The History and Antiquities

                                  Of The

                                Doric Race

                          by Karl Otfried Müller

                 Professor in the University of Göttingen

                      Translated From the German by

                           Henry Tufnell, Esq.

                                   And

                    George Cornewall Lewis, Esq., A.M.

                        Student of Christ Church.

                         Second Edition, Revised.

                                  Vol. I

                                 London:

                      John Murray, Albemarle Street.

                                  1839.





CONTENTS


Extract From The Translators’ Preface To The First Edition.
Advertisement To The Second Edition.
Introduction.
Book I. History Of The Doric Race, From The Earliest Times To The End Of
The Peloponnesian War.
   Chapter I.
   Chapter II.
   Chapter III.
   Chapter IV.
   Chapter V.
   Chapter VI.
   Chapter VII.
   Chapter VIII.
   Chapter IX.
Book II. Religion And Mythology Of The Dorians.
   Chapter I.
   Chapter II.
   Chapter III.
   Chapter IV.
   Chapter V.
   Chapter VI.
   Chapter VII.
   Chapter VIII.
   Chapter IX.
   Chapter X.
   Chapter XI.
   Chapter XII.
Appendix I.
Appendix II. Genealogy of Hellen.
Appendix III. The migration of the Dorians to Crete.
Appendix IV. History of the Greek congress or synedrion during the Persian
war.
Footnotes






EXTRACT FROM THE TRANSLATORS’ PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.


The History, of which an English translation is now offered to the public,
forms the second and third volumes of a work by Professor C. O. Müller,
entitled, “Histories of Greek Tribes and Cities.” The first volume of this
series was published separately under the name of “Orchomenos and the
Minyæ;” and contains a most learned examination of the mythology and early
history of Orchomenos and other towns of Bœotia, and of the migrations of
the Minyæ, together with other questions more or less connected with these
subjects. It is, in every respect, a distinct and separate work from the
Dorians, comprised in the second and third volumes; nor was it more
incumbent on us to publish a translation of that first volume, because it
is often referred to in the subsequent volumes, than of the many other
admirable works on Grecian history, equally referred to, which are
inaccessible to persons not acquainted with the German language.

At a time when a large part of the present translation had been completed,
the translators communicated by letter to Professor Müller their intention
with regard to his work on the Dorians, and requested him to read the
manuscript of their translation before it was printed, in case they should
have anywhere committed any errors, or failed to catch the import of his
words. To this request Mr. Müller, though not personally known by either
of the translators, not only acceded, but, with an unexpected, and indeed
unhoped-for liberality, expressed his willingness to contribute to our
translation all the alterations and additions which his reading had
suggested since the appearance of the original work. The manuscript was
accordingly transmitted, and carefully revised, corrected, and enlarged by
the author. Of the value of these changes it would perhaps be improper
that we should speak in the terms which they seem to us to deserve: of
their number, however, as this can be brought to a certain test, we will
venture to assert, that few books undergo so great changes after their
first publication; and that the present work may be in strictness
considered, not only a translation, but a new edition of the original. In
making these changes, it was also the author’s wish to clear up
ambiguities or obscurity of meaning, either by a change in the expression,
or a fuller development of the thought: and we cannot help hoping, that
even to a person acquainted with German, our translation will thus be
found in many places more explicit and satisfactory than the original
text.

Besides those alterations, which appear for the first time in the
following translation, the additions and corrections published by the
author in his “Introduction to a scientific System of Mythology” have been
here incorporated; and a Dissertation on the early history of the
Macedonian nation, published separately by the author, some time after the
appearance of the Dorians, has been inserted in the Appendix.

Not only has the small map of Macedonia, appended to this Dissertation,
been inserted in our translation, in addition to the map of the
Peloponnese, which was alone contained in the original work, but also a
map of northern Greece, which, together with the explanatory article
inserted in the Appendix, is now for the first time given to the public.
These three maps together furnish a complete geographical picture of
ancient Greece, from the promontory of Tænarum to the north of Macedonia;
and we may be allowed to say, that in accuracy and fulness of detail, they
rival, if not excel, all other maps of the same regions(1).

After the printing of the whole work (with the exception of the Appendix)
had been completed, the sheets were sent to Mr. Müller, by which means not
only the translation of the original, but also of the manuscript
additions, have received the approbation of the author. Any discrepancies,
therefore, which may appear between the translation and the original must
be considered as sanctioned by the author. The translators at the same
time think it right to state, in case Mr. Müller should be exposed to any
misrepresentations in his own country, that in making their translation
they did not consider themselves bound to follow the letter of the
original, and have sometimes indulged in a free paraphrase: while in some
places they suggested more considerable changes, on account of the
difference between the opinions on many important subjects which generally
prevail in England and Germany.

(1830.)





ADVERTISEMENT TO THE SECOND EDITION.


The First Edition of the present Translation has been revised by the
Author; and he has supplied several corrections and additions, which have
been inserted in their proper places.

The accounts of the geography of Peloponnesus and Northern Greece, which
were inserted in the Appendix to the First Edition of the Translation,
have been omitted in the present Edition.

April, 1839.





INTRODUCTION.


    § 1. Origin of the Dorians in the North of Greece. § 2. Northern
    boundary of Greece. § 3. The Macedonians. § 4. The Thessalians. §
    5. Diffusion of the Illyrians in Western Greece. § 6. The
    Phrygians. § 7. The Thracians. § 8. The Hellenes, Achæans,
    Minyans, Ionians, and Dorians. § 9. The Hylleans. § 10. Relation
    of the above nations to the Pelasgians. § 11. Difference between
    the Pelasgic and Hellenic religions. § 12. Early language of
    Greece, and its chief dialects.


1. The Dorians derived their origin from those districts in which the
Grecian nation bordered towards the north upon numerous and dissimilar
races of barbarians. As to the tribes which dwelt beyond these boundaries
we are indeed wholly destitute of information; nor is there the slightest
trace of any memorial or tradition that the Greeks originally came from
those quarters. On these frontiers, however, the events took place which
effected an entire alteration in the internal condition of the whole
Grecian people, and here were given many of those impulses, of which the
effects were so long and generally experienced. The prevailing character
of the events in question, was a perpetual pressing forward of the
barbarous races, particularly of the Illyrians, into more southern
districts; yet Greece, although harassed, confined, nay even compelled to
abandon part of her territory, never attempted to make a united resistance
to their encroachments. The cause of this negligence probably was, that
all her views being turned to the south, no attention whatever was paid to
the above quarters.

2. To begin then by laying down a boundary line (which may be afterwards
modified for the sake of greater accuracy), we shall suppose this to be
the mountain ridge, which stretches from Olympus to the west as far as the
Acroceraunian mountains (comprehending the Cambunian ridge and mount
Lacmon), and in the middle comes in contact with the Pindus chain, which
stretches in a direction from north to south. The western part of this
chain separates the furthest Grecian tribes from the great Illyrian
nation, which extended back as far as the Celts in the south of Germany.
Every clue respecting the connexion, peculiarities, and original language
of this people must be interesting, and the dialects of the Albanians,
especially of those who inhabit the mountains where the original customs
and language have been preserved in greater purity, will afford materials
for inquiry.(2) For our present purpose it will be sufficient to state,
that they formed the northern boundary of the Grecian nation, from which
they were distinguished both by their language and customs.

3. In the fashion of wearing the mantle and dressing the hair,(3) and also
in their dialect, the MACEDONIANS bore a great resemblance to the
Illyrians; whence it is evident that the Macedonians belonged to the
Illyrian nation.(4) Notwithstanding which, there can be no doubt that the
Greeks were aboriginal(5) inhabitants of this district. The plains of
Emathia, the most beautiful district of the country, were occupied by the
Pelasgians,(6) who, according to Herodotus, also possessed Creston above
Chalcidice, to which place they had come from Thessaliotis.(7) Hence the
Macedonian dialect was full of Greek radical words. And that these had not
been introduced by the royal family (which was Hellenic by descent or
adoption of manners) is evident from the fact, that many signs of the most
simple ideas (which no language ever borrows from another) were the same
in both, as well as from the circumstance that these words do not appear
in their Greek form, but have been modified according to a native
dialect.(8) In the Macedonian dialect there occur grammatical forms which
are commonly called Æolic,(9) together with many Arcadian(10) and
Thessalian(11) words: and what perhaps is still more decisive, several
words, which, though not to be found in the Greek, have been preserved in
the Latin language.(12) There does not appear to be any peculiar affinity
with the Doric dialect: hence we do not give much credit to the otherwise
unsupported assertion of Herodotus, of an original identity of the Doric
and Macednian (Macedonian) nations. In other authors Macednus is called
the son of Lycaon, from whom the Arcadians were said to be descended;(13)
or Macedon is the brother of Magnes, or a son of Æolus, according to
Hesiod and Hellanicus,(14) which are merely various attempts to form a
genealogical connexion between this semi-barbarian race, and the rest of
the Greek nation.(15)

