support in all her
     necessities. And having no assured consideration that may
     countervail the same, she will be loth to put in hazard all
     her friends at an instant; praying all her loving subjects,
     seeing they have had experience of her goodness, that she
     hath neither in times past, not yet intends hereafter, to
     press the conscience of any [man,] but that they may worship
     God in such sort, as they are preswaded in their conscience
     to be best, that they will also not presse her conscience.

     As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the
     Realme, they themselves know, as appears by their Articles,
     that the same cannot be done only by consent of her
     Majestie, but requires necessarily the consent of the
     [three] States in Parliament; and therefore so soon as the
     Parliament holds, those things which the [three] States
     agree upon amongst themselves, her Majestie shall consent
     unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure, that no
     man be troubled for using [themselves in] religion according
     to conscience; so that no man shall have cause to doubt,
     that for religion's sake men's lives and heritage shall be
     in any hazard.

     To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majestie
     thinks it no wayes reasonable, that she should defraud her
     self of so great a part of the patrimony of the Crowne, as
     to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands;
     for her owne necessity in bearing of her port and common
     charges will require the retention thereof, and that in a
     good part, in her owne hands: Neverthelesse her Majestie is
     well pleased, that consideration being bad of her owne
     necessity, and what may be sufficient for [her, and for] the
     reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a speciall
     assignation he made to them in places most commodious and
     meet: with which her Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer
     the same to come to them.

     To the third Article, it is answered, That her Majestie
     shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in
     Parliament.

     To the fourth Article, Her Majesties liberality towards the
     poore shall alwayes be so far extended, as can be reasonably
     required at her hands.

     To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the
     taking order therein unto the States assembled in
     Parliament.[1079]

  [1079] The Queen's Answers to the Articles were presented by the
  Commissioners at the next meeting of the General Assembly, on the 25th
  December 1565. They were declared to be unsatisfactory to the Kirk,
  and Mr. John Row was directed "to put in wryte, Answers to the
  Answers." These Answers are inserted in the Book of the Universall
  Kirk, vol. i. p. 69; and also the Supplication, which the Assembly on
  the 26th December prepared "to be presented to the Queen and Counsell,
  by the Lord Lindesay, and David Murray, brother to the Laird of
  Balvaird." (Book of the Univ. Kirk, vol. i. p. 71.)

As the Queen's Majestie came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the
Callender, she was conveyed to the water side of Forth with two
hundred spears: For at that time it was bruted, that there was some
lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In the mean time the Earle of
Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle with him. Now in the
Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the Queen's Majestie
to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was lately
delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon
and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen's Majestie came in the
end, and said to the Lord Levingston, "That she would shew him that
favour that she had not done to any other before;" that is, that she
would give her presence to the Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a
great matter.

  [1080] Dron, the name of a small parish in Perthshire, at the foot of
  the Ochil hills.

  [1081] Callender, near Falkirk, the seat of William fifth Lord
  Livingstone of Callender, in the shire of Stirling.

The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and
letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of
Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and there
made a conspiration against her; and had chosen for the same purpose
certain Captains to governe the rest: And without any tryall, or
perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs
of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie,
Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in
prison in the Castle.[1082]

  [1082] On the 10th July 1565, a messenger was sent "within Edinburgh,
  to Summond Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and
  Andro Sklater, burgesses of the said burgh, to compeir before the
  Justice and his deputis in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, on the 26th
  July," &c. (Treasurer's Accounts.) The office of Town-Clerk being held
  by Guthrie, was disposed of at this time to David Chalmers of Ormond,
  who, in January preceeding, had been appointed one of the Lords of
  Session. He was an adherent of Bothwell, and was openly accused as
  having been accessary to the murder of Darnley, but was never brought
  to trial.

This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very
strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she
sent the next day a charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her
owne great Treasurer, to passe to the houses of the said foure men,
and likewise to their booths or shops, and there to take inventory of
all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said Treasurer to
take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said
inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said
Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of
the greatest in estimation within the towne: his wife and children
were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging
in the town.

By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and
judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving
these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information,
men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken
therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edinburgh, she called
to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there complains of the
said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest treason.
And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of
Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great
army to invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter
it was concluded by the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be
made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queen's
Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083] and Master Robert
Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates
had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their
depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing
found worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons
were summoned to answer at law.

  [1083] Spens of Condie (see page 101,) had been appointed joint
  Advocate with Henry Lauder, 21st October 1555. On the 8th February
  1560, Robert Crichton of Elliock was conjoined with Spens in place of
  Lauder. Crichton died in June 1581. He was the father of James, "the
  Admirable Crichton." See Tytler's Life of Crichton, and Senators of
  the College of Justice, p. 176.

For the [other] matter, That the Queen's Majestie should send to the
Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants
to take order touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice
Clarke, and Lord of Saint Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of
Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear
come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations, the Fire-crosse
(which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole.

  [1084] On the 6th July 1565, £8, 10s. was paid "to Johne Paterson,
  Snawdon herald, and John Brand, messinger, passand of Edinburgh with
  letters of the Quenis Grace, to charge Archibald Erle of Argile and
  Johne Earle of Athole, to desist and ceiss fra ony convocation of our
  Souerane Ladeis liegis; being in cumpany with William Maitland,
  Secretar, and Sir Johne Bellenden, thair Hienes Justice Clerk."

  [1085] James Stewart, Commendator of St. Colme: see page 88, note 7.

Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to
consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the
Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the
Duke, the Earles of Argyle, and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and
Barons; and as they were devising and consulting, the Queen's Majesty
taking their meeting in evill part, sent her Advocates, Master John
Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at Sterlin, requiring the
cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall occasion of
their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof,
according as they had lately written to the Queen's Majesty in Seaton
from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.

Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to
come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to
the Queen's Majestie according as they had found.

In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's
Majesties command to the first of September next after following; for
it was thought, that the least part and principall of the chief
Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the
same time the Queen's Majestie perceiving that the matter was already
come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and secrecy of
men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of
Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus,
Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to
resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following:--

     _The Queen's Letter._

     "TRUST FRIEND, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by
     the evill bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we
     should have molested any man in the using of his Religion
     and conscience freely, a thing which never entred into our
     minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such
     reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes
     us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our
     State; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with
     all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our Letter,)
     you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well
     furnished with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen
     dayes after your coming, addresse you to come to us, to
     write and attend upon us, according to our expectation and
     trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection
     you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do
     us therein acceptable service.

       Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth
           day of July, 1565."

There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen
minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations
made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all
freeholders and other gentlemen should resort, (in the aforesaid
manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse was made Duke of
Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same afternoon
the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open
audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the
Earl of Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen's marriage were
proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In
the mean time there were divers messages sent from the Queen's
Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton, to
perswade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queen's
Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come to her self,
according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were
most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had
conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in
Court.

Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St.
Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her
Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of
the Earl of Mar; but all this did not prevail with him; and when all
hope of his coming was past, an herald was sent to him, charging him
to come to the Queen's Majesty, and answer to such things as should be
laid to his charge, within eight and fourty hours next after the
charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not the next
day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put
to the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for
the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure
they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.

In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all
means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief
Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole
was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindesay against
the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants; for they had
contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no such
thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had
remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little
travell of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received
into favour, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon
after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his lands, honours, and
dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl
of Murray.

  [1086] George Lord Gordon fifth Earl of Huntley: see page 360, note 1.
  His restoration to his forfeited titles was proclaimed at the Cross of
  Edinburgh, on the 26th August 1565 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 810)

[Sidenote: The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage:
Before which, according to the Romish law, it was unlawful to marry,
being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister's children, and so the degree
of consanguinity forbidden.]

The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the
sun's going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of
Edinburgh, containing in effect:

"THAT forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen
had taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry
Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her
will, that he should be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King:
Commanding all letters and proclamations to be made in the names of
Henry and Mary in times coming."

  [1087] In both edit. 1611, "The 18," an error for the 28th of July.

The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were
married[1088] in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of
Restalrig; the Queen being all clothed in mourning: But immediately,
as the Queen went to Masse, the King not with her, but to his pastime.
During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but balling,
and dancing, and banquetting.

  [1088] On Sunday, the 29th July 1565, "the said Henrie King, and Marie
  Quene of Scottis, wes marijt in the Chapel o f Halyrudhous, at sex
  houris in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh
  greit magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this
  Realme." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80.)]

In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of
Pitcur, with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for
non-appearance; and immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were
stricken or beaten, for men of war to serve the King and Queen's
Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden alteration and hasty
creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.

Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged,
That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for
hatred, envie of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes:
But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is
heretofore declared, thought the principall cause to be only for
Religion.

In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently,
little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into
England Master Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys
in this countrey, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There
came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence the seventh
of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089]

  [1089] In both edit. 1611, the paragraph ends in this abrupt manner.
  The addition of the word "received" might supply the "&c.," as it
  refers to a message from England, which was sent by John Tamworth; but
  not being duly accredited, in order to avoid acknowledging Darnley as
  King, he consequently "was not well received." See Keith's History,
  vol. ii. p. 351.

[Sidenote: Note this for our time.]

About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke
of Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord
Boyd and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle,
where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the
four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great
celerity prevented them; for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian,
Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and Cliddisdaile, and other shires,
making their Proclamations in this manner, "That forasmuch as certain
Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing but the
trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such
as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all
manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and
meet their Majesties at Linlithgow, the 24. day of August."

[Sidenote: The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from
the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of Religion, he went to the
Kirk to hear John Knox preach.]

This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said
month. Upon Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to
the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text
was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter of Esayas his
Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the words of the
Prophet, he said, "O Lord our God, other lords then thou have ruled
over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of
wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants
and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, "That
God sets in that room, (for the offences and ingratitude of the
people,) boys and women." And some other words which appeared bitter
in the King's ears, as, "That God justly punished Ahab and his
posterity, because he would not take order with that harlot Jezabel."
And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the time
appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was
so moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled,
with great fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.

  [1090] "Upoun the xix day of August, the King cam to Sanctgelis Kirk
  to the preitching, and Johne Knox preachit; quhairat he was crabbit,
  and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching." (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, p. 81.) The Sermon was afterwards published by Knox, in
  order, as he says, "to let such as Satan hes not altogether blinded,
  see upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived."

Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in
the Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord
Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There
passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent
men of the Towne. When he was called, the Secretary declared, "That
the King's Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon,
(especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring him to abstain from
preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the
place."

[Sidenote: In answering he said more than he had preached, for he
added, That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Masse, and
dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an
instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but
the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in tears, and to
please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.]

He answered, "That he had spoken nothing but according to his text;
and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he
would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit him."

Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of
Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to
receive the Laird [of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was
presently obeyed.

  [1091] On the 23d August 1565, the Queen commanded the "Baillies and
  Counsell of Edinburgh to depois and displace (Archibald Douglas of
  Kilspindie) the present Provest of oure said Burgh, and in his place
  that you elect, ressave, and admit our lovit Symon Preston of that
  Ilk, as Provest thairof." See the Queen's Letter in Maitland's Hist.
  of Edinb., p. 26.

The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen's Majesties past
from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from
Sterlin to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were
not come. The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came
to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one
thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high
passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily
might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of
August, they remained in Hamilton with their company; but for divers
respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry;
especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was
not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton.

Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did
the next day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under
the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of
cannon, they being near the town; and likewise that the Laird [of]
Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the
town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the convening of the
town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-Port
or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as
they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses.
Immediately they dispatched messengers southward and northward to
assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their
lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the drum, desiring all such
men as would receive wages for the defence of the glory of God, that
they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should
receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could
they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted
unto them; yet, they got more rest and sleep when they were at
Edinburgh then they had done in five or six nights before.

  [1092] The 31st of August.

  [1093] In the Edinburgh edit. 1644, the name is changed to "Ærskin."
  Alexander Erskine of Gogar, was the younger brother of John Lord
  Erskin, and was afterwards knighted. His grandson was created Earl of
  Kellie in 1619.

The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray,
Glencarne, and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of
Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the
Lairds of Barr, Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of
Pittarow, Comptroller, went with them. Some said merrily, That they
were come to keep the Parliament; for the Parliament was continued
till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the
King and Queen's Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That albeit
they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded
not of the King and Queen's Majesties own nature, but only by evil
counsell, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer
according to the laws of the Realme, providing that the true Religion
of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise
reformed: beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these
things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they
should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice,
almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen's Majesties, after
their passing from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a
letter to the King and Queen's Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned,
but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer.

  [1094] In both edit. 1644, "Carmell."

The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen's
Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing
towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of
Cadder. As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his
knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure
she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl
Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in battell array: The Earl of
Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle battell, and
the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about five thousand
men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.

As the King and Queen's Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton,
they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but
where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon
after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly
advertised that they were past to Edinburgh; and therefore caused
immediately to warn the whole army to pass with them to Edinburgh the
next day, who, early in the morning, long before the sun was risen,
began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind and
rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long
time; so that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river;
and the raging storm being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty
went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the
Queen's courage encreased man-like so much, that she was ever with the
foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of
Carron; and amongst others, the King's master, a notable Papist, who,
for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god
of bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save]
him.

  [1095] It is an obvious mistake to say that "the raging storm from the
  west" was "in the face" of the army marching from Hamilton to
  Edinburgh.

Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's Majestie,
sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the
town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons,
and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded
incontinent, that he should return again to the said Alexander, and
command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had
either powder or bullet, and not spare for any body.

At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where
they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of
September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen's
command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or
seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no
reason, but only to the Queen's command.

The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor
souldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could;
and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her whole company,
they took purpose to depart. And so the next day betimes, long before
day, they departed with their whole company, and came to Laurik,[1096]
and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to
them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And after consultation,
the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majestie, that being required by
the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to
them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their
army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them,
where they would consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to
their Majesties; and thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in
good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the town
to make their excuse.

  [1096] According to the Diurnal of Occorents, "the Lordis" departed
  from Edinburgh "at 12 hours at evin or thairby," of the 1st September
  1565, and rode first to Lanark, and thence to Dumfries. (p. 82.)

  [1097] In both editions 1644, misprinted "officers."

The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to
Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to
return to Glasgow, where, having remained three or four days, and
understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfries, they returned to
Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in their passage, caused to take
in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord
of Sanquhar.

Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from
Edinburgh two ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the
meantime, the Burroughs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the
payment of the souldiers: Farther, there was raised divers troops of
horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The souldiers
had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages; which two
men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen's command, were
hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At this
time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the
guiding in the Court.

  [1098] Balfour took his seat on the Bench, 12th November 1561, as
  "Parson of Flisk." He was knighted in 1566, and is best known by his
  subsequent title, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich.

The third day after the Queen's coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and
Lairds of Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews,
where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were
commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they
obliged themselves to defend the King and Queen's persons, against
Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come to Fyfe, they
should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man
obeyed.

The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a
band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at
midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then
they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him
to Saint Andrews; where they, with the Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some
others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage
being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terrour
to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come.

  [1099] The persons here mentioned were, Walter Lundie of Lundie,
  Thomas Scot of Hanyng, and Andrew Murray of Balvaird.

In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the
houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen
pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out.

At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the
Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the
rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint Andrews,
before the King and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such things as
should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of
rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were
denounced rebells, and put to the horn.

As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie,
being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the
Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and
suffered some to be raised in their town for the Lords; for there was
nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially
that the Minister[1100] had received a letter from the Lords, and
delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to assist the
Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for
trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at
length, the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two
thousand marks, five or six of the principall left out, with some
others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had
remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they came to Saint
Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to
Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King
and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.

  [1100] William Christison was minister of Dundee.

  [1101] On the 13th and 14th September. The Queen returned to Edinburgh
  on the 19th, not by the way of St. Andrews, as here stated, but by
  Perth, Dunfermline, and the Queensferry. (Chalmers's Life of Mary,
  vol. i. p. 219.)

The next day after the King and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, there was
a Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very
notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be
somewhat long.

     "HENRY and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of
         Scots; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it
         may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall
         come, greeting.

[Sidenote: Note how this agrees with our times.]

[Sidenote: Let this be conferred with our times.]

[Sidenote: Note diligently.]

     "Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by
     certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof,
     (to blind the eyes of the simple people,) have given them to
     understand, that the quarrell they have in hand is only
     Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly
     designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw
     after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be
     seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good subjects,
     whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer
     themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a
     snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance
     of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the
     poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all
     persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough
     before: For what other thing[1102] might move the principal
     raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us
     so unnaturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits;
     but that the great honour We did them, they being thereof
     unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their ambition
     could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and
     honour upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and
     our whole Realme, to be led, used, and disposed at their
     pleasure. But this could not the multitude have perceived,
     if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled
     them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now
     by letters, sent from themselves to us, which make plain
     profession, that the establishing of Religion will not
     content them, but We must be forced to govern by Councell,
     such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre
     beyond all measure, that We think the only mention of so
     unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest
     kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all men to run on
     them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their
     native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom:
     For what other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole
     policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the very order of
     nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The
     like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble
     progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents;
     but the Prince, and such as have filled their place, chose
     their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the
     purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our
     first returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of
     our Councell at our pleasure, and now when We are at our
     full maturity, shall We be brought back to the state of
     pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of them
     bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in
     question; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do
     and undoe all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into
     our mouthes, and give us a Councell chosen after their
     fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you
     beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which
     they would have you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in
     the company of a certain number of rebels against your
     naturall Prince. To speak in good language, they would be
     Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare
     name and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole
     administration of the kingdome.

     "We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew,
     that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence
     of Religion, to follow them, who prefering their particular
     advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and having no care
     of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would
     hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter
     destruction. Assuring you, that you have heretofore good
     experience of our clemency, and under our wings enjoyed in
     peace the possession of your goods, and lived at liberty of
     your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the like
     hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes,
     to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience,
     and do the office of faithfull and naturall subjects.

  "Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of
      December [September], and of our Reigns the first
      and twentie three years, 1565."

 [1102] In both edit. 1614, the following words, (which occur
  twenty-one lines lower down,) viz., "is this, but to
  dissolve the whole policy, and in a manner to invert the
  very order," are here inserted, inclosed within brackets,
  and printed in italic type, rendering the whole passage
  unintelligible.

Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the
Queens Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth,
should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood
of the same; whereas in the mean time the councell of David, and
Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with Fowler the Englishman, and Master
James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, save
only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be a man of grosse
jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen.
It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice,
and equity, only will ruled in all things.

  [1103] Of these Italians the one was David Riccio, the other was
  Seinzeour Francis de Bisso, or Busso, whose name occurs in the
  Treasurer's Accounts as receiving a pension of £100 paid half-yearly
  from Whitsunday 1561. In the Register of Signatures in the Office of
  the Comptroller, 28th May 1562, Queen Mary mentions that "the
  Seigneour Francisque has done long service unto the Quene our Mother,"
  and directs that he receive "gude and thankfull payment of his wages
  of Master Household," since the day of the Queen Regent's death, which
  was the 11th June 1560. Immediately after whose death, he had received
  £120. (Treasurer's Accounts.) In the same Register, last September
  1563, we find that "Seigneour Francis de Busso, Knycht of the Order of
  Sanct James of the Sword, one of our Maisters of Household," was
  appointed by the Queen "Superintendant and Ourseare Generall of her
  Hienes biggingis, reparationis, warkis, policies, &c.," with a salary
  of £300.--"John Francisco de Busso knycht," died in April 1576.
  (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King
and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at
Sterlin, the first day of October following, with twenty dayes
provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. It was uncertain
whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not, and I
beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report
was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept
fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they would passe
to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others
said, they would passe towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people
alwayes armed, whereof his neighbours were afraid, especially the
inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at length it was concluded that
they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.

During this time there were propositions made continually to the King
and Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly
to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to
these two heads, viz., To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and
establish the true Religion: And that they and the affaires of the
Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true
Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be
tried by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor
taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means
to redresse the matter, who also entertained the Lords most honourably
in Dumfreis, for he had the goverment of all that country. But he
himself incurred the Queen's wrath so, that he was summoned to present
himself, and appear before the King and Queens Majesties, after the
same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and also
commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which
he had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he
not put to the horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that
doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean
time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England, and declared their
state to her Majesty, desiring support.

Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what
means they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great
preparation for war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they
destitute of the sinewes of war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now
Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of Tillibardin, had disbursed
many thousands; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers,
nor scarcely how the King and Queen's houses and pompous trains should
be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides the guard and
three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount to
£1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of
Scotland.

  [1104] In place of 200 men which the town of Edinburgh were ordered to
  levy, as they voted on the 24th August the sum of £1000 Scottish
  money, an exemption in the Town's favour was passed on the 26th.
  (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 26.)

  [1105] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, was Treasurer, and
  William Murray of Tullibardine, Comptroller.

  [1106] In the Treasurer's Accounts, 16th January 1564-5, the balance
  due on the previous year's accounts was £32,696, 16s. 1d.; and in June
  1566, this sum was augmented to £42,937, 19s. 4d.

[Sidenote: So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland,
vexed for the leavie money.]

At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and
graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell,
and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one
of the Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the
Earl of Athole demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused
to pay it; notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number
of the principall and rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to
pass to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who
declared to them by their own mouth's speaking that they had use for
money, and therefore knowing them to be honest men, and the
inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must needs
charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for
pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000
sterling, and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but
Parson Flisk standing by, said, that seeing the King and Queens
Majesties desired them so civilly, in a thing most lawfull in their
necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to keep silence and
give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of them
which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained
by the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved
hanging, (said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the
King and Queen's enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly
suffer great punishment.

  [1107] Bothwell arrived from France on the 17th September 1565.
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83.)

  [1108] In both editions 1644, misprinted, "Barons."

Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they
would lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were
that offered to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend
£20. To him the Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged
that speakest of £20, seeing the Princes charge thee so easily.
Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers set over them, having
their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even in the
house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day
till night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there
were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh,
convoyed with musketteers round about them, as if they had been
murtherers or most vile persons. At length, (the third day,[1109]) by
means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some others, the summe
was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid
immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to
wit,) upon condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of
1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at
Dumfries. At the day appointed, for electing the officers, the Queen
sent in a ticket, such as she would have them chuse for Provest,
Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists, the
rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such
as should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election,
the Laird [of] Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself
most willing to set forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain
the Commonwealth. All this time the Ministers cried out against the
Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more advanced by the Queen then
before.

  [1109] They were summoned on the 27th, and on the 29th September, "the
  six" were taken to the Castle of Edinburgh. The agreement for the
  Superiority of Leith was made on the 6th October. (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, p. 84.)

  [1110] This kind of compulsory assessment, terminating however in an
  advantageous bargain for the Town of Edinburgh, is partly confirmed by
  the Council Records. The Town's revenues being exhausted, the
  inhabitants contributed the sum of 10,000 marks Scotish money. This
  sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and the
  amount of their contributions, appear in the Records--the larger sums
  being furnished by twenty-five persons, "men of law;" and the Town of
  Edinburgh received a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 14th
  November 1565. In April following, the Queen having repented of this
  bargain, wrote to the Magistrates of Edinburgh to delay taking
  possession of the town of Leith; but this request it stated, "they
  obstinately ganestude." This Superiority has been retained for nearly
  three centuries, to the prejudice of the one, and with perhaps less
  advantage to the other than might have been anticipated. (Council
  Register, vol. iii. fol. 136; Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 27;
  Campbell's Hist. of Leith, p. 92.)

  [1111] Douglas was discharged from the office of Provost on the 24th,
  (see page 498,) and Preston elected on the 25th August 1565. (Diurnal
  of Occurrents, p. 81.) He was knighted, and Sir Symon Preston of
  Craigmillar continued as Provost of Edinburgh for four successive
  years, from 1565 to 1568.

The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of
Lothian, with all the Ministers under his charge, according to their
ordinary custom; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole
Ministry, and there it was complained on, that they could get no
payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but thorow the
whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they
framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately
presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood,
Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of
Leith: It contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the
King and Queen's Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to
grant unto the Ministers of the Word their Stipends, to be taken of
the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends are now detained from the
said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing of the
Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most
humbly craved the King and Queen's Majesty to cause them to be paid.
Their answer was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to
their contentment.

Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part
of his people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for
hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his father's
place, to the Earldom of Huntley, the lands and heritage thereof.

October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards
Dumfries, and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all
men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they came to
Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The day after, the Lairds of
Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they had been with the
Lords familiar enough.

The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they
rode to Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to
Dumfries, and then they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell,
who had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with them,
and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves,
and had received large money by that means, to wit, £1000, to raise a
band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King and Queen
came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them,
conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length
the Earls of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things
past remitted, upon condition that he should be a faithfull and
obedient subject hereafter. The same day they made musters; the next
day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000 men: the King and Queen
past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and
then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then to
Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: Note diligently.]

[Sidenote: Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.]

[Sidenote: Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great
inconstancy.]

The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were
the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and
therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner above
rehearsed, were banished and chased into England: they were
courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford,
Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of
Murray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at
Newcastle; every man supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been
graciously received of the Queen of England, and that he should have
gotten support according to his heart's desire; but far beyond his
expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen of England: But by
means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur De Four, his true
friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair countenance,
demanded, "How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst take
the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?" These, and the like
words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment
expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassadour being
absent, she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly
that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them, saying,
"She never meant any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest
familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to
her, "Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are
thereof ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately
faithfull promises of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and
familiar servants, in your name: and further, we have your own
hand-writting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took
his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. After
the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen sent them
some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour: Whether
[it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or
whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.

At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted,
insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without
his advice. And during this time, the faithfull within this Realm were
in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution
to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were made thorowout
all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted and
banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and
constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox
used to call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility,
Chief members of the Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being
advertised, they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings,
alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired the people to pray
for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in
presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Councell, confessed
that he heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time
spoken by the minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and
further, declared plainly, That by the Scripture it was lawfull to
pray for all men.

In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned
to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and _Loese-majestie_:
But in the mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the
evangell of Christ, and had communicate with the Brethren at the
Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen, who
began to declare her self, in the months of November and December, to
be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the Earls of Lennox,
Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any dissimulation
known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet, nevertheless,
the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they were
in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in
hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his
appetite, having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will
and affections.

About this time, in the beginning of[1112] [the year 1565-6,] as the
Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means
possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the
King and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour.

  [1112] This date is left blank in both edit. 1644.

At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh,
and after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen, with great
difficulty he got pardon for the Duke and his friends and servants,
upon this condition, that he should pass into France; which he did
soon after.[1113]

  [1113] Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, delivered up the Castles
  of Hamilton and Draffen, on the 20th January 1565-6. On the 28th of
  that month he departed from Edinburgh towards England, having obtained
  licence to pass to France and Flanders, and to remain for five years,
  with the intention of accompanying the Duke of Chattelherault.
  (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 86.)

The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the
Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the Generall
Assemblie: There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and Marr, the
Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons and
gentlemen. The principall things that were agreed and concluded, were,
That forasmuch as the Masse, with such idolatry and Papisticall
ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the Act of
Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's arrivall; and
that the Queen had promised that she would hear conference and
disputation; that the Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of
God, that the doctrine preached within this Realm was according to the
Scriptures; and that the Masse, with all the Papisticall doctrine, was
but the invention of men, and mere idolatry. Secondly, That by reason
of the change of the Comptroller, who had put in new collectors,
forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry, and by these
means the Ministry was like to decay and faill, contrary to the
ordinance made in the yeer of God 1562, in favour and support of the
Ministry.

During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making
court, some of them that had been Friers, as black Abercrommy and
Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty, desiring in
effect, that they might be permitted to preach; which was easily
granted. The noyse was further, that they offered disputation: For as
the Court stood, they thought they had a great advantage already, by
reason they knew the King to be of their Religion, as well as the
Queen, with some part of the Nobility, who with the King after
declared themselves openly: And especially the Queen was governed by
the Earls of Lennox and Athole; but in matters most weighty and of
greatest importance, by David Rizio, the Italian afore mentioned, who
went under the name of the French Secretary; by whose means, all grave
matters, of what weight soever, must pass; providing always, that his
hands were anoynted. In the mean time he was a manifest enemy to the
Evangell, and therefore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. And at
this time, the principall Lords that waited at Court were divided in
opinions; for the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Marr,
and Secretary Lethington, were on the one part; and the Earls of
Huntley and Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain drynesse was
amongst them; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Athole, they were
reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for
Christmas, the Queen being then at Masse, the King came publikely, and
bare company; and the Friers preached the days following, always using
another stile then they had done seven years before, during which time
they had not preached publikely: they were so little esteemed, that
they continued not long in preaching.

[Sidenote: At the end of this Book you shall finde this.]

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the Generall Assembly[1114] of
the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this
Realm: There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls of Morton and
Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with others. The
chief things that were concluded in this Assembly, were, That for the
avoyding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come
upon the people for their sins and ingratitude, there should be
proclaimed by the Ministers a Publike Fast,[1115] to be universally
observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches; which manner of Fasting
was soon after devised by John Knox, at the command of the Church, and
put in print, wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place.
What followed upon the said Fast, shall be plainly, God willing,
declared. The second thing that was ordained in this Assembly, was,
concerning the Ministers, who, for want of payment of their stipends,
were like to perish, or else to leave their Ministry; wherefore it was
found necessary, that Supplication should be made to the King and
Queen's Majesties: And for the same purpose, a certain number of the
most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to
lament and bemoan their case; which persons had commission to propose
some other things, as shall be declared.

  [1114] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1565. The first
  part of this paragraph is reprinted from the former page. It will be
  observed that various other repetitions occur in this Fifth Book.

  [1115] On the 28th December, the Assembly, "with one voice, ordained
  Mr. Knox and Mr. Craig, ministers at Edinburgh, to sett doun the Forme
  of a Publick Fast, with the Exercises to be used in the same, and to
  cause Robert Lekprevik to print it." It was accordingly set forth in
  1566, as "The Ordour and Doctrine of the Generall Faste," &c., and was
  usually printed along with the Psalm Books, which contained the Common
  Prayers; but it is not added to Buchanan's edition of Knox, as stated
  in the above marginal note. It will be included in a subsequent volume
  of the present series.

The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queen's
Majesties, were, Master John Spotswood, Superintendent of Lowthian;
John Winrame, Superintendent of Fyfe; Master John Row, Minister of
Perth; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith; who easily obtained
audience of the King and Queen's Majesties: And after their reverence
done, Master John Row, in name of the rest, opened the matter,
lamenting and bewailing the miserable state of the poor Ministers,
who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three years or
more, by virtue of the Act made with advice of the Honourable Privie
Councell, for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices, which was
especially made in their favours: Nevertheless the Laird of
Tillibardin, new Comptroller, would answer them nothing; wherefore,
they besought their Majesties for relief.

_Secondly_, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King and
Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most
earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the
Masse, should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm; and
that in the last Generall Assembly of the Church, by their
Commissioners, they had most earnestly desired the same; and that
their answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Masse;
therefore, the Assembly desired, That it might please their Highnesses
to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to preach in
the Chappell Royall, and maintain such errours; the truth being tryed
by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers, submitting
themselves always to the word of God written in the Scriptures.

To this it was answered by the Queen, That she was always minded that
the Ministers should be paid their stipends; and if there was any
fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort, meaning the
Comptroller Pittarow,[1116] who had the handling of the Thirds: Always
by the advice of her Councell she should cause such order to be taken
therein, that none should have occasion to complain. As to the second,
She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as were there present;
for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more learned.

  [1116] Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller: see page 311, note
  2.

The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but
delay, and driving off time in the old manner, went home every one to
their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God,
continually making supplication unto Almighty God, that it would
please him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in the mean
time the Queen was busied with banquetting about with some of the
Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all men of law,
having continually in her company David Rizio, who sat at table near
to her self, sometimes more privately then became a man of his
condition, for his over-great familiarity was already suspected; and
it was thought, that by his advice alone the Queen's sharpness and
extremity towards the Lords was maintained.

In the end of January, arrived an Ambassadour from France, named
Monsieur Rambullet,[1117] having with him about fourty horse in trayn,
who came thorow England. He brought with him the Order of the Cockle
from the King of France, to the King, who received the same at the
Masse, in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house. There assisted
the Earls of Lenox, Athole, and Eglington, with diverse such other
Papists as would please the Queen; who, three days after, caused the
herald to convene in Councell, and reasoned what armes should be given
to the King: some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland; some
others said, Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament, that he
should have the Crown Matrimoniall, he could have armes but only as
Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, &c. The Queen bade give him only his
due; whereby it was perceived her love waxed cold towards him.
Finally, his armes were left blank; and the Queen caused put her own
name before her husband's in all writs; and thereafter she caused to
leave out his name wholly: And because formerly he had signed every
thing of any moment, she caused to make a seal like the King's, and
gave it to David Rizio, who made use of it by the Queen's command,
alleadging, That the King being at his pastime, could not always be
present.

  [1117] The Ambassador from France to Scotland, Messire Jaques
  d'Augennes, Seigneur de Rembouillet, is mentioned in Queen Mary's
  letters, in February 1566. (Labanoff, vol. i. pp. 319, 327.) He
  arrived in Edinburgh, on Monday the 4th February 1565-6, having come
  through England with a train of thirty-six horse. (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, p. 87.) The object of his mission was to invest Henry Lord
  Darnley with the Order of St. Michael, commonly called the "Order of
  the Cockle;" the same honour having previously been conferred, at
  Windsor, on the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Leicester. On the 10th
  February, "at 12 hours befoir none, the Kingis Majestie, (Darnley,)
  accumpanyit with his Nobillis in Halyrud-hous, ressavit the Ordour of
  Knycht-heid of the Cockill fra the said Rambolat, Ambassatour
  foirsaid, with great magnificence." Various banquets were given to the
  Ambassador both in the Palace and Castle of Edinburgh; and he took his
  departures on the 14th of that month, returning through England. (ib.
  p. 87.)

About the same time, the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his
own country. Soon after the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the
Earle of Huntley his sister. The Queen desired that the marriage might
be made in the Chappell at the Masse; which the Earle Bothwell would
in no wise grant. Upon Sunday, the third day of March, began the
fasting at Edinburgh. The seventh day of March, the Queen came from
the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town, in wondrous gorgious
apparell, albeit the number of Lords and train was not very great. In
the mean time the King, accompanied with seven or eight horse, went to
the Leith to pass his time there, for he was not like to get the Crown
Matrimoniall.

In the Tolbooth was devised and named the heads of the Articles that
were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, and Saturday
following, there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder: some
alleadged, that the summons was not well libelled or dressed; others
thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently proved; and indeed
they were still seeking proof, for there was no other way but the
Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the time was very short;
the twelfth day of March should have been the day, which was the
Tuesday following.

Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by the Lords,
(upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, about
supper-time,) David Rizio the Italian, named the French Secretary, was
slain in the gallery, below stairs, (the King staying in the room with
the Queen, told her, that the designe was only to take order with that
villain,) after that he had been taken violently from the Queen's
presence, who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life:
which act was done by the Earle of Morton, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord
Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with divers other Gentlemen. They
first purposed to have hanged him, and had provided cords for the same
purpose; but the great haste which they had, moved them to dispatch
him with whingers or daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty
strokes. They sent away, and put forth all sich persons as they
suspected.

The Earles Bothwell and Huntley hearing the noise and clamour, came
suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they had had a
party strong enough; but the Earle Morton commanded them to pass to
their chamber, or else they should do worse: At the which words they
retyred immediately, and so past forth at a back window, they two
alone, and with great fear came forth of the town to Edmistone, on
foot, and from thence to Crichton.

This David Rizio was so foolish, that not only he had drawn unto him
the managing of all affaires, the King set aside, but also his
equipage and train did surpass the King's; and at the Parliament that
was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellour; which made the Lords
conspire against him: They made a bond to stand to the religion and
liberties of the countrey, and to free themselves of the slavery of
the villain David Rizio: The King and his father subscribed to the
Bond,[1118] for they durst not trust the King's word without his
signet.

  [1118] On the 1st March 1565-6. (See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary,
  vol. ii. p. 517.)

There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised David Rizio
to make his fortune, and be gone, for the Scots would not suffer him
long. His answer was, That the Scots would bragg but not fight. Then
he advised him to beware of the bastard. To this he answered, That the
bastard should never live in Scotland in his time; (he meant the Earl
Murray,) but it happened that one George Dowglas, bastard son to the
Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. The Queen, when she heard he
was dead, left weeping, and declared she would study revenge, which
she did.

Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh, that there was
murther committed within the King's Palace, wherefore the Provest
caused to ring the common bell, or, _Sonner le toksain_, (as the
French speaks,) and straightway past to the Palace, having about four
or five hundred men in warlike manner; and as they stood in the utter
court, the King called to the Provest, commanding him to pass home
with his company, saying, The Queen and he were merry. But the Provest
desired to hear the Queen speak her self; whereunto it was answered by
the King, "Provest, know you not that I am King? I command you to pass
home to your houses;" and immediately they retired.

The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh)
there was a proclamation made in the King's name, subscribed with his
hand, That all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists should avoid and
depart the town; which proclamation was indeed observed, for they had
"a flea in their hose." There were letters sent forth in the King's
name, and subscribed with his hand, to the Provest and Bailiffs of
Edinburgh, the Bailiffs of Leith and Canongate, commanding them to be
ready in armour to assist the King and his company, and likewise other
private writings directed to divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with
all expedition. In the mean time, the Queen, being above measure
enraged, offended, and troubled, as the issue of the matter declared,
sometime railing upon the King, and sometime crying out at the
windows, desired her servants to set her at libertie; for she was
highly offended and troubled.

This same tenth of March, the Earl of Murray, with the rest of the
Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the King's
letter, (for after the Bond, above named, was subscribed, the King
wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their countrey, being one
of the articles of the said Bond,) came at night to the Abbey, being
also convoyed by the Lord Hume, and a great company of the Borderers,
to the number of 1000 horses. And first, after he had presented
himself to the King, the Queen was informed of his sudden coming, and
therefore sent unto him, commanding him to come to her; and he
obeying, went to her, who, with a singular gravitie received him,
after that he had made his purgation, and declared the over-great
affection which he bore continually to her Majestie. The Earles of
Athole, Cathnes, and Sutherland, departed out of the town, with the
Bishops, upon the Munday, the third day after the slaughter of David
Rizio. The Earls of Lenox, Murray, Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven,
Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltrie, sitting in Councell, desired the Queen,
that forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone, that
she would (for avoiding of greater inconveniences) forget the same,
and take it as good service, seeing there were so many Noblemen
restored. The Queen dissembling her displeasure and indignation, gave
good words, nevertheless she desired, That all persons armed or
otherwise, (being within the Palace at that time,) should remove,
leaving the Palace void of all, saving only her domestick servants.
The Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of
Murray, condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two
hours before day, past to Seaton, and then to Dumbar, having in her
company the simple King, who was allured by her sugred words. From
Dumbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters thorowout the
countrey; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons,
commanding them to come to Dumbar, to assist the King and Queen within
five days. In the mean time the Lords being informed of the [Queen's]
sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not what were best
for them to do: But because it was the self-same day (to wit, the
twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto; therefore, having
good opportunity, they past to the Tolbooth, which was richly hung
with tapistry, and adorned, (but not for them,) and set themselves,
making protestations, the Earl of Glencarne, and some others being
present. The Earl of Argyle, who was written for by the King, came to
Lithgow; and being informed of the matter, he remained there.

After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David
Rizio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored to
their places and rooms: And likewise the Church Reformed, and all that
professed the Evangell within this Realm, after fasting and prayer,
was delivered and freed from the apparent dangers which were like to
have fallen upon them; for if the Parliament had taken effect, and
proceeded, it was thought by all men of the best judgement, that the
true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt, and Popery erected;
and for the same purpose, there were certain woodden altars made, to
the number of twelve, found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of
Halyrud-House, which should have been erected in Saint Gyles his
Church.

The Earls Bothwell and Huntley being informed of the King and Queen's
sudden departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dumbar, where they were
most graciously received by the Queen's Majesty; who consulting with
them and the Master of Maxwell, together with Parson Owin[1119] and
Parson Fliske,[1120] chief Councellors, what was best to be done, and
how she should be revenged upon the murtherers. At first they did
intend to go forward, and leaving no manner of cruelty unpractised,
putting to death all such as were suspected: This was the opinion of
such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury for their own
advantage; but in the end they concluded, that she should come to
Edinburgh with all the force and power she could make, and there
proceed to justice: and for the same purpose, she caused to summon, by
open proclamation, all persons of defence, and all Noblemen and
Gentlemen, to come to her in Dumbar incontinent. In the mean time, the
Captains laboured by all means to take up, and enroll men and women.
The Earles of Morton, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, with the rest that
were in Edinburgh, being informed of the Queen's fury and anger
towards the committers of the slaughter; and perceiving they were not
able to make any party, thought it best to give place to her fury for
a time; for they were divided in opinions, and finally, departed out
of Edinburgh, upon Sunday the seventeenth of March, every one a
severall way; for the Queen's Majesty was now bent only against the
slayers of David Rizio; and to the purpose she might be the better
revenged upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as before
had been attainted, for whatsoever crime.

  [1119] Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, was at this time raised to the
  Bench, and made Bishop of Ross.

  [1120] Mr. James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, was admitted Clerk
  Register, in room of Makgill, 22d March 1565-6.

The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to Edinburgh,
having in their company horse and foot to the number of 8000 men;
whereof there were four companies of foot-men of war. The Town of
Edinburgh went out to meet them, for fear of war. And finally, coming
within the town, in most awfull manner they caused to place their men
of war within the town, and likewise certain field-pieces against
their lodging, which was in the middle of the town, over against the
Salt Trone: Now, a little before the Queen's entrance into the town,
all that knew of her cruell pretence and hatred towards them, fled
here and there, and amongst others, Master James Macgill the Clerk
Register, the Justice Clerk, and the common Clerk of the town:[1121]
The chief Secretary Lethington was gone before; likewise John Knox
past west to Kyle: The men of war likewise kept the ports or gates.
Within five days after their entry, there was a proclamation made at
the Market-Cross, for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid
slaughter; which made all understanding men laugh at the passages of
things, since the King not only had given his consent, but also had
subscribed the bond afore-named; and the business was done in his
name, and for his honour, if he had had wisdom to know it.

  [1121] Mr. James Makgill, Sir John Bellenden, and Alexander Guthrie:
  See pages 156, 291.

After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men, and
so his friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in the mean
time, the men of war committed great outrages in breaking up doors,
thrusting themselves into every house: And albeit the number of them
were not great, yet the whole town was too little for them. Soon
after, the King and Queen past to the Castle, and caused to warn all
such as had absented themselves, by open proclamation, to appear
before their Majesties and the Privy Councell within six days, under
pain of rebellion; which practice was devised in the Earl of Huntley's
case, before the battle of Corrichy. And because they appeared not,
they were denounced rebells, and put to the horne, and immediately
thereafter, their escheats given or taken up by the Treasurer. There
was a certain number of the townsmen charged to enter themselves
prisoners in the Tolbooth, and with them were put in certain
gentlemen: where, after they had remained eight days, they were
convoyed down to the Palace by the men of war, and then kept by them
eight days more: And of that number was Thomas Scot,[1122]
Sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was condemned to death, and
executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered, for keeping the Queen
in prison, as was alleadged, although it was by the King's command:
And two men likewise were condemned to death, and carried likewise to
the ladder foot; but the Earl Bothwell presented the Queen's ring to
the Provest, which then was justice, for safety of their life. The
names of those two were John Mowbray, merchant, and William Harlow,
sadler. About the same time, notwithstanding all this hurliburly, the
Ministers of the Church and professors of Religion ceased not; as for
the people, they convened to publike prayers and preaching with
boldness; yea, a great number of Noblemen assisted likewise. The Earl
Bothwell had now, of all men, greatest access and familiarity with the
Queen, so that nothing of any great importance was done without him;
for he shewed favour to such as liked him; and amongst others, to the
Lairds of Ormeston, Hawton, and Calder,[1123] who was so reconciled
unto him, that by his favour they were relieved of great trouble.

  [1122] Thomas Scott of Cambusmichaell, Sheriff-Depute of Perth,
  William Harlaw, and John Mowbray, burgesses of Edinburgh, were tried
  and convicted 1st April 1560. (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p.
  480*.) Scott, on the following day, was hanged and quartered; but the
  two others were reprieved when brought to the gallows. (Diurnal of
  Occurrents, p. 98.) This remission of their sentence was granted upon
  Bothwell's intercession.

  [1123] John Cockburn of Ormiston, William Lauder of Halton, and John
  Sandilands of Calder.

The Earls of Argyle and Murray, at the Queen's command, past to
Argyle, where, after they had remained about a month, they were sent
for by the Queen; and coming to Edinburgh, they were received by the
Queen into the Castle, and banquetted, the Earls of Huntley and
Bothwell being present. At this time the King grew to be contemned and
disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was done to him, and his
Father likewise.

About Easter, the King past to Sterlin, where he was shriven after the
Papist manner: and in the meane time, at the Palace of Halyrud-house,
in the Chappell, there resorted a great number to the Masse, albeit
the Queen remained still in the Castle, with her Priests of the
Chappell Royall, where they used ceremonies after the Popish manner.

At the same time departed this life, Master John Sinclair, Bishop of
Rosse [Brechin], and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention,
President of the Colledge of Justice, called the Session; who also
succeeded in the said office and dignity after the decease of his
brother, Master John [Henry] Sinclair, Bishop of Rosse, Dean of
Glasgow, who departed this life at Paris, about a year before. They
were both learned in the laws, and given to maintain the Popish
religion, and therefore great enemies to the Protestants. A little
before died Master Abraham Crichton, who had been President
likewise.[1124] Now, in their rooms, the Queen placed such as she
pleased, and had done her service, (always very unfit.) The patrimony
of the Kirk, Bishopricks, Abbeys, and such other Benefices, were
disposed by the Queen to courtiers, dancers, and flatterers. The Earl
Bothwell, whom the Queen preferred above all others, after the decease
of David Rizio, had for his part Melrosse, Hadington, and New Battell;
likewise the Castle of Dumbar was given to him, with the principall
lands of the Earldom of Merche, which were of the patrimony of the
Crown.

  [1124] There are several inaccuracies in this paragraph in both
  editions 1644. As elsewhere stated, Mr. Henry Sinclair, Rector of
  Glasgow, who became Bishop of Ross, and President, died in Paris on
  the 1st January 1564-5. His brother, Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of
  Restalrig, became Bishop of Brechin, and President of the Court of
  Session. He died in James Mosman's house, in Forrester's Wynd,
  Edinburgh, on the 9th April 1566. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 98.)
  Abraham Creighton, Provost of Dunglass, and Official of Lothian, was
  appointed a Judge on the 17th February 1547-8. His death took place
  before the l5th November 1565; and it is quite certain he never was
  President of the Court of Session. (Haig and Brunton's Senators, &c.,
  pp. 58, 63, 92.)

At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other Ministers of the
Churches, perceiving the Ministery like to decay for lack of payment
of stipends to Ministers, they gave this Supplication at Edinburgh.


         _The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen._

     "UNTO your Majesty, and your most honourable Councel, most
     humbly and lamentably complains your Highnesse poor Orators,
     the Superintendents, and other Ministers of the Reformed
     Church of God, travelling thorowout all your Highnesse
     Realm, in teaching and instructing your lieges in all
     quarters, in the knowledge of God, and Christ Jesus his
     Sonne; That where your Majesty, with the advice of the
     Councell and Nobility aforesaid, moved by godly zeal,
     concluded and determined, that the travelling ministry
     thorowout this Realm, should bee maintained upon the rents
     of the Benefices of this Realm of Scotland; and for that
     cause your Majestie, with the advice of the Counsell and
     Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15. day of December 1562, in
     like manner concluded and determined, That if the said part
     of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiasticall within
     this Realm would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers
     thorowout the whole Realm, and to support your Majesty in
     the setting forward of your common affaires, should be
     employed accordingly: Failing thereof, the Third part of the
     said fruits, or more, to be taken up yearly in time comming,
     untill a generall order be taken therein; as the act made
     thereupon at more length bears: Which being afterward
     considered by your Majestie, the whole Thirds of the fruits
     aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of
     Councell. And we your Majestie's poore Orators, put in
     peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majestie
     to us, by the space of three years, or thereabouts, which we
     did enjoy without interruption; notwithstanding all this,
     now of late, we your Majestie's poore Orators aforesaid, are
     put wrongfully and unjustly from their aforesaid part of the
     above specified Thirds, by your Majestie's officers, and
     thereby brought to such extreme penury, and extreme
     distress, as we are not able any longer to maintain our
     selves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry
     complaints to your Majestie herein, and have received divers
     promises of redress, yet have we found no relief: Therefore,
     we most humbly beseech your Majesty to consider our most
     grievous complaint, together with the right above specified,
     whereon the same is grounded. And if your Majesty, with the
     advice of your Councell aforesaid, finds our right
     sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned
     to us, while, and untill a generall order be taken; which
     possession was ratified by the yearly allowance of your
     Majesties Exchequer's accompt, that your Majestie would
     grant us letters upon the aforesaid Act and Ordinance past
     thereupon, against all intromettors and medlers with the
     aforesaid Thirds, to answer and obey, according to the
     aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding
     thereupon; and likewise, that we may have letters, if need
     be, to arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the
     possessor's hands, while, and untill sufficient caution be
     found to us for our part aforesaid. And your Answer most
     humbly we beseech."

This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of Lowthian,
and Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was graciously
received by the Queen, who promised that she would take sufficient
order therein, so soon as the Nobility and Councell might convene.

The 19. of June, the Queen was delivered of a man childe, (the Prince
in the aforesaid Castle,) [who after was named James,][1125] and
immediately sent into France and England her posts, to advertise the
neighbour Princes, and to desire them to send gossips or witnesses to
the Prince's baptisme. In the mean time, there was joy and triumph
made in Edinburgh, and such other places where it was known, after
thanks and praises given unto God, with supplications for the godly
education of the Prince; and principally, wishing that he should be
baptized according to the manner and forme observed in the Reformed
Churches within this Realm.

  [1125] These words are added in the Edinburgh edit. 1614.

[Sidenote: [The order Of Paul Methven's repentance.]]

About the same time, to wit, the 25. of June, the Generall Assembly of
the whole Church convened at Edinburgh. The Earles of Argyle and
Murray assisted at the Assembly: Paul Methven, who before, as we
heard, was excommunicate, gave in his Supplication, and desired to be
heard, as he had done divers times; for the said Paul had written oft
times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to divers others, most
earnestly desiring to be received again into the fellowship of the
Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was finally granted, that he
should be heard: And so being before the Assembly, and falling upon
his knees, burst out with teares, and said, He was not worthy to
appeare in their presence; alwayes he desired them, for the love of
God, to receive him to the open expression of his repentance. Shortly
after, they appointed certaine of the ministers to proscribe to him
the forme of his declaration of repentance, which was thus in effect;
First, That he should present himselfe bare-foot and bare-head, arayed
in sack-cloth, at the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in
Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the next Wednesday, and
there to remain the space of an hour, the whole people beholding him,
till the prayer was made, psalmes sung, and [the] text of Scripture
was read, and then to come into the place appointed for expression of
repentance, and tarry the time of sermon; and to do so likewise the
next Friday following, and also upon the Sunday; and then, in the face
of the whole church, to declare his repentance with his owne mouth.
The same forme and manner he should use in Jedwart and Dundie: And
that being done, to present himself again at the next Generall
Assembly following in winter, where he should be received to the
communion of the Church. When the said Paul had received the said
Ordinance, he took it very grievously, alleadging, they had used
over-great severity: Neverthelesse, being counselled and perswaded by
divers notable personages, he began well in Edinburgh to proceed,
whereby a great number were moved with compassion of his state; and
likewise in Jedwart: but he left his duty in Dundie, and passing
againe into England, the matter, not without offence to many, ceased.

[Sidenote: See in what sense proud ambitious men takes the name of
Bishop.]

[Sidenote: As is said before.]

The Ministers complaining that they could not be payed their stipends,
were licensed by the Assembly to passe to other churches to preach,
but in no wise to leave the ministery. And because that the Queen's
Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it was thought
expedient that supplication should be yet made, as before, That the
Queen's Majestie should cause such order to be taken, that the poore
ministers might be payed their stipends. The Bishop of Galloway, who
was brother to the Earle of Huntley, and now a great man in the Court,
travelled much with the Queen's Majesty in that matter, and got of her
a good answer, and faire promises. A few years before, the said Bishop
of Galloway desired of the Generall Assembly to be made Superintendent
of Galloway; but now being promoted to great dignity, as to be of the
number of the Lords of the Privy Councell, and likewise one of the
Session,[1126] he would no more be called Over-looker, or Over-seer of
Galloway, but Bishop: Alwayes truth it is, that he laboured much for
his nephew the Earle of Huntley, that he might be restored to his
lands and honours; for the said Earle was new Chancellor,[1127] since
the slaughter of David Rizio, and had for his clawback the Bishop of
Rosse, Master John Lesley, one of the chief Councellors to the Queen:
But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queen's favour, so
far, that all things past by him; yea, by his meanes the most part of
all those that were partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio, got
remission and relief. But from that day he was not present at any
sermon, albeit before he professed the Evangel by outward speaking,
yet he never joyned to the Congregation. But this time the Earle of
Cassils[1128] was contracted with the Lord of Glames sister, by whose
perswasion he became a Protestant, and caused, in the moneth of
August, to reforme his churches in Carrick, and promised to maintaine
the doctrine of the Evangell.

  [1126] Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway: see page 259, note 10. He
  took his seat as an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 26th November 1565.

  [1127] George fifth Earl of Huntley was created Lord Chancellor, in
  place of the Earl of Morton, who had fled, after Riccio's murder, in
  March 1566.

  [1128] Gilbert fourth Earl of Cassillis married Margaret Lyon, only
  daughter of John ninth Lord Glammis.

The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, caused
in August to be apprehended a man called Hary,[1129] who sometime had
been of her Chapell-Royall, but afterward became an exhorter in a
Reformed Church; and for want of stipend, or other necessaries, past
in service to my Lord Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present
when the said David was slaine; and so, finally, he was condemned, and
hanged, and quartered.

  [1129] This was Henry Yair, sometime a priest, and afterwards a
  retainer of Lord Ruthven. He was "delattit of treason" on the 1st
  April 1566, for accession to Riccio's murder, and was sentenced to be
  hanged and quartered, and his goods forfeited. (Pitcairn's Crim.
  Trials, vol. i. p. 481.)

[Sidenote: This inconstant young man sometimes declared himselfe for
the Protestant; witnesse his last band. And now for the Papists. And
as he left God, so he was left by him.]

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queene cared not
for him, he went sometime to the Lenox to his father, and sometime to
Sterlin, whither the Prince was carried a little before. Alwayes he
was destitute of such things as were necessary for him, having
scarcely six horses in trayn. And being thus desolate, and halfe
desperate, he sought means to go out of the countrey: and, about the
same time, by the advice of foolish cagots, he wrote to the Pope, to
the King of Spaine, and to the King of France, complaining of the
state of the countrey, which was all out of order, all because that
Masse and Popery were not againe erected, giving the whole blame
thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholike cause aright. By
some knave, this poore Prince was betrayed, and the Queen got a copie
of these letters into her hands, and therefore threatened him sore;
and there was never after that, any appearance of love betwixt them.

The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basill, with other Reformed
Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of Scotland
the sum of the Confession of their Faith,[1130] desiring to know if
they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleadging, that the Church of
Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them: Wherefore the
Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified
Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading the
said letters, made answer, and sent word again, That they agreed in
all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them:
albeit in the keeping of some Festivall days, our Church assented not;
for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland.

  [1130] The Helvetian Confession was formed by the Pastors of Zürich,
  in the year 1566. It was approved of by the General Assembly, and the
  translation made by Mr. Robert Pont was ordered to be printed; but no
  copy of this translation is known to be preserved. The letter
  addressed to Beza, dated St. Andrews, 4th September 1566, and signed
  by forty-one of the chief ministers in this country, has recently been
  printed by the Parker Society, at pages 362-365 of the Second Series
  of Zürich Letters.

In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of the
theeves in Liddisdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief;
for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent
word thereof to the Queen's Majestie, who soon after past forth of
Jedwart to the Hermitage to visit him,[1131] and give him comfort: And
within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme manner,
for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without breath, or
any sign of life: at length she revived, by reason they had bound
small cords about her shackle bones, her knees, and great toes, and
speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God.
She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Murray, if she
should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such as
was of her Religion; the Duke and he should have been Regents. The
bruit went from Jedwart in the month of October 1565, that the Queen
was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any time,
wherefore there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church
of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion towards God,
and amendment. Many were of opinion that she should come to the
preaching, and renounce Popery; but all in vain, for God had some
other thing to do by her. The King being advertised, rid post from
Sterlin to Jedburgh, where he found the Queen somewhat convalesced,
but she would scarce speak to him, and hardly give him presence or a
good word; wherefore he returned immediately to Sterlin, where the
Prince was, and after to Glasgow to his father.

  [1131] Bothwell was wounded on the 7th or 8th October, and the Queen
  did not visit him at Hermitage Castle till the 16th of that month.
  (Chalmers's Life of Mary, vol. i. p. 296. See also Labanoff, Recueil,
  &c., vol. i. p. 379)

There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and especially in
the countreys near the Borders, if the Queen had departed at that
time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell was brought in a
charriot from the Hermitage to Jedburgh, where he was cured of his
wounds; in whose presence the Queen took more pleasure then in all the
rest of the world: always by his means, most part of all that were
outlawed for the slaughter of David Rizzio, got relief, for there was
no other means, but all things must needs pass by him; wherefore,
every man sought to him, where immediately favour was to be had, as
before to David Rizio.

Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came within the
bounds of Barwick, where she viewed the town at her pleasure afar off,
being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance within Barwick
were discharged; the Captain came forth, with fourscore horses bravely
arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her lawfull service. Then she
came to Craigmiller, where she remained in November, till she was
advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the baptisme of the
Prince; and for that purpose there was great preparation made, not
without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store,
especially of Edinburgh; for there was borrowed a good round summe of
money for the same businesse. All her care and solicitude was for that
triumph. At the same time arrived the Counte de Briance, Ambassadour
of the King of France, who had a great train. Soon after the Earl of
Bedford went forth of England, with a very gorgious company, to the
number of fourscore horses, and passing to Sterlin, he was humanly
received of the Queen's Majestie, and every day banquetted. The
excessive expences, and superfluous apparell, which was prepared at
that time, exceeded farr all the preparation that ever had been
devised or set forth afore that time in this countrey.

The 17. of December 1566, in the great hall of the Castle of Sterling,
was the Prince baptized[1132] by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, at five
a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could they
find men to beare the torches, wherefore they took boyes. The Queen
laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease, and candle,
and such other things, but all refused; she found at last the Earls of
Eglington, Athole, and the Lord Seaton, who assisted at the baptisme,
and brought in the said trash. The Counte de Briance, (being the
French Ambassadour,) assisted likewise. The Earl of Bedford brought
for a present from the Queen of England a font of gold, valued to be
worth three thousand crowns. Soon after the said baptisme, as the Earl
was in communing with the Queen, who entertained him most reverently,
he began to say merrily to her, amongst other talking, "Madame, I
rejoyce very greatly at this time, seeing your Majestie hath here to
serve you so many Noblemen, especially twelve Earls, whereof two only
assist at this baptisme to the superstition of Popery." At the which
saying the Queen kept good countenance. Soon after they banquetted in
the said great hall, where they wanted no prodigality. During the time
of the Earl of Bedford's remaining at Sterlin, the Lords, for the most
part, waited upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and
after to banquetting.

  [1132] The baptism of the Prince took place in the Chapel-Royal of
  Stirling, upon Sunday the 15th November 1566, at five in the evening,
  being performed by Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews. The English
  Ambassador, the Earl of Bedford, and most of the Scotish Nobility,
  remained without the door of the Chapel, to avoid countenancing the
  ceremonies of the Romish Church, which were used on that occasion. The
  Queen's sister, the Countess of Argyle, assisted at the ceremony; for
  which, having "willingly submittit hirself to the discipline of the
  Kirk last December 1567," the said Lady was ordained by the General
  Assembly to make public repentance in the Chapell Royall of
  Striveling, in time of preaching. (Book of the Universal Kirk, vol. i.
  p. 117.)

The King, who remained at Sterlin all that time, (never being
present,) kept his chamber: His father hearing how he was used, writ
to him to repaire unto him; who soon after went (without good-night)
toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile out of Sterlin,
when the poyson (which had been given him) wrought so upon him, that
he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his body. At
length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters brake out, of a blewish
colour; so the Physitians presently knew the disease to come by
poyson: He was brought so low, that nothing but death was expected;
yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the poison.

During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberall in all
things that were demanded of her: amongst other things, she subscribed
a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable
proportion, which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices: which
writing being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was presented at
the Generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh, the five and
twentieth day of December 1566, where were conveened the
Superintendents, and other Ministers in reasonable number, but very
few Commissioners. The first matter that was there proposed, was
concerning the said writing lately obtained; and the most part of the
Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after advice,
and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely, That it was
their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and
sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary
for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of
their flock; and, further, it became them not to have any care.
Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration, that the said
gifts granted by the Queen's Majestie was not to be refused, they
ordained, That certain faithfull men of every Shire should meet, and
do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn
and money; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian, and
Master John Row,[1133] to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway, and
concurre and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the
said gift might be dispatched through the Seales.

  [1133] The Lairds of Carden (Alexander Forrester) and Keir (James
  Stirling) were appointed by the Assembly on the 26th December 1566, to
  act along with Bishop Gordon and Spottiswood, the Superintendent in
  this matter. Row's name is not mentioned in the Booke of the Kirk.
  (vol. i p. 83.)

In the same Assembly, there was presented a remonstrance by writ, by
some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect, That inasmuch as the
Tythes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word, and
Schools, and for maintenance of the poore, that therefore the Assembly
would statute and ordain, That all the Professors of the Evangell
should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects aforesaid, and
no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This writing took no
effect at that time, for there was none else but the gentlemen of Kyle
of that opinion. It was statuted in the said Assembly, That such
publike fornicators, and scandalous livers, as would not confesse
their offences, nor come to declare their repentance, should be
declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and not of the body
thereof, and their names to be declared publikely upon the Sunday.

[Sidenote: The Queen intending vengeance upon the poor King, and being
in love with the Earl Bothwell, grants to the Protestants their
petitions, that they may be quiet and not trouble her plots.]

After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Superintendent
of Lowthian and Master John Row) passing to Sterlin, obtained their
demands in an ample manner at the Queen's Majesties hand, according to
their desire; and likewise, they obtained for every borough, a gift or
donation of the altarages, annuals, and obites, which before were
given to the Papists, now to be disposed for the maintenance of the
Ministers and Schools within the boroughs, and the rest to the Poor,
or hospitall.

[It was ordained[1134] that humble supplication should be made to the
Lords of Secret Councell concerning the Commission of Jurisdiction
supposed to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews, to the effect
their honours may stay the same, in respect that the causes for the
most part judged by his usurped authoritie, pertaine to the true Kirk;
and also, because in respect of that coloured Commission, he might
assume againe his old usurped authoritie, and the same might be a mean
to oppresse the whole Kirk. The tenour of the Supplication followeth.

  [1134] This paragraph, along with the following Supplication of the
  Assembly, and Knox's Letter to the Professors, ending on page 514, are
  supplied from the Edinburgh edition of the History, 1644, 4to, not
  being contained in the London edition of that year, folio.

     "THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND CONVEENED AT
         EDINBURGH THE 25. OF DECEMBER 1566, TO THE NOBILITIE OF THIS
         REALME THAT PROFESSE THE LORD JESUS WITH THEM, AND HAVE
         RENOUNCED THAT ROMANE ANTICHRIST, DESIRES CONSTANCIE IN
         FAITH, AND THE SPIRIT OF RIGHTEOUS JUDGEMENT.

[Sidenote: John Knox his supplication to the Councell, to
recall the commission granted to the Archbishop of Saint
Andrews.]

     "SEEING that Satan, by all our negligences, (Right
     Honourable,) hath so far prevailed within this Realme of
     late dayes that we do stand in extream danger, not onely to
     losse our temporall possessions, but also to be deprived of
     the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so we and our
     posterity to be left in damnable darknesse; We could no
     longer contain our selves, nor keep silence, lest by so
     doing we might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as
     shall perish for lack of admonition, as the Prophet
     threatneth. We therefore, in the fear of our God, and with
     grief and anguish of our heart, complain unto your Honours,
     (yea, we must complain unto God, and to all his obedient
     creatures,) that that conjured enemie of Jesus Christ, and
     cruell murtherer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled
     Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by
     signature past, to his former tyrannie: For not only are his
     ancient jurisdictions (as they are termed) of the whole
     Bishoprick of Saint Andrews granted unto him, but also the
     execution of judgement, confirmation of testaments, and
     donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is
     expressed. If this be not to cure the head of that venomous
     beast, which once within this Realm, by the potent hand of
     God, was so broken downe and banished, that by tyranny it
     could not have hurt the faithfull, judge ye. His ancient
     jurisdiction was, that he with certaine colleagues
     collaterals, might have damned of heresie upon probation as
     pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected of
     heresie. What they have judged to be heresie heretofore, ye
     cannot be ignorant of; and whether they remaine in their
     former malice or not, their fruits and travels openly
     declare. The danger may be feared, say ye. But what remedie?
     It is easie, and at hand, (Right Honourable,) if ye will not
     betray the cause of God, and leave your brethren, who will
     never be more subject to that usurped tyrannie then they
     will be to the Devill himselfe. Our Queene belike is not
     well informed: She ought not, nor justly may not break the
     laws of this Realm; and so consequently, she may not set up
     against us, without our consents, that Romane Antichrist
     againe: For in a lawfull and the most free Parliament that
     ever was in this Realm before, was that odious beast
     deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within
     the Realm. Her Majestie at her first arryvall, and by divers
     proclamations sensyne, hath expressly forbidden any other
     forme and face of Religion, then that which she found
     publikely established at her arryvall: Therefore she may not
     bring us (the greatest part of the subjects of this Realm)
     back again to bondage, till that as lawfull and free a
     Parliament as justly damned that Antichrist and his usurped
     tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us and him. If hereof,
     and of other things which no lesse concerne your selves then
     us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Soveraigne, and
     without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more
     be seen in lawfull judgment, then dare the owles in day
     light. Weigh this matter as it is, and ye will finde it more
     weighty then it appeareth to many. Farther at this present
     we complain not, but humbly crave of your Honours a
     reasonable answer what ye will doe, in case such tyrants and
     devouring wolves begin to invade the flocke of Jesus Christ
     within this Realm, under what title soever it be: For this
     we boldly professe, That we will never acknowledge such
     either pastors to our soules, or yet judges to our causes.
     And if [that], for denyall thereof, we suffer either in body
     or in goods, we doubt not but we have not only a Judge to
     punish them that unjustly trouble us, but also an Advocate
     and strong Champion in Heaven to recompense them, who for
     his name's sake suffer persecution: Whose Holy Spirit rule
     your hearts in his true fear to the end.

     "Given in the Generall Assembly and third Session thereof,
     at Edinburgh, the 27. of December, 1566."

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned (as
appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a Letter was written by John
Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of the danger
of this commission or power granted to the said bastard, Bishop of
Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow.


  "_The Lord cometh, and shall not tarrie; Blessed shall he
  be whom he shall finde fighting against impietie._

[Sidenote: John Knox his Letter to the Professors,]

     "To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked dayes
     (Beloved Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither
     yet relieve us of our present calamities; and yet utterly to
     keep silence, cannot lack the suspicion of apostacie, and
     plain defection from God, and from his truth, once by us
     publikely professed. For now are matters (that in years
     bypast have been denyed) so far discovered, that he who
     seeth not the plaine subversion of all true Religion within
     this Realm to be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of
     some, must either confesse himselfe blinde, or else an
     enemie to the Religion which we professe: For besides the
     open erecting of Idolatry in divers parts of this Realme,
     and besides the extreame povertie wherein our Ministers are
     brought, (by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that
     which justly appertaineth to such as truely preach Jesus
     Christ, and rightly and by order minister his blessed
     Sacraments,) that cruell murtherer of our brethren, falsly
     called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and
     against all law, hath presumed to his former tyrannie, as a
     signature past for his restitution to his ancient
     jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully doth proport. What
     end may be looked for of such beginnings, the halfe blinde
     may see, as we suppose. And yet, we have heard, that a
     certaine summe of money and victuals should be assigned by
     the Queen's Majestie for sustentation of our Ministrie. But
     how that any such assignation, or any promise made thereof,
     can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman
     Antichrist (by just laws once banished from this Realme)
     shall be intrused above us, we can no wise understand. Yea,
     farther, we cannot see what assurance any within this Realme
     that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of life or
     inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured
     amongst us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of
     Christ Jesus, crave of you to look into this matter, and to
     advertise us again, with reasonable expedition of your
     judgements, that in the feare of God, and with unitie of
     minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and oppone our
     selves to such tyrannie, as most unjustly is intended
     against us: For, if we think not that this last erecting of
     that wicked man, is the very setting up againe of that
     Romane Antichrist within this Realme, we are deprived of all
     right judgement. And what is that else, but to separate us
     and our posteritie from God; yea, and to cut our selves from
     the freedome of this Realme. We desire therefore that the
     wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this cause,
     which long hath been neglected, partly by our slouth, and
     partly by believing faire promises, by which to this hour we
     have been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more
     vigilant and circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is
     proclaimed.

     "We have sent to you the forme of a Supplication and
     Articles, which we would have presented to the Queen's
     Majestie. If it please you, we would ye should approve it by
     your subscriptions; or if you would alter it, we desire you
     so to do, and we shall allow whatsoever you shall propound,
     not repugnant to God. If it shall be thought expedient that
     Commissioners of Countries shall conveene, to reason upon
     the most weighty matters that now occurr, the time and place
     being appointed by you, and due advertisement being given to
     us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us; but
     as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor
     life, so minde we not to faint unto the end, to maintaine
     the same, so long as we can finde the concurrence of
     brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet
     are we determined never to be subject to that Roman
     Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyrannie. But when we
     can doe no further to suppresse that odious beast, we minde
     to scale with our blood to our posteritie, that the bright
     knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sinne,
     and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences.
     Let this our Letter and request beare witnesse before God,
     before his angels, before the world, and before our own
     consciences, that we require you that have professed the
     Lord Jesus within this Realme, as well Nobilitie, as
     Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the
     estate of things present; and specially whether that this
     usurped tyrannie of that Romane Antichrist shall be any
     longer suffered within this Realme, seeing that by just law
     it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether that we shall be
     bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimonie of the Kirk,
     which justly appertaineth unto Ministers. Thirdly, Whether
     that Idolatrie, and other abominations, which now are more
     then evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and
     defended. Answer us as ye will answer to God, in whose feare
     we send these letters unto you, lest that our silence should
     be counted for consent unto such impietie. God take from our
     hearts the blinde love of our selves, and all ungodly feare.
     Amen. Let us know your mindes with expedition."]

Notwithstanding the domestick troubles that the Church of God had in
Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdome, yet they were not
unmindfull of the affliction of Jacob every where upon the face of the
earth; namely, they had before their eyes the state and condition of
the Church of God in England: Witnesse this Letter from the Generall
Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in England; [wherein they
intreat them to deal gently with the preachers their brethren about
the Surplice and other apparell. John Knox formed the Letter in name
of the Assembly, as follows.][1135]

  [1135] The words inclosed within brackets are added in the Edinburgh
  edit. 1644.

     "THE SUPERINTENDENTS, WITH OTHER MINISTERS AND COMMISSIONERS
         OF THE CHURCH OF GOD IN THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND, TO THEIR
         BRETHREN, THE BISHOPS AND PASTOURS OF GOD'S CHURCH IN
         ENGLAND, WHO PROFESS WITH US IN SCOTLAND THE TRUTH OF JESUS
         CHRIST.

     "BY word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend
     Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,)
     that divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most
     learned in England,) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall
     function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by you are
     stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a
     scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority
     such garments as idolaters in time of greatest darknesse,
     did use in their superstitious and idolatrous service; which
     report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts,
     considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and
     devour one another, take heed ye be not consumed one of
     another.' We intend not at this present to enter into the
     question, which we hear is agitated and handled with greater
     vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit,
     Whether such Apparell be accounted amongst things
     indifferent or not; wherefore, (through the bowels of Jesus
     Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may so farr
     prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of
     Christ's flock in England, that ye doe one to another, as ye
     desire others to do to you. You cannot be ignorant what
     tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that have
     knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some
     of you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the
     other side, many thousands (both godly and learned) are
     otherwayes perswaded, whose consciences are continually
     strucken with these sentences, 'What hath Christ to doe with
     Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and
     darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been
     the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry,
     what hath the preachers of Christian libertie, and the
     rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish
     Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to
     take in his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of
     that odious Beast? The brethren that refuse such
     unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor molest you who
     use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these
     things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but
     therein you shall please God, and comfort the hearts of
     many, which are wounded to see extremitie used against these
     godly brethren. Humane arguments or coloured rhetorick, we
     use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire you to
     mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which
     is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by
     constraint, but willingly; not being as lords of God's
     heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We further
     desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no
     offence, neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of
     God.' In what condition you and we both travell, at least
     are bound to travell for the promoting of Christ's kingdom,
     you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to
     exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly
     for such vanities; for all things which seem lawfull, edifie
     not. If Authority urge you farther than your consciences can
     bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers of the Church
     are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the
     earth;' all civill authority hath not alwayes the light of
     God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, for
     their affections savour too much of the earth and worldly
     wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your
     selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it
     self against God, but also against all such as dare burthen
     the consciences of the faithfull, farther than God chargeth
     them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our
     freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we
     intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our
     former request, which is, That the brethren among you, who
     refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge
     them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one
     of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive
     of your courtesie, not only because you will not offend God
     in troubling your brethren for such vain trifles, but also
     because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your
     Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom, although there
     appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem
     us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory
     against the Roman Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie
     aboundeth, and charitie (alas) waxeth cold; wherefore we
     ought to walk diligently, for the hour is uncertain when the
     Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an account of
     our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire
     you to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule
     your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to you and us
     victorie over that conjured enemy of true Religion, (the
     Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to
     cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his
     maintainers, by the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty
     protection we commit you.