4. The THESSALIANS, as well as the Macedonians, were, as it appears, an
Illyrian race, who subdued a native Greek population; but in this case the
body of the interlopers was smaller, while the numbers and civilization of
the aboriginal inhabitants were considerable. Hence the Thessalians
resembled the Greeks more than any of the northern races with which they
were connected: hence their language in particular was almost purely
Grecian, and indeed bore perhaps a greater affinity to the language of the
ancient epic poets than any other dialect.(16) But the chief peculiarities
of this nation with which we are acquainted were not of a Grecian
character. Of this their national dress,(17) which consisted in part of
the flat and broad-brimmed hat καυσία and the chlamys (which last was
common to both nations, but was unknown to the Greeks of Homer’s time, and
indeed long afterwards,(18) until adopted as the costume of the equestrian
order at Athens), is a sufficient example. The Thessalians, moreover, were
beyond a doubt the first to introduce into Greece the use of cavalry. More
important distinctions however than that first alleged are perhaps to be
found in their impetuous and passionate character, and the low state of
their intelligence. The taste for the arts shown by the wealthy house of
the Scopadæ proves no more that such was the disposition of the whole
people, than the existence of the same qualities in Archelaus argues their
prevalence in Macedonia. This is sufficient to distinguish them from the
race of the Greeks, so highly endowed by nature. We are therefore induced
to conjecture that this nation, which a short time before the expedition
of the Heraclidæ, migrated from Thesprotia, and indeed from the territory
of Ephyra (Cichyrus) into the plain of the Peneus, had originally come
from Illyria. On the other hand indeed, many points of similarity in the
customs of the Thessalians and Dorians might be brought forward. Thus for
example, the love for the male sex (that usage peculiar to the Dorians)
was also common among the Illyrians, and the objects of affection were, as
at Sparta, called ἀίται;(19) the women also, as amongst the Dorians, were
addressed by the title of _ladies_ (δέσποιναι), a title uncommon in
Greece, and expressive of the estimation in which they were held.(20) A
great freedom in the manners of the female sex was nevertheless customary
among the Illyrians, who in this respect bore a nearer resemblance to the
northern nations.(21) Upon the whole, however, these migrations from the
north had the effect of disseminating among the Greeks manners and
institutions which were entirely unknown to their ancestors, as
represented by Homer.

5. We will now proceed to inquire what was the extent of territory gained
by the Illyrians in the west of Greece. Great part of Epirus had in early
times been inhabited by Pelasgians,(22) to which race the inhabitants of
Dodona are likewise affirmed by the best authorities to have belonged, as
well as the whole nation of Thesprotians;(23) also the Chaonians at the
foot of the Acroceraunian mountains,(24) and the Chones, Œnotrians, and
Peucetians on the opposite coast of Italy, are said to have been of this
race.(25) The ancient buildings, institutions, and religious worship of
the Epirots, are also manifestly of Pelasgic origin. We suppose always
that the Pelasgians were Greeks, and spoke the Grecian language: an
opinion in support of which we will on this occasion only adduce a few
arguments. It must then be borne in mind, that all the races whose
migrations took place at a late period, such as the Achæans, Ionians,
Dorians, were not (the last in particular) sufficiently powerful or
numerous to effect a complete change in the customs of a barbarous
population;(26) that many districts, Arcadia and Perrhæbia, for instance,
remained entirely Pelasgic, without being inhabited by any nation not of
Grecian origin; that the most ancient names, either of Grecian places or
mentioned in their traditions, belonged indeed to a different era of the
dialect, but not to another language; that finally, the great similarity
between the Latin and Greek can only be explained by supposing the
Pelasgic language to have formed the connecting link. Now the nations of
Epirus were almost reduced to a complete state of barbarism by the
operation of causes, which could only have had their origin in
Illyria;(27) and in the historic age, the Ambracian bay was the boundary
of Greece. In later times, more than half of Ætolia ceased to be Grecian,
and without doubt adopted the manners and language of the Illyrians;(28)
from which point the Athamanes, an Epirot and Illyrian nation, pressed
into the south of Thessaly.(29) Migrations and predatory expeditions, such
as the Encheleans had undertaken in the fabulous times, continued without
intermission to repress and keep down the genuine population of Greece.

6. The Illyrians were in these ancient times also bounded on the east by
the Phrygians and Thracians, as well as by the Pelasgians. The PHRYGIANS
were at this time the immediate neighbours of the Macedonians in Lebæa, by
whom they were called Brygians (Βρύγες, Βρύγοι, Βρίγες);(30) they dwelt at
the foot of the snowy Bermius, where the fabulous rose-gardens of king
Midas were situated, while walking in which the wise Silenus was said to
have been taken prisoner. They also fought from this place (as the
Telegonia of Eugammon related)(31) with the Thesprotians of Epirus. At no
great distance from hence were the Mygdonians, the people nearest related
to the Phrygians. According to Xanthus, this nation did not migrate to
Asia until after the Trojan war.(32) But, in the first place, the Cretan
traditions begin with religious rites and fables, which appear from the
most ancient testimonies to have been derived from Phrygians of Asia;(33)
and, secondly, the Armenians, who were beyond a doubt of a kindred race to
the Phrygians,(34) were considered as an aboriginal nation in their own
territory.(35) It will therefore be sufficient to recognise the same race
of men in Armenia, Asia Minor, and at the foot of mount Bermius, without
supposing that all the Armenians and Phrygians emigrated from the latter
settlement on the Macedonian coast. The intermediate space between Illyria
and Asia, a district across which numerous nations migrated in ancient
times, was peopled irregularly from so many sides, that the national
uniformity which seems to have once existed in those parts was speedily
deranged. The most important documents respecting the connexion between
the Phrygian and other nations are the traces that remain of its dialect.
It was well known in Plato’s time that many primitive words of the Grecian
language were to be recognised with a slight alteration in the Phrygian,
such as πῦρ, ὕδωρ, χύων;(36) and the great similarity of grammatical
structure which the Armenian now displays with the Greek, must be referred
to this original connexion.(37) The Phrygians in Asia must, however, have
been intermixed with Syrians, who not only established themselves on the
right bank of the Halys, but on the left also in Lycaonia,(38) and as far
as Lycia,(39) and accordingly adopted much of the Syrian language and
religion.(40) Their enthusiastic and frantic ceremonies had doubtless
always formed part of their religion: these they had in common with their
immediate neighbours the Thracians: but the ancient Greeks appear to have
been almost entirely unacquainted with such rites.

7. The THRACIANS, who settled in Pieria at the foot of mount Olympus, and
from thence came down to mount Helicon, as being the originators of the
worship of Dionysus and the Muses, and the fathers of Grecian poetry,(41)
are a nation of the highest importance in the history of civilization. We
cannot but suppose that they spoke a dialect very similar to the Greek,
since otherwise they could not have had any considerable influence upon
the latter people. They were in all probability derived originally from
the country called Thrace in later times, where the Bessians, a tribe of
the nation of the Satræ,(42) at the foot of Mount Pangæum, presided over
the oracle of Dionysus. Whether the whole of the populous races of Edones,
Odomantians, Odrysians, Treres, &c. are to be considered as identical with
the Thracians in Pieria, or whether it is not more probable that these
barbarous nations(43) received from the Greeks their general name of
Thracians, with which they had been familiar from early times, are
questions which I shall not attempt to determine. Into these nations,
however, a large number of Pæonians subsequently penetrated, who had
passed over at the time of a very ancient migration of the Teucrians,
together with the Mysians.(44) To this Pæonian race the Pelagonians, on
the banks of the Axius, belonged; who also advanced into Thessaly, as will
be shown hereafter. Of the Teucrians, however, we know nothing, excepting
that in concert with (Pelasgic) Dardanians they founded the city of
Troy,—where the language in use was probably allied to the Grecian, and
distinct from the Phrygian.(45)

8. Now it is within the mountainous barriers above described that we must
look for the origin of the nations which in the heroic mythology are
always represented as possessing dominion and power, and are always
contrasted with an aboriginal population. These, in my opinion, were
northern branches of the Grecian nation, which had overrun and subdued the
Greeks who dwelt further south. The most ancient abode of the HELLENES
Proper (who in mythology are merely a small nation in Phthia(46)) was
situated, according to Aristotle, in Epirus, near Dodona, to whose god
Achilles(47) prays, as being the ancient protector of his family. In all
probability the ACHÆANS, the ruling nation both of Thessaly and of
Peloponnesus, in the mythical times, were of the same race and origin as
the Hellenes. The MINYANS, Phlegyans, Lapithæ, and Æolians of Corinth and
Salmone, came originally from the districts above Pieria, on the frontiers
of Macedonia, where the very ancient Orchomenus, Minya, and Salmonia or
Halmopia were situated.(48) Nor is there less obscurity with regard to the
northern settlements of the IONIANS; they appear, as it were, to have
fallen from heaven into Attica and Ægialea: they were not, however, by any
means identical with the aboriginal inhabitants of these districts, and
had, perhaps, detached themselves from some northern, probably Achæan,
race.(49) Lastly, the DORIANS are mentioned in ancient legends and poems
as established in one extremity of the great mountain-chain of Upper
Greece, viz. at the foot of Olympus; there are, however, reasons for
supposing, that at an earlier period they had dwelt at its other northern
extremity, at the furthest limit of the Grecian nation.