     "From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the
superstitious Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren,
what would he have written, think you, in another case. It is to be
observed, that at the same time our worthy Brethren in England made
their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their complaint, wrote a
letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall, Bishop of
London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell
appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all
significant ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his
Epistles. But obtaining no favour, he wrote the year following, (which
was in Anno 1567,) another letter to this purpose, which is the
twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he giveth his beloved
brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their consents
to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and
surplice, and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the
Church of England, that they should give place to manifest violence,
and live as privat men. It is also to be observed, that the sincerer
sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet assaulted the
jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the year
1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition
to the Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious
apparell, and some other faults in the Service Booke. By the former
Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate was censured for baptizing of
infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but a simple Reader,
and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the
parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers,
that is, that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to
preach the word.][1136]

  [1136] The above paragraph is not contained in the London edition
  1614, but was added to the Edinburgh republication in that year.

[Sidenote: As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting
their Petition, so at this time she yeelds unto the Papists their
demands also, that she might be stopped by neither of them in her
designe of vengeance and new love.]

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl
Bothwell, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed
within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before
in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to
discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same purpose came to
Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred horses, or more,
intending to take possession, according to his gift lately obtained.
The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent
to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist
from the said matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might
rise thereupon; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time.

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few
days. In the moneth of January she was informed that the King was
recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past
to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him six days, using
him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious and good words; and
likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all men
marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and
drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen,
notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with a known
design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains so far upon
the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went in company
with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge him at the Church
of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James Balfour,
Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted
often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although
her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled
at this reconciliation and sudden change. The ninth of February, the
King was murthered, and the house where he lay burned with powder,
about twelve of the clock in the night: his body was cast forth in a
yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant
likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber with
him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat
some judged one thing, some another.

  [1137] Kirk of Field: see this volume, page 131, note 1.

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men
of war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next
house; where, after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the
Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his death; most
part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown in the ayre,
albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was strangled. Soon
after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.

  [1138] These words, "Soon after, he was carryed to the Abbey, and
  there buryed," are omitted in the 4to edit. 1644, and the two
  following paragraphs, enclosed within brackets, are interpolated. Both
  of these paragraphs are given verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol.
  ii. pp. 346, 347.

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse,
the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners.
She behold the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or
sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst themselves that he should
be honourablie buried, the Queen caused his corpse to be carried by
some pioners in the night without solemnitie, and to be layed beside
the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had been any solemn buriall,
Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing there would have
been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the
contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie
here to convoy a lee.

  [1139] This paragraph is an evident interpolation, like some of these
  by David Buchanan in the former Books. George Buchanan's History was
  first published in the year 1582; and the reference to the more recent
  work, may have been to "The Historie of the Life and Death of Mary
  Stuart, Queene of Scotland." London 1636, 12mo, and dedicated to
  Charles the First, by "W. Vdall;" as some remarks on George Buchanan's
  writings occur at page 55.

The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself
40. days within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed
in token of mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light,
the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun,
Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out to the fields
to behold games and pastimes. The King's armour, horse, and household
stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A certain taylour, when he
was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said jestingly, He
acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes of
the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]

  [1140] See this page, note 1.

This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen
moneths. A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was
of a comely stature, and none was like unto him within this island; he
died under the age of one and twenty years; prompt and ready for all
games and sports; much given to hawking and hunting, and running of
horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus
chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but
he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to
inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all
others: He had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth
misled up in Popery. Thus, within two years after his arriving in this
Realm, he was highly by the Queen alone extolled; and, finally, had
this infortunate end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other
proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner
of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the
King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully
give her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt.
Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's
direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers,
black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de Bourdeau, and Joseph,
the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the Queen's
domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so
hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could
not bear so long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce
required, although the Romish clergie offered their service willingly
to the business, namely, Bishop Hamilton, and so he came great again
at Court; and he for the advancement of the business, did good offices
to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen; yea, some that had
been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and Queen,
offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's
inclination lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own
ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be they
never so bad or destructive to themselves.

The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause
punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King.
The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his
solicitation, did appoint a day for the triall of Bothwell, by an
assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of Cathnes, President,
the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter, being
threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was
present by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of
Aberbrothok, Lord Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord
Olyphant; the Master of Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton,
Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and Boyne: They, to please the Queen,
and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not guilty, notwithstanding the
manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell, who,
before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means; namely, by
the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst
not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to
Sterlin, and had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this
was done in February.

  [1141] The names and designations of the assize on Bothwell's trial,
  before the Court of Justicary at Edinburgh, 12th April 1567, are given
  by Keith, with the proceedings, extracted from the Books of Adjournal.
  (Hist. vol. ii. pp. 541-548.)

  [1142] In the folio edit. 1644, "Cambusidentham;" in the 4to edit.,
  "Cambuskinneth." The person referred to was James Somerville of
  Cambusnethen in Lanarkshire.

In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come
to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some
before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of
their private state, and then of advancing the Papist's Religion, to
consent by their subscriptions to the marriage with the Queen. Then
the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son: Bothwell makes a shew as
if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers, and so he
raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth towards
the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment
betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force,
although every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime
Nobility convened at Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know
whether or not she was taken against her will: She answered, That it
was true she was taken against her will, but since her taking, she had
no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous entertainment she had,
made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those expressions
were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted
immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was
pardoned by the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie,
and for all other crimes. So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the
King was pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there was
letters of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady,
(who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she was sister to
the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being
within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next,
because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of
divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of
Saint Androis. And here mark how they juggle in sacred things; for
when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as now, and as
we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the Queen fell in
distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed unto her to
have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first ear
was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too
tedious, (as we have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore
the King must be dispatched.

  [1143] "So by this, &c." This sentence is so printed in both edit.
  1644, probably owing to some word in the M.S. being illegible. We
  might substitute, for instance, "So by this procedure, the murther of
  the King was pardoned."

[Sidenote: Note.]

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of
divorce from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand
to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish
the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the
next sermon day thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had
received such a command, but in conscience he could not obey it; the
marriage was altogether unlawfull; and of that he would declare the
reasons to the parties, if he had audience of them, otherwise he would
make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people. Immediately
thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell, where
Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was
forbidden to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The
divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse
the quick dispatch thereof; for it was sought and had within ten days,
and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter; then his rapt
of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed
by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the
Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told
publikely to the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took
heaven and earth to witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and
infamous marriage; and that he discharged his conscience unto the
Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many slaves, what by flattery, what
by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon this, he was called
to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the
bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of his
commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against
which he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this
marriage to be scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by
Bothwell, and sent from the Councell. Notwithstanding all this done
and said by Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well
to the Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on,
and they were married the 15. of May. This makes good the Latino
proverb, _Mala nubunt mense Maio_; and a Bishop must bless the
marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a
good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference
betwixt this worthy minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.

  [1144] It is impossible to vindicate the Queen's conduct in "this
  infamous marriage," even when acquitted of being in any way accessory
  to Darnley's murder. That event occurred on the 9th February 1566-7.
  Bothwell, who was denounced as his murderer, submitted to a mock trial
  on the 12th April; and on the 19th, he obtained from the Queen in
  Parliament a ratification of several lands, &c., as Keeper of the
  Castle of Dunbar. On the 24th of the same month, the Queen was
  way-laid, and forcibly carried off to Dunbar, where she was coerced to
  agree to an alliance with a man who was then married. To accomplish
  this, Bothwell brought the Queen to the Castle of Edinburgh on the
  29th April. He obtained a sentence of divorce from his first wife on
  the 7th May; his marriage with the Queen was proclaimed on the 12th of
  that month; and having created him Duke of Orkney, on the 15th their
  marriage was celebrated. Thus within the period of three months all
  these events happened. One month later, the Queen surrendered on
  Carberry-hill, and Bothwell made his escape: they never met after that
  day.

  [1145] Adam Bothwell became successor to Bishop Reid, in the See of
  Orkney, and was admitted to the temporalities of the Bishopric, 14th
  October 1559. He was one of four Prelates who joined the Reformers. In
  1564 he was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session; and an
  Ordinary Lord, 13th November 1565. He celebrated the marriage of Queen
  Mary and Bothwell, but afterwards took an active part in opposing him.
  He also officiated at the baptism of James the Sixth. His conduct was
  viewed with suspicion by the Kirk, and various articles were alleged
  against him in the General Assembly, 25th December 1567; but having
  submitted, and made a public confession of his offence, he was
  restored to his ministry. He exchanged the temporalities of his
  Bishopric with Lord Robert Stewart for the Abbey of Holyrood-House,
  which was ratified by a charter under the Great Seal, 25th September
  1569. He died on the 23d August 1593, in the sixty-seventh year of his
  age, according to an inscription which still exists in the Abbey
  Church of Holyrood, with some Latin verses, by M. H. R., (Mr. Hercules
  Rollock.)

The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had
retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death:
But seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other
honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a bond, to defend the
young Prince from the murtherers of his father; as already they had
had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did prevent. The
Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole,
Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle
thereafter, seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a
great factionary for Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the
marriage, was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her
forraigne friends and kindred; and this must be a Bishop: It is pity
that any good work should be done without a Bishop: was not this a
worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]

  [1146] The Bishop here referred to, was William Chisholm, Bishop of
  Dunblane. His instructions concerning the Queen's motives to take her
  husband, the Duke of Orkney, to be declared to the King of France, the
  Cardinal of Lorraine and others, in May 1567, are printed by Keith.
  (History, vol. ii. p. 592.) But Calderwood asserts they "are forged,
  and full of lies."

Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write
to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found
a bond tendred unto them, by which they were to bind themselves to
defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were corrupt, did willingly
subscribe; others for fear did the same: and there was not one that
went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who refusing
absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the
part of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him
some time before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to
enter into a bond with the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he
was to obey her in all lawfull and just things. Upon this, he gat
leave, although with great difficulty, to go into France.

The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into
favour since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to
her, then he was a good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed
her, and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour
of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares, That she will
keep and confirm all that she had promised at her arrivall into
Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in vain,
for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.

Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under
pretext to go to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in
effect to go to Sterlin, to have the Prince in their custody, that
they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a new
Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule only by the
advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done.
The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and
to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the
Castle of Borthwicke, where the Queen and Bothwell was: But because
the Earle of Athole did not come at the houre appointed, they had not
men enough to environ and compass the Castle; so that Bothwell having
notice given him of the business, escaped to Dumbar, and the Queen
after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their designe at
Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves
masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding
the Earl Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the
contrary. These two, with their associates, were constrained to retire
to the Castle, where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left
there by Bothwell.

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at
Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared,
That the Earle Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser,
and actor of the cruell murther of the late King, had since laid hand
upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in Dumbar in his
power; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell, had
seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himselfe; yea,
that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the
young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had
murthered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved
to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they
did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could come to them, to
be in readiness at three hours warning to assist them (the Nobles) for
the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and bringing the said Earle
Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for the aforesaid
murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the Lords
were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within
four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these
Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to
the business, others stood as neuters; and withall, those that were
convened together were not well provided of armes and munition for
exploits of warr; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and
leave off their enterprize till another time, and had absolutely done
so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if the
Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three
or four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having
gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their
force, (the Queen being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched
towards Leith: Being come forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused
publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling them a
number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their inward malice
against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney, (for so now they
called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her
husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under
pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to
free her from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a
minde to invade the Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the
Duke her husband had used all means to clear himself, both by a legall
way and by the offer of a combate to any that did accuse him, as they
knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she was in none, but was
in company with her husband, unto whom she was publikely married in
the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given their consent
unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a
specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their
naturall Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to
overthrow; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take armes,
hoping that all her faithfull subjects would adhere unto her, and that
those who were already assembled with her, would with good hearts and
hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence of their valour
they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels. After
this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to
Seaton, where she lay.

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's
approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were
at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest.
The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that
the Lords had sent out, brought word that the enemie was marching
towards them; presently they put themselves in two batallias; the
first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the Lord Hume; the second
by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple,
and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden, Cesfoord, and
Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as the
Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say
nothing of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called
Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords (by reason of the steepness of the
ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they wheeled about to get a
more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie was, and to
have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the
Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing
away to Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she
found her self deceived.

  [1147] Carberry-hill, in the parish of Inveresk, about two miles to
  the south-east of Musselburgh, and seven miles from Edinburgh.

The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up
the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords,
telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and
pardon this insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to
agree in a peaceable way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the
rest) answered, That they had taken up armes, not against the Queen,
but against the murtherer of the King; whom if she would deliver to be
punished, or at least put from her company, she should find a
continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good
subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for
any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to
stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: Note how God changeth things in a moment.]

While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for accommodation,
Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that the
Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have
said in the former Books,) well mounted, with a defie to any that
would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird of
Tullibardin, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge, when he
made the rodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the King's death;
but then James Murray did not make known his name. Bothwell refused
to fight with James Murray,[1148] alleadging he was not his equall.
Upon this the elder brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardin,
answered, That he would fight with him, as being his better in estate,
and in antiquitie of house many degrees above him; yet Bothwell
refused him, saying, That he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was;
then sundry Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell; but the Lord
Lindsey namely, who said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, That
he would take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompence of
his service done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with
the braggadocio. Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor
excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this challenge
and answers, Bothwell's complices and followers were very earnest to
fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's sake, became
little cold, saying, That Bothwell would do well to fight himself, and
spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there. Some counselled
to delay the battell till the Hamiltons came, whom they did expect.
All this the Queen heard with anger; and riding up and downe, burst
out in teares, and said, They were all cowards and traytors that would
not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, the Queen, perceiving
sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to look unto himself, for
she said to him, she would render her selfe unto the Noble-men.[1149]
Upon this she sent for James Kirkaldie of Grange,[1150] with whom she
kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured that Bothwell
was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords, whom she did entertain
with many fair words, telling them, That it was neither fear, nor want
of hope of victorie, that made her come unto them, but a meer desire
to spare shedding of innocent blood: withall she promised to be ruled
and advised by them. With this she was received with all respect: But
shortly after, declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons, with
promise to returne, they restrained her liberty, and brought her along
with them to Edinburgh at night: She was very slow in marching,
looking to be rescued by the Hamiltons; but in vain. She lay that
night in the Provest his house. The next day, the Lords sent the Queen
to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin. Sir James Balfour,
seeing the Queen committed, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he
capitulated with the Lords for the deliverie of the Castle. Bothwell,
finding himselfe thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James
Balfour, to save a little silver cabinet which the Queen had given
him. Sir James Balfour delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and
under-hand giveth advice of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had
Bothwell kept the letters of privacy he had from the Queen: Thus he
kept her letters, to be an awe-bond upon her, in case her affection
should change. By the taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt
the Queen and Bothwell were clearly discovered. These letters were
after printed:[1151] They were in French, with some sonnets of her
owne making.

  [1148] "James Murray, son of umquhill William Murray of Tullibardine,"
  is mentioned in a letter of Queen Mary, in Aug. 1564. (Recueil, &c.,
  vol. i. p. 221.)

  [1149] Queen Mary surrendered at Carberry-hill, on Sunday the 15th
  June: She was brought that night to Edinburgh, and on the following
  day was sent prisoner to Lochleven Castle.

  [1150] See page 322, note 7.

  [1151] In Buchanan's Detection, &c., 1572.

[About this time the Earle Bothwell was declared by open Proclamation
not only the murtherer of the King, but also the committer of it with
his owne hand; and a thousand crownes were offered to any man that
would bring him in.][1152]

  [1152] This sentence is inserted in the 4to edit. 1644, at the close
  of the preceding paragraph.

Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glencarne
with his domesticks went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house, where he
brake down the altars and the images: which fact, as it did content
the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the Popishly
affected. The Nobles, who had so proceeded against Bothwell, and dealt
so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons had a great number of
men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their side,
sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there to joyn with them,
for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and State: But the
Hamiltons, thinking now they had a faire occasion fallen unto them to
have all again in their hands, and to dispose of all according to
their own mind, did refuse audience to the message sent by the Lords.

Upon this, the Lords moved the Generall Assembly then met in
Edinburgh,[1153] in the moneth of June, to write to the Lords that
either were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neuters: And
so severall letters were directed to the Earls of Argyle, Huntley,
Cathnes, Rothesse, Crauford, and Menteith; to the Lords Boyd,
Drummond, Graham,[1154] Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Levingston, Seaton,
Glams, Uchiltry, Gray, Olyphant, Methven, Innermeth,[1154] and
Somervile, as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of
the Assembly, Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords
above-named; to wit, John Knox, John Dowglas, John Row, and John
Craig, who had instructions conforme to the tenour of the letters, to
desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and joyne with
the Lords there, for the setling of God's true worship in the Church,
and Policie reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the
Ministers, and support for the Poor: But neither the Commissioners nor
the letters did prevaile with these men; they excused, that they could
not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there was so many armed
men, and a garrison so strong: But for the Church affairs they would
not be any wayes wanting, to do what lay in them.

  [1153] The General Assembly met on the 25th June, and Mr. George
  Buchanan was chosen Moderator. The Book of the Universall Kirk
  contains the letter signed by Knox, Row, Craig, Erskine, Spottiswood,
  and Douglas, dated 26th June 1567; and also the names of the several
  persons to whom copies of it were addressed. After appointing a
  General Fast to be observed on Sunday the 13th and the 20th of July,
  the Assembly adjourned to the 21st of that month.

  [1154] In the Edinburgh editions 1644, "Ghram" and "Inderneth."

The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joyneth absolutely with the
Assembly, (which had been prorogated to the 20. of July,[1155] upon
the occasion of these Letters and Commissioners aforesaid,) and
promiseth to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve
upon in the Assembly: But how they performed their promises, God
knows. Alwayes the Articles they agreed upon were these:[1156]

  [1155] At the Assembly in July 1567, "Letters of Excusation," from the
  Earl of Argyle, the Commendator of Aberbrothok, (Lord John Hamilton,)
  and Thomas Menzies, provost of Aberdeen, were read; and copies of them
  are contained in the Book of the Universall Kirk, (vol. i. pages
  101-103.)

  [1156] These Articles are here given only in a condensed or abridged
  form. See Book of the Universall Kirk, vol. i., pages 106-110.

1. That the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24. of August
1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's authoritie, should
have the force of a publike law; and consequently this Parliament
defended as a lawfull Parliament, and confirmed by the first
Parliament that should be kept next.

2. That the Thirds of the Tythes, or any more reasonable proportion of
Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery;
and that there should be a charitable course taken concerning the
exacting of the tythes of the poor labourers. [Moreover, that nothing
should pass in Parliament till the affaires of the Kirk be first
considered, approven, and established.]

3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colledges, or
Schooles, for instruction of the youth, but after due tryall both of
capacitie and probitie.

4. That all crimes and offences against God, should be punished
according to God's word; and that there should be a law made there
anent, at the first Parliament to be holden.

5. As for the horrible murther of the late King, husband to the Queen,
which was so haynous before God and man, all true professors, in
whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons
should be brought to condigne punishment, who are found guilty of the
same crime.

6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence,
lest he should be murthered as his father was; and that the Prince
should be committed to the care of four wise and godly men, that by a
good education, he might be fitted for that high calling he was to
execute one day.

7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and
abolish Popery, Idolatry, and Superstition, with any thing that may
contribute unto it; as also to set up and further the true worship of
God, his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity
of Religion and life; and for this to convene and take arms, if need
require.

8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm, before their
Coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now
professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary
to it, and that are not agreeing with it.

       *       *       *       *       *

To these Articles[1157] subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencarne, and
Marr, the Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanchar, Lindsey, Grame, Innermeth, and
Uchiltrie, with many other Barons, besides the Commissioners of the
Burroughs.

  [1157] The names of the Subscribers to these Articles, amounting in
  all to 79 persons, are inserted in the Book of the Universall Kirk,
  (vol. i. p. 110.)

This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the Lords
Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen, to present
unto her two writs; the one contained a renunciation of the Crowne and
Royall dignitie in favour of the Prince her son; with a Commission to
invest him into the Kingdome, according to the manner accustomed:
which after some reluctancy, with tears, she subscribed[1158] by the
advice of the Earle of Athole, who had sent to her; and of Secretary
Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melvill[1159] for that
purpose: So there was a procuration given to the Lords Lindsey and
Ruthven, by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule of the Realm, in
presence of the States.

  [1158] The three Instruments signed at Lochlevin, by Queen Mary, on
  the 24th July 1567, were published with other documents connected with
  them in Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. Edinb. 1727, 4to: see also
  Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 706, &c.

  [1159] See page 361, note 2.

The second writ was, To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent during the
Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge: And in case he
refused [to accept the said office upon his single person, that he
with] the Duke Chattelarault, the Earles of Lenox, Argyle, Athole,
Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, should govern conjunctly.

These writs were published the 29. of July 1567, at the Market Crosse
of Edinburgh. Then at Sterlin was the Prince crowned King, where John
Knox made the sermon. The Earle Morton and the Lord Hume took the oath
for the King, that he should constantly live in the profession of the
true Religion, and maintain it; and that he should govern the Kingdom
according to [the] law thereof, and doe justice equally to all.

In the beginning of August, the Earle Murray being sent for, cometh
home;[1160] in all haste he visits the Queen at Lochlevin, strives to
draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons, or were
neuters, to joyne with those that had bound themselves to stand for
the King's authoritie: He was very earnest with divers, by reason of
their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentie of August, he
received his Regency, after mature and ripe deliberation, at the
desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, and so was
publikely proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed unto him by all that
stood for the young King.

  [1160] At the time of Queen Mary's renunciation of the Crown, the Earl
  of Murray was in France. After his return to Edinburgh, the 11th
  August, he had an interview with the Queen at Lochleven. He was
  solemnly inaugurated as Regent in the Council Chamber of the Tolbooth,
  or Parliament House, and publicly proclaimed at the Cross of
  Edinburgh, 22d August 1567.

  THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, TILL
         THE YEAR 1567, AND MONETH OF AUGUST.

[Illustration: decoration]




APPENDIX.

No. 1.

     INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN THE EDITIONS OF
         KNOX'S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, BY DAVID BUCHANAN,
         PRINTED AT LONDON, 1644, FOLIO, AND REPRINTED AT EDINBURGH,
         1644, QUARTO, (CONTINUED FROM VOL. I. PAGE 494.)


BOOK THIRD.

(THE PAGES AND LINES AT THE LEFT-HAND SIDE REFER TO THE PRESENT
EDITION.)

     Page 9, line 18. _that they destroyed not_--to stop them
     from destroying.--22. _all credibility_--almost credit.--28.
     _they slew_--was slain.

     10, l. 9. _but a cowart_--a very coward.--13. _the
     said_--and.

     11, l. 10. _schybaldis_--scybalds and rascals.--13.
     _glansing ... feirceness, stamered almost_--glasing ... fear
     stumbled.--20. _scatring ... creatures_--straying and
     wandering ... people.

     13, l. 1. _xxiij. day_--the thirteenth.--3.
     _sea-cost_--coast.--11. _seased_--seized upon.--15.
     _foir-ryderis_--forwarners.--17. _the ryveing of a
     baird_--pulling of bairds for anger.

     14, l. 8. _Verry tyme reteiring_--time returning.--10.
     _fouchtein_--foughton with.

     15, l. 30. _of Ingland_--of State in England.

     16, l. 7. _occupyed_--taken up.--10. _as it_--as the favour
     it.--12. _these my presentis_--my present letter.--13.
     _breve_--few.

     17, l. 9. _and_ p. 21, l. 28. _defectioun_--desertion.

     19, l. 9. _cruellie_--rudelie.--19. _guid_--cleare.

     20, l. 14. _against_--against, or answered.

     21, (_Marginal note wanting._)--9.
     _dejectioun_--defection.--10. _thair faces_--faire
     faces.--21. _ather yet of any continuance to remaine in
     England_--or yet to remain any long time in England.--23.
     _furthe to my awin_--thorow to my.

     22, l. 12. _theirefter_, (_omitted._)--18. _Yff England_,
     (_in margin_,) As England had interest then not to suffer
     Scotland to perish, so likewise Scotland hath interest now
     [1644,] not to see England undone.

     25, l. 17. _naturall_--wise.--32. _humill_--most humble.

     26, l. 6. _in tennour as efter followis_--The tenour whereof
     follows thus.--11. _in_ a few and simple words of _my_.--15.
     _writter_--writers thereof.

     27, l. 1. _Chryst Jesus_--for Christ.--2, 3. _of the same
     to_, (_omitted._)--7. _nott_--not should.--20. _Quenis
     Grace_--Queen's favour.--21. _not_, (_omitted._)--23. _The_
     common things here.

     28, l. 17. _retract_--recant.--19. _that either your Grace,
     either yitt ony_--that your Majesty, or any.--29.
     _thristit_--wished.

     29, l. 3. _that_--that book.--14. _crouche_--crouche and
     bows.--23. _factioun_--fact.--27. _woman_--women to command
     and bear rule over men.--30. _before men_, (_omitted._)

     30, l. 4. _be long, prosperouse_--be both prosperous.--14.
     _hasard_--travall.--21. idollatrie--_idolatry_, going to
     Masse under your sister Mary, her persecution of God's
     saints.--33. _contrair to nature_--contrary to the ordinary
     course of nature.

     31, l. 5, 6. _gif the premisses ... neglected, ye sall_--if
     you neglect ... these things, and shall.--19. _discretioun
     of spreittis_--direction of his spirit.

     33, l. 8. _Lords_--Lords of the Congregation.

     39, l. 7, 8. _amanges which ... is maid_, (_omitted._)

     45, l. 27, 28. _Hamyltoun, second ... the
     Counsalle_--Hamilton and others of the Councell.

     46, l. 9. _ministeris_--Monsieurs, I had almost said
     monsters.--14. _so intollerable_--hath been, I say, so
     intolerable.--22. _gentillie ... covenantes_--willingly ...
     conditions.

     49, l. 10. (_Margin_,) Let us mark our advantage from
     France.

     53, (_The names arranged in a different order._)

     57, l. 1. _army_--armie by land.--22. _catyveis awin
     quhynger_--wretches own dagger.--29. _army be land_--of the
     land.

     61, l. 15. (_Margin_,) The Fourth Covenant.

     63, l. 13. _before ... please_--as it pleaseth them.--_In_
     pp. 63 _and_ 64, _the passage in brackets, and the marginal
     note in_ p. 64, _omitted_.

     64, (_Margin_,) Let the Princes now adayes make use of
     this.--23. (_Margin_,) So now [1644] the worldlings speak
     unto the King concerning the Scots into England.

     65, l. 12. _geving us in_--delivering and giving into.--18.
     _hir affectiouns_--their affections.--(_Margin_,) The
     Hamiltons, namely.

     66, l. 23. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     67, l. 19. (_Margin_,) We must go to the first cause in all
     things.

     70, l. 23. (_Margin_,) Let the Princes now make use of these
     words of this dying Queen.

     71, l. 12. _annoyntit of_--anointed with extreme unction,
     after.--28 _to_ 72, l. 4. _God, for ... to appeir._ The
     Guisian councells, as they were wicked and cruell to the
     people, so they proved mischievous to themselves, and to
     them that followed them, to this day.

     72, l. 15. (_Margin_,) Note a Character of Popishly addicted
     French Officers of State.

     73, l. 3. _transactit and aggreit be the Reverend Father in
     God, Johne_--translated and agreed by John--10. _anent
     the_--and the.

     74, l. 11. _be not affirm it_--be affirmit.--16.
     _deprivation_--ruine.

     75, l. 25. (_Margin_,) Note how they limit the Prince.

     76, l. 27. (_Margin_,) Note how the Prince is limited; and
     his will is not a Law.

     77, l. 4. _sevintene_--five.--17. _the saidis xvii_--the
     said five.

     78, l. 10. _not be lefull_--be lawfull.

     79, l. 4. _saidis sall oblisse thame_--said States shall
     oblige them.--27. _pairtis_, (_omitted._)--31.
     _denude_--take from these any of them, their subjects, the
     _offices_.--32. _bruikit_--brooked, and enjoyed.

     83, l. 7. (_omitted._)--11, 12. _To the loving ...
     Christians_--To the glory of the Almighty Lord God, and to
     the comfort of all Christians.--23. _charge to the
     brekaris_--charge that none shall break the same.

     86, l. 21. _aith and covenant_--(_margin_,) Note a Covenant
     betwixt England and Scotland, 1560.

     88, l. 8-12. (_Margin_,) Some Prelats left Antichrist and
     did adhere unto Christ.

     92, l. 8. _haif_--leave.--19, 20. (_Margin_,) See how this
     agrees with our times.--22. _are not injust_--and are
     unjust.

     93, l. 8. _Godis word_--God.

     95, l. 13. _laitlie_--now again _borne_.

     97-120, l. 24 inclusive, (_The marginal notes to the
     Confession of Faith are omitted, and the Scripture
     references multiplied._)

     102, l. 33. _visibillie_ and apparently _returne_.

     103, l. 7. _unfaithfull_--unthankful.--12.
     _refranit_--reservit.--22. _and supreame_, (_omitted._)

     106, l. 6, 10, _and_ 20, _and_ 108, l. 6. (_Marginal notes
     omitted._)

     113, 114, 116, _and_ 117, (_Marginal notes omitted._)

     120, l. 5, 13, 16. (_Clauses in brackets wanting._)--27. 28.
     _August_--28. July.--(_Margin_,) This we confirmed, 1567, in
     the first Parliament of James 6, held by the Earle Murray,
     and all Acts in any Parliament before whatsoever, against
     the truth, abolished.

     121, l. 2. _Articles_, (_Margin_,) The Lords of the Articles
     are a Committee of twenty-four, whereof in former times
     there was eight Lords, eight Church-men, who were called
     Lords, and eight Commons: So from the greater part they were
     named Lords, and of the Articles, because all Articles and
     Heads that are to passe in Parliament are first brought to
     them, who, having discussed them, sends them to the House of
     Parliament. The Latin Histories calls their (thir) Lords of
     the Articles _Apolecti_.--7. _could, any_--could say any.

     122, l. 2, 3. _and many, the rather, because that the
     Bischoppis wold nor durst_--and the rather, because that
     fain the Bishops wold, but durst.--(_Margin_,) _vote_ pious
     voice.--7. _my God_, who _this day_.--21. _that thei_--that
     have.

     123, l. 6. (_Margin_,) This Act is particularly confirmed
     1567, in the Parliament under James VI., holden by the Earl
     Murray.--19. _usurpit_, (_omitted._)

     124, l. 7. [ ... ] (_omitted._)--11. _justifieing to the
     dead_--chastising by death.--14. _judges
     whatsumever_--judges. The Act for abolishing of the Pope,
     and his usurped authority in Scotland.--23. (_Margin_,) This
     also was confirmed by one particular Act, 1567, by the
     Parliament holden by the Earle Murray.

     125, l. 2, 6. [ ... ] _omitted_.--8. _sute_--claim.

     126, l. 6. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     127, l. 3. (_Margin_,) Note this, I pray you, for these
     dayes sake.--11. great _counsallouris_.--12. just
     _commandiment_.--21. _since it was_; (he meanes untill 1566,
     when this book was written.)--22. misled _Prince_.

     128, l. 10. (_Margin_,) See how this agrees with the
     worldlings now adayes.--20. _hanged_--crucified.--23. _a
     verray Jesabell_--a very evill woman.--(_Margin_,) What
     blessings hath been since in the house of Erskin, they know
     best.

     129, l. 18. _Galloway_, (this Bishop of Galloway, as he
     renounced Popery, so did he Prelacie, witnesse his
     subscription of the Book of Discipline, as the rest of the
     Prelats did who did joyne to the Reformation,) _Alexander
     Campbell_, &c.

     130, l. 2. _thairto eikked_--thereto asked.--(_Margin._)
     Note how although the Prelats being convinced of the truth,
     did subscribe unto it, yet it was with this Proviso, That
     they should enjoy their rents for their lives.--17.
     _invasion_, and common enemies.--(_The remainder of the
     paragraph, referring to the Earl of Arran, omitted._)--20.
     hard _besieged_.

     131, l. 13. (_Margin_,) Note men to their own country.

     132, l. 10. (_Margin_,) Note this for our dayes.--18.
     (_ib._) Let this teach us to seek God.--25. (_Margin_,)
     _Jesabell_--Queen.

     133, l. 9. _Mother_ of the King.--11. _Prince_ of Conde _his
     brother_.

     134, (_Marginal note omitted._)--14. (_Date also on
     margin._)

     135, l. 3. _The godlie_ ... (_to_ 136, l. 19,) _devoir you_,
     (_omitted._)

     (_Instead of the verses, Buchanan has inserted the following
     statement, and in thus bringing the matter down to his own
     time, he has mistaken the allusion in the verses to the
     Emperor Charles the Fifth, as if it referred to Charles the
     Ninth of France_:)--Some in France, after the sudden death
     of Francis the 2^d, and calling to mind the death of Charles
     the 9^t in blood, and the slaughter of Henry the 2^d, did
     remark the tragicall end of these three Princes, who had
     persecuted God's servants so cruelly by their instruments
     the Guisians; and by their pens, both in prose and verse,
     did advise all other Princes not to authorize any
     persecution or wrong done unto God's servants, lest they
     should have the like end. And indeed the following Kings of
     France unto this day hath found this true by their
     infortunate and unexpected ends.

     137, l. 4-8. _Ambassadouris ... the pryde_ (_omitted._)--12.
     _The Erle of Arrane_ having suffered repulse in his designe
     to marry the Queen of England, he begane to fancie unto
     himselfe _that the Queen of Scotland_.--18. Such
     _answer_.--21. _then_ his friends _wold have wissed_, for
     grief he was troubled in his understanding.--24. _churches_
     abroad, _and some_.--25. _letteris_, (_omitted._)

     138, l. 4. _conference_ alone, the Erle of Arrane was in
     Jedburgh, to whom.--11. _purposes; and he_ comforting them;
     For _whill (we say) thei three_--18. _devulgat and_,
     (_omitted._)--24. _sub-principall_, and under-master of one
     of the schools _of Abirdene_.

     139, l. 13. (_Margin_,) Note this well.

     140, l. 16. _Messe is_ said to be _a sacrifice_.

     141, (_First marginal note taken into the text.--Second
     marginal note omitted._)--10. (_Margin_,) Note Lesly his
     answer.--12. "That is Anno 1566 when this book was
     written."--14. _for_ we understand _that_ ... _gett_ and
     bastard.--20. _doted_ and endowed.

     142, l. 18. (_Margin_,) Note the liberality of the Earle
     Murray.

     143, l. 30. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     144, l. 1, 3. _Superintendent_, and all other ministers at
     Edinburghe.--4. _minister_--then preacher.--6, 7.
     _Superintendents_, or overseers.--8. Fourth _and_.

     145, l. 10. _Superintendent_ or overseer.--25. (_Margin_,)
     Where then are pluralities and fatnesse of livings in our
     dayes.

     146, l. 5. _Marie_, (_omitted._)--31. (_Margin_,) Let the
     Churchmen now adayes look to this.

     147, l. 24. (_Margin_,) What can the Prelates say to
     this.--29, 30. _Superintendent_, or overseer and minister.

     148, l. 3. _ministry_ and watching over you _against_.--23.
     _so luifit_--loved.--25. ignominious _deyth_ ... thy _most_
     precious and _innocent_.--27. _thy_, (_omitted._)--_in_
     recent _memory_.

     149, l. 9. _dregis_--degrees.--22. _and then_, (_omitted._)

     151 to p. 154 _inclusive_ (_omitted._--_See footnote_, p.
     151.)

     155, l. 10. _fleschour_ or boutcher.

     156, l. 1. _boistit_ and threatened.--4. (_Marginal note
     enlarged._)--See the study of France to divide the two
     kingdoms newly bound for maintenance of Religion against the
     common enemies.--21. (_Margin_,) The Protestants
     faithfulness ill rewarded.

     157, l. 7. (_Margin_,) A foolish play used in time of
     darknesse, hence we say any foolish thing to be like a play
     of Robin-Hood.

     158, l. 20. _unhonest_--and honest.--28. _quhilk_--till.

     159, l. 10. _five deaconis_--six deacons.--25. _penny_, or
     afternoon's pint.

     160, l. 5, 6. _spare it_, nor forget it.--11. _haif_ heard
     _befoir_.--23. _to purge_--to repugne.--(_Margin_,)
     death--_buriall_.--25. _was_ wrapped _in a_ coffin _of
     lead_.

     161, l. 3, 4. _It may ... this Realme_--As men do, so they
     receive.--10. _calsay_ or street.--20. _usaris_--hanters.

     162, l. 10. _and that ... thairupoun_, (_omitted._)

     163, l. 1. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.--20. (_ib._) Let
     this also be considered, and referred to our times.

     165, l. 14. _upone the_ now decayed _Pont of Change_.

     166, _after_ l. 16. The Lords answer to the French
     Ambassadour.--17. (_Margin_,) Reader, remark the advantages
     that Scotland hath from France.--29. (_Margin_,) A good
     character of Bishops.

     167, l. 9. (_Buchanan's edition has the words in brackets._)

     168, l. 5. (_Margin_,) Let us stick to God, and he will not
     leave us.

     169, (_Inserted_,) The Ambassador's letter, _followed by_
     Madame.--1. (_The date is put to the end._)--(_All omitted
     before_) _I send_.--8. _so_, I told her, _did_.--10.
     _offices_ of civilitie.--12. _proporte_--tenour.--20.
     _answer_, as followeth, (_title_.)--23. a verray gude case,
     and in way of a full recoverie.--26.
     _respect_--defer.--(_Margin_,) Faire words to no purpose.

     171, l. 24. (_Margin_,) _Lyet not_--said not amisse.

     172, l. 15. _the King_ of France.--23. _dissimulatioun_ and
     policy, as thay terme it now adayes.--30. (_Margin_,) _The
     consecratioun ... you_, (_omitted._)

     173, l. 9. _my Lord_, the.--12. _Caiaphas_--The High
     Priest.--23. (_Margin_,) _Bot ... him self_, Notwithstanding
     his own disorder.--30. (_Marginal note omitted._)

     174, l. 13. _amitie_, of which there should be no want on
     hir behalf.--23. _renuncit_--renewit.--_oure_ ill-counselled
     and misled Queen.--29. _And ... thrid_, (_omitted._)

     175, l. 25. (_Margin_,) Note this false lye, and see how it
     answers to the calumnies of these dayes.

     177, l. 1. (_Margin_,) _Princes hath_ regarded _that_.--4
     _or_ 5. (_Marginal note omitted._)--30. (_Margin_,) All
     power is not then in the Prince, if the States have any, as
     they have. Note this.

     178, l. 31. Madame, _Pleis_.

     179, l. 8. _in Goddis presence_, (_omitted._)--13.
     _allegeance_--obedience.--21. Note the Scots
     acknowledgement.

     180, l. 12. _Thorntoun_--Throgmorton.

     181, l. 2. _Roman harlot_--Roman Antichrist.--7. _to_ p.
     182, l. 5. (_This paragraph is wholly omitted; and in its
     place we read_:--)

The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published, that we
shall forbeare to print them at this time, hoping that no good men
will refuse to follow the same, till God in a greater light establish
a more perfect.

     183-260, THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE: _see_ No. II. _of this
     Appendix, page_ 587.


BOOK FOURTH.

     263, l. 5. (_Margin_,) Isaiah xl. 31.--9. (_ib._) A true
     acknowledgement of man's weakness, to the glory of God; and
     as it was then, so hath it been in this last Reformation.

     264, l. 7. _(Margin_,) As it was then, so it is now, by
     God's mercies to that nation.--11, 12. _our_ own
     _wisdome_.--24. (_Margin_,) Let this be noted for example.

     265, l. 5. _till that mo Pharaoes then_--till that now the
     Pharaohs then.--11, 12. 1566 _in May_--in May 1561.--15.
     (_Margin_,) _the words_, of the Kirk, (_omitted._)--26. _may
     nott_ these men _have_ their _Masse_, _and the form of_
     their.

     266, l. 9. (_Margin_,) He means the Lord James, Earle
     Murray.--16. _suche deape root in flesche and bloode_, and
     was (as yet alas they are) _preferred to God, and to his
     messengeris rebucking vice and vanity_, that from thence
     _hath all our miserie proceeded_.--33. (_Margin_,) Wicked
     Councellours fathers all their mischievous plots upon misled
     Princes, and causeth them to take all things upon them.

     267, l. 10. _to justice_, (_omitted._)--17. (_Margin_,) The
     Queen's arrival from France, 1561.

     268, l. 4. (_Margin_,) Triste et Lugubre Coelum.

     269, (_Margin_,) (_Buchanan agrees with footnote 1._)

     270, (_The footnotes 1, 3, and 5, agree with MS. G._)--16.
     _to bolden_--to be emboldened.

     271, l. 2. (_Margin_,) _Lord James_, notwithstanding his
     former zeal to the Truth, complying with the Court,
     favoureth Idolatry.--8. (_Note omitted._)--12. (_Margin_,) A
     godly resolution.

     272, l. 20. _may be_, to their serious consideration. _And_
     lest _that_.

     273, l. 1. _thame selflis_ in the meanetyme, while.--5.
     _contentment of_ all, the law bidding, _That nane_.--20.
     _derisioun_--assault.--31. (_Margin_,) The Lord Arran's
     stout and godly protestation against the Queen's Masse.

     274, l. 31. (_Margin_,) Good resolution, if followed.

     276, l. 23. (_Margin_,) The _Courteouris_ making
     (mocking.)--31. (_ib._) Note diligently how wise and godly
     men are so mistaken oft, as to play after games: and this M.
     Knox doth acknowledge here.

     277, l. 5. (_Marginal note omitted._)--9.
     _slokin_--slacken.--34. (_Margin_,) Note how that Princes
     are informed against God's servant.

     278, l. 11, 12. (_Margin_,) Let this be noted
     diligently.--15. (_ib._) Let the Prince note this.--33.
     (_ib._) Let this wise reply be noted.

     279, l. 18. _Nero_, the Roman Emperour.--23.
     _Jesabell_--Mary.--28. _authoritie_--anxietie.

     280, l. 12. (_Margin_,) Note this undertaking.

     281, l. 27, 29, _and_ 282, l. 10. (_Marginal notes
     omitted._)--13. (_Margin_,) Note this comparison.

     283, l. 1. _shall_ not only _obey you_. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)

     284, l. 1. (_Margin_,) Strong imagination called
     conscience.--4. (_ib._) Question.--12. _and_ 23. (_ib._)
     (_omitted._)

     285, l. 20. _my lyeff_--my self.--25. _so say_ you, (quoth
     the Queen,) and I believe it hath been to this day. (Quoth
     he,) for how.

     286, l. 7. (_Margin_,) Note this.--20. _faileth me_: and
     this, I say, with a grieved heart, for the good I wish unto
     her, and by her to the Church and State.--22. _chosen_,
     where _were_.--24. _Lord James_, after Earle Murray; and
     these were appointed as certain _to wait_.--27. _Duck
     D'Omell_--Duke D'Anville.

     287, l. 4. _idolatrie_--idolatrous Masse. _Fyre followed_
     the Court, _commounlie_.--7. they _returned_.--8. the Queen
     _was received_.

     288, l. 5. (_Margin_,) Note the disposition of a misled
     soul.

     289, l. 9. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     290, (_Both marginal notes omitted._)--11. _iniquitie,
     Jessabellis letter_--impiety, the misled Queen's
     _letter_.--16. _that_ the Queen's unreasonable _will_.--19.
     (_Margin_,) Yet in the Parliament holden in 1563, there is
     ane express Act for punishing of adultery by death: It is
     the Act 74.--25. _from_ this _bondage_ of sin.

     291, l. 2. _Queen_ (evil men abusing her name and authority)
     _took upoun hir_.--3. _Baalles_--Balaam's.--7. (_Margin_,)
     Note this.

     292, l. 26. _Liddisdaill_, except that _execution was_ then
     _made in_ Edinburgh, _for_ her _twenty-aught_.

     294, l. 12. _sche could_ dissemble _in full perfection, but
     how soon that ever_ the French people had her _alone_, they
     told her, "That since she came to Scotland," _she saw_
     nothing there _but gravitie which repugned altogether to
     her_ breeding, _for_.

     296, l. 6. (_Margin_,) The Queen fain would have all
     Assemblies discharged.--24. (_ib._) Note this diligently.

     297, l. 8, 9. _Quene to_--be sent to her Majestie,
     _if_.--14. _scripped at_--stopped. (_Margin as at_ 296, l.
     24.)--28. _dayis_, the hearers thereof were resolved, _as
     all_.--(_Margin_,) Note this passage.

     298, l. 4. _The Baronis_--Thomas Borrows.--7.
     _provisioun_--propositions.--13. _But_, when.--16, 17.
     _intromitted_ and middled: _and so_.--19. _wold no moir_
     cause rents to be paid unto any that formerly belonged to
     the Churchmen, nor suffer any thing to be collected for the
     use of any whosoever, _after the Quenis_.

     299, (_The date of the Art_, vicesimo; _and the Sederunt
     omitted_.)

     300, l. 10. _the rest of_ the States _mycht have_
     appeared.--23. _content_ with the two _partis ... and the
     third parte_.

     301, l. 3. _Ferd_--fourth.--8. _mair, quhill_--more, if.

     304, l. 21, 22. _Superintendentis_, overseers, _ministers_.

     306, l. 5. _mailles_, tythes, or teynds, _fermes_ ...
     _canis_--fruits.--28. _furtheumand_--forth commanded.

     307, (_The Sederunt omitted._)--11. _hir Majestie_'s present
     wants, _and other particulare_.--25. _thair rentattis_,
     whole and full, _intromissioun_.

     308, l. 4. _fundin and declarit_--ordained and
     declared.--33. _Elgin in Murray_--Elgmen, Murray.

     309, l. 10. _the_ voting and _maiking_.--17, 18. (for) _the
     Cleark of Registre, and the Secretar_--the Steward and
     Controller.

     311, l. 6. 100 markis, (_Margin_,) That is five old
     pieces.--10. _nygartnesse_--ingratitude,--17, 18.
     _Comptrollare ... his awin_--Controllers ... their own.--19.
     (_Margin_,) _Ane Proverb_ upon Pittaro, Controller.

     312, l. 16. _a thousand pound_--a hundred will suffice.--23.
     _smyled_--singled.--29. (_Margin_,) The right that Princes
     have to the patrimony of the Church.--32. _Quenis_
     flatterers _bettir_.

     313, l. 5 _Queene, and her_--Queene's.--7. _but_ her
     flatterers.--10. _sche and hir faction_--the Court
     faction.--13. _Quene_ and King.

     314, l. 1. _Earle of_ Murray.--3. At the blessing of _the
     marriage_.--(_Margin_,) _Marriage of the Earl of_ Murray.

     315, l. 13. who was suspected to have been in love with the
     said Alison.--14. _raritie_--veritie.

     316, l. 21. 317, l. 10. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     318, l. 3, 4. _for sche lacks ... in especiall_,
     (_omitted._)--10. _others_--Scotland.--_is free_--she did
     see so _free_.

     319, l. 15, 22. _joyousitie_--jollity. It had been good for
     our Queene that she had been brought up in better company,
     both for her credit and for the course of her life: And it
     may be, that her excellent naturall endowments had been
     better employed for her reputation and happinesse then they
     were to her great misfortune, and to the grief of those that
     wished her truely well. _But punishment_, &c.--(_Both
     marginal notes in this place omitted._)--25 _to_ 320, l. 1.
     _Some ... lamented_, (_omitted._)

     320, l. 15, 16. _Erle Bothwell and his_ son, _that_.

     321, l. 6, 7. _but as hap ... keapt him_, (_omitted._)--10.
     _The Master of Maxwell_, (after Lord Herreis) _gave_.

     322, l. 12. _convened_--remained.

     323, l. 3. (_Margin_,) The Earl of Bothwell's communication
     with John Knox, 1562.--25. _my_ great grandfather,
     grandfather--and _father_.--(_Margin_,) Note the
     compliment.

     324, l. 7, 8. _of God_, wherefore he _often_.--12.
     (_Margin_,) Note diligently.--21. _commonyng_--coming.--23.
     _Borthwick_--Berwicke.

     325, l. 3. _certane_--vertue--8. _Gavin_--Gabriel.

     326, l. 6. _Gawane_--Gabriel.--7. _Kynneill_--Enmell.--11.
     _upon_ the third _day_.--19. reasonably _betrayed_.

     327, l. 8. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.--24. (_line
     omitted._)

     330, l. 10. _dansing_--mirth.--14. _Quenne had_ been merry,
     excessively dancing _till after_.--15.
     _persecutioun_--pacification.

     331, l. 21. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.

     333, l. 19, 22. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.

     334, l. 4. (_Margin_,) Let Princes note this.--24.
     (_Margin_,) Let Court chaplains and unthrifts of the time
     note this.

     335, l. 20 _to_ 336, l. 3. _liked_ not our Queene one whit,
     for as yet she could not resolve to be wife to the King of
     Sweden, having been lately Queene of France: And yet she
     refused not one much inferiour to a Soveraigne King.

     336, l. 4. (_Margin_,) The Earle of Lennox and his lady
     imprisoned in the Tower of London for traffiquing with
     Papists.

     337, (_Margin_,) _Anno 1566 in Maij_, (_omitted._)

     338, l. 5, 6. _From_ the Father.--8, 9. _by the Eternall
     God_, (_omitted._)--25. _and_ base _service_.--31. _Word
     and_, (_omitted._)

     339, l. 11. _and body_, if you do not repent.

     340, l. 2. _for lack of punishment_,
     (_omitted._)--(_Marginal note omitted._)--15. _neglecting_
     the execution _of his_.--20. (_Margin_,) Note
     diligently.--23, 24. _pay their_ hire, _that_.

     341, l. 19, 20. _that some ... releaf and_, (_omitted._)

     342, l. 17. _Last_--Sixthly.--22. Seventhly, _we
     desire_.--33. _Farther, we most_--Eightly, we most.

     343, l. 8. _dyttament_--judgment.--15. (_Margin_,) Note that
     diligently.--20. (_Margin_,) Note this for our times.

     344, l. 31. _and wemen_, (_omitted._)

     345, l. 8, 9. _hurt, and_ was for a long time _mutilat_.

     346, l. 2, 18. broke the prison.--(_Margin_,) _ward_ or
     prison.

     347, l. 10. (_Buchanan substitutes for the note_)--Note
     another wavering of the Hamiltons.--21. (_Margin_,)
     Commissionaris, (_omitted._)

     348, l. 3. (_Margin_,) A new Covenant 1562.--6. _and
     assist_, (_omitted._)--7. _offered_ and granted _unto_.--21.
     Erratum 1552.

     352, (_Marginal vote omitted._)

     353, l. 25. _malice_--matter.

     354, l. 6. _inflammed_--angred.--11. _sone_ to _James_.--12.
     _of soldartis_, (_omitted._)--(_Margin_,) the day of
     Corrichie-fiold, Octob. 22. 1562.

     355, l. 9. _houris_ in the morning.

     356, l. 5. _foote_ and _maid_.--10. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)--16, 17. _keapt thame ... The Erle_,
     (_omitted._)--(_Margin_,) _at Corrichie_, (_omitted._)

     357, l. 2. _this day_, (_omitted._)--3, 4.
     _injustlie_--justlie.--5. _on_ the _sweird_.--9.
     _joyned_--rejoyned.--15. _ney_, (_omitted._)--21.
     _over-thorte_ or upon _a pair_.--(_Marginal note omitted._)

     358, l. 3. (_Note taken into the text._)--11, 12. _against
     ... plainess_, (_omitted._)--29. (_Margin_,) Let others that
     yet live mark this.

     361, l. 2. _unhappilie_--truely.--14. _tacken_ upon me
     _the_.

     362, l. 6. (_Margin_,) _Upon_ the Courteouris.--18. _Like
     MS. G, in footnote._

     363, l. 1. (_Marginal note altered_,) The end declared their
     words to be true.--22. _youth_ amongst them, _whom_.

     364, l. 25. (_Margin_,) The tryall of Paul Meffene's fact.

     365, l. 6. _oppressed_--suppressed.--30. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)

     366, l. 6. _Edinburgh_--Dundie.

     367, l. 1. _light and darknes betwix_, (_omitted._)

     368, l. 3, 4. _fassionis_ not agreeable to the gravity of
     _honest women_.--7 _to_ 13. _All this winter Chattellet was
     so familiar_ with the Queen, that the Nobilitie being by
     this means stopped to have so free accesse as they thought
     fit and due unto them, were highly offended; at length
     Chattelett having conveyed himselfe privately _under the
     Quenis bed_.--30. _lyeth in me to_ give your Majestie
     content.

     369, l. 13. _luvaris may devine_--I leave to
     conjecture.--18. (_Margin_,) death and famine.--22 _to_ 370,
     l. 1. _the famyn_ in the wheat, the beare or barley, the
     meale, the oates, beefe, mutton, &c., were exceeding dear
     and scanty; yea, _all things_.

     370, l. 4, 5. _wicked_ rulers.--_suffered hir_--suffered
     them.--8. _court_--city--_that wicked woman_--the prophane
     Court,--14. (_Note omitted._)

     371, l. 18. _of God_, (_omitted._)--20, 21. _the Quene_--the
     Court _she_, they.--22. _she send for Johne_--the Queen
     advised to send.

     372, l. 24-27. _And in this case_--_unpunissed_,
     (_omitted._)--34. and that not, but in God ye are bound.

     374, l. 23. (_Margin_,) Bishop of Cathnes.

     375, l. 13. (_Margin_,) The Lady Argile was naturill Sister
     to the Queen, as the Earle Murray was naturall Brother.

     377, (_After the 7th, insert_) My Lord.--17. _withdraw_ your
     conversation _from hir_.--21. _unto hir_ in all due
     benevolence.

     378, l. 9. _convict hir of_ any fault _since_.

     379, l. 9. the Parliament of Pope's knights appeared. The,
     &c.--16. _unfreindis_--friends.--19. (_Margin_,) The Clergie
     did pretend to be free from all Jurisdiction, save the
     Popes.

     380, l. 1. _Norwell_--Horwell.--(_Marginal note
     omitted._)--8, 9. parenthesis, (_omitted._)--13. _gioun._ At
     that Parliament, (_new paragraph._)

     381, l. 3. _Lairdis_--Earles.--5. _law_ or Counsellor.--5-7.
     _in that ... Whytlaw_, (_omitted._)--12. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)--16. _the_ superfluities of their cloathes,
     _and_.

     382, l. 1. (_Margin_,) Note diligently. And so was
     _religion_, &c.--8. (_Margin_,) Occasion painted with a bald
     hind-head.--27. _long_ to.

     383, l. 7. _betwix ... Knox_--betwixt them.--11.
     _slocken_--slacken.--11. (_Margin_,) God knowes if our times
     be better.

     384, l. 2. (_Marginal note omitted._)--21. _the_ charges _of
     Edinburgh_.

     385, l. 3. _Queen_ sayes you _will not agree with us_.--6
     _with_ them in.--27. But this my Lordis will (I say) note.

     387, (_The marginal notes omitted._)

     388, l. 4. (_Margin_,) Let this serve for our times.--17.
     _conscience_--office.--20. _shall_ be content, and
     _consent_.--_unfaythfull_--unlawfull.

     389, (_Margin_,) Note women.

     390, l. 4. _fard_--heat.--6. (_Marginal note omitted._)

     391, l. 14. (_Marginal note omitted._)--22. (_ib._) Note
     diligently.

     392, l. 8. _wickedness_--fury, (_also_, 393, l. 5.)--18.
     _thair ... throttes ... mouthes_--his ... throat ... mouth.

     394, l. 19. _hamesukken_--having made.

     395, (_2d marginal note_,) _quhingar_--weapon.

     396, l. 2. _15th_--five and twentieth.--23. _Messe_,
     publikely _to_.

     397, l. 3. _be made_ to the country, _and that_.--7.
     (_Margin_,) Bond to a mutuall defence in the cause of
     Religion.--(_The note is omitted._)

     398, l. 8. (_Margin_,) Note Pastors.

     399, (_In the foot-note to line 12, Buchanan agrees with MS.
     G. Instead of the 2d marginal note, he adds to the 1st_,
     "and their reasoning together.")

     400, l. 2. _day_, (_omitted._)

     401, (_2d marginal note omitted._)

     402, l. 19. (_Margin_,) Note a wise reply.--29. _trouble_
     me.

     403, l. 8. _noumer_--number.

     401, l. 5. _lackit_ nathing of an _womanly gravitie_.--11.
     caused me to crie, and shed _never_.--12. _greit_--grieve.

     405, l. 23, 25, 27, 32. _convocation_--vocation.

     406, l. 5. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.--23.
     _unlauchfull_--lawfull.

     408, l. 1. (_Margin_,) As the Irish Papists have done to
     Protestants in Ireland.--18. (_Margin_,) Let this be noted
     for this day.--28. _ane liar and_, (_omitted._)--32, 33. _I
     am_ commanded in my conscience to speak the truth, and
     therefore the truth I speak, _impugne_.

     409, (_Margin_,) _quhat_, ensued.--11, 12. _and conjureit
     ... Christ_, (_omitted._)--_smyleit_--singled.

     410, l. 2. (_Margin_,) Note Pastors.--5. _onie upfall_,
     (_omitted._)--20-22. _to see ... rejoise_, (_omitted._)

     411, l. 19. (_Margin_,) Note diligently.

     412, l. 17. (_Margin_,) Note _the craft of the Court_.--24.
     (_Note taken into the text._)--27. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)

     413, l. 5, 6. _but of ... Borrowis_, (_omitted._)--18.
     (_Margin_,) Note.

     414, l. 10. _als_--all.--_haif_ power to.--23. _Sir Johne
     Ballentyne_, (_omitted._)

     415, l. 5. (_Margin_,) Remark false brethren.--(_ib._)
     _Sempill and Levingstoun_, (_omitted._)

     417, l. 1. _delyver us from the_ wickedness of this corrupt
     Court, for thy own name's sake.--(_Margin_,) _Prayit ...
     authoritie_, (_omitted._)--10-12. _And ... houris_--(_this
     sentence is nearly repeated on margin._)--20. _the
     suspitioune of_, (_omitted._)--(_The three last marginal
     notes omitted._)

     418, l. 20. _sik_, him.--_Nobill-wemin_--Nobleman.--23.
     _coule_--kowll.--(_Margin_,) Cucullus.--29. (_Marginal note
     omitted._)

     420, l. 1. (_Margin_,) Note how this agrees with our
     time.--25. _Papists_--Priests.

     421, (_Buchanan has the marginal notes mentioned in last
     foot-note._)

     422, l. 1. _began_ one David, an Italian, _to_.--3. _in
     France_, (_omitted._)--5, 6. _to speik_, and refer it to
     another fitter occasion of time and place, _becaus ...
     whole_. The first day.--(_Clause in brackets and marginal
     note omitted._)

     423, l. 9. _Rothes_--Lord Rosse.

     424, l. 10-14. _but, because ... publict audience_,
     (_omitted._)--25, 26. (_By a semicolon misplaced, Hay
     appears as Superintendent of Glasgow instead of Willok._)

     425, l. 23. (_Margin_,) John Knox his answer.

     427, l. 17, 24. (_Margin_,) Note diligently, and see how the
     Bishops did forbid to pray for the conversion of the Queen
     that now is in Britain.

     435, l. 2. _present_--publike.

     436, l. 6. (_Margin_,) Let this be noted diligently.--9.
     [_the poweris_,] (_omitted._)

     437, l. 1. (_Margin_,) Note this.--23. (_ib._) Note this
     Discourse diligently.

     438, l. 7. _nocht_, (_omitted._)

     439, l. 24. _but_, (_omitted._)

     440, l. 3. (_Margin_,) God craves of us, that we oppose
     ourselves to iniquity.

     441, l. 4-7. _unless that ... the deith_, (_omitted._)

     442, l. 13. _tuik_--think.

     443, l. 9. (_Margin_,) Let this be noted for our times.--34.
     _acknawlege_ and esteem the benefits received, _when_.

     444, l. 9. (_Margin_,) Whether this hath come to passe or
     not, let the world judge.

     445, l. 8. (_Margin_,) Note this diligently.

     447, l. 13. "_He be his owin commandment_," &c. _Between
     these words and "sik as craif,"_ &c., 418, l. 13, _a whole
     page is omitted_.--_Thus the passage in Buchanan's edition
     is quite unintelligible_, viz., He by his own word confounds
     all such as crave further approbation of God's will, &c.

     449, l. 3. (_Margin_,) When the Prince does serve God
     sincerely in private and publike, and hath a care that the
     people do the same, then assuredly they are faithfull to
     him: but if he faile in these, or in either of them, he
     findes disobedience in his people, because he is not
     carefull to obey God, and to see him obeyed. Deut. 13, 13. 2
     Paral. 26.-24. (_Margin_,) Let this be applyed to the late
     affairs of Scotland.

     451, l. 15. _ye will_ not _say_.

     452, l. 24. _deith_--punishment.--33.
     _thairintill_--therefore.

     453, l. 22. _either misknaw_--must either know.--29.
     _tyrant_--misled King.

     454, l. 1. _scripped_--stouped.

     455, l. 10. _voit_--wrote. (_To each of the two names in the
     margin of pages 455 and 456, is added_) his vote.

     457, (_The Latin original of the_ Conclusio,
     _omitted_.)--13. _deposed_--bridled.--_also_ 458, l. 12.

     458, l. 23. (_Buchanan agrees with second foot-note._)--10.
     (_Margin_,) Note diligently.--_also_ 459, l. 3.

     460, l. 19. _be knawin_--he knew.

     461, l. 17. (_In the second foot-note Buchanan agrees with
     MS. L, 4. Marginal vote omitted._)

       *       *       *       *       *

A few particulars respecting DAVID BUCHANAN, the Editor of Knox's
History, may be subjoined to the preceding collations. The author of
the Genealogical Account of the Buchanans, in 1723, states that he was
the second son of William [John] Buchanan of Arnpryor, an ancient
family in the parish of Kippen, Stirlingshire. John Buchanan, eldest
son of the late John Buchanan of Arnpryor, had a charter of the lands
of Arnpryor, 3d May 1598; and having sold the estate of Arnpryor to
Sir John Buchanan of Buchanan, he settled in Ireland. He was killed by
the Irish rebels in 1641. "There was a younger brother, Captain
William, a gentleman of very much courage, and of the greatest art and
dexterity in managing a sword of any of his time;" and two instances
of his prowess are related in that work, (p. 61.)

David Buchanan, whom the above author describes us "a gentleman of
great learning, who flourished in the latter part of the reign of
James the Sixth," was born towards the close of the sixteenth century,
probably about the year 1592. He appears to have prosecuted his
studies during part of the usual course in St. Leonard's College, St.
Andrews, where he matriculated or became an Intrant in the spring of
1610. It has not been ascertained at what University he took his
degree of Master of Arts; or, indeed, any particulars of his mode of
life for a period of upwards of twenty years. According to his own
words, he must have spent many years on the Continent, and is not
improbable he may have filled a Professor's chair in one of the
Protestant Colleges in France. In 1636, he published a learned work
under this title: "Historia Animæ Humanæ, Auctore Davide Buchanano,
Scoto. (No place of printing,) M.DC.XXXVI." Small 8vo. This was
followed by a similar treatise in French, entitled "Histoire de la
Conscience, M.DC.XXXVIII." 12mo.

From a passage in Milton already referred to, (vol. i. p. xlii,) it
would seem as if the publication of Buchanan's edition of Knox's
History of the Reformation had been delayed by the Censor of the Press
in 1644. The preceding collations, (for which, and also for those in
the next Article of this Appendix, I am indebted to the unwearied care
and accuracy of my venerable friend, MR. MEEK,) serve to show the
actual liberties Buchanan has taken with the text. Frequent instances
of palpable blunders will be observed, as if the Editor himself had
not corrected the proof-sheets. In the marginal notes he has added
various allusions to his own times; and the interpolations he has
introduced into the text are remarkable, chiefly on account of the
anachronisms; and as these have been laid hold of, in some measure, to
discredit the authenticity of the original work, it has thus been
rendered necessary to take so much pains in collating his editions
with the genuine text. In regard to passages omitted, or expressions
modified and softened, it is highly probable that this may have
proceeded from the Licenser of the Press in London, rather than
Buchanan himself; and whether similar or even greater liberties may
have been taken with Book Fifth, we have unfortunately no means of
ascertaining.

In the following year Buchanan published at London a little volume,
which, with another tract printed in 1646, involved him in some
trouble. Baillie, who was personally acquainted with him, in a letter
to Spang, who was then Minister of Campvere in Zealand, in June 1645,
speaks of "your cousigne, Mr. David Buchanan, as a most honest and
worthy man." In a subsequent letter, dated 24th April 1646, he says,
it was thought necessary that the Papers given into Parliament by the
Scottish Commissioners should be printed; and "among others, Mr. DAVID
BUCHANAN, _a most sincere and zealous gentleman, who has done both in
write and print, here_ (in London) _and over-sea, many singular
services to this Parliament, to his Nation, and to the whole Cause_;
... hazarded to print them with a Preface of his own, and an
introduction, both very harmless and consonant to the three following
papers which we had given in to both Houses." Baillie further adds,
that within two or three days, 3000 or 4000 copies were sold; and that
this having excited the indignation of "our small friends," both
Houses of Parliament agreed in ordering the books to be burnt by the
hands of the hangman, and in denouncing the publisher, Mr. Buchanan,
as an incendiary. (Baillie's Letters and Journals, vol. ii. p. 367.)
The two publications thus referred to were,--

"Truth its Manifest; or a short and true Relation of divers main
Passages of things, (in some whereof the _Scots_ are particularly
concerned,) from the very first beginning of these unhappy Troubles to
this day. Published by Authority. London, printed in the year 1645."
12mo, pp. xviii., 142.

"Some Papers of the Commissioners of Scotland, given in lately to the
Houses of Parliament, concerning the Propositions of Peace. London,
printed for Robert Bostock, &c., April 11, 1646." 4to, pp. 26.

The following extracts from the Journals of the House of Commons
confirm Baillie's statements:--

On the 10th April 1646, the House of Commons "Ordered, &c., That the
Report concerning a Book, entituled, 'Truth's Manifest,' be made on
Monday morning," &c. (Journals, vol. iv. p. 505.)

"Die Lunæ, 13^o Aprilis 1646. Mr. Lisle reports the state of the
business concerning the printed book, intituled, 'Truth's Manifest;'
read many passages out of it; and said, The Author of it was one Mr.
Buchanan; who delivered one of the said books to the Committee, and
did avow it to be his writing.

"Resolved, &c., That Mr. David Buchanan be forthwith sent for, as a
Delinquent, by the Serjeant at Arms attending on this House; and
brought to the Bar to-morrow morning.

"Resolved, &c., That the book intituled, 'Truth's Manifest,' does
contain in it many matters false and scandalous; and they do _Order_,
That the said book be forthwith burnt by the hands of the common
hangman." (ib. p. 507.)

On the same day, the House also declared, that the book entituled,
"Some Papers of the Commissioners of Scotland, given in lately to the
Houses of Parliament, concerning the Propositions of Pence, doth
contain in it matters scandalous and false," &c., and was Ordered to
be burnt, &c. (ib. p. 507.) But this declaration was so far modified
on the 20th April, in restricting the sentence simply to the Editor's
Epistle and Tract, "The State of the Question concerning the
Propositions of Peace," (which are prefixed by the Editor, on three
leaves, after the title page.) (ib. p. 517.)

During the latter period of his life, Buchanan was engaged with Gordon
of Straloch in illustrating the topography and antiquities of his
native country, in connexion with the great Atlas of Scotland, which
was published in Holland, by Bleau, in 1654. His papers afterwards
fell into the hands of Sir Robert Sibbald, by whom some of them were
printed. Two MS. works, "De Scriptoribus Scotis," the one dated 1627,
and attributed to Buchanan, were printed for the Members of the
Bannatyne Club, with a learned Preface by the Editor, Dr. Irving, in
1837.

From his Confirmed Testament, it appears that "Mr. David Buchanan,"
who died at Edinburgh before the end of August 1652, on the 19th of
that month, had nominated "his loving brother, Mr. William Buchanan,"
his only executor. Whether "Captain William," above mentioned as
David's brother, should be identified with this "Mr. William
Buchanan," may be left to conjecture.




No. II.

ON SPOTTISWOOD'S EDITION OF THE FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.


IT is well known that Queen Mary, both in France and after her return
to this country, refused to ratify the Proceedings of the PARLIAMENT
which met at Edinburgh in August 1560; and its Acts, were not included
in the authorized collection of the public statutes. In order to
obviate this legal want of the royal sanction, it was judged expedient
that the CONFESSION OF FAITH, and some special Acts, should be renewed
in the first Parliament of James the Sixth, during the regency of the
Earl of Murray, in December 1567. It was proposed to have inserted in
this Appendix a list of the Members and some passages relating to the
proceedings of that Parliament, along with an account of the early
editions of the Confession of Faith, 1560; and some notes respecting
the First Book of Discipline. Want of space has rendered it necessary
to omit these notices; but another opportunity may be afforded of
introducing them in a subsequent volume.

It is also well known that the selfish rapacity of some of the
Nobility who had supported the Reformed doctrines, and had obtained
possession of Church-lands and property, prevented the Policy of the
Kirk from being established according to the plan drawn up by Knox and
his brethren. But the FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE must always be regarded
as an important work to illustrate the form of Church government and
discipline submitted for approval by our early Reformers; and it is
now presented to the Reader in a much more perfect and authentic form
than it has ever appeared.

       *       *       *       *       *

The following notes, selected from a careful collation of the Book of
Discipline, with the copy inserted by Spottiswood in his History of
the Church, will prove how very little reliance can be placed on the
Archbishop's assertion of his having given it "word by word." As the
omissions and emendations referred to might have been inside by the
Editor in 1655, (see page 181, note 5,) the new edition, printing for
the Spottiswoode Society, (edited by Bishop Russell, and collated with
the author's original MS.,) has been employed.

     Page 183-184, Spottiswood omits the whole of the Preface,
     and introduces the Book of Discipline with the short
     paragraph already quoted at page 181, note 5. There is a
     slight variation in the new edit. (p. 331,) reading, "I
     _have_ thought meet, word by word, to insert the same," &c.

     187, There are several omissions in this page; for instance,
     in line 7, the words "devysed by men;" various words in
     lines 15 to 22; and nearly the whole of lines 24 to 26.

     188, lines 21, 22, altered; and lines 24 to 29 abridged.

     189, l. 10, omits "cursed" as applied to "Papistrie."

     190, l. 12, reads, "in open audience of his flock, he may
     preach and deliver his knowledge in the Articles," &c.

     192, l. 4 to 6, "and so ... of the Kirk," omitted.

     193, l. 4 to 19, varied and abridged; and lines 25, 26,
     read, "The Ministers were publicly admitted."

     195, l. 14, altered; and lines 21 to 27, "And gif," &c.,
     omitted. The next head, "For Readeris," is partially
     abridged.

     198, l. 1, the words, "at the discretion of the
     congregation," omitted.

     199, l. 3, the words, "in Goddis presence we witness,"
     omitted; and lines 7 to 15 amended.

     200, l. 12 to 14, part of the sentence omitted; and the
     paragraph that follows, "Restis yit," &c. concerning
     provision for the poor, and the teachers of youth,
     contracted to about one-third.

     201 to 203, Under the head, "Off the Superintendents," the
     original which here consists of 38 lines, is contracted by
     Spottiswood to 6 lines.

     204, l. 11, "to leave as your idill Bischopis," changed to
     "to live idle as the Bishops."

     205, The third head, "Of the Election of Superintendentis,"
     appears as if re-written and abridged; l. 18, reads, "we
     think it sufficient that the Council nominate;" and lines 22
     to 25 omitted.

     207, l. 6 to 12, "Yff the Ministeris," &c., omitted.

     208, l. 16 to 26, "Of one thing, in the end," &c., omitted.

     208, 209, "For the Schollis;" the introductory paragraph
     omitted, and the next 14 lines contracted to 5 lines.

     214, l. 24, reads, "New Testament, and shall finish his
     course the same year. And in," &c.

     221, l. 2 to 12, "not doubting," &c., omitted. Under the
     "Sext Heid," except the first sentence, the whole of the
     first paragraph, "But befoir we enter," &c., is omitted.