9. We now turn our attention to the singular nation of the HYLLEANS
(Ὑλλεῖς, Ὕλλοι), which is supposed to have dwelt in Illyria, but is in
many respects connected in a remarkable manner with the Dorians. The real
place of its abode can hardly be laid down; as the Hylleans are never
mentioned in any historical narrative, but always in mythical legends; and
they appear to have been known to the geographers only from mythological
writers. Yet they are generally placed in the islands of Melita and
Black-Corcyra, to the south of Liburnia.(50) Now the name of the Hylleans
agrees strikingly with that of the first and most noble tribe of the
Dorians. Besides which, it is stated, that, though dwelling among Illyrian
races, these Hylleans were nevertheless genuine _Greeks_. Moreover they,
as well as the Doric Hylleans, were supposed to have sprung from Hyllus, a
son of Hercules, whom that hero begot upon Melite, the daughter of
Ægæus:(51) here the name Ægæus refers to a river in Corcyra, Melite to the
island just mentioned. Apollo was the chief god of the Dorians; and so
likewise these Hylleans were said to have concealed under the earth, as
the sign of inviolable sanctity, that instrument of such importance in the
religion of Apollo, a tripod.(52) The country of the Hylleans is described
as a large peninsula, and compared to Peloponnesus: it is said to have
contained fifteen cities, which, however, had not a more real existence
than the peninsula as large as Peloponnesus on the Illyrian coast. How all
these statements are to be understood is hard to say. It appears, however,
that they can only be reconciled as follows: the Doric Hylleans had a
tradition, that they came originally from these northern districts, which
then bordered on the Illyrians, and were afterwards occupied by that
people; and there still remained in those parts some members of their
tribe, some other Hylleans. This notion of Greek Hylleans in the very
north of Greece, who also were descended from Hercules, and also
worshipped Apollo, was taken up and embellished by the poets; although it
is not likely that any one had really ever seen these Hylleans and visited
their country. Like the Hyperboreans, they existed merely in tradition and
imagination. It is possible also that the Corcyræans, in whose island
there was an “_Hyllæan_” harbour,(53) may have contributed to the
formation of these legends, as is shown by some circumstances pointed out
above; but it cannot be supposed that the whole tradition arose from
Corcyræan colonies.

10. Here we might conclude our remarks on this subject, did not the
following important question deserve some consideration. What relation can
we suppose to have existed between the races which migrated into those
northern districts, and the native tribes, and what between the different
races of Greece itself? All inquiries on this subject lead us back to the
Pelasgians, who although not found in every part of ancient Greece (for
tradition makes so wide a distinction between them and many other nations,
that no confusion ever takes place),(54) yet occur almost universally
wherever early civilization, ancient settlements, and worships of peculiar
sanctity and importance existed. And in fact there is no doubt that most
of the ancient religions of Greece owed their origin to this race. The
Zeus and Dione of Dodona; Zeus and Heré of Argos; Hephæstus and Athené of
Athens; Demeter and Cora of Eleusis; Hermes and Artemis of Arcadia,
together with Cadmus and the Cabiri of Thebes, cannot properly be referred
to any other origin. We must therefore attribute to that nation an
excessive readiness in creating and metamorphosing objects of religious
worship, so that the same fundamental conceptions were variously developed
in different places; a variety which was chiefly caused by the arbitrary
neglect of, or adherence to, particular parts of the same legend. In many
places also we may recognise the sameness of character which pervaded the
different worships of the above gods; everywhere we see manifested in
symbols, names, rites, and legends, a uniformity of ideas and feelings.
The religions introduced from Phrygia and Thrace, such as that of the
Cretan Zeus and Dionysus or Bacchus, may be easily distinguished by their
more enthusiastic character from the native Pelasgic worship. The
Phœnician and Egyptian religions lay at a great distance from the early
Greeks, were almost unknown even where they existed in the immediate
neighbourhood, were almost unintelligible when the Greeks attempted to
learn them, and repugnant to their nature when understood. On the whole,
the Pelasgic worship appears to form part of a simple elementary religion,
which easily represented the various forms produced by the changes of
nature in different climates and seasons, and which abounded in expressive
signs for all the shades of feeling which these phenomena awakened.

11. On the other hand, the religion of the northern races (who as being of
Hellenic descent are put in contrast with the Pelasgians) had in early
times taken a more moral turn, to which their political relations had
doubtless contributed. The heroic life (which is no fiction of the poets),
the fondness for vigorous and active exertion, the disinclination to the
harmless occupations of husbandry, which is so remarkably seen in the
conquering race of the Hellenes, necessarily awakened and cherished an
entirely different train of religious feeling. Hence the Zeus Hellanius of
Æacus, the Zeus Laphystius of Athamas, and, finally, the Doric Zeus, whose
son is Apollo, the prophet and warrior,(55) are rather representations of
the moral order and harmony of the universe, after the ancient method,
than of the creative powers of nature. I do not however deny, that there
was a time when these different views had not as yet taken a separate
direction. Thus it may be shown, that the Apollo Lyceus of the Dorians
conveyed nearly the same notions as the Zeus Lycæus of the Arcadians,
although the worship of either deity was developed independently of that
of the other. Thus also certain ancient Arcadian and Doric customs had, in
their main features, a considerable affinity. The points of resemblance in
these different worships can be only perceived by comparison: tradition
presents, at the very first outset, an innumerable collection of
discordant forms of worship belonging to the several races, but without
explaining to us how they came to be thus separated. For these different
rites were not united into a whole until they had been first divided; and
both by the connexion of worships and by the influence of poetry new
combinations were introduced, which differed essentially from those of an
earlier date.

12. The language of the ancient Grecian race (which, together with its
religion, forms the most ancient record of its history) must, if we may
judge from the varieties of dialect and from a comparison with the Latin
language, have been very perfect in its structure, and rich and expressive
in its flexions and formations; though much of this was polished off by
the Greeks of later ages: in early times, distinctness and precision in
marking the primitive words and the inflections being more attended to
than facility of utterance. Wherever the ancient forms had been preserved,
they sounded foreign and uncouth to more modern ears; and the language of
later times was greatly softened, in comparison with the Latin. But the
peculiarities of the pure Doric dialect are (wherever they were not owing
to a faithful preservation of archaic forms) actual deviations from the
original dialect, and consequently they do not occur in Latin; they bear,
if I may be allowed the expression, a _northern_ character. The use of the
article, which did not exist in the Latin language or in that of epic
poetry, can be ascribed to no other cause than to immigrations of new
tribes, and especially to that of the Dorians. Its introduction must, as
in the Romance languages, be almost considered as the sign of a great
revolution. The peculiarities of the Doric dialect must have existed
before the period of the migrations; since thus only can it be explained
how peculiar forms of the Doric dialect were common to Crete, Argos, and
Sparta: the same is also true of the dialects which are generally
considered as subdivisions of the Æolic; the only reason for the
resemblance of the language of Lesbos to that of Bœotia being, that
Bœotians migrated at that period to Lesbos. The peculiarities of the Ionic
dialect may, on the other hand, be viewed in great part as deviations
caused by the genial climate of Asia;(56) for the language of the Attic
race, to which the Ionians were most nearly related, could hardly have
differed so widely from that of the colonies of Athens, if the latter had
not been greatly changed.(57)





BOOK I. HISTORY OF THE DORIC RACE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END OF
THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR.




Chapter I.


    § 1. Earliest Settlement of the Dorians in Thessaly. § 2.
    Description of the Vale of Tempe. § 3. Of the Passes of Olympus. §
    4. And of Hestiæotis. § 5. The Perrhæbians. § 6. The Lapithæ. § 7.
    Limits of the Territory in Thessaly occupied by the Dorians. § 8.
    Contents of the Epic Poem Ægimius. § 9. Doric Migration from
    Thessaly to Crete. § 10. Relation of the Dorians to the
    Macedonians.


1. “From early times the Dorians and Ionians were the chief races of the
Grecian nation; the latter of Pelasgic, the former of Hellenic origin; the
latter an aboriginal people, the former a people much addicted to
wandering. For the former, when under the dominion of Deucalion, dwelt in
Phthiotis; and in the time of Dorus, the son of Hellen, they inhabited the
country at the foot of Ossa and Olympus, which was called Hestiæotis.
Afterwards, however, being driven from Hestiæotis by the Cadmeans, they
dwelt under mount Pindus, and were called the Macednian nation. From
thence they again migrated to Dryopis; and having passed from Dryopis into
Peloponnesus, they were called the Doric race.”(58)

This connected account cannot be considered as derived immediately from
ancient tradition; but can only be viewed as an attempt of the father of
history to arrange and reconcile various legends. Nor indeed is it
difficult to discover and examine the steps of the argument which led him
to this conclusion. It is clear that he considers the genealogy of
Hellen,(59) viz. that he was the son of Deucalion and father of Dorus,
Xuthus, and Æolus, as an historical fact; although it is at least more
recent than the poems of Homer, where the name of Hellenes does not
include these races, but is the appellation of a single nation in
Phthiotis: and that his object is to establish the position, that the
Dorians were the genuine Hellenes. Now since Deucalion, the father of
Hellen and grandfather of Dorus, was supposed to have dwelt in
Phthiotis,(60) Herodotus represents the Dorians as also coming from
Phthiotis; although the people meant in these legends by the names of
Deucalion and Hellen were the real ancient Hellenes, the Myrmidons,(61)
who were afterwards under the dominion of the Æacidæ,(62) and are entirely
distinct from the Dorians. Dorus was next represented as succeeding Hellen
as king of the same people; and then, since the name of Dorus was in these
fabulous accounts connected with Hestiæotis, he infers that the Dorians
went thither from Phthiotis. But the modern mythologist must of course
abandon this whole deduction as unfounded; and he can only adopt the datum
from which the historian started; namely, that, according to ancient
tradition, “Dorus dwelt at the foot of Olympus and Ossa.” Here then the
real fact presents itself to us. The chain of Olympus, the divider of
nations, whose lofty summit is still called by the inhabitants the
_celestial mansion_, is the place in which the Dorians first appear in the
history of Greece.

2. The mountain-valley, which in later times bore the name of Thessaly,
was bounded to the west by Pindus, to the south by Othrys, to the east by
Pelion and Ossa, and to the north by Olympus, under which name the ancient
writers, for example Herodotus, also include the chain which in
after-times (probably from an Illyrian word)(63) was called the Cambunian
mount. The course of the Peneus is so situated as to divide the open plain
to the south, the ancient Pelasgic Argos, from the mountainous district to
the north; towards the north-east it breaks through the mountain-ridge,
dividing Ossa from Olympus; here too the river creeps under the loftier
heights of mount Olympus;(64) so that the path passes along the side of
the more rugged and precipitous Ossa. This ravine was known by the ancient
generic name of _Tempea_ or _Tempe_ (the _cut_, from τέμνω), and has been
often poetically described, but seldom sufficiently considered as bearing
upon the history of Greece.(65)

Before entering the pass, the traveller crosses a small round valley,
agreeably situated; at the end of which on the left hand, where the
mountains approach one another on both sides, was the ancient fortress of
Gonnus (or Gonni), distant 160 stadia from Larissa, the chief city of the
plain.(66) From this point the mountains close upon one another more
rapidly, until they rise on both sides of the glen in two rocky parapets,
forming a gully, where in many places a path has been hewn along the
river. About the middle of this path there stands now, upon a bold
projection of Ossa, a fortress of Roman construction called Horæo-Castro,
covering also a cross glen of that mountain: it was there probably that
the strong-hold Gonnocondylum stood; which appears to have taken its name
from the “windings” of the valley.(67) Not far from this spot is the
narrowest part of the ravine, hardly 100 feet in width: which is stated in
an inscription to have been fortified by L. Cassius Longinus, the
proconsul and partisan of J. Cæsar; but, without the aid of fortification,
a few armed men would probably have been able to stop the progress of a
force many times their number. The region has nothing beautiful or
agreeable in its appearance, but presents rather a look of savage
wildness: the perpendicular masses of rock of the same kind of stone
appear, as it were, to have been rent asunder, and are without any
covering of trees or grass; the blackness of the shadows in the deep
hollow, and the dull echoes, increase the gloominess of the impression:
beneath bubble the silver waters of the Peneus (ἀργυροδίνης).(68) Not far
from this narrow passage the defile opens towards the sea, to which the
Peneus flows through marshes; and from hence may be seen the smiling
country of Pieria, on the eastern side of Olympus, particularly the plains
of Phila, Heracleum, and Leibethrum, which lead onwards to the southern
parts of Macedonia.

3. This is the only road between Thessaly and the northern districts,
which passes in its whole length along a valley; all the others are
mountain-passes. Such was the other road to Macedonia, which crossed mount
Olympus (ἐσβολὴ Ὀλυμπική).(69) This road, too, begins at the
strongly-fortified city of Gonnus, the key of the country towards the
north; and it then goes along the southern side of Olympus, till it
reaches the cities of Azorum and Doliche. Between these two towns is a
place where three ways met.(70) The chief road passes in a northerly
direction over the summit of the Cambunian chain to the Macedonian
highlands; and it was here that Xerxes set fire to the woods in order to
open a passage for his army, which the Greeks had expected along the more
practicable way through Pieria and the valley of Tempe; and it was often
in the Roman wars traversed by large armies.(71) From the south of Olympus
two difficult mountain roads led over the heights of Olympus, connecting
Northern Thessaly with Pieria. The one avoided the valley of Tempe, as it
passed by the fortress of Lapathus to the north of that defile,(72) then
along the small lake of Ascurias, whence there was a view of the town of
Dium on the sea-coast, at the distance of 96 stadia; after which it
descended into the plains of Pieria. We should, however, more particularly
notice the other road, taking a more northern direction, and passing over
the lofty sides of Olympus, where formerly there stood the castle of
Petra, and the temple of the Pythian Apollo, commonly called Pythium,
together with a village of the same name,(73) the height of which
Xenagoras, by a geometrical measurement, ascertained to be 6096 Grecian
feet.(74) From this point there was a mountain-pass leading down to the
coast to Heracleum and Phila in Pieria, and another way led along the
ridge of Olympus by difficult and dangerous passages, as far as Upper
Macedonia.(75)

These mountain-passes and defiles have not been explored by any modern
traveller; but it was important for our subject to discover their position
from the writings of the ancients. Not only did Perseus and Æmilius Paulus
here contend for the fate of Macedonia, but it was in this region that the
Greek nations of the heroic age disputed the possession of the fertile
Thessaly. There was once a time when through these passes the nations
pressed down, to whose lot the finest parts of Greece were once to fall;
here every step was gained with labour, while the sons of the mountain
inured themselves to hardships in their incessant wars. Of the numerous
citadels which in these districts cover every important point, the greater
number were probably built at a very early period. Thus there were three
fortresses(76) to defend the pass of Olympus, or the road from Gonnus to
Azorum and Doliche, which two places, together with Pythium on the
mountain, were comprehended under the name of the Pelagonian Tripolis.(77)

4. The highlands which border on Macedonia are so rarely mentioned in
Grecian history, that we find in them few names of places, while in the
valley of the Peneus there were always some traditional and historical
memorials extant. For although the northern mountains were not destitute
of fountains, grassy slopes, and fertile pastures, still the nations
continually pressed downward to the fertile lands of the valley. In this
plain Gonnus and Elatea are succeeded by Mopsium upon the right, and
Gyrton and Phalanna on the left of the stream; and soon afterwards Larissa
stood in the midst of the open country,(78) which had been once deposited
from the stagnant waters of the Peneus, and being constantly irrigated,
always produced a plentiful crop. To the west of Larissa, in a narrower
part of the valley, where the hills approach the river more from the north
side, there stood, 40 stadia from Larissa, the town of Argura,(79) and at
the same distance again the fort of Atrax; on the northern bank of the
river were the celebrated city of Pelinna(80) and the castle of
Pharcedon;(81) higher up on the left bank, where the mountains on the
north begin to recede and form another plain, was the ancient city of
Tricca.(82) Between Tricca and Pelinna stood, as it appears, the city of
Œchalia, so celebrated in mythology; the ruins of which have been perhaps
discovered by a traveller in some ancient walls of massive structure,(83)
of which Pouqueville saw many in this district. If now we follow the
Peneus, which runs from the north-west, higher up the stream than Tricca,
we come to the mountain district of Hestiæotis. At about three and a half
hours from Tricca(84) is now situated the convent Meteora, whose name
alludes to its singular situation upon lofty columns of rock:(85) from
which place there were two ways, one leading higher up the Peneus in a
westerly direction to Epirus, and the other passing through Stymphæa to
Elimiotis in Macedonia,(86) This was about the situation of the ancient
fortress of Gomphi, which was near Pindus, and not very far from the
sources of the Peneus.(87) It is, indeed, probable that the name Γόμφοι
expresses the _wedge-shaped_ form of these rocks. According to Strabo,
Gomphi (in the north-west), Tricca (in the south-west), Pelinna (in the
north-east), and the more recent city of Metropolis (in the south-east),
formed a square of fortresses, in the middle of which was the ancient
Ithome; which Homer, from the steepness of the rock on which it stood,
calls the _precipitous_ (κλωμακόεσσα or κλιμακόεσσα).(88) From Meteora the
Peneus may be followed in a northerly direction to its origin from two
small streams; whence there was a path which wound over the high chain of
Pindus, and thus reached the country of Epirus. This was in ancient times
the road which connected the two countries, and there still remain on it
several Cyclopian walls, the strongholds of former ages.