     222, l. 4 to 9, "We dar not flatter," &c., omitted.

     223, l. 27, &c. "Your Honouris," &c.; the whole of this
     paragraph omitted.

     225, l. 13, The "Additio" is not found in Spottiswood.

     226, l. 23, "Yf this Ordour," &c., to the end of the
     paragraph, omitted.

     227, The second paragraph, "But becaus this accursit
     Papistrie," &c., omitted.

     230, l. 21 to 23, Spottiswood reads, "This sentence, as
     being the most heavy censure which can be inflicted by the
     Church, ought not to be rashly used but for grave causes,
     and due process of time kept, but being pronounced, ought
     with all severity to be maintained, and intimation thereof
     made through the whole realm, lest any should pretend
     ignorance of the same."

     235, l. 3 to 18, "Yea, the Seniouris," &c. This paragraph is
     thus altered: "If a Minister be of a loose conversation,
     negligent in his study, and one that was little bent upon
     his charge or flock, or one that proponeth not fruitful
     doctrine to his people, he ought to be admonished by the
     elders; and if he amend not, the elders may complain to the
     ministry [of the two next adjacent churches, to whose
     admonition, if he shall be disobedient, he ought to be
     discharged of his ministry] till his repentance appear."

     The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the old
     printed editions of Spottiswood's History, we may suppose by
     accident, as this appears to be the only variation which
     Bishop Russell has discovered upon collation with the MSS.

     253, A great part of this page is omitted.

     255, The last paragraph is somewhat altered, or at least
     transposed.

     255-8, "The Conclusioun" addressed to the Lords, with the
     "Act of Secret Counsall," and the signatures, are wholly
     omitted.

       *       *       *       *       *

A great many lesser variations, consisting of words omitted, sentences
abridged, &c., might have been specified, if such an enumeration would
have served any useful purpose. The above may suffice to satisfy any
impartial reader, who desires in this FORM OF POLICY "to see what were
the grounds laid down at first for the government of the Church," that
implicit reliance should not be placed upon the Archbishop's fidelity,
although he does affirm, "I HAVE THOUGHT MEET, WORD BY WORD, HERE TO
INSERT THE SAME." (History, vol. i. p. 331.)




No. III.

FUNERALS OF MARY OF GUISE, QUEEN REGENT OF SCOTLAND.


MARIE DE LORRAINE, daughter of Claude Duke of Guise, was born 22d
November 1515. On the 4th August 1534, she was married to Louis of
Orleans, Duke de Longueville; and after his death, in 1538, she became
the second wife of James the Fifth, King of Scotland. (See vol. i. p.
61, note 6.) In this place it was proposed to collect merely a few
notices respecting her death and funerals.

In the present volume, at page 71, Knox has given an account of the
Queen's death, which took place in the Castle of Edinburgh--he says on
the 9th June 1560. Dr. Robertson following Bishop Lesley, and other
early authorities, says it was on the 10th; while according to
Chalmers, and later writers, it happened on the 11th June. In the
Diurnal of Occurrents the time is very precisely stated, yet it so
happens that either the 10th or the 11th might be assigned for the
date. The passage stands thus:--

"Upoun the tent day of Junij, the yeir foirsaid (1560,) Marie Quene
Dowriare and Regent of this Realme, _at 12 houris at evin_, deceissit
in the Castell of Edinburgh, and maid the Erie of Merchell, and Schir
Johne Campbell of Lundy, knycht, hir executouris in Scotland." (p. 59;
see also p. 276 of the same work.) This would seem to fix the 10th;
but in the grant to Seigneour Francis, referred to in a note, page
507, the 11th of June was reckoned as the day of the Queen's decease.
Sir William Cecil and Dr. Nicholas Wotton, in a letter written on the
17th June, intimate their having heard of the Queen's death, when they
were on their way from Berwick; and in a subsequent letter from
Edinburgh, dated the 19th June, they say, "The xith of this monethe,
the Quene Dowagier dyed here at Edenboroughe, as we understande of a
dropsie; by whose deathe the Nobilitie of Scotlande be entred into
greater boldness, for mayntenaunce of their quarrell, then before they
durst shew." (Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 329.) In the
Treasurer's Accounts of that month are the following entries:--

  "Item, to Johne Weir pewtterar, for ane wobe of leid weiand (blank)
stanis, to be ane sepulture to inclose the Quenis Grace in. iiij lb. xv s.

  "Item, to the said Johne for sowdane of the said wobe of leid,  xxxij s.

  "Item, for ij^e dur nalis to the Quenis Grace sepulture,          iij s.

  "Item, for xxj elnis and ane half of blak gray, to hing the chapell
of the Castell of Edinburgh the Quenis G. bodie lyand thairin,
                                                      vj lb. ij s. iiij d.

  "Item, foure elnys of quhite taffateis of the cord to mak ane cross
aboun the Quenis Grace, price of the eln xxiiij s. Summa,  iiij lb. xvj s."

After these items, there follows a list of sums paid to the
attendants, servants, and other persons connected with the Queen's
household; in all 97, chiefly French, amounting to £1352, 8s.

Bishop Lesley, in noticing the Queen's death, says, "Hir bodie
thaireftir was carried to France in ane ship, to the Abbey of Feckin
in Normandie." (History, p. 289.) Knox, at page 160, speaks of her
burial having been deferred, and that "lappet in a cope of leid," her
body lay in the Castle of Edinburgh till the 19th October, "quhan sche
by pynouris was caryed to a schip, and sa caryed to France." Another
authority asserts, that it was not till the spring following that her
body was removed from Edinburgh.

"Upoun the xvj day of the said moneth of March, [1560-1] at xij houris
in the nycht, the corpes of vmquhile Marie Quene Douriare of Scotland
and Regent, was convoyit secretlie furth of the Castell of Edinburgh,
and put in ane schip in Leith, and convoyit thairfra to France, be Mr.
Archibald Crawfurd person of Eiglishame; quhair sho was honourablie
buryit." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 282.)

In mentioning the Queen Regent's funerals, Bishop Lesley, in his Latin
History, is somewhat more circumstantial, by adding, that after
reaching the sea-port of Fécamp in Normandy, and lying for a time in
the Monastery, the body was finally removed to Rheims. His words
are,--" Ejus autem corpus in Galliam postea transvectum primum ad
Monasterium Feckamense, quod in Normania est, deinde ad coenobium S.
Petri Rhemis in Campania, cui Soror ipsius pie tunc præerat, delatum,
honorifice condebatur." (De Rebus gestis Scotorum, p. 569.)

Throckmorton also, in a letter addressed to Queen Elizabeth from
Paris, 13th July 1561, says, "The said Queen of Scotland's
determination to go home continues still: _She goeth shortly from
Court to Fescamp, in Normandy, there to make her Mother's funerals and
burial_, and from thence to Calais, there to embark." (Tytler's
History, vol. vi. p. 398.)

After the funeral ceremonies at Fécamp, the Queen's body was
transported to the city of Rheims, and interred in the Church of the
Abbey or Convent of Saint-Pierre-les-Dames, of which her sister Renée
de Lorraine was Abbess. This younger daughter of Claude de Lorraine,
first Duke of Guise, was born in 1522. She became Abbess in 1546, and
survived till the 3d of April 1602, when she was interred beside her
sister the Queen of Scotland. There was a handsome marble monument
erected in the choir of the church; but the Abbey itself was in a
great measure destroyed during the excesses of the French Revolution
in 1792. The monument was adorned with a full length figure in bronze
of the Queen in royal apparel, holding the sword and the rod of
justice, "tenant le sceptre et la main de justice." (Anselme, Hist.
Genealogique, tome iii. p. 492.)




No. IV.

NOTICES OF JOHN BLACK, A DOMINICAN FRIAR.


FRIAR JOHN BLACK, of the Dominican Order, is celebrated by Lesley,
Dempster, and other Roman Catholic writers, for his learning and
exertions on behalf of the orthodox faith. In August 1559, the Queen
Regent came from Dunbar to Edinburgh, and having taken possession of
Holyrood House, it is stated, that Archbishop Hamilton, "upon a day,
past to the pulpit in the Abbay," and after displaying "a little of
his superstition, he declared he had not bene weill exercised in that
profession, (_i.e._ of preaching,) therefore desyred the auditors to
hold him excused. In the meantyme he showed unto them that there was a
learned man, meaning Fryer Blacke, who was to come immediately after
him into the pulpitt, who would declare unto them the truth; and
therefore desyred them to lett him cease." (Hist. of the Estate of
Scotland, Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 67.)

Bishop Lesley mentions a public disputation between Friar Black and
John Willock, at Edinburgh, in the summer of 1561, which lasted for
two days. As usual, however, in all such controversial disputes, "_in
the ende, nothing was agreit_." (Hist. p. 295. See also Leslæus de
Rebus Gestis Scotorum, p. 577, Romæ, 1578, 4to; and Sir James
Balfour's Annals, Works, vol. i. p. 235.) Under the year 1560, (see
this vol. p. 68,) Knox mentions Friar Black as performing Mass when
the Queen Regent was in the Castle of Edinburgh, notwithstanding that
she was aware of his licentious conduct. Two years later the Town
Council of Edinburgh having apprehended and confined Friar Black "for
manifest adultery," Queen Mary addressed the following letter to the
Provost, Baillies, &c., of Edinburgh, commanding them to deliver the
said Friar to the Captain of the Castle, to remain there till he
should be brought to trial:--

     "PROVEST, BAILLIES, AND COUNSALE OF EDINBURGH,--It is oure
     Will, and we charge zow, that incontinent efter the sicht
     heirof, ze deliver Freir Johne Black to the Capitane,
     Constabill, and Keiparis of oure Castell of Edinburgh, till
     be keipit thairintill surelie, unto sic tyme as we haue
     ordanyt for the triell of his offences before oure
     Justice-Generale or his Deputtis; and this on na wayis ze
     leaf undone, as ze will ansuer to ws thairupoun. At Sanct
     Androis, the 11th of April 1562.

                          (_Sequitur subscriptio_,) "MARIE R."

The records of criminal proceedings furnish no evidence of the Friar
having ever been brought to trial; but this warrant, no doubt, saved
him from the punishment which the Town Council at this time had
adjudged to all fornicators, to be ducked in the North Loch. (See
Maitland's Hist. of Edinb. p. 25.)

On the 12th February 1565, Andro Armestrang, and three other burgesses
of Edinburgh, were brought to trial, "delatit of the hurting and
wounding of Freir Johne Blak, betwix his schulderis, to the effusione
of his blude, upon the fyft day of Januar last bypast, betwix aucht
and nyne houris at evin, in the Cowgait, betwix Nwyderis Wynd and the
Freir Wynd." (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. pp. 475*, 476*.)
From another authority, mentioned below, it would seem that the Friar
was killed during the fray in Holyrood, on the same night when Riccio
was murdered.

The transcriber of MS. W, of Knox's History, has introduced some
lines, playing upon the Friar's name, "because he was borne in the
_Blak_ Freirs in Edinburgh, and was a man of _Blak_ personage, called
_Blak_ to his name, and one of the Ordour of _Blak_ Friers;" and in
the margin of the MS. he says, "This was added be me, Tho. Wood,
quhilk I heard, thocht not mentioned by Mr. Knox." Mr. Sharpe, who
says, "this copy of verses affords an excellent (?) specimen of the
satirical poetry of the Reformers," has inserted the lines, in a note
to Kirkton's History of the Church, p. 10, Edinb. 1817, 4to.

In a MS. volume of Calderwood's History, written in the year 1636, we
find introduced, as "A description of the Queen's Black Chaplane," a
somewhat different version of the lines referred to:--

"Master Knox relateth, that the Queen Regent herself had a little
before deprehended the said Frier Black with his harlot in the
chappel. But whoordoome and idolatrie agrie weill together. This Frier
Black was Black in a threefold consideration, first in respect of his
Order, for he was a Black Frier by profession; secondlie in respect of
his Surname; thirdlie in respect of his Black workes. Wherupon these
black verses following wer made as a black trumpet to blaze furth all
his blacknesses:--

    "A certane Black Frier, weill surnamed Black,
      And not nicknam'd: for Black wer all his workes,
    In a black houre borne, in all Mack deedes frack;
      And of his black craft one of the blackest Clerks;
    He took a black whoor to wash his black sarks,
      Committing with her black fornication:
    Black was his soule to shoote at such black markes;
      Frier Black, Black Frier, Black was his vocation."

It may be considered more important to notice, that Black had been
promoted by Archbishop Hamilton, to the place of Second Master in St.
Mary's College, St. Andrews. This fact, not elsewhere recorded,
appears from the following grant, in the Register of Presentations to
Benefices:--

"Our Soverane Lord, &c., ordanis this letter under the Previe Seill,
ratifiand and perpetualie confirmand the gift and provisioun maid and
grantit be John Archebishop of Sanct Androis, foundar and erectar of
our Lady College, within the citie of Sanct Androis, to Maister Robert
Hamiltoun, then Third Maister of the said College _of the Secund place
and Maister thairof_, usit to be possessit be ane theologe (the lyke
quhairof he is) _vacand be deceis of Johne Black, Blackfriar_, last
possessour of the samyn," &c., 12th November 1567. "Subscrivit at
Saint Androis the last day of Maij 1569." (Register of Presentation to
Benefices, vol. i. fol. 25.)

Dempster celebrates Black (_præclarus Christi miles_) for his
eloquence and opposition to heresy, and for having sealed his constant
profession of the faith with his blood. (Hist. Ecclesiastica Gentis
Scotorum, p. 85.) This alludes to the fatal termination of the Friar's
career, not on the 7th of January 1562, for which he quotes Lesley, p.
577, but on the 8th March 1565-6, when he was slain on the night of
David Riccio's murder, in Holyrood House. It is singular that no
notice of this should occur in our own historical writers. But
Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, in a letter to Buttinger, giving him a
summary of passing events, dated 21st August 1566, after noticing the
murder of "Signor David, skilled in necromancy, and in great favour
with the Queen of Scots," mentions that Black, a Dominican Friar, held
in great estimation among the Papists, was also killed that night. But
even this grave prelate cannot restrain his humour in reference to the
Friar's name; his words are: "Fraterculus quidam, nomine Blacke
(niger, _Swartz_,) Papistarum antesignanus, eodem tempore in Aula
occiditur.

    "Sic Niger hic Nebulo, nigra quoque morte peremptus,
    Invitus Nigrum subito descendit in Orcum."

This letter, first published by Burnet, (Hist. Reform., vol. iii.
App., p. 360,) is included in the collection of Zürich Letters,
published by the Parker Society, p. 99. London, 1842, 8vo. The
translator thus renders the above distich:--

    "Seized by black Death, this blacker Knave
    Descended to the gloomy grave." (Ib. p. 166.)




No. V.

NOTICES OF DAVID RICCIO.


IT appears somewhat doubtful whether Knox contemplated giving any
detailed account of Riccio's life: compare vol. i. p. 235, and vol.
ii. p. 422. If so, it would probably not have been so much a narrative
of his private history, as an exposure of the influence which he seems
to have exerted in public affairs, tending to the overthrow of the
Reformed Religion. Although we cannot attribute to Knox the passages
in the Fifth Book which relate the murder of Riccio, yet some detached
notices exhibiting his progressive advancement at the Scotish Court,
chiefly derived from the Public Records, may not be considered as out
of place in this Appendix.

DAVID RICCIO, a native of Pancalieri, in Piedmont, was born about the
year 1534, and was first in the service of the Archbishop of Turin. In
December 1561, the Marquis de Morette, the Ambassador of Savoy,
arrived in Scotland to congratulate Queen Mary on her return to her
native kingdom. It was in the suite of the Marquis that Riccio, when
about twenty-eight years of age, came to this country in quality of
Secretary. (Labanoff, Recueil des Lettres de Marie Stuart, Reine
d'Ecosse, vol. i. p. 120, vol. vii. pp. 65, 86.) His knowledge of the
French and Italian languages, and his skill in music, recommended him
to the Queen's notice, and led to his permanent residence in Scotland
as "virlat," "chalmer-cheild," or one of the valets of her chamber. In
the Treasurer's Accounts in the early part of the year 1562, we find
the following payments:--

  1561-2.--"Item, the said day, (viij day of Januar,) be the Quenis
  Grace precept to David Ritio, virlat in the Quenis Grace chalmer,
                                                        1. lib. (£50.)

  1562.--"Item, the xvj day of Aprile, be the Quenis Grace precept
  to David Ritio, Italiane, chalmer-cheild, as his acquittance schawin
  vpoun compt beris,                                         xv. lib."

  These payments seem to have been additions to the annual pension
  granted to him by the Queen. In the "Compt of the Collector Generall
  of the Thirds of Benefices," for the year 1561, and rendered
  18th February 1563-4, we find among the pensions paid, the following
  entry:--"And of the soume of threscoir fivetene pundis, pait be
  the Comptare to DAVID RYCHEO, Italiane, vallet of the chalmer, for
  his zeirlie pensioun, granted to him be the Quenis Majestie, of the zeir
  compted, as hir Hienes letters vnder hir subscriptioun, and the said
  Davidis acquittance schawin and producit upoun compt proportis,
                                                           lxxv. lib."

In 1564, Riccio's salary was £80, paid quarterly; and in December that
year, he was nominated French Secretary to the Queen, in place of
Raulet. (Randolph's Letter to Cecil, 3d December 1564, Keith's Hist.,
vol. ii. p. 259; and Labanoff, vol. i. p. 248.) In the Treasurer's
Accounts in August 1565, there are numerous payments made "to David
Riccio Secretar," for articles of furniture, dress, &c., "be the King
and Quenis Graces precept," chiefly for the use of "the Kingis Grace."
He had been an active promoter of the Queen's marriage with Darnley,
which may have contributed to increase his interest at Court.
Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 3d June 1565, uses this strong
language:--" David now worketh all, and is only governor to the King
and his family; _great is his pride, and his words intolerable_.
People have small joy in this new master, and find nothing but that
God must either send him a short end, or them a miserable life. Tho
dangers to those he now hateth are great, _and either he must be taken
away, or they find some support, that what he intendeth to others may
fall upon himself_." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 291.) It has been
said that he was appointed Keeper of the Great Seal about this time.
This undoubtedly is a mistake: see vol. i. p. 446. But the influence
he had obtained, and the prospect that when the Parliament assembled
he might prevail upon the Queen to proceed against the Earl of Murray
and the chief Protestants, in connexion with the foolish jealousy of
her husband, gave rise to that conspiracy which terminated in Riccio's
murder--one of those deeds which disgrace the history of this country.

Referring again to the Treasurer's Accounts, one or two other entries
may be quoted:--

  "Item, be the Quenis grace command, the last of Januar [1565-6,]
  to David Riccio, for reparatione of his chalmer, as his acquittance
  schawin upoun compt beris,                       ij^c lib. (£200.)"

On the last of February he received, on the Queen's account, £2000 in
part payment of 10,000 merks, for "the dewitie of the Cunzehouse." And
after his death, we find,

  "Item, the xxix day of Maij (1566) to ane boy passand of Edinburgh
  with letters of our Soueranis, to be deliverit to Robert Commendator
  of Halierudhouse, to command and charge all and sindrie
  personis, intrometteris, havaris, withhalderis, and detenaris of the
  horssis quhatsumevir partening to umquhill DAVID RICCIO, _Secretar_,
  to be deliverit to the said Commendator,                     ix s."

The Collection of Queen Mary's Letters, formed with almost unexampled
care and zeal by the Prince Alexander Labanoff, includes two long and
interesting dispatches in Italian, (one without date, the other, 8th
October 1566,) addressed to Cosmo Duke of Tuscany, which furnish
various particulars both relating to Riccio's history and the events
preceding his murder, on the evening of Saturday the 9th March 1565-6.
"Ah povero Davit, mio buono et fedel servitore, Dio habbi misericordia
di vostra anima!" (Recueil, &c., vol. vii. pp. 65, 86, 93.)

Calderwood repeats what George Buchanan states in his History
regarding Riccio's funeral: "After the flight of the Noblemen from
Edinburgh, the Queen caused to take up in the night Seigneur Davie his
corps, which had been buried before the Abbey kirk doore, and lay it
near to Queene Magdalene; which ministered no small occasioun to the
people of bad constructions." (History, vol. ii. p. 316.)

"A Relation of the Death of David Rizzi, chief favourite of Mary
Stuart, Queen of Scotland; who was killed in the apartment of the said
Queen on the 9th March 1565. Written by the Lord Ruthen, one of the
principal persons concerned in that action," was printed at London
1699, 8vo, and has been several times reprinted. One of these
editions, forming part of a volume entitled, "Miscellanea Antiqua
Anglicana," London, 1815, 4to, is accompanied with a portrait of
Riccio: It has much the look of an original by Zucchero, and is
"painted on a small circular pannel; and on the back are rudely cut
into the wood the name _Davit Rixio_, and the date 1564."




No. VI.

THE ABBOTS OF CULROSS AND LINDORES IN 1560.


IT is often impossible to identify persons at an early period who held
high ecclesiastical appointments, from only their baptismal names and
designations being given in deeds and the public records. But it is
singular that any difficulty should have been experienced in regard to
persons who flourished so late as the middle of the 16th century.
Among the dignified clergy who were present at the condemnation of Sir
John Borthwick for heresy, in May 1540, we find the names of William
Commendator of Culross, and John Abbot of Lindores. Both of these
individuals took their seats as Lords of Session, on the Spiritual
side, 5th November 1544; they had also a seat in Parliament; and both
of them having joined the Reformers, were present when the Confession
of Faith was ratified and approved in August 1560.


I. WILLIAM COMMENDATOR OF CULROSS, 1539-1564.

I have two deeds dated in 1539-40, and 1541, granted by "William
Commendator and Usufructuar of Culross, and John be the permission of
God Abbot of that ilk, and Convent of the samyn," signed, "VILLELMUS
Commendatarius de Culross, JOHANNES COLVILE Abbas," and by "Frater
Johannes Christeson," and the other brethren of the convent. Another
deed, dated 20th March 1564-5, is signed by William Commendator, &c.,
along with the brethren of the Convent; John Colville, Abbot, having
probably died before this. William Commendator of Culross filled the
office of Comptroller from 1546 to 1550. His name occurs among the
signatures to the Book of Discipline, see page 258. That the
Commendator as well as the Abbot was a Colville might be shown from
several incidental notices. One instance may suffice; in the Register
of Signatures, there is recorded the Confirmation of a pension of £61,
6s. 8d., and "twenty bollis rynnand met of quheit, granted by umquhill
WILLIAME Commendator of Culross, and Convent thairof, TO MAISTER
ROBERT COLVILL BROTHER TO THE SAID UMQUHILL COMMENDATOR," 15th April
1569.


II. JOHN ABBOT OF LINDORES, 1540-1566.

There is much less certainty in regard to this Abbot. In a deed dated
19th February 1539-40, John Abbot of Lindoris signs as Coadjutor and
Administrator of the Abbey of Kelso, during the minority of Lord James
Stewart Commendator, who was then under age. In 1540, John Abbot of
Lindores had a seat in Parliament; and four years later he appears as
one of the Lords of Session. In the Provincial Council held at
Edinburgh in 1549, he sat as Abbot; and, as Knox states under the year
1559, (vol. i. p. 392,) having submitted to the Congregation, he was
stigmatized as an apostate. In August 1560, he gave his sanction to
the Confession of Faith. John Commendator of Lindoris is named as
having been present at the meeting of the General Assembly, 25th June
1566, but probably did no long survive.

In the "Epistolæ Regum Scotorum," there is a letter addressed by John
Duke of Albany, Governor of Scotland, to Pope Hadrian the Sixth, dated
9th March 1521-2, which may assist in ascertaining this point. It
states that the venerable father, Henry Abbot of Lundoris, on account
of the increasing infirmities of age, "ad solicitudines et
vigilantiores loci sufferandos labores, præcipuum et probatum virum
JOHANNEM PHILP, inibi professum Monachum Presbyterum, delegit;" and
therefore he had resigned to him the Abbacy, reserving to himself for
life the revenues of this benefice, requesting his Holiness to confirm
the said John Philp as Abbot. "Johannes Philp" appears in the list of
Determinants in St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1536; and the
following year "M. Johannes Philp" is included among the Licentiates
for the higher degree of Master of Arts. That this person may have
been the son or nephew of the Abbot is by no means improbable.

It is not ascertained how long Abbot Henry, who sat in Parliament in
1513, may have survived the appointment of his coadjutor in 1522. That
Abbot John may have held the office for a period of forty-five years,
is, at least, a probable conjecture; and in the absence of more
direct proof, that this individual was JOHN PHILP, it may be noticed
that several persons of that name appear connected with Lindoros for a
length of time. Among others, (1.) James Philp of Ormeston, (who died
in 21st January 1579-80,) and Margaret Forrest his spouse, had a
charter of lands in the Grange of Lindores, 24th March 1574. According
to his testament, confirmed 26th April 1583, John Philp, burgess of
Newburgh, was his brother-german, and mention is made of Henry and
John Philpis, as his lawfull barnes. (2.) James Philp, junior, and
Margaret Philp his spouse, had a lease of 3-1/2 acres of land in the
regality of Lindoris, 18th October 1580. (3.) Letters of Legitimation
of Henry Philp, bastard, natural son of Mr. John Philp in Newtoun of
Lindoris, were granted 10th September 1580. (4.) The same person
styled simply Henry Philp, son of Mr. John Philp in Newburgh, had a
charter of five acres in the Hauch of Lundores in Fife, 21st December
1592.


III. JOHN BISHOP OF ROSS AND ABBOT OF LINDORES, 1560.

A few particulars may be added respecting another Abbot of Lindoris,
who was much more distinguished both in his literary and political
career--JOHN LESLEY, Bishop of Ross. He was born 29th September 1527.
Knox, at page 141 of this volume, calls him "a priest's gett," or
bastard; and this assertion is fully confirmed by some original
documents which Bishop Keith examined, showing that he was the natural
son of Gawin Lesley, parson of Kingussie in Badenoch, and Official of
the See of Murray. In 1537, John Lesley obtained a dispensation,
notwithstanding the defect of his birth, to become a clergyman. He was
inducted to a canonry in the Cathedral Church of Aberdeen and Ellon in
August 1550. He then spent four years abroad, in the study of the
civil and canon laws in the University of Poictiers; and was created a
Doctor of Laws at Paris. He returned to Scotland in April 1554; four
years later, in April 1558, he was appointed Official at Aberdeen; and
in July 1559, he was inducted to the parsonage, canonry, and prebend
of Oyne. In April 1561, he was deputed, on the part of the Roman
Catholic party, to invite the Queen to Scotland, after the death of
Francis the Second. He returned to Leith in the same vessel with her;
and for a period of upwards of twenty years continued one of the most
active and zealous adherents and assertors of the rights and character
of his Royal Mistress. On the 19th January 1563-4, he took his seat as
a Lord of Session, by his designation as Parson of Oyne. Soon
afterwards he obtained the Abbacy of Lindores _in commendam_; and
upon the death of Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, having been promoted
to the vacant See, his appointment was confirmed in April 1566.

Among the various documents relating to John Lesley parson of Oyne,
and afterwards Bishop of Ross, of which Keith has given some account,
is one, No. 7, which, if correctly stated, would have shown that the
name of the Abbot, his immediate predecessor, was also John Lesley. It
will be seen, however, that this is a mistake. Having obtained a sight
of the original paper, which is written in a small hand, and full of
contractions, it may be described as a petition intimating in the
usual form, that JOHN, ABBOT OF THE MONASTERY OF LINDORIS, of the
Order of St. Benedict, in the diocese of St. Andrews, had resigned the
Abbacy in favour of JOHN LESLIE, Clerk in the diocese of Murray, and a
Doctor of both Laws, who had a seat on the bench as one of the Lords
of Council in Scotland. To this added the _fiat ut petitur_, granting
Lesley a dispensation to hold this benefice _in commendam_. It is
dated "Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sexto Kal. Martij, Anno Primo." That
this was during the first year of the Pontificate of Pius V., (who was
elected on the 7th, and crowned on the 17th January 1565-66,) is
evident from the document itself, which refers to letters in favour of
Lesley, "by Henry and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland," thus fixing
the date to the 24th February 1566.

In June following, John Bishop of Ross, and Commendator of Lindores,
obtained a Royal mandate, and took an active part in regard to the
confirmation of various feu-farms of lands pertaining to the Abbey of
Lindores. In the letter describing Riccio's murder and the Queen's
conduct, addressed to the Council of England by the Earl of Bedford
and Sir Thomas Randolph, the 27th March 1566, it appears that Bishop
Lesley, along with his colleague James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, was
that night in Holyrood,--"Atholle had leave of the Kinge, with Flyske
_and Landores_, (_who was lately called Lyslaye, the Parson of Ovne_,)
to go where they wolde; and being convoide oute of the courte," &c.
(Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 229.)

The latter portion of Bishop Lesley's life is well known, and need not
be detailed--his imprisonment in England in 1571--his long residence
in different parts of the continent, and his death near Brussels on
the 31st May 1596, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. See in
particular the account of his life and writings, by Dr. Irving in his
"Lives of Scotish Writers," vol. i. p. 122, &c.

[Illustration: decoration]




GLOSSARY.


  A

  Aback, _to hold or keep back_.

  Abaid, _abode_.

  Abnegation, _denial_.

  Abone, abuif, _above_.

  Abyid, _abide_.

  Addettit, _indebted_.

  Adjonit, _adjoined_.

  Advoutrie, _adultery_.

  Affray, _terror_.

  Affrayid, _frightened_.

  Afoir, afore, _before_.

  Aggreage, _aggravate_.

  Agylytye, _agility_.

  Aiges, _ages_.

  Aithis, _oaths_.

  Aittis, _oats_.

  Alane, _alone_.

  Alay, _walk_, _alley_.

  Allanerlie, _solely_, _only_.

  Alluterlie, _entirely_, _wholly_.

  Almany, _Germany_.

  Almous, almouse, _alms_.

  Als, alse, _as_, _also_.

  Althocht, _although_.

  Alwise, _always_.

  Amangis, _amongst_.

  Ambassade, _embassy_.

  An, _if_.

  Ane, _one_, _a_.

  Anefold, _onefold_, _sincere_.

  Anent, _touching_, _concerning_.

  Anes, anis, _once_.

  Aneuche, _enough_.

  Appeiris, _appears_.

  Appell, _appeal_.

  Appone (_for_ oppone,) _oppose_.

  Appreve, _approve_.

  Arguessin, _lieutenant of a galley_.

  Armite, _hermit_.

  Art and part, _aider and abetter_.

  Assistaris, _assisters_.

  Astonyed, _astonished_.

  Attour, _besides_, _beyond_, _moreover_.

  Aucht, aught, _ought_.

  Aucht, awght, _eight_.

  Auditure, auditoure, _auditory_.

  Aughtand, _owing_.

  Aughtein, _eighteen_.

  Auld, _old_.

  Auncestouris, _ancestors_.

  Avoid, _remove_, _evacuate_.

  Avoutrie, _adultery_.

  Aw, _doth owe_.

  Awaitand, _waiting_.

  Awin, _own_.

  Ay, aye, _always_, _evermore_.

  Ayre and laitt, _early and late_.


  B

  Backis (to give), _to retreat_, _to turn their backs_.

  Baikin, _baken_.

  Baith, _both_.

  Baldness, _boldness_.

  Balling, _revelling_.

  Banded, _joined together_, _combined_.

  Bannis, _bans_.

  Barnes, bairnes, _child_, _children_, _also pupils_.

  Bauldlie, _boldly_.

  Bawbie, _a halfpenny_.

  Bayr, _bore_.

  Bayre, _bear_.

  Beand, _being_.

  Bear, _beer_.

  Beck, _bow down_.

  Begouth, _began_.

  Begynand, _beginning_.

  Beiris, _bears_.

  Belyiffit, _believed_.

  Belyve, _speedily_, _in a little time_.

  Beseik, _beseech_.

  Besiness, _business_.

  Besyde, _near hand_, _by_, _with_.

  Bigane, _bygone_.

  Bigged, biggit, _built_.

  Bill, _indytement_, _letter_, _petition_.

  Birsit, _bruised_, _pressed_.

  Birst, _burst_, _broke_.

  Blawe, blawin, _blow_, _blown_.

  Boddom, _bottom_.

  Boit, _boat_.

  Bolden, boldened, _to swell_, _swollen_, _embolden_.

  Boosome, _besom_.

  Bordell, _brothel_.

  Bordouris, _the Borders_.

  Bosses, _drunkards_.

  Bot, _but_.

  Bourd, _jest_.

  Bow, bowes, _an arched gate_, _gates_.

  Bowes, _Papal Bulls_.

  Boyth, _both_.

  Brack, _broke_.

  Bragg, braggis, _boast_, _boasting_.

  Braid, _broad_.

  Braid, breid, _bread_.

  Brede, _breed_.

  Brek, _breach_.

  Brek, _separate_.

  Breke, _break_.

  Brethir, _brothers_, _brethren_.

  Breve, _brief_.

  Brig, _bridge_.

  Brocht, _brought_.

  Brod, _board_.

  Broillie, _disturbance_.

  Browen, _brewed_.

  Bruikit, _enjoyed_.

  Bruited, _reported_.

  Bruittis, bruytis, _reports_.

  Bruke, bruik, _enjoy_.

  Brunt, brynt, _burned_.

  Bucheowris, bowcheouris, _butchers_.

  Buddis, _buds_, _blossoms_.

  Buddis, _bribes_.

  Buffatis, _blows_.

  Buikis, _books_.

  Buirdeit, _boarded_.

  Buist, buistis, _box_, _chest_.

  Buist, (_for_ browst,) _brewing_.

  Burding, bourding, _jesting_.

  Burn his bill, _make recantation_.

  Burstit, _burst_.

  But, _without_.

  Buttis, bootis, _butts_.

  Byding, _staying_, _waiting_.

  Bylle, _bill_.

  Byrunne, _bypast_, _bygone_.

  Byrse, _bristle, used metaphorically for the beard_.


  C

  Cagots, _an unfortunate race of people in the Pyrenees,
        included by French writers among the_ Races maudîtes.

  Cair, _care_.

  Cairtis, _cards_.

  Cais, _case_.

  Cald, _cold_.

  Calsay, _causeway_.

  Cammoise, _canvas_, _coarse linen_.

  Camped, _encamped_.

  Campionnes, _champions_.

  Cannabie, _canopy_.

  Carcageis, _carcasses_.

  Cartit, _carted_, _exposed as a malefactor_.

  Carvit, _carved_.

  Cassin, cassein, _cast_.

  Cassit, _set aside_.

  Cauldness, _coldness_.

  Cautioner, _surety_.

  Cayr, _care_.

  Ceis, ceissit, _cease_, _ceased_.

  Censement, _judgment_, _opinion_.

  Certane (a), _certain number_.

  Certes, _truly_, _of a truth_.

  Chalmer-cheild, _valet-de-chambre_.

  Chayre (open), _pulpit_, _public place_.

  Cheaf, _sheaf_.

  Cheinzies, _chains_.

  Cheise, cheisit, _choose_, _choosed_.

  Chymlay, _grate_, _chimney_.

  Claw-backs, _flatterers_.

  Clengeit, _acquitted_, _cleansed_.

  Cleything, _cloathing_.

  Clois, _close_.

  Cloiss, _court_, _narrow lane_, _inclosure_.

  Clud, _cloud_.

  Cockle, _a weed abounding chiefly in corn-fields_.

  Coft, _bought_.

  Cohort, _exhort_.

  Cold, _could_.

  Collationat, _collated_, _examined word by word_.

  Colourit, _pretended_, _apparent_.

  Commend, _a benefice_ in commendam.

  Commendatar, _Commendator, who enjoys the rents of an Abbacy
        or other Benefice_.

  Commoun, _common_.

  Community, _commonality_.

  Companyounis, _companions_.

  Compeir, _appear_.

  Compone, _agree_.

  Compt, comptis, _account_, _accounts_.

  Comptit, _reckoned_, _accounted_.

  Conjured, _sworn_.

  Consaif, _conceive_.

  Consignit, _consigned_, _safely deposited_.

  Consuetude, _custom_.

  Contraryes, _opposers_, _contradictors_.

  Contynew, _continue_.

  Convenit, _convened_, _assembled_, _met together_.

  Conveyit, _conveyed_.

  Conzie-house, _the coining or mint-house._

  Conzied, _coined_.

  Cope, _covering_.

  Corse, _corpse_.

  Coule, cowll, _a cowl or cap_.

  Coup, cowp, _cup_.

  Cowhuby, _cowherd_.

  Cowpit up, _turned upside down_.

  Craftis, _craftsmen_.

  Craig, craggis, _rock_, _rocks_.

  Craig, _throat_.

  Crazit, _infirm_.

  Creatit, _created_.

  Creillis, crealles, _panniers, or wicker-baskets_.