5. There had dwelt in the valley of the Peneus from the earliest times a
Pelasgic nation, which offered up thanks to the gods for the possession of
so fruitful a territory at the festival of Peloria.(89) Their habits were
doubtless adapted to the nature of the country, which has still the same
effect on the modern inhabitants; those who dwell near the river being of
a soft and peaceable disposition, while the mountaineers are of a stronger
and freer turn of mind.(90) Larissa was the ancient capital of this
nation.(91) But at a very early time the primitive inhabitants were either
expelled or reduced to subjection, by more northern tribes.(92) Those who
had retired into the mountains became the PERRHÆBIAN nation, and always
retained a certain degree of independence. In the Homeric catalogue the
Perrhæbians are mentioned as dwelling on the hill Cyphus under Olympus,
and on the banks of the Titaresius, which, flowing along the western edge
of Olympus, is distinguished by its clear and therefore dark-coloured
stream, from the muddy and white waters of the Peneus.(93) At the present
day the inhabitants of its banks are remarkable for their healthy
complexion, while the Peneus is surrounded by a sickly population.(94) The
ancients however were reminded by the Titaresius of the Styx and of the
infernal regions, not from any natural circumstance, but because both
among these Perrhæbians and the Hellopian Pelasgians the name and worship
of Dodona had been established.(95) Accordingly there seems to have been
in both places a Ψυχοπομπεῖον, or oracle of the dead. The prince of these
Perrhæbians was called Guneus. So much may be gathered from the passage in
Homer. Afterwards, in historical times, we find the Perrhæbians having
extended their limits to the Cambunian mountains, the pass of Tempe, and
the Peneus; and reaching to the west beyond the chain of Pindus.(96)
Gonnus and Atrax were likewise Perrhæbian towns.(97) The Perrhæbians
maintained themselves in the mountains, even when the Thessalians had
seized upon the plain, not indeed as an independent, but still as a
separate, and, until the Macedonian supremacy, as an Amphictyonic nation.

6. The plain on either side of the Peneus was however occupied by the
LAPITHÆ, a race which derived its origin from Almopia in Macedonia, and
was at least very nearly connected with the Minyans and Æolians of
Ephyra.(98) If it be allowed to speak of this heroic race, of superhuman
strength and courage, in the same terms as of a real nation, we should say
that the towns Elatea, Gyrton, Mopsium, Larissa, Atrax, Œchalia, Ithome,
and Tricca, were under their dominion. Our reason is, that the Lapithæ,
Elatus, Cæneus, Mopsus, Coronus, Eurytus and Hippodameia, were considered
by popular tradition as inhabitants of the above towns; a belief indicated
by the names of several of these heroes. The two last of these towns were
the native places of the Asclepiadæ, whom the genealogical and other
legends always represent as connected with the Lapithæ. In Homer the
inhabitants of Tricca, Ithome, and Œchalia are represented as following
the sons of Æsculapius; those of Argissa, Gyrton, Orthe, Elone, and
Oloosson are headed by the descendants of the Lapithæ. Now from the
researches mentioned by Strabo, it would seem that Orthe was the fortress
of Phalanna, Argissa the town Argura, both on the river Peneus; Elone was
a small town on mount Olympus, as also Oloosson;(99) and it appears that
the Homeric catalogue agrees well enough with the other traditions, and
supposes the Lapithæ to have occupied the valley of the Peneus, with some
parts of the mountainous country to the north.

7. Thus much it was necessary to premise, in order to give a faithful
description of the spot in which the Dorians first make their appearance
in the traditions of Greece. They bordered on the Lapithæ, but inhabited
the mountain district of Hestiæotis, according to Herodotus,(100) instead
of the champaign country, like the latter race. Yet the same passage of
that author implies that Tempe was within the territory of Hestiæotis, and
belonged at that time to the Dorians; we shall see hereafter how much this
account is confirmed by the altar of the Pythian Apollo in this
valley.(101) It will moreover be rendered probable that the Pythium above
mentioned was situated on the mountain heights. Hence we may well suppose
the whole Tripolis to have at one time belonged to the Dorians; since even
Azorium was not always inhabited by Illyrian Pelagones, but had once been
held by the Hellenes.(102) It is also probable that Cyphus, a town said to
have belonged to the Perrhæbians, was under the dominion of the Dorians;
since this race possessed in their second settlement a town called
Acyphas.(103) It is remarkable that no direct and positive account of any
Doric town in this district has been preserved, a circumstance to be
attributed to the loss of the epic poem of Ægimius.

8. This poem, written in the Hesiodean tone (although the author probably
lived about the 30th Olympiad, 660 B.C. in the last period of epic
poetry),(104) celebrated the most ancient exploits of the Doric race. Thus
it sung how Ægimius, the Doric prince, whilst engaged in a difficult and
dangerous war with the Lapithæ, called to his assistance the wandering
Hercules, and by the promise of a third part of the territory obtained his
alliance; by which means the enemies were beaten, their prince slain, and
the disputed territory conquered.(105) The name of the poem is a
sufficient proof that such would have been its contents.(106) Probably the
heroes of Iolcus and the Phthiotans were also introduced as allies of the
Lapithæ, and at least the adventures of Phrixus and Achilles.(107) The
scene of the second book was Eubœa, the name of which island was there
derived from the cow Io;(108) the attack of Hercules upon the Eubœan town
of Œchalia also formed, as I conjecture, part of the subject. Ægimius was,
however, supposed to reign in Hestiæotis, merely because the Dorians
bordered in this direction upon the Lapithæ; he was easily carried over to
the second settlements of the race under mount Œta.(109) This hero is in
general the mythical progenitor and hero of the Doric nation; hence Pindar
called the customs and laws of that people “the ordinances of
Ægimius.”(110) Nevertheless only two tribes of the Dorians are stated to
be descended from him, viz. the Dymanes and Pamphylians; the third and
most distinguished, viz. the Hylleans, was supposed to be descended from
Hyllus the son of Hercules, and adopted by Ægimius. And as the land in the
Doric states was equally divided between these three tribes, Hercules was
fabled to have received for his descendants a third part of the territory,
which belonged of right to the Hylleans. This triple division of the land
was expressly mentioned by the epic poet, who used the word τριχάϊκες to
express that the Dorians had obtained and shared among themselves, at a
distance from their native country (chiefly in Peloponnesus),(111) a
territory apportioned into three parts. An examination of the opinion,
that the first race was distinguished from the other two as of different
origin, will be found in a following chapter.(112)

We must also refer our reader to the investigation of the worship of
Apollo, and the mythology of Hercules, in the second book, since from
these alone can be collected the internal history of the Doric race during
its earliest period.

9. One event which, even if it had not been noticed by tradition, would
still have been felt and recognised from the effects it produced, is the
migration of the Dorians from the district of Olympus to Crete. It is,
indeed, a wonderful migration, being from one end of the Grecian world to
the other, and it presents a striking anomaly in the history of the
ancient colonies. We must suppose that the Dorians, whilst in their first
settlements, excluded from the plain, and pressed by want, or restless
from inactivity, constructed piratical canoes, manned these frail and
narrow barks with soldiers, who themselves worked at the oars, and thus
being changed from mountaineers into seamen—the Normans of Greece—set sail
for the distant island of Crete. The earliest trace of the migration in
question is found in the Odyssey, in which poem it is mentioned that the
_thrice-divided_ Dorians formed a part of the population of Crete.(113)
Andron states, even with geographical accuracy, that these Dorians came to
Crete from Hestiæotis, at that time called Doris, under Tectaphus, the son
of Dorus, together with Achæans and some Pelasgians who had remained in
Thessaly.(114) According to Dicæarchus, the Dorians migrated to Crete from
Pelasgiotis;(115) by which is meant the same district as that called by
Andron Hestiæotis, since Pelasgiotis and Hestiæotis bordered on each other
in the vicinity of Tempe. Again, Diodorus affirms that Asterius king of
Crete, the adopted father of Minos, the legislator, was the son of
Tectamus (Teutamus).(116) The essential parts of these statements are
rendered certain by two proofs: the first of these is, that the worship of
Apollo was practised in Crete with precisely the same ceremonies as at
Tempe, and connected with many of the same traditions; the second is, the
very remote period at which the principles of the Doric constitution were
systematized and established in Crete, so that they afterwards became a
model and standard for other states of that race. This gives us the
fullest right to consider Minos of Cnosus as a Dorian. We may assert, with
still more reason, that the name of Minos indicates a period in which the
Doric invaders united a part of the island into one state, and, by
extending their power over the Cyclades and many maritime districts,
obtained, according to the expression of Herodotus, Thucydides, and
Aristotle, the dominion of the sea. To discredit this Doric migration
would be to reject the simple explanation of many facts recorded in later
history. At the same time, however, we do not mean to throw any doubt upon
the later migrations from Peloponnesus, when it had already fallen under
the power of the Dorians.(117) We only assert that these took place at too
late a period to account for many unquestionable facts. The portion of
Crete first occupied by the Dorians was, according to Staphylus, the
eastern coast;(118) or, to speak more accurately, the eastern side of the
north coast. Here stood the Minoan town of Cnosus, with its harbour
Heracleum and colony Apollonia. From this point the dominion, customs, and
worship of the Dorians were at a very early period extended over the
districts inhabited by the Eteocretans, Pelasgians, and Cydonians; and,
with the help of later migrations, pervaded the whole island.(119) And
although the different dialects could still be distinguished at the time
of Homer,(120) yet in later times the Doric appears to have been
universally adopted.(121)

10. We now return to the passage of Herodotus, of which a part has been
already quoted; “When however the Dorians were driven out by the Cadmeans,
they dwelt under Mount Pindus, and were called the Macednian nation.” In
this passage the author alludes to the legend, that the Cadmeans, being
expelled from Thebes by the Argives, fled to the Encheleans of Illyria,
where they bordered upon Homolè, a Magnesian mountain near the valley of
Tempe. In this settlement they would certainly be in the neighbourhood of
the Dorians. But we should bear in mind how perplexed is the fable which
we have before us.(122) The predatory excursion of the Encheleans to
Phocis and Bœotia appears to admit of no doubt, as it was noticed by a
Delphian oracle of tolerable antiquity, and by the tradition of the
Thebans. The same horde may in its passage have also disturbed the Dorians
in their settlements; but it is no less wonderful, that fugitive Thebans
should have voluntarily taken refuge with the Encheleans in Illyria, than
that this latter nation should have driven the Dorians from their
settlements. It may be true that some northern hordes expelled the Dorians
from mount Olympus, since at a later period we find the Pæonian (Teucrian)
race of the Pelagones, who had descended from the Axius,(123) and made
themselves masters of the Tripolis, Azorum, Doliche, and Pythium, in
possession of their ancient settlements.