  Crock, _a kind of musket_.

  Croppin, _crept_.

  Crown of the Sun, _a gold coin of the valve of_ 18_s._

  Cullorit, _pretended_, _coloured_.

  Cullroun, _silly fellow_.

  Culveringis, _firelocks_.

  Cumed, cumit, _come_, _proceeded_.

  Cummer, _trouble_.

  Cunning, _skilful_, _knowing_.

  Cunzie to be cunzeit, _money to be coined_.

  Cursing, _excommunication_.


  D

  Dadding, _beating_, _knocking_.

  Dagg, _a pistol_.

  Dagged, _shot thickly_.

  Dalye, _daily_.

  Dampne, damne, _condemn_.

  Dantoun, _intimidate_.

  Darnell, _a common weed_.

  Debtful, _due_, _indebted_.

  Debtfully, _duly_.

  Decernit, _adjudged_, _decreed_.

  Decoir, _decorate_.

  Decreyt, _decree_.

  Decydit, _decided_.

  Deid, _death_;
    deid, _died_.

  Deidis, _deeds, or doings_.

  Delatioun, _accusation_.

  Delaytit, delatit, _accused_, _summoned_.

  Demanit, _ill used_.

  Denude, _resign_, _take away_.

  Depesche, depeches, _dispatch_, _dispatches_.

  Deponar, _deponent_.

  Deposed, _laid down_.

  Deprehended, _taken_, _apprehended_.

  Derthing, _dearth_, _scarcity_.

  Desone, _dozen_.

  Desparat, _desperate_, _hopeless_.

  Desyres, _desires_.

  Dettis, _debts_.

  Devulgatt, _divulged_.

  Dey, _die_.

  Dictament, _dictation_.

  Dicton, _a motto_, _inscription_.

  Din, _noise_.

  Ding, _defeat_, _drive_, _overcome_.

  Disaguisit, _disguised_.

  Dispite, _grudge_.

  Dispone, _dispose_.

  Dissait, _deceit_.

  Disseased, _died_, _deceased_.

  Divagatioun, _wandering_.

  Divulgat, _divulged_.

  Dochtir, dowchter, _daughter_.

  Domage, _damage_.

  Dome, domme, _dumb_.

  Dome, _doom_.

  Dong, dung, _driven_, _beat down_;
    doung back, _driven back_.

  Dontibouris.--Dr. Jamieson explains this, _probably courtezans_.

  Dortour, _a sleeping place or dormitory_.

  Dote, _dowry_.

  Dotit, dotted, _endowed_.

  Doun-thring, _pull down_, _oppress_.

  Doutis, _doubts_.

  Doutit, _doubted_.

  Dow (can), _can effect_.

  Dowbill, _double_, _copy_.

  Draw-brig, _draw-bridge_.

  Drawin, _drawn_.

  Dreddouris, _fears_, _terrors_.

  Dress, _manage_, _prepare_.

  Dressit, _addressed_.

  Dryft of tyme, _lapse of time_.

  Duck, _Duke_.

  Duiris, duris, durris, _doors_.

  Dule-wead, _mourning-garments_.

  Dytit, _dictated_.

  Dytement, _dittay_, _indictment_.

  Dyke, _wall_, _fence_.


  E

  Effauld, anefald, _honest_, _sincere_.

  Effayres, _affairs_.

  Effectuous, _effectual_.

  Effeiris, _concerns_.

  Effeiris (as), _as accords_.

  Effray, _confusion_, _fear_.

  Effrayit, _afraid_, _frightened_.

  Eftir, _after_.

  Eik, eikit, _add_, _added_.

  Eik (an), _an addition_.

  Eikand, _adding_.

  Eird, erd, _earth_.

  Eirdit, _buried_.

  Eirdly, _earthly_.

  Eis, eyis, _eyes_.

  Eit, _eat_.

  Ellis, ells, _already_, _also_.

  Embassade, _embassage_.

  Eme, _uncle_, _kinsman_.

  Emonge, emongis, _among_, _amongst_.

  Empeach, empesch, _oppose_, _hinder_.

  Empreasonment, _imprisonment_.

  Ensenzie, _standard_, _banner_.

  Enteress, _interest_.

  Entres, _entrance_, _access_.

  Ere, _before_.

  Erst, _already_.

  Eschape, _escape_.

  Eschaipit, _escaped_.

  Escheitts, _escheats_.

  Eschewit, _avoided_.

  Esperance, _hope_, _expectation_.

  Espye, _perceive_, _to behold_.

  Espyellis, _spies_.

  Estaitis, _estates_.

  Estimett, _esteemed_.

  Evangell, _Gospel_.

  Evinly, _fair_, _honest_, _equal_.

  Ewest, _towards_, _nearest_.

  Exerce, _exercise_.

  Exonerit, _cleared_, _acquitted_.

  Expone, _expose_, _explain_.

  Exprimit, exprymit, _expressed_, _mentioned_.

  Extingeise, _extinguish_.

  Extrye, _axle-tree_.


  F

  Fader, _father_.

  Fais, _foes_.

  Falcone, _a cannon_.

  Falsett, _falsehood_.

  Fand, _found_.

  Fard, _ardour_, _violence_.

  Farder, _further_.

  Fashous, _troublesome_.

  Fassoun, _fashion_.

  Faught, fawght, _fought_.

  Feads, _feuds_.

  Feallis, _dependants_.

  Fecht, ficht, _fight_.

  Feir, fere, foiris, _fear_, _fears_.

  Fenzie, _feign_.

  Fenzeit, _feigned_, _dissembled_.

  Ferd, feird, _fourth_.

  Ferses, _pageants_.

  Fertour, _a little chest, or coffer_.

  Fest, _fast_.

  Figowreis, _figures_, _types_.

  Flambis, flammes, _flames_.

  Fleyed, _frightened_.

  Flingaris, _dancers_.

  Flyrt and flyre, _mock and deride_.

  Fole, _foal_.

  Foranent, _over-against_.

  Forbearis, _ancestors_.

  Forder, _promote_, _further_, _set forward_.

  Forespake, foirspak, _foretold_.

  Forgeit, _forged_.

  Forgett, _forgotten_.

  Forgevance, _forgiveness_.

  Forrow, _foray_.

  Forsamekill, _for as much_.

  Forsuith, _truly_, _indeed_, _verily_.

  Foryett, _forget_, _forgot_.

  Foursum, _some four_.

  Fowsee, fowsees, _foss_, _ditches_.

  Frack, _bold_, _resolute_;
    maid frack, _made ready_, _prepared_.

  Fracklie, _stoutly_, _boldly_.

  Fray, _fright_, _panic_.

  Frear, _friar_.

  Freisit, _frozen_.

  Fruct, fructis, _fruit_, _fruits_.

  Fuillis, _fools_.

  Fule, _fool_.

  Fulische, _foolish_.

  Furiouris, _scouts, also a foraging party_.

  Fute, futt, _foot_.

  Fye, fie, _fee_.

  Fylit, _guilty_.


  G

  Ga, _go_.

  Gadder, _gather_.

  Gaitt, _street, or way_.

  Galayis, gallayis, _galleys_.

  Gamound, gawmound, _gambol_.

  Gang, gangand, _went_, _going_.

  Gangand against, _complaining of_, _opposing_.

  Gangis, _goes, or leads to_.

  Garneyshed, _adorned_, _garrisoned_.

  Gar, gart, _made_, _compelled_, _caused_.

  Garreson, _garrison_.

  Gat, _got_.

  Gawfe, _burst of laughter_.

  Gear, _wealth_, _possessions_.

  Gefe, geve, gif, _gave_.

  Gernall, girnall, _granary_.

  Gett, _bastard_.

  Gevin, _gives_.

  Gif, _if_.

  Gin, _if_.

  Glister, _lustre_.

  Gloudouris, _in a state of ill humour_.

  Glowming, _frowning_.

  Gluffis, _gloves_.

  Goddis woundis, _a profane oath_.

  Gois, _goes_.

  Good-night, _to take farewell_.

  Gracis, _graces_.

  Graith, _harness_, _wares_, _furniture_.

  Grandschir, _grandfather_.

  Greis, _degrees_.

  Greit, _salute_.

  Greit, greitting, _weep_, _weeping_.

  Greitness, _grandeur_.

  Greitomlie, _greatly_.

  Grit, _great_.

  Gude, guidis, _good_, _goods_.

  Gudlie, _conveniently_.

  Guitchir, _grandfather by the mother's side_.

  Gyrth, _sanctuary_.


  H

  Habilitie, _ability_, _capacity_.

  Hable, _able_, _qualified_.

  Hackquebote, haquebute, _hagbut, a kind of short musket_.

  Haif, _have_.

  Haill, hoill, _whole_.

  Hailsome, _wholesome_.

  Haillely, _wholly_.

  Haistyet, _made haste_.

  Hait, haitterent, _hatred_.

  Haldin, _held_, _detained_.

  Halse, _throat_.

  Hame, _home_.

  Hamesuckin, _a law term for beating or assaulting a person
        within his own house_.

  Happit, hoppid, _leaped_, _skipped_.

  Hard, _heard_.

  Hard-heidis, _name of a small coin_.

  Harle, _drag_, _draw_.

  Havand, _having_.

  Hecht, _promised_.

  Hechtis, _vows_.

  Heich, _high_.

  Heichar, _higher_.

  Heid, _head_.

  Heiranent, _therein_.

  Heirfoir, _therefore_.

  Helas, _alace_.

  Helsumness, _wholesomeness_, _health_.

  Helvetia, _Switzerland_.

  Herbrie, _harbour_.

  Herschip, hereschipe, _depredation_, _a plundering expedition_.

  Hes, _has_.

  Hie, _he_.

  Hie, _high_.

  Hie-gate, _high-street_.

  Hingis, _hangs_.

  Hipoticary, _apothecary_.

  Hoggish, _harsh_, _swinish_.

  Hoise, _hose_.

  Hole, holesum, _whole_, _wholesome_.

  Holy, hollie, _wholly_.

  Homlock, _hemlock_.

  Hoore, _whore_.

  Hoppeit, _leaped_.

  Horne, put to the horn, _denounced a rebel_.

  Hot, _heat_.

  Humill, humilly, _humble_, _humbly_.


  I

  Ilk, _every_.

  Illuster, _illustrious_.

  Impesch, _hinder_, _prevent_.

  Impyre, _bear rule_, _govern_.

  Incertaine, _uncertain_.

  Inch, _small isle, or island_.

  Incke, _ink_.

  Incontinent, _forthwith_.

  Incredulitie, _unbelief_.

  Increse, _increase_.

  Induration, _hardness_.

  Indurat, indureit, _hardened_, _impenitent_.

  Induring, _during_.

  Inemitie, _enmity_.

  Inflamb, _inflame_.

  Inflambed, inflammed, _inflamed_.

  Ingrait, _ungrateful_.

  Ingynis, _ingenuity_.

  Inbabill, _unable_, _disable_.

  Inlaik, inlake, _deficient_, _want_, _absence_.

  Inquiett, _disquiet_.

  Insamekill, _insomuch_.

  Insew, _ensue_.

  Intrappit, _insnared_.

  Intromittit, _intrometted_, _meddled with_.

  Intrused, _intruded_.

  Irons (prenting), _instruments for coining_.

  Ische, _the act of coming out_, _passing forth_.


  J

  Jacks, _quilted garments for defence_, _coat-of-mail_.

  Jackmen, _armed followers_.

  Jefwellis, _knaves, or a contemptuous expression, equivalent to
        "jailbird," derived from_ javel, jeffell, _jail or prison_.

  Joiss, joyse, _enjoy_.

  Jouk, _stoop down_.

  Jow the bell, _toll the bell_.

  Joyousite, _pleasure_.

  Justifieing to the dead, _executed_, _put to death_.


  K

  Keching, _kitchen_.

  Ken, _know_.

  Kendillit, kendilled, _kindled_.

  Kennand, _inticing_, _directing_.

  Kepid, _kept_.

  Ketterelles, _base fellows_.

  Kirk, _church_.

  Knapped, _struck_.

  Knapscall, a _covering for the head_, _a head-piece_.

  Knaw, _know_.

  Knawlegand, _knowing_.

  Knycht, _knight_.

  Kow, _cow_.

  Kyn, _kindred_, _kin_.

  Kystis, _chests_.

  Kythed, _shown_, _exhibited_.


  L

  Lack, laik, _want_.

  Laif, _loaf_.

  Laik, _want_, _deficiency_.

  Laird, (_sometimes written_ Lord,) _a landholder, under the
        degree of a Knight_.

  Lakeing, _lacking_, _wanting_.

  Lang, _long_.

  Langis, _towards_.

  Lapp up, _leaped up_.

  Lap in, _leaped in_.

  Lappit, _wrapped up_, _enclosed_.

  Lassour, _leisure_.

  Latt, _forbear_.

  Lauchfull, _lawful_.

  Lave, _leave_.

  Lawis, _laws_.

  Lawly, lawlie, _lowly_.

  Lefull, leichfull, _lawful_.

  Leif, _leave_.

  Leif, as leif, _willing_.

  Leill, _true_, _honest_.

  Leis, _lyes_.

  Leisingis, _falsehoods_.

  Lentron, _time of Lent_.

  Leprouse, _lepers_, _afflicted with leprosy_.

  Less-age, _non-age_, _under-age_.

  Lestand, _lasting_.

  Lestit, _lasted_.

  Lesum, _lawful_.

  Lettin down, _let down_.

  Levand, _living_.

  Levely, _lively_.

  Lever, _rather_.

  Levis, _lives_.

  Leving, _living_.

  Leyaris, _liars_.

  Lichtness, _levity_, _merriment_.

  Lifting, _exacting_, _levying_.

  Limmis, _limbs_.

  Lippin, _depend_, _rely upon_.

  Lois, _loss_.

  Loppin, _leapt_.

  Lothesomness, _very loath_, _unwillingness_.

  Loup, _leap_.

  Loveabill, _laudable_, _allowable_, _lawful_.

  Lovittis, _beloved_.

  Lowsitt, _loosed_.

  Ludgeit, _lodged_.

  Lufe, luif, _love_

  Luifsome, _lovely_.

  Luifer, _lover_.

  Luik, _look_.

  Luiking, _looking_.

  Lyck, lyked, _lick_, _licked_.

  Lycour, _liquor_.

  Lyek, lyik, lycke, _like_.

  Lyeff, lyff, _life_.

  Lymmaris, _an opprobrious term, vagabonds_.

  Lyne, _lain_.

  Lytill, _little_.


  M

  Mack, maik, _make_.

  Maid, _made_.

  Maikis, _makes_.

  Maill, _rent_, _duty_.

  Mair, _more_.

  Makand, _making_.

  Malhure, malleure, _misfortune_.

  Mallapert, _arrogant_, _presumptuous_.

  Man, maun, _must_.

  Manassingis, _menaings_, _threatenings_.

  Mank, _deficient_, _imperfect_.

  Manrent (bond of), _engagement of a vassal to his superior_.

  Marcat-croce, _market-cross_.

  Mark, merk, _a silver coin of the value of 13s. 4d. Scotish
        money, or 1s. 1-1/3d. sterling_.

  Marmouset, _a little monkey_.

  Marrow, _mate_, _fellow_, _companion_.

  Matynes, _matins_, _morning prayers_.

  Meary, mearely, _merry_, _merrily_.

  Meddill, _middle_.

  Mekle, meikle, _much_.

  Mell, _meddle_.

  Mensworn, _perjured_.

  Ment, _meant_.

  Menzie, _crowd of followers_.

  Met, _measure_.

  Metar, _meeter_, _more proper_.

  Minister, _administer_.

  Minstrel, _musician_.

  Minzeonis, _minions_.

  Mirk, _dark_.

  Mister, myster, _need_.

  Mo, _more_.

  Moder, _mother_.

  Moist, _most_.

  Mon, _must_.

  Monifould, _manifold_.

  Mony, _many_.

  Morn, _next day_.

  Morrion, _a steel cap or helmet_.

  Mote, _may_, _might_.

  Movit, _moved_.

  Moyen, _interest_, _power_.

  Mummeris, _jesters_.

  Murmour, _regret_, _murmur_.

  Myddis, _midst_.

  Mylnes, _mills_.

  Mynded, _proposed_.

  Mynt, _aim at_, _essay_.


  N

  Na, _no_.

  Nakit, _naked_.

  Namit, _named_.

  Narrest, _nearest_.

  Naturall, _disposition_, _affection_.

  Ne, _nor_.

  Nellis, _fists_.

  Nevelling, _blows with the fists_.

  Ney, _nigh_.

  Nocht, _not_.

  Nor, _than_.

  Notour, _notorious_, _well known_.

  Noumer, _number_.

  Nowther, _nor_, _neither_.

  Nuik, _corner_.

  Nune, _noon_.

  Nuriss, _nurse, also nourish_.

  Nychtbour, _neighbour_.

  Nychtis, _nights_.


  O

  Obleyst, _obliged_.

  Oblissand, _obliging_.

  Oblisse, _oblige_.

  Of befoir, _frequently_, _oft before_.

  Officiaris, _officers_.

  Ofter, _often_.

  Ones, _once_.

  Onless, _unless_.

  Ony, _any_.

  Oppin, _open_.

  Oppinit, _opened_.

  Oppone, opponeing, _oppose_, _opposing_.

  Or, _before_.

  Oraison, _oration_.

  Outher, _either_.

  Oulk, _week_.

  Oure, owre, _over_.

  Over-thorte, _across_.

  Owerluikit, _overlooked_.

  Owerquhelm, _overwhelm_.


  P

  Pacocke, _peacock_.

  Paip, _Pope_.

  Palycanis, _pavilions_.

  Palzeoun, _pavilion_.

  Pane, _pains_, _labour_.

  Pannel, _a criminal, or person impeached_.

  Pareiss, _parish_.

  Parochinaris, _parishioners_.

  Parson, _person_.

  Pasche, _Easter_.

  Pasche-evin, _Easter-eve_.

  Pasementit, _laced_.

  Patrocinye, _patronage_.

  Patron, _skipper_, _master of a vessel_.

  Pauckis, _cunning_, _sly practices_, _artifice_.

  Paynis, _pains_.

  Peir, pier, _equal_.

  Peregryne, _stranger_, _foreigner_.

  Phrenesy, _insanity_, _phrenzy_.

  Pickis, _pikes_.

  Pik, _pitch_.

  Placeboes, _parasites_, _applauders_.

  Plack, _a small coin, the third of a penny sterling_.

  Plaiges, _pledges_, _hostages_.

  Platt, _plan or model_.

  Platt, _plot_.

  Playnit, _complained_.

  Pleinyeing, _complaining_.

  Plenzeit, _complained_.

  Pleuch, _plough_.

  Pock, polkis, _bag_, _bags_.

  Policy, _polity_, _form of government_.

  Pollicie, _device_.

  Portis, _posts_, _gates_.

  Pose, poise, _hoard_, _money in store_.

  Posted, postit, _sent_, _communicated_.

  Postis, _messengers_.

  Pottingar, _apothecary_.

  Poulder, _powder_.

  Practick, _practises_.

  Praysit, _praised_.

  Prease, _press_.

  Preassit, _attempted_.

  Prechouris, _preachers_.

  Preichit, _preached_.

  Preif, _proof_.

  Presoneris, _prisoners_.

  Prevented, _preceded_, _going before_.

  Princes, _princess_.

  Proclamit, _proclaimed_.

  Proctours, _procurators_, _proxies_.

  Proiffit, _proved_.

  Promittis, _engages_, _promises_.

  Proporte, _purport_.

  Propyne, _offering_.

  Propyned, _gift presented_.

  Provents, _revenues_.

  Provyd, _providing_.

  Puir, pure, _poor_.

  Puneist, punist, _punished_.

  Pynouris, _workmen_, _pioneers_.


  Q

  Quatt, _quit_, _relinquish_.

  Querrel, _quarrel_, _cause_, _interest_.

  Quhair, _where_.

  Quhairas, _whereas_.

  Quhais, quhois, _whose_.

  Quhame, _whom_.

  Quharintill, _wherein_.

  Quhat, _what_.

  Quhidder, _whither_.

  Quhilk, _which_.

  Quhill, _until_.

  Quhilum, _sometimes_, _deceased_.

  Quhow, _how_.

  Quhynger, _hanger_, _a short broad-sword_.

  Quick, _living_.

  Quitclaimis, _absolves_, _renounces_.


  R

  Raccompt, _account_.

  Raid, _foray_, _border excursion_.

  Raid, _rode_.

  Rainzeis, _reins_.

  Raiss, _rose_.

  Rakeless, _rash_.

  Rapper, _rapier_.

  Rasit, _raised_.

  Rawishe, _ravish_.

  Rayd, _rode, or expedition_.

  Reacomteris, _rencounters_.

  Rebellours, _rebels_.

  Reciproce, _reciprocal_.

  Recklessnes, _rashness_.

  Reclamit, _proclaimed_.

  Recule, _recoil_, _fall back_.

  Reculling, _falling back_.

  Red, _read_.

  Rede, _advice_, _counsel_.

  Reft, _ravaged_.

  Refusand, _refusing_.

  Regardand, _regarding_.

  Regentrie, _regency_.

  Regiment, _government_.

  Reid, _rode_.

  Reif, _ravage_, _theft_.

  Reifeit, _plundered_.

  Remanent, _remainder_.

  Remeid, _remedy_.

  Remit, _remission_.

  Repugn, _impugn_.

  Resett, _receive_, _harbour_.

  Resolute, _consonant_, _agreeable to_.

  Ressait, _receipt_.

  Ressavit, _received_.

  Retearis, _retires_.

  Revocalit, _recalled_.

  Rewill, _rule_.

  Rewyne, _ruin_.

  Reyll, _reel_, _stagger_.

  Ring, _reign_.

  Rive, _tear_, _rend_.

  Roose, _praise_, _commend_.

  Roundit, _whispered_.

  Roung, _reigned_.

  Rowme, _place_.

  Rowpit, _cracked_.

  Rubberie, _robbery_.

  Ruit, _root_.

  Ruse, _boast_.

  Rycht, _right_.

  Rynnis, _runs_.

  Ryped, _searched_.

  Ryvar, ryvere, _river_.

  Ryve, _tear_.


  S

  Sa, _so_.

  Saccage, _spoil or pillage_.

  Sacrate, _consecrated_.

  Sackless, _guiltless_.

  Sacklesslie, _innocently_, _without guile_.

  Saddest, _very sad, or melancholy_.

  Sair, _sore_.

  Sait, _throne_.

  Salfgard, _safeguard_.

  Sall, _shall_.

  Saltable, _open to assault_.

  Samin, _same_.

  Sanctis, _saints_.

  Sark, _shirt_.

  Saule, saulis, _soul_, _souls_.

  Sawin, _sown_.

  Scabruslie, _doubtfully_.

  Scaillis, _scaling-ladders_.

  Schaike, _shake_.

  Schavellings, _a term of contempt applied to Churchmen having
        their heads shaved_.

  Schaw, schawis, _show_, _shows_.

  Schawin, _shown_.

  Scho, _she_.

  Schone, _shoes_.

  Schopped, _chopped_, _struck_.

  Schot, _shot_.

  Schote, schuitt, _shoot_.

  Schuik, _shook_.

  Schybaldis, scybaldis, _mean, worthless fellows_.

  Schyftis, _shifts_.

  Sclait, sclaittis, _slate_, _slates_.

  Scouparis, _skippers_, _dancers_.

  Scrippit, _mocked_, _derided_.

  Seallie, sely, _silly_, _helpless_.

  Secritar, _secretary_.

  Seidgit, _besieged_.

  Seik, _sick_.

  Seill, seillis, _seal_, _seals_.

  Semblabile, _like_.

  Sen, _then_, _thereafter_.

  Sen, sensyne, _since_.

  Send, _sent_.

  Senzie, _synod_, _assembly_.

  Serk, _shirt_.

  Sers, _search_.

  Servitouris, _servants_, _attendants_.

  Sew, _saw_, _sow_, _disperse_.

  Sey, _sea_.

  Seym, _seem_.

  Schir, _sir_.

  Schored, _threatened_.

  Schort space, _for a small way_.

  Schyris, _shires_, _counties_.

  Sic, sick, _such_.

  Sicht, _sight_.

  Sicklyke, _also_.

  Side, _signifies long, when applied to wearing apparel_.

  Sindered, _parted_, _separated_.

  Singular, _single_.

  Skaill, _disperse_, _separate_.

  Skair, _fright_.

  Skairse, _scarce_.

  Skaith, _harm_, _prejudice_, _hurt_, _damage_.

  Skaithless, _blameless_, _harmless_.

  Skarslie, _sparingly_.

  Skeife, _powerful_, _well provided? probably from_ skaff, _food_,
        _provision_.

  Skooft, _mocked_, _scoft_.

  Skrimpled, _scorched_.

  Skruiff, _applied to money that is both thin and base_.

  Slap, slop, _breach or broken_.

  Slepand, _sleeping_.

  Slockened, _quenched_.

  Slogorne, _war-cry_.

  Smaikis, _mean, pusillanimous fellows_.

  Smored, _smothered_.

  Smote, _blot or stain_.

  Smyrk, _smile_.

  Snapparis, _stumbles_.

  Sned, _pruned_, _lopped off_.

  Snouttis, _heads_, _beaks of vessels_.

  Socht, _sought_.

  Soldartis, _soldiers_.

  Solempn, _solemn_.

  Solempnizat, _solemnized_.

  Solist, _solicitous_, _careful_, _eager_.

  Solistaris, _solicitors_.

  Soliste, _solicite_.

  Somer, _summer_.

  Sone, _soon_.

  Sone, _sun_.

  Sonnar, sonner, _sooner_.

  Sowmis, soumeis, _sums_.

  Sowp, souppit, _sup_, _supped_.

  Sowped, souppit, _swept_.

  Sowtar, _shoemaker_.

  Spack, _spake_.

  Spanes, _Spanish_.

  Sparsit, sparsed, _spread abroad_, _circulated_.

  Speirit, _asked_, _inquired_.

  Speris, _spears_.

  Splentis, _armour for the legs_.

  Sponk, _spark_.

  Spreat, Spreit, _the Holy Spirit_.

  Spulzie, _spoils_.

  Spulzeit, spuilzeid, _spoiled_, _plundered_.

  Spune, _horn-spoon_.

  Spurtill, _a wooden stick used for stirring pottage when boiling_.

  Stableis, _establish_.

  Stabillis, _stables_.

  Stall, _stole_.

  Stammered, _staggered, or thrown down_.

  Stane, stainis, _stone_, _stones_.

  Stark, _strong_.

  Stark money, _good coin_.

  Stay, _hindrance_.

  Steik, _shut_.

  Steikand, _shutting_.

  Steir thair taills, _bestir themselves_.

  Sticked, _run through_.

  Stogged, _stabbed_.

  Stoir, _store_.

  Stoole, stuill, _pulpit_.

  Stope, _hindrance_.

  Stowth, _theft_.

  Stracking saill, _shortening sail_.

  Strakis, straikis, _blows_.

  Strang, _strong_.

  Strowit, _covered_, _strewed_.

  Stryck, _strike_.

  Strykin--the field was strykin, _fought_, _the battle was fought_.

  Sturt, _disturbance_, _grief_, _trouble_.

  Styff (haldeth), _holdeth fast_.

  Stylit, _stiled_, _designed_.

  Sua, _so_.

  Subdittis, _subjects_.

  Subscryve, _subscribe_.

  Subscrivit, subscryving, _subscribed_, _subscribing_.

  Suddartis, _soldiers_.

  Sueir, _swear_.

  Suir, _sure_.

  Suld, _should_.

  Sum, _some_.

  Sumquhat, _somewhat_.

  Suppostis, _followers_, _adherents_.

  Surfett, _surface_.

  Suyttis, suytit, _suits_, _solicited_.

  Suyting, _soliciting_.

  Swash, _a drum_.

  Sweard, sweardis, _sword_, _swords_.

  Swongeoris, _drones_, _sluggards_.

  Swynge, _rule_.

  Syndre, _sundry_.

  Syne, _afterwards_.

  Sythense, _since_.


  T

  Tabornes, _tabors_.

  Tack, _take_.

  Tackin, taikin, _taking_.

  Taigill, _retard_, _hinder_, _entangle_.

  Take, _taken_.

  Takinnis, taikinnis, _tokens_.

  Takkis, _leases_.

  Tanted, _taunted_, _reproached_.

  Tants, _taunts_.

  Targetting of thair tailles, _bordering their gowns with tassels_.

  Tarie, _stay_.

  Teiris, _tears_.

  Tendernes of blood, _proximity of blood_.

  Teythes, _tythes_.

  Thai, _they_.

  Thairfoir, _therefore_.

  Thairfrae, _from thence_.

  Thak, _thatch_.

  Tham, _them_.

  Thare, thair, _there_.

  Thei, _these_.

  Theiranent, _thereabout_.

  The self, _itself_.

  Thinkand, _thinking_.

  Thir, _these_.

  Thocht, _though_, _although_.

  Thole, thoill, thoillis, _suffer_, _undergo_, _endures_.

  Thrall, _enslave_, _overcome_.

  Thriddis, thrid, _third_, _third part_.

  Thrist, thristit, _longing_, _desired_.

  Throcht, throwght, _through_.

  Thrustit, _thirsted_.

  Thyne, _thence_.

  Tickattis, _placards_.

  Till, _to_, _unto_.

  Tint, _lost_.

  Tirrit, _teased_, _stript_.

  Tolbouth, _the prison, also the place where sometimes the Courts
        of Justice sat_.

  Toome, tume, _empty_.

  Tor of the chyre, _arm of the chair_.

  Towartis, _towards_, _to_.

  Traist, _trust_.

  Trap, _entrap_.

  Travailled, _endeavoured_, _laboured_.

  Trawall, travaill, _travel_.

  Treatie, _treatise_.

  Tressoun, _treason_.

  Trow, _believe_.

  Tryist, _appointment_.

  Tryit, _tryed_.

  Trynschis, _trenches_.

  Trysting, _appointing_.

  Tuck, tuick, _took_.

  Tuich, tueich, _touch_.

  Turnpike, _winding stairs_.

  Turse, _carry_, (_in bundles or turses_.)

  Tweiched, tweiching, _touched_, _touching_.

  Tweich-stone, _touch-stone_.

  Tykis (mastif), _mastiff dogs_.

  Tymmer, _timber_.

  Tymous, _betimes_, _early_.

  Tyne, _lose_.

  Tynsall, _loss_.

  Tynt, _lost_.

  Tyran, _tyrant_.

  Tytillis, _tiths_.


  U

  Umquhill, _late_, _deceased_.

  Uncunzeit, _uncoined_.

  Underly, _lie under_, _undergo_.

  Understand, _understood_.

  Unhap, _unhappy_, _unhappiness_.

  Unhappe, _misfortune_, _mischance_.

  Unknawin, _unknown_.

  Unleisum, _unlawful_.

  Upfall, _what casts up_, _an incident_.

  Uphald, _uphold_.

  Utermaist, _uttermost_.

  Utheris, _others_.

  Uttermost prick, _extreme point_, _the smallest iota_.

  Utwith, _without_.


  V

  Vaik, vaking, _vacant_.

  Valable, _valid_.

  Valour, _value_.

  Veray, verray, _very_.

  Veseit, _visited_.

  Vincust, _vanquished_.

  Visie, _visit_.

  Vissorne, _mark_.

  Vivaris, viweris, _provisions_, _victuals_.

  Voce, voces, _voice_, _voices_.

  Voit, _vote_.


  W

  Wadset, wodset, _mortgaged_.

  Wae, _sorrowful_, _grieved_.

  Wait, God wait, _wot_, _God knows_.

  Walkryfe, _watchful_, _careful_.

  Walkynit, walknit, _awaked out of sleep_.

  Wan, _did win_.

  Wan-weird, _bad or ill fortune_.

  Wappinis, _weapons_.

  War, _were_.

  War, _worse_.

  Wardill, warld, _world_.

  Wardit, _in ward or custody_.

  Wark, _work_.

  Was, _in the singular number oftentimes for were_.

  Wat-nocht, _understood not_.

  Wayit, _weighed_, _considered_.

  Wecht, _weight_.

  Wedder, _weather_.

  Weddir, _sheep_.

  We do you wit, _know ye_.

  Weill, weall, _well_, _welfare_.

  Weris, _wars_.

  Wes, _was_.

  Weseing, _visiting_, _viewing_.

  Weyit, _weighed_, _considered_.

  Whais, _whose_.

  While, whill, _until_.

  Whilk, _which_.

  Whill, a while, _for a time_.

  Whinger, a _short broad-sword_.

  Whyder, _whether_.

  Wief, wieffis, _wife_, _wives_.

  Wirk, _work_.

  Wirking, _working_.

  Wirschep, _worship_.

  Wissit, _wished_.

  Witt, wyte, _blame_.

  Wod, _mad_.

  Wold, _would_.

  Wolter, _overturn_.

  Wousche, _washed_.

  Wowaris, _wooers_.

  Wraitt, wrett, _wrote_.

  Wrak, _wrong_, _undoing_.

  Wretar, _writer_.

  Wrocht, _wrought_.

  Wyif, _wife_.

  Wynd, wind, _street_, _lane_.

  Wyndock, _window_.

  Wyning, _gaining_.

  Wyrk, _work_.

  Wyrschipping, _worshipping_.

  Wyseit, wysit, _visited_, _viewed_.

  Wyte, _blame_.


  Y

  Yaird, _yard_.

  Ydill, _idle_.

  Ye, _ye_, _you_, _yea_.

  Yea, _yea_.

  Yead, yeid, _went_.

  Yeid, _went_.

  Yeiris, _years_.

  Yerne, yrn, _iron_.

  Yett, yettis, _gate_, _gates_.

  Yett, yit, _yet_.

  Yle, _isle_, _island_.

  Yillis (the), _the Isles_.

  Yneuche, ynewcht, _enough_.

  Yond syd, _the other side_.

  Ypocreit, _hypocrite_.

  Ys, _is_.

  Yscheare, _usher_.

  Ytt, _it_.

  Yule, Youle, Yuile, _Christmas_.




INDEX OF PERSONS.


  A

  Aberbothok, Commendator of, _v._ Hamilton, Lord John.

  Aberdeen, Bishop of, _v._ Dunbar.

  Adamson, Elizabeth, wife of James Barroun, 246, 247.

  Adamson, William, 97.

  Aikman, Francis, 97.

  Airthe, Friar William, 36, 39, 41.

  Alareit, Hermit of, _v._ Thomas.

  Alasco, John, 213.

  Alesius, Alexander, 55. App. 526.

  Allemagne, (Germany,) Princes of, II. 56.

  Amiens, Bishop of, (Nicholas de Pelleve,) 396, 398, 415, 422, 425.

  Anderson, Mr. Alexander, Principal of King's College, II. 138, 140.

  Anderson, William, 118.

  Angus, Archibald, Earl of, 77, 78, 111, 120, 173, 180, 211, 212, 217.

  Annan, Dean John, 188.

  Anstruther, Capt. Robert, II. 330.

  Arbuckill, Gray Friar, 197, 199.

  Areskine, _v._ Erskine.

  Argyle, Archibald fourth Earl of, 93, 108, 211, 217, 253, 274, 276-290.

  Argyle, Archibald Lord Lorn, fifth Earl of, 249, 256, 268, 274, 294,
        337, 341, 345, 347, 350, 353, 358, 360, 369, 375, 382, 383,
        413, 451, 453,458. II. 5, 49, 50, 53, 56, 57, 63, 70, 167, 258,
        286, 299, 305, 310, 375, 377, 379, 403, 423, 479, 484, 490, 491,
        494, 496, 507, 524, 527, 530, 556, 563, 566.

  Argyle, Janet Countess of, _v._ Stewart.

  Armstrong, Andrew, II. 394, 395, 400.

  Arran, James first Earl of, 107.

  Arran, Earl of, _v._ Chattelherault.

  Arran, James third Earl of, 183, 184, 383, 413, 420, 423, 427, 439,
        451, 455, 460, 462, 464. II. 3, 5, 7, 9, 38, 43, 53, 55, 56,
        63, 129, 137, 156, 167, 258, 273, 293, 298, 315, 323, 325, 326,
        328, 329, 473.

  Athole, John fourth Earl of, II. 156, 286, 299, 305, 390, 479, 483,
        491, 494, 497, 507, 510, 512, 514, 519, 523, 536, 556, 557,
        560, 566.

  Auchinleck, John, 233.

  Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, II. 26, 278.

  Ayr, Sheriffs of, _v._ Campbells of Loudoun and Teringland.


  B

  Balcleuch, _v._ Scott.

  Balfour, Andrew, 44.

  Balfour, David and Gilbert, sons of Balfour of Montquhannie, 183, 206,
        233, 551.