As to the statement of Herodotus, that the Macednians, or ancient
Macedonians (who in his lifetime inhabited the territory between the
rivers Haliacmon and Lydias, from the mountains to the coast),(124) were
derived from the Dorians when dwelling under mount Pindus, he probably
followed some accounts of the Macedonians, who, not satisfied with
establishing the Doric origin of their royal family, wished to claim the
same honour for the whole nation: but there does not appear to be any
historical foundation for this statement. For the Macedonians, as was
above remarked, were indeed for the most part Greeks, but neither their
language or customs authorize us to consider them as Dorians.(125)




Chapter II.


    § 1. Migration of the Dorians from Thessaly to the Valley of Œta
    and Parnassus. § 2. District of Œta. § 3. Limits of Doris. § 4.
    The Dryopians. § 5. The Malians.  § 6. The Ænianes.


1. “From thence,” Herodotus proceeds to relate, “the race of the Dorians
migrated to Dryopis, afterwards called Doris, or the Doric Tetrapolis.”
Here also it will be necessary to give some illustration of the geography
of the country; beginning at Thermopylæ (the point at which mount Œta
comes in contact with the sea) to the broken ridge where it is swallowed
up in Parnassus, and both ranges are lost in the mountains of Pindus, and
where this latter, the grand chain of Greece, is separated and branches
off in different directions.

Following the plain of Phocis, which lies between mounts Œta and
Parnassus, and is watered by the Cephisus, we presently find the mountains
approaching each other from both sides, and contracting the valley of the
river. The last towns of Phocis in this direction are, Amphicæa,
Tithronium and Drymæa, still to be recognised in ruins, and places bearing
the name of _Palæocastro_.(126) Proceeding thence westward to the higher
country, we soon arrive at the sources of the river Cephisus, which cannot
be mistaken, since it immediately forms a stream of considerable size. The
Cephisus indeed rises not in Œta but in Parnassus, and runs first to the
north-east, in order to make a bend afterwards to the south-east.(127) The
situation is particularly indicated by the ancient citadel of a town,
situated close to the source, upon a steep projection of Parnassus; this
place must be recognised as Lilæa. The scenery around is of a grand and
bold description. Twenty stadia from hence was situated Charadra, where a
mountain-torrent joined the Cephisus. But the river Pindus, which falls
into the Cephisus not far from Lilæa, comes down from a much greater
elevation. These valleys, lying to the north-west of Lilæa,(128)
constitute the proper district of Doris, little described in detail by the
ancients, and never till a short time since visited by modern travellers.
The steep citadel, about an hour and a half’s distance from Lilæa,
situated upon a projection of Parnassus near the village of Mariolatis, is
perhaps Bœum. The ancient walls in the valley towards the west near Stagni
must be set down as the fortress of Cytinium.(129) Erineus should probably
be sought for in the defiles of Œta, nearer the sources of the stream just
mentioned.(130) Near Œta was situated Acyphas,(131) probably the same as
the city of Pindus(132) above Erineus, and of the same name as the river;
both which names the Dorians had brought with them from their early
settlements. This corner of land, placed under the chief mountain-chain of
Greece, and hanging over the plains which extend from thence, was bounded
by the upper districts of Ætolia, by the territory of the Ozolian
Locrians, Phocis, and southern Thessaly.(133) From Cytinium a
mountain-path led along the side of Parnassus to the country of the
Locrians:(134) this also has been explored by modern travellers. This pass
made the small stronghold of Cytinium so important as a military post,
that Philip of Macedon, when he invaded Northern Greece before the battle
of Chæronea, immediately occupied Elatea and Cytinium(135), evidently as a
key to the western districts. From Delphi another mountain-path (which was
reckoned by an ancient traveller at 180 stadia(136)) crossed over in the
direction of Lilæa. The modern road to the north, from the valley of
Pindus, likewise goes along a mountain-pass through the defiles and
ravines of Œta, to the opposite side of the valley of the Spercheus, now
called Hellada.(137) If this was passable in ancient times, it formed the
communication between Doris and the country of the Malians.

2. Mount Œta stretches in a westerly direction for the length of 200
stadia towards the Malian bay, which it reaches at Thermopylæ. It
separates Doris, Phocis, and the Epicnemidian Locrians from the valley of
the Spercheus. The passes connected with it are, first, the one just
mentioned: secondly, another from Phocis to the rocky glen of
Trachinia;(138) and, lastly, that of Thermopylæ, together with the upper
path, made famous by the battle with the Persians. The pass of Thermopylæ
is formed on one side by the steep declivity of the mountain, and on the
other by a deep and impassable salt-marsh: these in the narrowest part are
only 60 paces distant from each other:(139) in the middle arise the hot
sulphurous springs, which gave the name to the defile. At no great
distance from these lies the little plain of Anthela, breaking into two
narrow parts of the pass. At the northern entrance of the passage there
are still the ruins of a wall, which has perhaps served as a barrier
against the invasions of Thessalian, Persian, and Roman armies. Near this
spot the brook Asopus rises from the side of the mountain. At the southern
end of the pass was the small town of Alpenus, its whole length being
about five miles. From Thermopylæ the paved and raised military road leads
northward over the Spercheus to Thessaly, southward by Alpenus, Scarpheia,
and Thronium, and from thence to Elatea, and thus to the land of Phocis.

Although the broken and precipitous form of both mountain and valley
rendered the chain of Œta little suited for human habitation, yet there
was in ancient times a considerable number of cities reaching in a line
from the Doric Tetrapolis, as far as the sea. Amphanæa must have been
built upon mount Œta, but in the direction of Trachinia; so that, with a
little latitude of expression, it was considered as in Thessaly.(140)
Rhoduntia and Teichius were fortified heights on the road over mount
Œta.(141) Phricium was situated near Thermopylæ on the Locrian side; from
this place some colonists went to the Æolian Cume, and Larissa
Phriconis.(142) On the other side, upon the slope of the mountain above
the valley of the small streams Melas and Dyras, lay Trachis. Heraclea was
situated six stadia from the ancient Trachis.(143) Not far from hence
Ægoneia was probably situated.(144)

3. Having now marked out the topography of this district by traces, which,
although not as clear as could be wished, are yet perfectly accurate, we
will next proceed to inquire concerning the small native tribes which at
different periods settled in these parts, and particularly concerning the
Dorians themselves. Doris, in the limited meaning of the term, was the
valley of the river Pindus. Whenever the Doric _Tripolis_ is mentioned,
the three cities meant are Bœum, Cytinium, and Erineus;(145) which last
place, as being the most considerable, appears to have been also called
Dorium:(146) but when writers speak of a _Tetrapolis_, Acyphas (or Pindus)
is added as a fourth town.(147) This is the country which Dorus the son of
Hellen is said to have inhabited, when he brought together his nation on
the side of Parnassus;(148) a tradition which totally loses sight of the
more ancient settlements of the Doric race. It appears, however, that the
Dorians, whilst confined within these limits, did not rest content with
the possession of this narrow valley, but occupied several places along
mount Œta, of which Amphanæa was one.(149) An unknown writer(150) named
six Doric towns,—viz., Erineus, Cytinium, Bœum, Lilæum, Carphæa and
Dryope: of which, by Lilæum is meant the town of Lilæa, by Carphæa
probably Tarphe near Thermopylæ,(151) and by Dryope the country which had
once belonged to the Dryopians. There was therefore probably a time when
the heights near the sources of the Cephisus, and a narrow strip of land
along mount Œta, as far as the sea, were in the possession of the Dorians.
Nay this was even partly the case in the Persian war; for even at that
time Doris stretched in a narrow tongue of land thirty stadia broad,
between the Malians and Phoceans, nearly as far as Thermopylæ:(152) Scylax
also mentions the Dorians as inhabitants of the sea-coast.(153) This
district, however, near mount Œta is that which the Dryopians had formerly
inhabited (as may be shown from a passage of Herodotus)(154), before they
were entirely dispossessed by the Dorians, their neighbours in the
Tetrapolis. Thus, by means of this geographical investigation we have
arrived at an historical event. It seems probable that the Dorians, having
moved by slow degrees from Hestiæotis to mount Œta, first gained
possession of the furthest extremity of the mountain-valley, and thence
gradually spread towards the coast over the land of the Dryopians. This
race indeed generally did not press all at once, but passed slowly into
districts which had been seized by some part of them at an earlier
period.(155)