  Balfour, Gilbert, II. 551.

  Balfour, Mr. James, Parson of Flisk, (afterwards Sir James Balfour of
        Pittendreich,) Clerk Register, 202, 206, 228, 233, 235, 365,
        399, 437, 452. II. 44, 502, 507, 526, 549, 558, 562.

  Balfour, Mr. John, 377.

  Balfour, Michael, 456.

  Balgonie, Laird of, _v._ Lundie.

  Balnaves, Mr. Henry, of Halhill, 70, 99, 102, 100, 114, 116, 182, 186,
        226. II. 38, 40, 45, 47, 52, 381.

  Balwaird, Balvaird, _v._ Murray.

  Bannatyne, Sir John, _v._ Bellenden.

  Bar, Laird of, _v_. Lockhart.

  Barnbougle, Laird of, _v._ Mowbray.

  Barbour, David, 222.

  Barroun, James, burgess of Edinburgh, 246, 268. II. 322, 486.

  Barroun, Elizabeth, _v._ Adamson.

  Bathgate, Reader at, II. 548.

  Battu, Captain, II. 10.

  Beaton, David, Cardinal, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 61, 63,
        76, 81, 84, 90, 92, 94, 97, 99, 103, 108, _passim_,
        180, 192, 206, 290, 294, 307, 430.

  Beaton, James, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 13, 15, 42, 16, 53.

  Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow, 252, 373. II. 131.

  Bedford, Earl of, II. 513, 536.

  Bell, Stephen, 233.

  Bellenden or Bannatyne, Sir John, of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk,
        358, 369, 399, 418, 458. II. 291, 299, 304, 305, 310,
        344, 401, 403, 414, 423, 454, 492, 497, 526.

  Bellenden, Thomas, of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk, 70, 106.

  Bellenden, Lady, _v._ Kennedy.

  Bethencourt, _v._ Butoncourt.

  Beverage, Friar, 62.

  Beza, Theodore, II. 547.

  Bishops and Pastors in England, II. 547.

  Bisso, or Busso, Francis de, II. 507, 551.

  Black, Friar John, II. 68. App. 592-595.

  Blackader, Robert, Archbishop of Glasgow, 7, 11, 12.

  Borthwick, Mr. David, of Lochill, 106, 414. II. 44.

  Borthwick, Captain John, (Sir John,) 61. App. 520, 533, 534.

  Borthwick, John fourth Lord, II. 53.

  Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney, II. 555.

  Bothwell, David, 106.

  Bothwell, Patrick, third Earl of, 108, 137, 138, 140, 143.

  Bothwell, James, fourth Earl of, created Duke of Orkney,
        455, 456, 459. II. 3, 38, 156, 286, 315, 320, 323,
        325, 326, 329, 346, 351, 361, 390, 472, 478, 509,
        512, 514, 520, 521, 524, 527, 528, 534, 539, 548-562.

  Bothwell, Countess of, _v._ Gordon.

  Bourdeau, John de, II. 551.

  Bowes, Elizabeth, 253.

  Bowes, Marjory, wife of John Knox, 253. II. 138.

  Bowes, Captain Richard, 78.

  Bowes, Sir Robert, 77, 78, 219.

  Boyd, Robert of Piedmont, II. 350.

  Boyd, John, of Narston, II. 349.

  Boyd, Robert Lord, 340, 345, 369, 382, 414, 434. II. 38, 53,
        56, 58, 63, 129, 258, 299, 348, 496, 499, 503, 523,
        552, 556, 563.

  Boyd, Master of, II. 349.

  Boyle, Archibald, II. 350.

  Boyne, Laird of, _v._ Ogilvie.

  Brechin, Bishops of, _v._ Hepburn, Sinclair.

  Briance, Count de, French Ambassador, II. 536.

  Broche, M. de la, _v._ La Broche.

  Brounstone, Laird of, _v._ Crichton.

  Brown, George, of Colstoun, 350.

  Brown, Sir Adam, (a priest,) 361.

  Brown, Ryngzean (Ninian), 97.

  Bruce, Sir William, of Earlshall, 307.

  Buccleuch, _v._ Scott.

  Bucer, Martin, II. 442.

  Buchan, Master of, _v._ Stewart.

  Buchanan, Mr. David, (Editor of Knox's History), App. 477.
       II. 465-468. App. 569-586.

  Buchanan, Mr. George, 71. II. 134, 550.

  Butonecourt, (Sieur de Bethencourt,) 384. II. 37.


  C

  Cairnis, Henry, 57.

  Caithness, George Earl of, II. 299, 420, 523, 552, 569.

  Calder, Laird of, _v._ Sandilands.

  Calvin, John, 232, 268, 274, 315. II. 412, 459, 460.

  Cambuskenneth, Abbots of, _v._ Myln, Panter.

  Campbell, Friar Alexander, 16, 18. App. 514.

  Campbell, Alexander, Dean of Murray, II. 129, 258.

  Campbell, Charles, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

  Campbell, Sir Colin, of Glenurchy, 253, 357.

  Campbell, George, of Cessnok, 7, 340.

  Campbell, George, of Mungarswood, 128.

  Campbell, Sir Hugh, of Loudoun, Sheriff of Ayr, 111, 128,
        316. II. 137.

  Campbell, Hugh, of Kinyeancleuch, 128.

  Campbell, John, of Newmylnes, 7.

  Campbell, James, of Louchley, II. 350.

  Campbell, Matthew, of Teringland, young Sheriff of Ayr,
        340, 345.

  Campbell, Sir Matthew, of Loudoun, II. 348.

  Campbell, Mungo, of Brounsyde, 128.

  Campbell, Robert of Cragdow, II. 350.

  Campbell, Robert, of Kinyeancleuch, 250, 253. II. 63, 275,
        349.

  Campbell, William, of Horscleucht, II. 350.

  Campbell, William, of Skeldon, II. 349.

  Capua, Prior of, _v._ Strozzi.

  Cardinal, the, _v._ Beaton, David.

  Car, _v._ Ker.

  Carmichael, James, 259.

  Carmichael, Peter, of Balmadie, 176, 226, 228, 230.

  Carmichael, Richard, 44.

  Carpentyne, Alexander, 259.

  Carnegie, Sir Robert, of Kinnaird, 400, 414.

  Carvet, Sir James, II. 476, 478.

  Carnell, Laird of, _v._ Wallace.

  Carswell, Mr. John, Superintendent of Argyle, II. 87.

  Cassillis, Gilbert third Earl of, 16, 86, 111, 134, 263.

  Cassillis, Gilbert fourth Earl of, II. 478, 514, 533, 552.

  Cathcart, Allan Lord, II. 348, 563.

  Cathcart, Allan, of Carlton, II. 350.

  Cathcart, Allan, of Clawance, II. 349.

  Cathcart, Allan and Thomas, II. 349.

  Cathcart, John, of Gibbsyard, II. 349.

  Cecil, Sir William, II. 15, 23, 26, 32, 34, 72, 315.

  Cesnock, _v._ Campbell.

  Cessfurd, Laird of, _v._ Ker.

  Chalmer, Helen, wife of Robert Mure of Pokellie, 7.

  Chalmer, James, of Gadgirth, 257, 340. II. 349.

  Chalmer, Marion, wife of William Dalrymple of Stairs, 7.

  Chalmer, Robert, of Martnem, II. 350.

  Chalmers, David, of Ormond, II. 551.

  Chapman, William, 222.

  Charles the Fifth, the Emperor, 232. II. 135, 136.

  Charles the Ninth, King of France, II. 318.

  Charteris, (Charterouse,) John, of Kinfauns, Provost of
        Perth, 112, 346, 357.

  Charterhouse of Perth, Prior of, _v._. Forman.

  Chattelett, (Chastelard,) Monsieur, II. 367, 368.

  Chattelherault, James Earl of Arran, Duke of, Governor and
        Regent of Scotland, 84, 93, 97, 101, 108-123, 134,
        135, 140, 144, 154, 180, 183, 184, 202, 206, 209,
        214, 217, 222, 233, 240, 242, 294, 325, 340, 345,
        352, 356, 368, 379, 383, 389, 394, 415, 420, 429,
        439, 441, 451, 453, 457, 458, 465, 472. II. 5, 38,
        40, 42, 45, 47, 50, 52, 54, 58, 81, 129, 138, 156,
        258, 286, 297, 299, 320, 325, 328, 330, 347, 351,
        360, 403, 417, 423, 481, 492, 496, 499, 503, 515,
        535, 566.

  Chisholm, William, Bishop of Dunblane, 63. II. 88, 556.

  Christian the Third, King of Denmark, 55, 254. II. 56.

  Christison, William, Minister of Dundee, II. 87, 424.

  Clapperton, Sir John, Dean of the Chapel Royal, 45.

  Clark, Alexander, 231. II. 490.

  Clark, (one,) 457.

  Cleisch, Laird of, _v._ Colville.

  Cockburn, Mr. Alexander, 185. II. 324, 331.

  Cockburn, James, of Langton, 552.

  Cockburn, John, of Ormiston, 134, 138, 141, 185, 215, 350,
        375, 454. II. 38, 323, 527.

  Cockburn, Capt. Ninian, 224.

  Coldingham, Prior of, _v._ Stewart, Lord John.

  Coldingknowes, Laird of, (Sir John Home,) 115.

  Colston, Laird of, _v._ Brown.

  Colville, Robert, of Cleish, 348. II. 68.

  Colville, William, Abbot of Culross, II. 53, 88, 258. App.
        598.

  Conde, Louis de Bourbon, Prince of, (brother of the King
        of Navarre,) II. 133.

  Congregation, the Lords of the, 327, &c., _passim_, II. 45.

  Corry, George, of Kelwood, II. 258, 350.

  Craig, (Craik,) Alison, II. 315.

  Craig, Mr. John, Minister, II. 418, 424, 456, 498, 530, 554,
        555, 563.

  Craigie, Laird of, _v._ Wallace.

  Craigmiller, Laird of, _v._ Preston.

  Cranstoun, Patrick, II. 64, 394, 400.

  Craufurd, David eighth Earl of, 90.

  Craufurd, David Earl of, II. 563.

  Craufurd, David, II. 349.

  Craufurd, David, of the Kerse, II. 350.

  Craufurd, George, of Leifnorris, or Loch Norris, 127.
        II. 349.

  Crawford, John, of Walston, II. 348.

  Crauford, Robert, II. 349.

  Craw, Paul, the Bohemian, 6.

  Creychton, _v._ Crichton.

  Crichton, Mr. Abraham, Provost of Dunglas, II. 528.

  Crichton, Alexander, of Brunstone, 134, 139, 142, 215.

  Crichton, Edward, Lord, of Sanquhar, II. 258, 560, 565.

  Crichton, George, Bishop of Dunkeld, 97, 105.

  Crichton, Robert, Bishop of Dunkeld, 251. II. 88, 300, 303.

  Crichton, Mr. Robert, of Eliock, King's Advocate, II. 491.

  Crichton, Mr. Robert, Parson of Sanquhar, II. 371, 379.

  Crofts, Sir James, English Ambassador, 454. II. 32, 57, 66.

  Crossraguell, Abbot of, _v._ Kennedy.

  Cullen, Capt. James, II. 13.

  Culross, Abbot of, _v._ Colville.

  Cumming, Cumyn, Robert, schoolmaster, II. 363.

  Cunningham, Alexander, _v._ Glencairn, Earl of.

  Cunningham, Hugh, of Watterston, II. 349.

  Cunningham, John, of Caprington, II. 349.

  Cunningham, Robert, II. 349.

  Cunningham, Mr. Robert, minister of Failfurd, II. 348, 397.

  Cunningham, Sir William, of Cunninghamhead, 366. II. 64,
        258, 349, 486, 499, 503.

  Cunningham, William, II. 349.

  Cunningham, William of Caprington younger, II. 349.


  D

  D'Albeuf, Marquis, _v._ Lorraine.

  Dalrymple, James, of Stairs, II, 349.

  Dalrymple of Stairs, _v._ Chalmer.

  D'Amville, Seigneur de, II. 268.

  Dandelot, Monsieur, 216.

  D'Arfe, Monsieur, 220.

  Darnley, Henry Lord, _v._ Henry.

  Davie, Seigneur, _v._ Riccio.

  Daniot, John, II. 521.

  Dayes, Adam, 57.

  De Bethencourt, _v._ Butonecourt.

  De Finola, Thomas, II. 457.

  De Four, Monsieur, French Ambassador, II. 513.

  Denmark, King of, _v._ Christian.

  D'Esse, Monsieur, 221, 222.

  Dewar, Archibald, II. 158.

  Dingwall, Sir John, 42.

  Dollar, Vicar of, _v._ Forrest.

  D'Omall, D'Aumale, _v._ Lorraine.

  Dosell, D'Oysel, _v._ Oysel.

  Douglas, Archibald, of Kilspindie, Provost of Edinburgh,
        II. 158, 289, 475, 490, 498.

  Douglas, Francis, 185.

  Douglas, George, 185.

  Douglas, Sir George, brother of the Earl of Angus, 77, 78,
        102, 111, 128, 135, 180, 241.

  Douglas, George, postulat of Aberbrothok, and bastard son
        of the Earl of Angus, 173, 180.

  Douglas, Hugh, of Longniddry, 134, 130, 185, _note_.

  Douglas, James, of Parkheid, 78.

  Douglas, Mr. John, Rector of St. Andrews, 286, _note_.
    II. 128, 424, 455, 563.

  Douglas, or Grant, John, 256, 276, 283, 285, 286, 307.

  Douglas, Lady Margaret, Countess of Lennox, 123.
    II. 336, 361, 474.

  Douglas, Mr. Robert, Provost of Lincluden, II. 386.

  Douglas, Patrick, II. 63.

  Douglas, Sir William, of Drumlanrig, 111.
    II. 64, 129, 258, 299, 386, 502, 512.

  Douglas, William, of Whittingham, II. 63, 164.

  Douglasses, The, 53, 81, 181.

  Dreghorn, Laird of, _v._ Fullerton.

  Drumlanrig, Laird of, _v._ Douglas.

  Drummond, David Lord, II. 299, 563.

  Drummond, Henry, of Riccarton, 251, 376. II. 325, 478.

  Dudley, Lord Robert, II. 361.

  Dudley, Captain, 224.

  Duke, the, _v._ Chattelherault.

  Dun, Laird of, _v._ Erskine.

  Dunbar, Alexander, of Cumnock, II. 63.

  Dunbar, Gawin, Bishop of Aberdeen, 43.

  Dunbar, Gawin, Lord Chancellor and Archbishop of Glasgow,
        63, 65, 127, 145, 148.

  Dunbar, Hector, of Clousting, II. 350.

  Dunbar, Lieutenant John, 463.

  Dunbar, John, of Blantyre, II. 349.

  Dunfermling, Abbots of, _v._ Dury.

  Dunblane, Bishop of, _v._ Chisholm.

  Dundee, Provost of, _v._ Halyburton.

  Dunkeld, Bishop of, _v._ Crichton.

  Durham, Mr. Michael, 106.

  Durham, William, of Grange, II. 486.

  Dury, Andrew, Bishop of Galloway, 242, 261.

  Dury, David, of Dury, II. 43.

  Dury, George, Abbot of Dunfermline, 183, 211, 224. II. 131.


  E

  Earlshall, Laird of, _v._ Bruce.

  Eccles, Gilbert, II. 349.

  Edinburgh, Provosts of, _v._ Douglas of Kilspindie;
    Mackalzean;
    Prestoun of Craigmillar;
    Seyton, George Lord.

  Edward, King, the Sixth of England, 101, 217, 231, 242.

  Eglinton, Earl of, II. 519, 536.

  Elder, Sir Henry, a priest, 118.

  Elder, John, 118.
    App. 526.

  Elizabeth Queen of England, 473.
    II. 15, 20, 26, 28, 39, 47, 51, 54, 62, 83, 130, 137, 168,
          174, 178, 315, 335, 346, 360, 469, 473, 481, 513, 537.

  Elphinston, Mr. Nicholas, II. 496.

  Embden, Duchess of, 245.

  Emperor, the, _v._ Charles the Fifth.

  England, Bishops and Ministers of, II. 545, 547.

  English Congregation at Franckfort and Geneva, 232, 253.

  Ergyle, _v._ Argyle.

  Erskine, Areskin, Alexander, 374.
    II. 499, 501.

  Erskine, Arthur, II. 288.

  Ermine, John fifth Lord, 79, 249, 358, 369, 375, 415, 464.
    II. 3, 69, 128, 299, 305, 494, 515.
    --_v._ Mar, Earl of.

  Erskine, John, of Dun, 59, 132, 246, 249, 251, 268, 273,
        274, 300, 317, 319, 337, 341, 347, 369, 434, 451.
    II. 56, 87, 286, 363, 386, 388, 409, 424, 475, 479,
          482, 484, 494, 531.

  Erskine of Mar, Lady, _v._ Murray.

  Erskine, Robert, Master of, 213.

  Evers, Sir Ralph, 122.


  F

  Failfurd, Minister of, _v._ Cunningham.

  Fairnie, Laird of, _v._ Fernie.

  Fairnihurst, Laird of, _v._ Ker.

  Faunhaus, (   ,) II. 64.

  Fenton, George, II. 258.

  Fergushill, John, of Fergushill, II. 349.

  Fergusson, David, Minister of Dunfermling, II. 87.

  Fernie, Andrew, of Fernie, 463.

  Firth, John, _v._ Fryth.

  Flemyng, Malcolm third Lord, 86, 88.

  Flemyng, James fourth Lord, 241, 264.

  Flemyng, John fifth Lord, II. 299, 563.

  Flemyng, Malcolm, Commendator of Whitehorn, II. 370, 379.

  Flisk, Parson of, _v._ Balfour.

  Forbes, Captain, 456.

  Forbes, (Phorbes), John, Master of, II. 63, 552.

  Forbes, the Lady, II. 358.

  Forman, Adam, 323.

  Forman, Robert, Lyon-King-at-Arms, 335, 340, 440, 449.
    II. 274.

  Forrest, Henry, of Linlithgow, 52, 53.
    App. 516-518.

  Forrest, (Forres,) David, General of the Mint, 106, 137,
        246, 260, 300, 453.
    App. 563, 564.

  Forrest, Dean Thomas, Vicar of Dollar, 63.

  Forrester, Robert, 62.

  Forsyth, James, of Nydie, 193.

  Foulis, Sir James, of Colinton, Clerk-Register, 104.

  Fowler, an Englishman, II. 507.

  Foxe, John, the Martyrologist, 14.

  France, Kings of, _v._ Charles, Francis, Henry.

  Francis the First, King of France, II. 82.

  Francis the Second, King of France, 217, 363, 386, 388,
        444-448, 451.
    II. 47, 49, 50, 62, 73, 76, 81, 83, 125, 127, 132, 134.

  Francis de Busso, _v._ Bisso.

  Frissall, James, II. 159.

  Fryth, John, 14, 19.

  Fullerton, Adam, II. 289.

  Fullerton, Hugh, of Dreghorn, II. 349, 499.

  Furrour, Alexander, 42.

  Fyfe, John, 55.
    App. 527.


  G

  Galloway, Bishops of, _v._ Dury, Gordon.

  Garleis, Laird of, _v._ Stewart.

  Geddes, Charles, 459.

  Gillone, a cordiner, II. 158.

  Gilston, Lady, _v._ Sempill.

  Glammis, John eighth Lord, II. 299, 533, 563.

  Glasgow, Archbishops of, _v._ Betouns, Blackader, Dunbar.

  Glencairn, William fourth Earl of, 86, 102, 111, 127, 281.

  Glencairn, Alexander Lord Kilmaurs, fifth Earl of, 72, 240,
        250, 252, 268, 274, 316, 335, 310, 342, 345, 367, 379,
        382, 414, 434, 451, 457.
    II. 5, 38, 53, 56, 58, 63, 70, 129, 130, 167, 258, 286,
          299, 305, 348, 403, 423, 479, 481, 484, 496, 499,
          503, 520, 524, 556, 560, 562, 565, 566.

  Glenurquhair, Laird of, _v._ Campbell.

  Goodman, Christopher, Minister, II. 87, 413, 484.

  Gordon, Alexander, Bishop of Galloway, II. 56, 63, 88, 129,
        258, 374, 532, 537, 539.

  Gordon, Alexander, of Abyrzelde, II. 64, 357.

  Gordon, George Lord, _v._ Huntley, Earl of.

  Gordon, Lady Jane, Countess of Bothwell and Sutherland,
        II. 553.

  Gordon, John, of Barskeocht, II. 379.

  Gordon, Sir John, of Finlater, II. 64, 345, 353, 354, 359.

  Gordon, Sir John, of Lochinvar, II. 129, 163, 258, 401, 512, 552.

  Gourlay, Mr. Norman, 53, 58, 60.
    App. 519.

  Governor, The, _v._ Chattelherault, Duke of.

  Graham, Henry, younger of Morply, II. 64.

  Graham, John Lord, afterwards third Earl of Montrose, II. 563, 565.

  Grand Prior, _v._ Lorraine.

  Grange, Laird of, _v._ Kirkaldy.

  Grant, John, _v._ Douglas.

  Gray, John, 233, 274.

  Gray, Patrick fifth Lord, 111, 113, 114, 116. II. 563.

  Gray de Wilton, Lord, 209, 211. II. 57, 68, 70, 84, 138, 293.

  Gray Friars, the, 96.

  Graytly, (    ,) II. 63.

  Grindall, Dr. Edmond, Bishop of London, II. 547.

  Guilliame, Thomas, Black Friar, 95, 105.

  Gualterus, Emanuel, 244.

  Guthrie, Alexander, II. 158, 326, 490, 520.

  Guthrie, William, 233.

  Guyse, Duke of, _v._ Lorraine.

  Guysians, the, II. 70, 131, 136, 174, 360.


  H

  Halton, Laird of, _v._ Lauder.

  Halyburton, Alexander, 360, 462.

  Halyburton, James, Tutor of Pitcur, Provost of Dundee, 317,
        347, 351, 360. II. 56, 63, 258.

  Halyrudhouse, Abbot of, _v._ Stuart, Lord Robert.

  Hamilton, Andrew, of Lethame, II. 258.

  Hamilton, Catherine, 66. App. 519.

  Hamilton, Lord Claude, Commendator of Paisley.

  Hamilton, Lord David, 383. II. 81.

  Hamilton, Sir David, of Preston, 276, 277, 281.

  Hamilton, Gawin, Abbot of Kilwinning, 325, 342, 351, 369,
        400, 458. II. 53, 320, 325, 326, 328, 515.

  Hamilton, Gawin, 214.

  Hamilton, James, _v._ Arran, Earl of.

  Hamilton, Sir James, of Finnart, 67.

  Hamilton, James, of Kincavel, 66. App. 519.

  Hamilton, James, Laird of Stenhouse, Provost of Edinburgh, 221, 222.

  Hamilton, James, his son, 222.

  Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, afterwards Archbishop of
        St. Andrews, 105, 107, 110, 115, 124, 181, 193, 203,
        209, 224, 237, 258, 276, 279, 280, 326, 347, 350, 373.
        App. 543. II. 88, 156, 300, 347, 351, 371, 379, 390,
        475, 536, 539, 540, 548, 551, 554, 557.

  Hamilton, John, of Milburn, 207.

  Hamilton, Lord John, Commendator of Aberbrothok, II. 53, 552.

  Hamilton, Matthew, of Milburn, 325.

  Hamilton, Mr. Patrick, Abbot of Fearne, 13, 14, 19, 42, 52,
        242. App. 500-515.

  Hamilton, Robert, 517.

  Hamilton, Mr. Robert, Minister of St. Andrews, 300. II. 11,
        32, 291.

  Hamilton, Sir William, of Sanquhar, 102.

  Hamilton, William, of Cammiskeith, 102. II. 379.

  Hamiltons, the, 53, 106, 181. II. 470, 561-563, 566.

  Harlaw, William, minister, 245, 256, 300.

  Harlaw, William, II. 159, 527.

  Hart, John, 453, 454.

  Harie, (Harry,) King, _v._ Henry.

  Hay, Mr. George, II. 291, 347, 352, 423, 424, 434.

  Hay, Mr. John, Prior of Monimusk, II. 482.

  Hay, William Lord, of Yester, II. 129, 258, 563.

  Hendyrson, Henry, schoolmaster, 57.

  Henry, Lord Darnley, Earl of Ross and Duke of Rothesay, 99,
        124. II. 361, 472, 479, 481, 483, 494, 496, 500, 504,
        519, 522, 524, 533, 535, 537, 549, 552.

  Henry the Eighth, King of England, 41, 54, 76, 101, 109,
        110, 120, 123, 182, 209.

  Henry the Second, King of France, 206, 233, 294, 318, 326,
        356, 371, 383.

  Hepburn, James, _v._ Bothwell, Earl of.

  Hepburn, John, Bishop of Brechin, 37, 155.

  Hepburn, Patrick, of Wauchton, 352.

  Hepburn, Patrick, Bishop of Murray, 37, 41, 58, 292, 359.
        II. 300, 303.

  Heriot, Adam, Minister of Aberdeen, II. 87.

  Herries, Lord, _v._ Maxwell.

  Hertford, Earl and Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector of
        England, 219.

  Holyrood House, Abbots of, _v._ Bothwell, Stewart.

  Home, Earl of, _v._ Hume.

  Home, Sir John, _v._ Coldingknowes.

  Hope, Edward, 97. II. 289.

  Howard, William Lord, 76.

  Hume, (Home,) Alexander fifth Lord, 210. II. 299, 557, 560,
        565, 566.

  Hume, Alexander, II. 64.

  Hume, George fourth Lord, 79.

  Hume, Elizabeth, second wife of James first Earl of Arran, 107.

  Hume, George, of Spott, II. 63, 486.

  Hunter, James, 118.

  Hunter, Robert, II. 349.

  Huntley, George fourth Earl of, 93, 108, 211, 213, 217, 238,
        241, 358, 368, 379, 389, 391, 395. II. 6, 53, 55, 58,
        61, 63, 70, 156, 168, 286, 299, 305, 321, 346-362, 380.

  Huntley, George Lord Gordon, fifth Earl of, II. 347, 360, 495,
        512, 514, 520, 521, 524, 526, 532, 553, 557, 563.

  Huss, John, 6.


  I

  Innermeith, John Lord, II. 299, 563, 565.

  Innerquhartie, Laird of, _v._ Ogilvie.

  Innes, John, of Innes, II. 64.


  J

  James the First, King of Scotland, 6, 325.

  James the Second, King of Scotland, 7.

  James the Third, King of Scotland, 7.

  James the Fourth, King of Scotland, 7, 11, 13. App. 516.

  James the Fifth, King of Scotland, 47, 53, 60, 67, 76, 78, 94, 217.
    App. 515.
    II. 72, 173.

  James the Sixth, Prince and King of Scotland, II. 530, 536, 552,
        556, 558, 566.

  James, Lord, Prior of St. Andrews, _v._ Stewart.

  Jane Seymour, _v._ Lady Somer.

  Johnson, Andrew, II. 63.

  Johnson, James, II. 63.

  Johnstone, Mr. William, Advocate, 57.
    App. 528.

  Justice-Clerk, Lord, _v._ Bellenden.


  K

  Katharine, Queen of England, 101.

  Keir, Mr. Thomas, II. 351, 359.

  Keith, Earl Marischal, _v._ Marischall.

  Keith, Agnes, Countess of Murray, II. 314.

  Kennedy, Dame Barbara, wife of Sir John Bellenden, 418.

  Kennedy, Alexander, 64.

  Kennedy, James, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

  Kennedy, John, of Kirkmichael, II. 350.

  Kennedy, John, of Terngannoch, II. 350.

  Kennedy, John, II. 478.

  Kennedy, Patrick, of Daljarroch, II. 350.

  Kennedy, Mr. Quintin, Abbot of Crossraguell, II. 351, 371.

  Kennedy, Thomas, of Bargenny, II. 258.

  Kennedy, William, of Terngannoch, II. 350.

  Ker, Andrew, of Faldonsyde, II. 258.

  Ker, Sir Andrew, of Pharnihurst, 460. II. 164.

  Ker, Mark, Conmmendator of Newbattle, II. 64, 88.

  Ker, (Car,) Robert, of Carsland, II. 63, 349.

  Ker, Sir William, of Cessfurd, 460. II. 64, 560.

  Killor, (Gillon,) James, II. 158.

  Kinloss, (Walter Hetton,) Abbot of, II. 53.

  Kinfauns, Laird of, _v._ Charteris.

  Kirk, David, 222.

  Kirk, Sir William, 56.

  Kirkaldy, David, II. 11.

  Kirkaldy, James, of Grange, Treasurer, 82, 93, 173, 206, 229.
    _v._ Melville.

  Kirkaldy, James, II. 561.

  Kirkaldy, Sir William, of Grange, 90, 106, 115, 174, 175, 182,
        205, 225, 228, 230, 461, 464.
    II. 8, 10, 14, 22, 25, 36, 381, 499, 560.

  Knox, Marjory, Wife of John, _v._ Bowes.

  Knox, John, the Reformer, 137, 139, 185, 187, 189, 192, 195,
        199, 201, 228, 231, 245, 247-254, 267, 274, 291, 318,
        324, 338, 343, 347, 360, 362, 388, 393, 434, 436, 443, 464.
    II. 8, 15, 18, 22, 26, 28, 32, 34, 39, 43, 68, 87, 88, 128,
          137, 157, 159, 276-286, 291, 297, 310, 314, 323, 326,
          328, 330, 334, 347, 351, 371, 373, 377, 382, 384, 386,
          390, 394, 398, 401, 411, 412, 414, 420, 424, 428, 434-461,
          465, 497, 514, 517, 526, 540, 542, 544, 547, 563, 566.

  Knox, William, brother of the Reformer, 393.

  Kyle, the Gentlemen of, 340. II. 347, 474.

  Kyle, the Lollards of, 8.

  Kylwinning, Abbot of, _v._ Hamilton.

  Kyllour, Friar, 62.

  Kynfauns, Laird of, _v._ Charteris.

  Kynneir, John, of Kynneir, 131.


  L

  La Broche, Monsieur, 110, 396, 398, 415, 422, 425.

  La Chapelle, 222.

  Laiko, Sir Francis, II. 58.

  Lamb, William, 118.

  Lambert, Francis, of Avignon, 14.

  Lambert, Paul, II. 7.

  Lang, or Laing, Friar Walter, 74.

  Langton, Laird of, _v._ Cockburn.

  Lareit, (Loretto,) Hermit of, _v._ Thomas.

  Lauder, Captain Robert, II. 395.

  Lauder, Mr. John, Archdeacon of Teviotdale, 64, 151, 154,
        164, 168, 238.

  Lauder, William, of Halton, 350. II. 527.

  Lauder, Gilbert, II. 490.

  Lawers, Laird of, II. 499.

  Lennox, (Levenax,) Matthew fourth Earl of, 110, 111, 123,
        124, _note_.
    II. 336, 361, 390, 469, 479, 481, 483, 500, 507, 514,
          519, 523, 533, 537, 549, 552, 566.

  Lennox, (Levenax,) John third Earl of, 53.

  Lennox, _v._ Countess of Douglas.

  Leirmonth, Sir James, of Darsye, Provost of St. Andrews, 102,
        115, 174, 178, 349.

  Lesley, Andrew, Earl of Rothes, _v._ Rothes.

  Lesley of Bowquhan, II. 64.

  Lesley, John, brother of the Earl of Rothes, 172, 175, 177, 182.

  Lesley, John, of Parkhill, II. 381.

  Lesley, Leslie, Mr. John, Parson of Oyne, Abbot of Lindores, and
        Bishop of Ross, 236.
    II. 141, 180, 483, 524, 583.
    App. 600, 601.

  Lesley, Leslie, Norman, Master of Rothes, 112, 173, 175,
        206, 225.
    App. 541, 542.

  Lesley, Robert, 228, 230.

  Lesley, William, 228, 230. II. 64.

  Lethington, Auld Laird of, _v._ Maitland, Sir Richard.

  Lethington, Secretary, _v._ Maitland. William.

  Levenax, _v._ Lennox.

  Levingstone, Beatrix, 237.

  Levingstone, Mary, wife of John Semple of Beltrees, II. 415, 416.

  Levingstone, William, fifth Lord of Callender, II. 490, 563.

  Linn, John, Gray Friar, 62.

  Lindores, John, Abbot of, 392. II. 88. _v._ Philp.

  Lindores, John, Commendator of, _v._ Lesley, John.

  Lindesay, _v._ Lyndesay.

  Livingstone, _v._ Levingstone.

  Lochinvar, Laird of, _v._ Gordon.

  Lockhart, Alexander, II. 69.

  Lockhart, Mr. George, 37

  Lockhart, George, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

  Lockhart, Sir James, of Lee, II. 348.

  Lockhart, James, II. 350.

  Lockhart, John, of Barr, 250, 340.
    II. 69, 258, 336, 349.

  Lockhart, Robert, 217, 300, 434, 436.

  Loenorreis, Leifnorris, _v._ Crawfurd.

  Logan, Robert, of Restalrig, 350, 374, 427.

  Logie, Mr. Gawin, Principal of St. Leonard's College, 36.
    App. 524.

  Lollards of Kyle, 8.

  Lorne, Archibald Lord, _v._ Argyle.

  Lorraine, Charles de, Cardinal of Lorraine, 207, 220, 233, 242,
        244, 293, 412.
    II. 133, 165, 173, 180, 318, 390.

  Lorraine, Claude de, Duke D'Aumale, II. 268, 286.

  Lorraine, Francis de, Grand Prior, II. 268.

  Lorraine, Francis de, second Duke of Guyse, 242, 244.
    II. 4, 133, 137, 390.

  Lorraine, Marie de, Queen Dowager of Scotland, _v._ Mary.

  Lorraine, René de, Marquis D'Elbeuf, II. 4, 268, 315, 321.

  Low, John, II. 478.

  Lundie, or Lundin, Andrew, of Balgonie, II. 43, 129.

  Lundie, or Lundin, Walter, of Lundie, 337.
    II. 422, 486, 503.

  Lusury, (Lusgerie,) Monsieur, Jacques, II. 419.

  Luther, Martin, 15, 202, 243.
    II. 442.

  Luvell, (Lowell,) George, burgess of Dundee, 463.
    II. 164.

  Lyndesay, Sir David, of the Mount, Lyon King-at-Arms, 106, 187.

  Lyndesay, Mr. David, minister of Leith, II. 87, 424, 511, 517.

  Lyndesay, John fifth Lord, of the Byres, II. 129, 260.

  Lyndesey, John, 42.

  Lyndesay, Patrick, Master of, afterwards Lord Lyndesay, 235,
        337, 352.
     II. 10, 38, 45, 63, 129, 163, 260, 270, 317, 356, 495,
           517, 521, 556, 560-566.

  Lyndesay, Patrick, 97.

  Lyndesay, Sibilla, 97.


  M

  Machabeus, Doctor, (Macalpyne, Dr. John,) 55.
    App. 529.

  Mack-Alexander, Thomas, 11. 350.

  Mackalzean, Mr. Thomas, Provost of Edinburgh, II. 290.

  Mackbrair, John, App. 529.

  Mackgill, (Makgill,) Mr. James, of Nether Rankeillour,
        Clerk-Register, II. 124, 156, 291, 299, 304, 310,
        403, 423, 459, 526.

  Mackaw, John, 97.

  Mackconnell, James, II. 50.

  Macquhiddall, John, II. 350.

  Makdowell, James, 55.

  Mair, Major, Mr. John, 37, 192.

  Maitland, Sir Richard, of Lethington, 97, 137.
    II. 4, 379, 403.

  Maitland, Robert, Dean of Aberdeen, II. 442.

  Maitland, William, younger of Lethington, Secretary, 247, 463, 473.
    II. 38, 47, 52, 56, 89, 130, 291, 296, 299, 310, 315, 326,
          331, 343, 353, 360, 370, 390, 399, 401, 409, 411, 413,
          417, 423, 425, 427-459, 473, 475, 481, 492, 497, 514,
          517, 526, 566.

  Malbery, Sir William, 78.

  Maltman, Friar, 64.

  Malcolm, Prior of Whitehorn, _v._ Fleming.

  Mar, Earl of, _v._ Lord Erskine, II. 552, 556, 565, 566.

  Marnock, (Marna,) the Queen's servant, II. 387.

  Martigues, (Marteekis,) Count Stephen de, II. 4, 8, 12, 57.

  Martyr, Peter, 243.

  Marischall, William Earl, 126, 241, 251.
    II. 70, 129, 260, 286, 291, 209, 305, 403, 420, 423.

  Marjoribanks, Mr. Thomas, of Ratho, Advocate, 70.

  Mary of Lorraine, wife of James the Fifth, Queen Dowager,
        and Regent of Scotland, 61, 91, 95, 103, 108, 143, 173,
        180, 203, 213, 222, 233, 241, 243, 252, 255, 257, 261,
        263, 265, 279, 288, 290, 292, 298, 301, 304, 307, 308,
        312, 314, 317, 319,324, 320, 329, 337, 339, 341, 345,
        350, 353, 356, 358, 362, 464.
    II. 3, 6, 25, 36, 44, 57, 58, 62, 64, 67, 68, 71, 126, 160, 172.
    App. 590-592.

  Mary Queen of Scots, 91, 95, 101, 108, 124, 217, 218, 232, 304,
        326, 363, 388, 426, 429, 437, 444, 448, 451.
    II. 25, 47, 49, 50, 62, 73, 76, 81, 83, 125, 132, 137, 142,
          168, 170, 174, 177, 180, 264, 267, 271, 274, 277, 331,
          335, 419, 465, 469, 471, 176, 480, 488, 493, 496, 501,
          504, 514, 518, 522, 524, 529, 530, 533, 534, 536, 539,
          548-566, _passim_.

  Mary Queen of England, 244, 422.
    II. 17, 279.

  Maxwell, Herbert Lord, 85, 86, 111, 241.

  Maxwell, Sir John, of Terreglis, Master of Maxwell, and afterwards
        Lord Herries, 319, 451, 455, 459.
    II. 39, 45, 47, 52, 63, 129, 258, 299, 321, 351, 375, 399, 404,
          423, 428, 434, 500, 504, 508, 512, 524, 552.

  Meffane, _v._ Methven.

  Melanchthon, Philip, 15.
    II. 442.

  Melville, Melvin, James, of Carnbee, 176, 177, 234.

  Melville, Janet, wife of James Kirkcaldy of Grange, 90.

  Melville, Sir John, of Raith, 174, 224.

  Melville, John, of Raith, 224.

  Melville, Robert, II. 4, 361, 508, 565.

  Melville, Walter, II. 373.

  Menteith, John, Earl of, II. 53, 56, 58, 63, 129, 260, 299, 563.

  Menteith, William Earl of, 346, 357, 414.

  Menzies, Thomas, of Pitfoddells, Provost of Aberdeen, II. 164.

  Methven, Paul, Minister of Jedburgh, 256, 300, 317.
    II. 87, 364, 531.

  Methven, Henry, second Lord, II. 563.

  Mewtas, Sir Peter, II. 294.

  Middleton, or Cuningham, Laird of, II. 349.

  Moncrieff of Moncrieff, 113.

  Monluc, John de, Bishop of Valence, II. 72, 73.

  Monquhanny, Laird of, _v._ Balfour.

  Monteyth, John, _v._ Menteith.

  Montgomery, Hugh, of Hesilhead, II. 349.

  Montgomery, William, II. 348.

  Montmorenci, Henry, (Seigneur de Damville,) Duke de, Constable
        of France, II. 268, 287, _note_.

  Montrose, William second Earl of, II. 299.

  Monypenny, David, of Pitmilly, 225, 463.

  Morton, James fourth Earl of, 235, 274, 160.
    II. 53, 63, 129, 130, 260, 280, 291, 299, 305, 310, 423, 431,
          455, 479, 500, 515, 517, 521, 523, 525, 556, 560, 565,
          566.

  Mowat, Captain, 459, 463.

  Mowbray, John, II. 158, 527.

  Mowbray, Sir John, of Barnbougle, II. 552.

  Mowtray, George, of Seafield, II. 43.

  Mure, John, in Woll, II. 349.

  Mure, John, of Rowallane, II. 349.

  Mure, Mungo, II. 349.

  Mure, of Polkellie, _v._ Chalmer.

  Murray, Bishop of, _v._ Hepburn.

  Murray, Dean of, _v._ Campbell.

  Murray, Sir Andrew, of Balvaird, 337, 338. II. 503.

  Murray, Annabella, wife of John Lord Erskine and Earl of Mar,
        II. 128, 380.

  Murray, Captain David, 463.

  Murray, (Lord James Stewart,) Earl of, Prior of St. Andrews
        and Pittenweem, 249, 265, 268, 293, 294, 337, 342, 345,
        346, 350, 353, 358, 360, 368, 375, 379, 384, 386, 413,
        419, 420, 451, 455, 456, 460, 464.
    II. 5, 7, 9, 38, 40, 43, 45, 47, 52, 58, 68, 84, 88, 129,
          138, 142, 156, 164, 166, 168, 258, 271, 277, 282, 286,
          291, 292, 299, 305, 310, 314, 321, 326, 328, 331, 336,
          346, 353, 355, 357, 359, 368, 382, 391, 399, 401, 418,
          423, 461, 465, 469, 471, 478, 480, 483, 490, 492, 494,
          496, 499, 500, 503, 513, 523, 525, 527, 530, 535, 548,
          556, 566.

  Murray, James, II. 561.

  Murray, Patrick, of Tibbermuir, 345.

  Murray, Sir William, of Tullibardin, Comptroller, 346, 451, 453.
    II. 56, 508, 560, 561.

  Musculus, Wolfgang, II. 442.

  Myln, Alexander, Abbot of Cambuskenneth, 37.

  Myll, (Myln,) Robert, Dundee, 125, 126.

  Myln, Walter, the Martyr, 308, 360. App. 550-555.


  N

  Navarre, Anthony de Bourbon, King of, II. 183.

  Navarre, Brother of the King of, _v._ Conde.

  Nemours, Duke de, II. 361.

  Newbattle, Commendator of, _v._ Ker, Mark.

  Nisbet, Alexander, II. 350.

  Nisbet, George, II. 64.

  Niven, Adam, of Monkredding, II. 350.

  Noailles, Monsieur de, II. 156, 167.

  Norfolk, the Auld Duke of, (Thomas third Duke,) 78.

  Norfolk, Thomas fourth Duke of, II. 39, 42, 45, 46, 50, 52, 68.

  Norvell, Robert, II. 158, 380.

  Nydie, Laird of, _v._ Forsyth.


  O

  Ochiltrie, Andrew Lord Stewart of, 340, 345, 367, 369, 382,
        414, 434.
    II. 38, 53, 56, 58, 63, 129, 258, 275, 299, 320, 349, 386,
          389, 496, 499, 503, 523.

  Ogilvy, Alexander, of Boyne, II. 552.

  Ogilvy, James Lord, of Airly, II. 53, 63, 345, 346.

  Ogilvy, James, of Cardell, II. 345.

  Ogilvy, John, of Inverquharity, 341.

  Ogilvy, Mrs. Marion, 174.

  Oliphant, Mr. Andrew, 43, 44, 64.

  Oliphant, Laurence Lord, II. 563.

  Oliver, _v._ Sinclair, Oliver.

  Orkney, Bishops of, _v._ Bothwell, Reid.

  Orkney, Duke of, _v._ Bothwell.

  Orleans, Sheriff of, II. 133.

  Ormiston, Laird of, and Lady, _v._ Cockburn, Sandilands.

  Ormiston, Robert, 255.

  Osell, (D'Osell, D'Oysel,) Sieur de, 203, 213, 222, 255, 324,
        327, 329, 336, 340, 341, 342, 345, 352, 356, 374, 380,
        395, 410, 431.
    II. 10, 13, 70, 170, 174.


  P

  Paniter, or Panter, Mr. David, Bishop of Ross, and Secretary,
        105, 115, 262, 266.

  Paisley, Abbots of, _v._ Hamilton, (Lord Claude,) Hamilton,
        (John.) Patrick, v. Hamilton, Patrick.

  Percy, Sir Henry, II. 22, 32, 35, 57.

  Petcur, (Pitcur,) Tutor of, _v._ Halyburton.

  Pettarro, (Pittarow,) Laird of, _v._ Wishart.

  Pettinweem, Commendator of, _v._ Murray, James Earl of.

  Philp, John, Abbot of Lindores, II. App. 599, 600.

  Philip the Second, King of Spain, II. 136, 533.

  Phorbes, _v._ Forbes.

  Piper, Walter, 118.

  Pitmillie, Laird of, _v._ Monypenny.

  Pont, Mr. Robert, Minister, II. 375, 395.

  Pope, the, 107, 147, 184, 189, 191, 194, 206, 259, 412.
    II. 124, 284, 414, 533.

  Porterfield, James, II. 347.

  Preston, Sir. Simon, of Craigmillar, Provost of Edinburgh,
        121, 236.
    II. 498, 510, 522.

  Protector, the, of England, _v._ Hertford, Earl of.

  Puller, Laurence, 118.

  Purves, William, 222.


  Q

  Queen Dowager, _v._ Mary.

  Quhittingham, (Whittingham,) Laird of, _v._ Douglas.

  Quhytlaw, _v._ Whytelaw.


  R

  Raith, Laird of, _v._ Melville.

  Ramboullat, (Rembouillet,) Monsieur, II. 519.

  Ramsay, Cuthbert, II. 315.

  Randall, _v._ Randolph.

  Randan, Mons., _v._ Rochefaucault.

  Randolph, Randall, Thomas, English Ambassador, II. 314.

  Rankin, Lawrence, Laird of Scheill, 128.

  Rankin, Robert, II. 350.

  Rannalt, James, 118.

  Raylie, Raullet, Madame, II. 393.

  Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, 7, 11, 12.

  Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, II. 349.

  Reid, George, of Chapleton, II. 350.

  Reid, George, in Dawdilling, 128.

  Reid, James, II. 349.

  Reid, John, II. 319.

  Reid, Robert, Bishop of Orkney, 240, 264.

  Reids, the, II. 351.

  Restalrig, Deans of, _v._ Gibson, Sinclair.

  Restalrig, Laird of, _v._ Logan.

  Rhinegrave, the Count, _v._ Ryngrave.

  Riccarton, Laird of, _v._ Drummond.

  Riccio, David, 99, 235, 446.
    II. 422, 483, 507, 513, 518, 521, 524, 533, 535, 550, 551.
    App. 595-598.

  Riccio, Joseph, II. 551.

  Richardson, Robert, App. 530.

  Richardson, Mr. Robert, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, 372,
        377, 403.
    II. 88, 508.

  Rig, Mr. Hugh, Advocate, 70, 211.

  Rizio, _v._ Riccio.

  Rochefaucault, Charles de, Sieur de Randan, II. 72.

  Roger, John, Black Friar, 119.

  Ross, Bishops of, _v._ Lesley, Panter, Sinclair.

  Ross, James Lord, II. 552.

  Ross, John, of Craigie, 83.

  Rothes, George third Earl of, 114, 116, 172, 173, 263.

  Rothes, Andrew fourth Earl of, 350.
    II. 38, 53, 56, 63, 129, 258, 299, 423, 492, 495, 496,
          499, 503, 523, 525, 563.

  Rothesay, Duke of, _v._ Henry Lord Darnley.

  Rough, John, 96, 105, 184, 186, 188, 193.
    App. 537-540.

  Row, Mr. John, Minister of Perth, II. 87, 291, 424, 484, 517,
        538, 563.

  Rubie, Monsieur, Keeper of the Great Seal, 262, 292, 446.

  Russell, Hieronymus, martyr, 63, 65, 66.

  Ruthven, William second Lord, 99, 111, 543.

  Ruthven, Patrick third Lord, 113, 235, 316, 336, 345, 350,
        358, 367, 369, 374, 378, 414, 418.
    II. 6, 45, 47, 52, 58, 63, 373, 403, 406, 483, 497, 521,
          523, 533, 560, 565, 566.

  Ruthven, Lady, (Janet Stewart,) 418.

  Ruthven, William, Master of, afterwards fourth Lord, II. 521.

  Ruthven, William, second Lord, 99, 111.

  Ryngrave, Count de, II. 165, 166.


  S

  Sadler, Sir Ralph, 101, 103, 104, 109, 454.

  St. Andrews, Archbishops of, _v._ Beatons, Hamilton.

  St. Andrews, Priors of, _v._ Murray, James Earl of, Hepburn.

  St. Andrews, Sub-Prior of, _v._ Wynrame.

  St. Andrews, Provost of, _v._ Leirmonth.

  St. Andrews, Rector of the University of, _v._ Douglas.

  St. John of Jerusalem, Lord, _v._ Sandilands.

  Sanderson, a flesher, II. 155.

  Sandilands, Alison, wife of John Cockburn of Ormiston, 237.

  Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder, 301.

  Sandilands, Sir James, of Torphichen, Lord St. John, 301, 375.
    II. 53, 125, 131, 258, 290.

  Sandilands, John, of Calder, 139, 142, 350, 375.
    II. 527.

  Sands, Andrew, II. 12.

  Sanquhar, Lord, _v._ Crichton.

  Sanquhar, Parson of, _v._ Crichton.

  Saul's-Seat, Abbot of, II. 131.

  Schange, Patrick, II. 159.

  Scharpe, Mr. John, Advocate, II. 337.

  Schaw, Andrew, of Polkemmat, 7.

  Schaw, John, of Haly, II. 258.

  Schaw, Robert, II. 350.

  Sciennes, Sisters of the, II. 224.

  Scott, Friar John, 96, 165, 168.

  Scott, Thomas, Justice-Clerk, 69.

  Scott, Thomas, Sheriff-Depute of Perth, II. 526.

  Scott, Thomas, of Hanying, II. 258, 503.

  Scott, Thomas, of Abbotshall, 341.

  Scott, Thomas and William, sons of Scott of Balwearie, 399.

  Scott, Sir Walter, of Buccleuch, 53, 115, 217.

  Scrope, Lord, II. 57.

  Seafield, Laird of, _v._ Mowtray.

  Sebastian, (one of the Queen's pages,) II. 551.

  Secretary Lethington, _v._ Maitland.

  Sempill, Robert third Lord, 337, 339.
    II. 130, 552, 560.

  Sempill, Lady Grizzel, wife of James Hamilton of Stenhouse,
        124, 280.

  Sempill, John, of Beltrees, II. 415.

  Sempill, Mary, _v._ Levingstone.

  Serra La Burse, Captain, 328.

  Sessnock, (Cesnock,) _v._ Campbell.

  Seytoun, Friar Alexander, 45-52, 54.
    II. 64.
    App. 531-533.

  Seytoun, George Lord, Provost of Edinburgh, 79, 97, 256,
        362, 389, 392, 431.
    II. 35, 299, 536, 563.

  Sibbald, John, 233.

  Sinclair, Mr. Henry, Dean of Glasgow, Bishop of Ross, and
        Lord President, 274.
    II. 300, 303, 379, 398, 403, 411, 425, 528.

  Sinclair, Mr. John, Dean of Restalrig, Bishop of Brechin,
        and Lord President, 99, 235, 265.
    II. 131, 144, 385, 483, 495, 528.

  Sinclair, Oliver, of Pitcairnes, 67, 83, 86, 88, 91.

  Sklater, Andrew, II. 490.

  Sklater, Sir Thomas, a priest, 459.

  Somer, (Sommers,) an English agent, II. 169.

  Somer, David, II. 289.

  Somer, (Seymour,) Lady Jane, 101, 120.

  Somerset, Earl of, Protector, 209, 212.

  Somerville, Hugh fifth Lord, 88, 111.
    II. 53, 63, 299.

  Somerville, James sixth Lord, II. 563.

  Somerville, James, of Cambusnethan, II. 552.

  Somerville, John, 456.

  Spadone, William, 132.

  Spens, Mr. John, of Condie, King's Advocate, 419.
    II. 304, 401, 403, 405, 477, 491, 492, 497.

  Spence, Black John, II. 551.

  Spittal, Mr. John, Official of St. Andrews, 201.

  Spottiswood, Mr. John, Superintendant of Lothian, II. 87,
        128, 144, 424, 482, 511, 517, 528, 538.

  Steill, George, Servitor, to King James the Fifth, 68.

  Stenhouse, Laird of, v. Hamilton.

  Stevin, Alexander, II. 472.

  Stewart, Captain Alexander, II. 354.

  Stewart, Sir Alexander, younger of Garlies, II. 129, 260.

  Stewart, Andrew, Master of Ochiltree, II. 320.

  Stewart, Elizabeth, 222.

  Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews, _v._ Murray, Earl of.

  Stewart, James, Master of Buchan, 463.

  Stewart, Captain James, of Cardonald, II. 329.

  Stewart, James, Commendator of St. Colme, II. 53, 63, 88, 492.

  Stewart, Lady Janet, Countess of Argyle, II. 375-378.

  Stewart, Lord John, Prior of Coldingham, II. 88, 271, 293, 315,
        320, 389, 391, 392.

  Stewart, John, of Leith, 57.

  Stewart, Lord Robert, Abbot of Holyrood-House, 458.
    II. 53, 88, 271, 293, 321, 391.

  Stewart, Mr. Walter, (William,) 222.

  Stewart, William, of Halrig, II. 350.

  Strang, Mr. Richard, II. 326.

  Stratoun, David, of Lauriston, 58, 59.
    App. 519.

  Strois, (Strozzi,) Pierde, 205, 216.

  Strozzi, Leon, Prior of Capua, 205.

  Superintendants and other Ministers, II. 87, 143-154, 545.

  Sutherland, John eleventh Earl of, II. 6, 299, 359, 381, 523, 553.

  Sutherland, Countess of, _v._ Gordon.

  Sweden, (Eric XIV.) King of, II. 335.

  Swedish Ambassador, (Herr Pier Groif,) 335.

  Syme, James, 246, 268.

  Symeson, Duncan, 62.


  T

  Tarbet, _v._ Carvat, Sir James.

  Teringland, Laird of, _v._ Campbell.

  Termes, Monsieur de, 216.

  Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, II. 480, 482.

  Thomas (Douchty), Hermit of Lareit, 72.

  Thornton, Mr. James, Chanter of Murray, II. 180.

  Tod, George, 221.

  Tullybardine, Laird of, _v._ Murray.


  V

  Valance, Bishop of, _v._ Monluc.

  Vchiltree, Lord Stewart of, _v._ Ochiltree, II. 563, 565.

  Vielmort, (Villemore,) Bartholomew, Comptroller, 293.


  W

  Wallace, Adam, alias Fean, 237, 239, 241.
    App. 543-550.

  Wallace, Hugh, of Carnell, 340.
    II. 349, 499.

  Wallace, Hugh, of Meanford, II. 350.

  Wallace, John, of Craigie, 340.
    II. 349.

  Wallace, Michael, Provost of Ayr, II. 348.

  Warwick, Earl of, 209, 210.

  Watson, James, Innergowrie, 132.

  Watson, Mr. James, II. 289.

  Wauchton, Laird of, _v._ Hepburn.

  Wedderburn, James and John, 139.
    App. 530, 531.

  Wedderburn, Laird of, _v._ Hume.

  Wemyss, Sir John, of Wemyss, II. 14, 43, 472.

  Whytelaw, Alexander, of New Grange, 393, 461.
    II. 31, 34, 381.

  Whittingham, Laird of, _v._ Douglas.

  Whitehorn, Prior of, _v._ Fleming.

  Wighton, Sir John, a priest, 130.

  Wiclyffe, John, 6.

  Willock, John, Superintendant of the West, 245, 247, 256,
        301, 343, 388, 442, 464.
    II. 71, 87, 128, 424, 482, 484.

  Wilson, one, Servitor of the Bishop of Dunkeld, 97.

  Wilson, Mr. Stephen, II. 180.

  Winchester, Bishop of, (Stephen Gardyner,) 54, 56.

  Winter, William, Admiral of the English Fleet, II. 13, 56.

  Wishart, Mr. George, the Martyr, 125-172, 176, 192, 236.
    App. 534-537.

  Wishart, Sir John, of Pittarrow, Comptroller, 274, 337, 347,
        366, 369, 378, 451.
    II. 45, 47, 52, 64, 304, 310, 353, 356, 392, 403, 423, 499, 518.

  Wolfurd, Sir James, 219.

  Wood, Mr. Alexander, II. 13.

  Wood, Mr. John, Secretary to the Earl of Murray, II. 295, 392.

  Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, II. 72.

  Wynrame, Dean John, Superintendant of Fyfe, 36, 150, 168, 192,
        193, 195.
    II. 87, 88, 128, 424, 445, 482, 517.


  Y

  Yair, Henry, II. 533.

  Yester, Lord Hay of, _v._ Hay.




INDEX OF PLACES.


  A

  Aberbrothok, (Arbroath,) 147, 180.
    II. 363.

  Aberdeen, II. 87, 203, 346, 352, 354, 357.

  Aberdeen, University of, II. 213, 219.

  Adenstoun, II. 44.

  Amboyse, (in France,) II. 133.

  Angus and Mearns, 136, 256, 300, 317.
    II. 87, 189, 203, 354, 474.

  Ankrome (Ancrum) Muir, 122.

  Annan, II. 512.

  Annanderdaill, II. 204.

  Anwick, (Alnwick,) II. 32.

  Argyle, II. 87, 203, 391, 496.

  Arran, Isle of, II. 203.

  Athole, II. 469, 492, 507.

  Auchendowne, II. 354.

  Auchterarder, 341.

  Ayr, town of, 127. II. 87, 347, 343, 351, 397.

  Ayrshire, places in, 7.


  B

  Bamff, shire of, II. 203.

  Barr, in Ayrshire, 127, 250.

  Bartainzie, (Britanny,) 208, 234.

  Basill, (in Switzerland,) II. 534.

  Bathgate, parish of, II. 548.

  Bawgawy, (Balgavie,) 114.

  Berne, (in Switzerland,) II. 534.

  Berwick, 48, 79, 121, 231, 454.
    II. 34, 38, 39, 43-46, 68, 84, 138, 280, 520, 535.

  Birst, (Brest,) 234.

  Blackness Castle, 116, 120, 426.

  Bononia, (Bologna,) University of, II. 456-458.

  Borders of Scotland and England,(East and West,) 84, 121, 257.
    II. 292, 553, 557.

  Borthwick Castle, II. 557, 559.

  Boys, (Bois,) de Vincent, II. 81.

  Brechin, II. 203.

  Brochty Craig, 208, 214-216, 423.

  Brounstane, (Brunstane,) 134.

  Bruntisland, II. 5, 6.

  Buchan, II. 353.

  Bullon, (Bulloigne,) 233.

  Burrow Muir, (near Edinburgh,) II. 336.

  Bute, Isle of, II. 203.


  C

  Cadder Water, II. 500.

  Caithness, II. 203.

  Calder House, 249.

  Calice, (Calais,) 220. II. 170.

  Callender, II. 490, 501.

  Cambuskenneth, Abbey of, 37, 391.

  Canongate, (Edinburgh,) 57, 222, 404, 457.

  Carberry, 211. II. 560.

  Carlaverock Castle, 122.

  Carleill, (Carlisle,) 85. II. 39, 40, 512.

  Carnell, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

  Carney Castle, (in Fife,) 90.

  Carrick, district of Ayrshire, II. 204, 347, 435.

  Carron Water, II. 501.

  Castle Campbell, 253. II. 502.

  Castle Huntley, 114.

  Castle Sempill, II. 130.

  Cawpmanhowin (Copenhagen), 55.

  Cliddisdaill, II. 204.

  Conquet (Le), in Britanny, 231.

  Copenhagen, _v._ Cawpmanhowin.

  Corrichie, (Aberdeenshire,) II. 356, 526.

  Corsraguell Abbey, II. 168.

  Cowper, (Cupar in Fife,) 350-355, 472.
    II. 8, 22, 384.

  Cragingatt, 374.

  Craigie, 335.

  Craigmillar Castle, 121. II. 535.

  Crawfurd, II. 512.

  Crawmond, 220.

  Creichton Castle, 455, 456.

  Culross, II. 5.

  Cunningham, district of Ayrshire, 335.
    II. 204, 347.

  Cupar-Fife, _v._ Cowper.


  D

  Dalkeith, 97, 213. II. 560.

  Deape, (Dieppe,) 232, 253, 264, 269, 272.
    II. 4, 15.

  Dee, River, II. 203.

  Dieppe, _v._ Deape.

  Dovane Water, II. 14.

  Dover, 220.

  Draffen Castle, II. 507.

  Dron, Path of, II. 490.

  Drumfries, (Dumfries,) II. 204, 374, 377, 502, 508, 511, 512.

  Drundallan, 142.

  Ducheland, (Germany,) 55.

  Dunbar, 371, 404. II. 32, 74, 75, 360, 495, 523-525, 553-558.

  Dunbar Castle, 124, 426, 528.

  Dunbar, Kirk of, II. 144.

  Dundee, 36, 46, 114, 125-132, 155, 215, 228, 256, 300, 301,
        317, 318, 336, 351, 358, 405, 457.
    II. 11, 12, 287, 359, 474, 503, 504, 531, 532.

  Dumbarton, 111, 207, 217, 387.
    II. 330.

  Dun, House of, (in Forfarshire,) 249, 250.

  Dunfermling, 38. II. 5, 87.

  Dunkeld, II. 487.

  Dysert, 404. II. 9, 12, 13.


  E

  Edinburgh, (_v._ Canongate, Holyrood, Restalrig,) 61, 80, 90, 97,
        104, 119-122, 132, 143, 209, 213, 221, 238-241, 250-254,
        256-261, 294, 301, 364, 374-381, 389, 391, 426, 437, 441,
        445, 465.
    II. 3, 32, 57, 87, 120, 123, 124, 129, 138, 156-161, 203, 272,
          280, 287, 292-294, 315, 320-327, 330, 337, 359, 363,
          379-384, 394-396, 421-460, _passim_, 469-479, 483-487,
          490-504, 509-523, 549, 552, 554, 557-563, 566.

  Edinburgh Castle, 124, 142-144, 464.
    II. 3, 58, 67, 287, 329, 316, 360, 422, 490, 499, 510, 527-530,
    558, 562.

  Edinburgh, Castle Hill, 63, 416.

  Edinburgh, Greenside, Rood of, 60;
    St. Leonard's Craigs, 472.
    II. 384, 487, 490.

  Edinburgh, Kirk of, (St. Giles' Kirk,) 388, 389, 392.
    II. 84, 144, 151, 276, 314, 364, 420, 456, 497, 524, 531.

  Edinburgh, Kirk of Field, 131.
    II. 138, 325, 549.

  Edinburgh, Leith Wynd, 457, 458.

  Edinburgh, Market Cross, 93.
    II. 273, 476, 495, 504, 526, 558, 566.

  Edinburgh, Netherbow Port, 458;
    West Port, II. 499.

  Edinburgh, Tolbooth or Parliament House, II. 524, 526.

  Ednam, (Annan,) II. 512.

  Elphingstone, 140, 142.

  Embden, 245, 256.

  Enresk, (Inveresk,) 135.
    II. 58, 209, 221.

  Ergyle, _v._ Argyle.

  Esk, Water of, 210.

  Ettrick Forest, II. 204.


  F

  Failfurd, (in Ayrshire,) II. 168.

  Fala, 79.

  Falkland Palace, 90, 173, 348-351.
    II. 322, 328.

  Farabank, II. 356.

  Fawsyde, 210-212. II. 503

  Ferne, Abbey of, 15.

  Floddon Field, 13.

  Forth, Firth of, 203, 220.
    II. 41, 44, 504.

  Forth, Water, 340, 362.
    II. 203.

  Fotheringham, II. 203.

  Franckfort, 232, 253.

  Fyfe, Shire of, 300, 375.
    II. 43, 87, 203, 354, 469, 471-473, 502.

  Fynlater, II. 354.


  G

  Galloway, II. 204, 347, 351.

  Galston, (in Ayrshire,) 127.

  Garlabank, (in Fife,) 354.

  Gathgirth, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

  Geneva, 231, 232, 253, 267, 274.
    II. 16, 534.

  Gladsmuir, II. 559.

  Glasgow, 5, 7, 19, 111, 382-384.
    II. 38, 39, 41, 56, 57, 204, 378, 498, 500, 502, 537, 549.

  Glasgow, University of, II. 213, 219.

  Glennis House, (in Fife,) II. 10.

  Govan Muir, 394.

  Grange House, (in Fife,) II. 8, 10.

  Granton Craigs, 120.

  Gwdy, (Goodie,) Water, 340.


  H

  Haddington, 84, 90, 136-139, 215-217, 221, 223, 236.
    II. 528.

  Hailes Castle, 143.

  Haldane Rig, 78.

  Hallyards, (Hawyardis,) 90.
    II. 10, 328.

  Halyrudhouse, _v._ Holyrood.

  Hamilton, (Castle,) 384, 413-417, 437.
    II. 498, 500, 502, 507.

  Hawick, II. 336.

  Hermitage, II. 534, 535.

  Hierusalem, (Jerusalem,) 13.

  Holland, coast of, II. 4.

  Holy Island, II. 32.

  Holyrood, Abbey and Chapel of, 57, 60, 103, 391, 461.
    II. 270, 271, 393, 396, 471, 472, 495, 514, 519, 524,
          527, 549, 550, 562.

  Holyrood, Palace of, 81, 82, 108, 364, 377.
    II. 269, 293, 321, 359, 386, 393, 395, 403-412, 415, 419,
          469, 509, 512, 520-524, 550.

  Home Castle, 210, 224, 255.


  I

  Inner Gowrye, 132.

  Innerness, II. 353, 354, 391, 392.

  Insche, (Inchkeith,) 426.
    II. 72, 74.

  Inveresk, _v._ Enresk.


  J

  Jedwart, (Jedburgh,) 78, 445.
    II. 87, 204, 292, 364-366, 531-535.


  K

  Kelso, 78, 293.
    II. 292.

  Kersgrange, 39.

  Kilwinning Abbey, 168.

  Kinghorn, 404.
    II. 6, 7, 10, 12, 369.

  Kinneill, II. 5, 320, 327.

  Kinyeancleuch, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

  Kinross, II. 373.

  Kirkaldy, 404.
    II. 12.

  Kirkwall, II. 203.

  Kyle, district of Ayrshire, 105, 129, 250, 335.
    II. 204, 347, 474, 526.

  Kyntyre, II. 203.


  L

  Langnuddry, 134, 136.

  Lanrick, (Lanark,) II. 501.

  Lauder Brig, 80.

  Lauderdale, II. 203.

  Leith, 111, 120, 122, 134, 209, 214, 221, 286, 307, 374-377,
        389, 404-406, 413-429, 437, 451, 457-461.
    II. 14, 45, 53, 57-60, 64-69, 72-75, 87, 160, 269, 510, 559.

  Leith, Kirk of, 392.
    II. 144.

  Leith, Water of, 375.
    II. 65.

  Lethington, (in East Lothian,) 137.

  Leven Water, II. 13.

  Levenax, (Lennox,) II. 204, 507.

  Lewis, Isle of, II. 203.

  Liddisdale, II. 204, 292, 479, 524.

  Lipsia, (Leipzig,) 55.

  Lochlevin Castle, II. 371-373, 562, 565, 566.

  Lochquhaber, II. 203.

  London, 213, 231, 473.
    II. 280, 382, 513.

  London, Tower of, 42.
    II. 336.

  Longhame, (Langholm,) 122.

  Lore, Water of, (the Loir,) 208.

  Lorne, II. 203.

  Lothian, Shire of, 137, 113, 215, 375.
    II. 87, 144, 189.

  Lowmaben, (Loehmaben,) 85, 89, 122.
    II. 508, 512.

  Lundie, (in Fife,) 213, 231, 473.
    II. 503.

  Lynlythqw, (Linlithgow,) 53, 69, 91, 104, 108, 381, 453.
    II. 287, 303, 497, 498.


  M

  Magdeburg, II. 453.

  Mar, Brae of, II. 203.

  Mauchline, (in Ayrshire,) 127, 128.

  Maxwell-heuch, 255.

  Maybole, (in Ayrshire,) II. 352.

  Melrose, 53, 293.
    II. 528.

  Menteith, II. 204.

  Mernys, (Mearns,) 189, 256.
    II. 203, 354, 474.

  Merse, (in Teviotdale,) II. 187, 203.

  Month, the Mount, II. 301-307.

  Montrose, 125, 132, 317.

  Mont St. Michael, (in Normandy,) 226, 229, 230.

  Morhame, 455.

  Murray, II. 203, 469.

  Musselburgh, _v._ Inveresk, 210, 404.
    II. 559.


  N

  Nantes, (in France,) 208, 227.

  Newbattle Abbey, 231.
    II. 528.

  Newcastle, 231.
    II. 280, 513.

  Niddisdale, Nithsdale, II. 204, 351.

  North Berwick, 404.

  North (the), Northland, and North of Scotland, 316-359, 391, 419.


  O

  Orkney Islands, II. 203.

  Orleanse, (Orleans,) II. 133, 134, 318.

  Ormiston, (in East Lothian,) 134, 138-142, 393.

  Ormiston Wood, 142.


  P

  Pasley, II. 347, 498.

  Paris, II. 165, 169.

  Peebles, II. 512.

  Perth, _v._ St. Johnstoun.

  Pettycur, (in Fife,) II. 7.

  Pinkycleuch, 260.

  Pittenweem, (in Fife,) II. 32.

  Preston, 209, 368, 369, 393.

  Prestonpanns, 209, 404.


  R

  Renfrew, II. 204.

  Restalrig, (near Edinburgh,) 266, 461.
    II. 58, 65.

  Rheims, II. 165.

  Rhone, Water of, (the Rhine,) 159.

  Ross, Chanonry of, II. 203.

  Rowane, (Rouen,) 226, 230, 293.

  Rothiemay, (in Aberdeenshire,) II. 353.


  S

  Sanctandrois, (St. Andrews,) 6, 15, 17, 36-39, 43, 46, 53,
        97, 184-202, 228, 308, 351-355, 444.
    II. 13, 22, 43, 87, 203, 287, 322, 329, 369, 491, 503-506.

  St. Andrews, Abbey or Cathedral Church, 150.

  St. Andrews, Castle or Episcopal Palace, 110, 119, 122, 144-149,
        168, 169, 172-179, 181-184, 203-208, 430.

  St. Andrews, Diocese of, II. 548.

  St. Andrews, University of, 17, 36.
    II. 213, 219.

  St. Colme's Inch, 220.

  St. Dothes, (in Ross,) 16.

  St. Johnstoun, or Perth, 112-118, 316-328, 336, 337, 343-345,
        350, 355-362, 405, 441, 472.
    II. 87, 203, 287, 359, 384, 481-487.

  Scone, Abbey of, 359-362.

  Seatoun, 97.
    II. 492, 523, 550, 559.

  Semple, Castle of, II. 130.

  Sherisburg, (Cherbourg in France,) 225.

  Shetland or Zetland, II. 203.

  Skein, Loch of, II. 354.

  Sky, Isle of, II. 203.

  Smalholme, 79, 83, 87, 102.

  Solane Moss, (Solway,) 83, 87.

  South Ylis, II. 203.

  Spey, River, II. 203.

  Stamford, (in England,) II. 32, 34.

  Steadis, (the States,) 55.

  Stirling, _v._ Striveling.

  Stitchell, (in Roxburghshire,) 79.

  Strabogye, II. 346, 353, 354, 359.

  Straytherne, II. 189, 345.

  Straythnaver, II. 203.

  Straythyla, II. 353.

  Striveling, (or Stirling,) 108, 109, 213, 268, 317, 340, 362,
        381, 383, 413, 416, 417, 465, 467, 473.
    II. 5, 6, 14, 40, 156, 189, 203, 287, 346, 353, 359, 391,
          393, 398, 479-481, 498, 502, 507, 527, 533, 535-537,
          549, 552-557, 566.

  Stirling, (Chapel Royal,) 44, 328.

  Stirling, Kirk of, II. 144.

  Sutherland, II. 203.


  T

  Tay, River, 126.

  Teith, Water of, 340.

  Teviotdale, II. 189, 204.

  Tranent, 136, 404.

  Tranent Kirk, II. 144.

  Tullibody, (in Clackmannanshire,) II. 14.

  Tweddale, II. 204, 512.

  Tweed, River, 79, 80, 255.


  W

  Wark Castle, 123, 255.

  Weddale, II. 203.

  Wemyss Castle, II. 472.

  West of Scotland, II. 391, 474.

  Whytsyde, II. 14.

  Whyttenberg, (Wittemburg,) 15.

  Wyntoun, 237.


  Y

  Yarmouth, 105.

  Ylis, the, 82.
    II. 87.

  York, II. 335.


       *       *       *       *       *


Transcriber's note:

1. There are several asterisks in the text, for example:
"bene some quhat hard,* yet". These refer to sidenotes on those
pages.

2. There are multiple instances of different spellings for the same
word (example: Huntley and Huntlye), as well as inconsistent hyphenation
and punctuation. Those have been retained. Obvious typos have been
corrected.

3. Quote (") marks have been retained as in the original.

4. Page 78: The transcriber inserted the missing anchor for
footnote 180: "That is, the year 1558-9."

5. Page 114: "perfythe" is unclear.

6. Page 242: Cor. 14:29 The transcriber has added 1 to make
it read 1 Cor. as the context would indicate.