4. The DRYOPIANS (the fragments of whose history we here introduce) are an
aboriginal nation, which may be called Pelasgic, since Aristotle and
others assign to them an Arcadian origin.(156) Their affinity with the
Arcadians is confirmed by the worship paid by them to Demeter Chthonia, to
Cora Melibœa, and Hades Clymenus: which bore a great resemblance to those
of Phigaleia, Thelpusa, and other towns in Arcadia.(157) Their territory
bordered upon that of the Malians, so that they extended into the valley
of the Spercheus beyond Œta, and in the other direction as far as
Parnassus;(158) to the east their settlements reached to Thermopylæ.(159)
Their expulsion is related in a manner entirely mythical, being connected
with the propagation of the worship of Apollo (which is intimately allied
with the migrations of the Dorians), and also with the adventures of
Hercules; but when a clue to this method of narration is once discovered,
it will be found to be equally, or perhaps more, instructive, and to
convey much fuller information than a bare historical narrative. In the
present instance, the Pythian Apollo is represented as the god to whom the
vanquished Dryopians are sent as slaves, and who despatches them to
Peloponnesus;(160) and Hercules, in conjunction with the Trachinians,
subdues and consecrates them to Apollo, or assigns to them settlements in
Argolis, but allots their land to the Dorians or Malians.(161)

From this tradition we might perhaps infer that the Dryopians accompanied
the Dorians in their migration to Peloponnesus, and settled there with
them. But the situation of the places belonging to the Dryopians makes it
necessary to seek some other explanation; for the colonies of this race
lie scattered over so many coasts and islands, that they can only have
been planted by single expeditions over the sea. In Argolis, for instance,
they built Hermione, Asine, and Eion (Halieis), upon projecting headlands
and promontories; in Eubœa, Styra and Carystus belonged to them;(162)
among the islands they had settlements in Cythnos(163) and perhaps
Myconos; they had also penetrated as far as Ionia and Cyprus.(164) Hence
it must be inferred that the Dryopians, harassed or dislodged by their
neighbours, dispersed in various directions over the sea. It is, however,
_historically_ certain that a great part of the Dryopians were consecrated
as a subject people to the Pythian Apollo (an usage of ancient times, of
which there are many instances), and that for a long time they served as
such; for even in the fragmentary history of the destruction of Crissa
(Olymp. 47, 590 B.C.), we find _Craugallidæ_ mentioned together with the
Crissæans,(165) which was a name of the Dryopians derived from a fabulous
ancestor.(166) The condition of the subjects of temples, and consequently
of these Craugallidæ, will be treated of at large in another place.(167)

5. But the Dorians, though hostile to their neighbours the Dryopians, were
on friendly terms with the MALIANS. This people dwelt in the valley of the
Spercheus, enclosed on all sides by rocky mountains, and open only in the
direction of the sea; they were divided into the inhabitants of the coast,
the Sacerdotal, and the Trachinians.(168) The second of these classes
probably dwelt near to the Amphictyonic temple at Thermopylæ, the third on
the rocky declivities of mount Œta. These are the people who were in such
close alliance with the Dorians, that Diodorus speaks of Trachis as the
mother-town of Lacedæmon.(169) The friendship between Ceyx and Hercules,
together with that of his sons, is the mythical expression for this
connexion. The Malians were always a warlike people, those persons only
who had served as hoplites being admitted to a share in the
government.(170) Their country was however chiefly famous for its slingers
and darters.(171)

6. In after-times there came into these districts a nation which the
ancient traditions of the country do not recognise, viz. the Hellenic
ÆNIANES or Œtæans; the latter name denoting the region in which that
nation was settled, the former their race;(172) although I do not assert
that the fourteen Œtæan communities(173) constituted the entire nation of
the Ænianes. For they also dwelt on the banks of the Inachus, and about
the sources of the Spercheus, near the city of Hypata.(174) In early times
they had inhabited the inland parts of Thessaly, and about the end of the
fabulous period they descended into those settlements, from which in later
times they were dislodged by the Illyrian Athamanes.(175) Although the
Ænianes did not disavow a certain dependence on the Delphian oracle, and
though they adopted among their traditions the fables respecting Hercules,
anciently prevalent in their new settlements,(176) yet on account of their
geographical position they lived in opposition and hostility to the
Malians and Dorians;(177) who, as Strabo states, had been deprived by them
of a part of their territory.(178) Nay more, it is probable that the
emigration of the Dorians which conquered Peloponnesus, was in some way or
other connected with the arrival of the Ænianes in this region. There was
an _ancient enmity_ between the Lacedæmonians and the Œtæans.(179) It was
chiefly on this account that Sparta founded the town of Heraclea in the
country of Trachinia; which would doubtless have caused the revival of an
important Doric power in this part of Greece, had not the jealousy of the
Thessalians and Dolopians, and even of the Malians themselves, been
awakened at its first establishment.

Thus much concerning the situation of the Dorians in their settlements
near mount Œta. The subject however is not yet exhausted; for we have
still to trace the origin of the great influence which the establishment
of the Dorians at Lycorea upon Parnassus had on the religion of Delphi
(for that Lycorea was a Doric town will be made probable hereafter), as
well as to treat of the Amphictyonic league, in the founding of which a
very large share doubtless belonged to the Dorians: but the discussion of
both these points must be deferred to the second book.(180)

As to the colonies of the Doric cities near mount Parnassus, Bulis on the
frontiers of Phocis and Bœotia, on the Crissæan gulf, was probably founded
from thence at the time of the Doric migration.(181)




Chapter III.


    § 1. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus represented as the
    return of the descendants of Hercules. § 2. Improbability of the
    common account. § 3. Sources of the common account. § 4. Legends
    inconsistent with the common account. § 5. Common account. The
    Heraclidæ fly from Trachis to Attica, and are assisted by the
    Athenians against Eurystheus. § 6. Expeditions of the Heraclidæ
    into Peloponnesus. § 7. Junction of the Heraclidæ with the
    Dorians. § 8. The Heraclidæ pass into Peloponnesus by Rhium. § 9.
    Connexion of the Dorians with the Locrians and Ætolians. § 10.
    Tisamenus and the Peloponnesians defeated by the Dorians. § 11.
    Partition of Peloponnesus. § 12. Immediate consequences of the
    immigration of the Dorians.


1. The most important, and the most fertile in consequences, of all the
migrations of Grecian races, and which continued even to the latest
periods to exert its influence upon the Greek character, was the
expedition of the Dorians into Peloponnesus. It is however so completely
enveloped in fables, and these were formed at a very early period in so
connected a manner, that it is useless to examine it in detail, without
first endeavouring to separate the component parts.

The traditionary name of this expedition is “_the Return of the
descendants of Hercules_.”(182) Hercules, the son of Zeus is (even in the
Iliad), both by birth and destiny, the hereditary prince of Tiryns and
Mycenæ, and ruler of the surrounding nations.(183) But through some evil
chance Eurystheus obtained the precedency, and the son of Zeus was
compelled to serve him. Nevertheless he is represented as having
bequeathed to his descendants his claims to the dominion of Peloponnesus,
which they afterwards made good in conjunction with the Dorians; Hercules
having also performed such actions in behalf of this race, that his
descendants were always entitled to the possession of one-third of the
territory. The heroic life of Hercules was therefore the mythical title,
through which the Dorians were made to appear, not as unjustly invading,
but merely as reconquering, a country which had belonged to their princes
in former times. Hence Hercules is reported to have made war with some
degree of propriety, and subdued the principal countries of the Doric race
(except his native country Argos), Lacedæmon and the Messenian Pylus, to
have established the national festival at Olympia, and even to have laid
the foundation of the most distant colonies. To esteem as real these
conquests and settlements, these mythical forerunners of real history, is
incompatible with a clear view of these matters; and we could scarce
seriously ask even the most credulous, how, at a time when sieges were in
the highest degree tedious, Hercules could have stormed and taken so many
fortresses, surrounded with almost impregnable walls?(184)

A severer criticism enjoins us to trace the mythical narrative to its
centre, and attempt to ascertain whether the sovereign race of the Dorians
did really spring from the early sovereigns of Mycenæ; such being not only
the epic account, but also the tradition countenanced in Sparta itself.
Tyrtæus said, in his poem called the Eunomia, “_Zeus himself gave this
territory_ (Laconia) _to the race of Hercules; united with whom we_ (the
Dorians) _left the stormy Erineus, and reached the wide island of
Pelops_.”(185) And a still more important proof is the reply of king
Cleomenes, mentioned by Herodotus, who, when forbidden by the priestess in
the Acropolis of Athens to enter the temple, as being a Dorian, answered,
“I am no Dorian, but an Achæan,” referring to his descent from
Hercules.(186) From this it would appear that there was amongst the
Dorians an Achæan phratria, to which the kings of Argos, Sparta, and
Messenia, and the founders and rulers of Corinth, Sicyon, Epidaurus,
Ægina, Rhodes, Cos, &c., belonged; and which, in conjunction with the
Dorians, only recovered by conquest its hereditary rights.(187)

2. It is certainly hazardous at once to reject an extensive and connected
system of heroic traditions, for the sake of establishing in its place a
conjecture which sacrifices reports recognised by ages prior to historical
information, and celebrated by the earliest poets, to a mere theory of
historical probability. We must, however, recollect that mythical legends
present in general merely the views and opinions of nations on the origin
of their actual condition; these opinions being at the same time more
often directed and determined by religious and other notions, especially
by a certain feeling of justice, than by real tradition, and therefore
they frequently conceal, rather than express, historical truth. The
following remarks, partly deduced from inquiries which will follow, may
serve to contrast with each other the characteristics of history and
mythology.

In the first place, if we consider the narrative in question as a plain
historical statement, and consequently suppose the Heraclidæ to have been
expatriated Achæans, the same supposition must be extended to the whole
tribe of Hylleans. For Hyllus, the representative of the Hylleans, is
called the son of Hercules; and it was with reference to that tribe that
the third part of the territory was secured to the descendants of
Hercules: hence also Pindar calls the Dorians universally the _descendants
of Hercules and Ægimius_.(188) In this case, then, the Pamphylians and
Dymanes would alone remain as Dorians proper. It is, however, by no means
probable, that, if the most distinguished part of the Doric people had
been of Achæan descent, the difference between the language, religion, and
customs of these two races would have been so strongly and precisely
marked.

In the second place, everything that is related concerning the exploits of
Hercules in the north of Greece refers exclusively to the history of the
Dorians; and conversely all the actions of the Doric race in their earlier
settlements are mythically represented under the person of Hercules. Now
this cannot be accounted for by supposing that there was only a temporary
connexion between this hero and the Doric race.

Lastly, if we compare as much of the fables concerning Hercules related
below as refers to the Dorians, with those current among the ancient
Argives, and if we separate in mind the links by which the epic poets gave
them an apparent historical connexion, we shall find no real resemblance
between the two. The worship of Apollo, which can in almost every case be
shown to have been the real motive which actuated the Dorians, was wholly
foreign to the Argives. If then an Achæan tribe did arrive amongst the
Dorians, bringing with it the story of Hercules, or a hero so called, this
latter people must have applied and developed his mythology in a manner
wholly different from those to whom they owed it. And after all, we should
be obliged to suppose that long before their irruption into Peloponnesus,
these Heraclidæ had been so intermixed with the Dorians, that their
traditions were formed entirely according to the disposition of that race,
since Hercules in Thessaly is represented as a complete Dorian. Here,
however, we are again at variance with the fable, which represents the
Heraclidæ as having fled to the Dorians a short time only before their
entry into Peloponnesus.

Thus we are continually met with contradictions, and never enabled to
obtain a clear view of the question, unless we assent to the proposition
that Hercules, from a very remote period, was both a Dorian and
Peloponnesian hero, and particularly the hero of the Hyllean tribe, which
in the earliest settlements of the Dorians had probably united itself with
two other small nations, the Heraclidæ being the hereditary princes of the
Doric race. The story of the Heraclidæ being descended from the Argive
Hercules, who performed the commands of Eurystheus, was not invented till
after Peloponnesus had been introduced into the tradition.

3. There is hardly any part of the traditional history of Greece whose
real sources are so little known to us as the expedition of the Heraclidæ.
No one can fail to perceive that it possesses the same mythical character
as the Trojan war; and yet we are deprived of that which renders the
examination of a mythical narrative so instructive, viz. the traditional
lore scattered in such abundance throughout the ancient epic poems. This
event, however, early as it was, lay without the range of the epic poetry;
and therefore, whenever circumstances connected with it were mentioned,
they must have been introduced either accidentally or in reference to some
other subject. In no one large class of epic poems was this event treated
at length, neither by the cyclic poets, nor the authors of the Νόστοι. In
the Ἠοῖαι attributed to Hesiod, it appears only to have been alluded to in
a few short passages.(189) Herodotus nevertheless mentions poets who
related the migration of the Heraclidæ and Dorians into Laconia.(190)
Perhaps these belonged to the class who carried on the mythical fables
genealogically, as Cinæthon the Laconian, and also Asius, who celebrated
the descent of Hercules, and appears, from the character of his poems, to
have also commemorated his descendants.(191) Or they may have been the
_historical poets_, such as Eumelus the Corinthian, although those alluded
to by Herodotus cannot have composed a separate poetical history (as the
former did of Corinth); since they would doubtless have followed the
national tradition of Sparta; and this, with respect to the first princes
of the Heraclidæ, differed from the accounts of all the poets with which
Herodotus was acquainted, and was not the general tradition of
Greece.(192) And doubtless many such local traditions were preserved
amongst particular nations, concerning an event which for a long time
determined the condition of Peloponnesus. Thus the Tegeatans(193)
celebrated the combat of Echemus their general with Hyllus. Whether the
early historians collected these accounts from oral record, or whether
they derived them from the poets above mentioned (although the latter is
more in their manner), cannot be determined; for there are only extant two
fragments of these writers concerning the Heraclidæ, one of Hecatæus, the
other of Pherecydes, which connect immediately with the death of Hercules,
and therefore do not prove that these authors wrote any continuous account
of the history of this migration. The early tradition received a fuller
development in the Attic drama; but it was unavoidably represented in a
very partial view. The Heraclidæ of Æschylus, and the Iolaus of Sophocles
might, like the Heraclidæ of Euripides, have had on the whole the tendency
to celebrate those merits which the Athenians are made to commend in
Herodotus,(194) even before the battle of Platæa, viz., their good offices
towards the Heraclidæ, at the time when they took refuge in Attica. The
last-named tragedian, in his Temenidæ, Archelaus, and Cresphontes, went
further into the history of the Doric states, and descended lower into the
historical period, than any poet before his time; his reason having,
perhaps, been, the exhaustion of the legitimate mythical materials.(195)
Now these Attic tragedians manifestly took for their basis the narrative
given by Apollodorus, himself an Athenian, as may be shown by some
particular circumstances. Perhaps Ephorus rested more upon the earlier
poets and historians, as far as we are acquainted with their statements;
but his narrative, even if it were extant, could, no more than those of
the former, be considered as proceeding from a critical examination;
since, in the first place, from a total misapprehension of the character
of tradition, he forced everything into history, and then endeavoured to
restore the deficiencies of oral narrative by probable reasoning; of the
fallaciousness of which method we will bring forward some proofs.

4. After what has been said, we will forbear to apologize for merely
offering a few remarks on the origin and meaning of the traditions which
concern the Doric migration, instead of endeavouring to give a history of
that event. And, indeed, we might bring forward some most marvellous
legends, but on that very account the better fitted to convince every one
what is the nature of the ground on which we stand.

In the Ἠοῖαι attributed to Hesiod, it was stated that Polycaon the son of
Butes, whose name represents the ancient (_i.e._ Lelegean) population of
Messene, married Euæchme (Εὐαίχμη, viz. _celebrated for the spear_) the
daughter of Hyllus, and grand-daughter of Hercules. In this simple and
unpretending manner the early tradition conveyed the idea that the
Hylleans and Dorians had, by the power of the spear, made themselves
masters of Messene, and united themselves with the original
inhabitants.(196)

In the Laconian village of Abia, there was a temple of Hercules, which was
said to have been built by Abia the nurse of Glenus, the brother of
Hyllus.(197) It was, therefore, supposed that Hyllus and Glenus themselves
came to Laconia. Pausanias endeavours to reconcile the local tradition
with the received history, and assumes that Abia had fled hither after the
death of Hyllus; which, however, is inconsistent with the common account
that Peloponnesus was in the hands of the enemy, and that the battle in
which Hyllus fell was at the Isthmus. We come now to the common relation
of the order of events.

5. According to this account, the Heraclidæ, after the death of their
father, were in Trachis with their host Ceyx, who generously protected
them for a time, but was afterwards forced, by the threats of Eurystheus,
to refuse them any longer refuge; Ceyx, according to Hecatæus,(198) was
compelled to say to them, “I have not the power to assist you; withdraw
therefore to another nation;” and upon this they sought an asylum in
Attica. Those early historians, however, who stated that Hercules died as
king in Mycenæ, gave an entirely different account of this circumstance,
viz., that Eurystheus, after the death of Hercules, expelled his sons, and
again usurped the dominion,(199) and they fled in consequence to Attica.

At Athens they sat as suppliants at the altar of Pity, received the
protection of Theseus or Demophon, dwelt in the Tetrapolis,(200) and
fought, together with the Athenians, under the command of Hyllus and
Iolaus (to whose prayers the gods had granted a second youth), at the pass
of Sciron, a battle against Eurystheus; Macaria (probably an entirely
symbolical being, but here the daughter of Hercules) having previously
offered herself as an expiatory sacrifice. In this action they conquered
the Argive king, whom Alcmene with womanish vengeance put to death, and
whose tomb the Athenians showed before the temple of the Pallenian
Minerva.(201) This is the fable so much celebrated by the tragedians and
orators, a _locus communis_ as it were, which the Athenians sometimes even
mentioned in their decrees,(202) or wherever it served to show how poorly
the Peloponnesians had requited their ancient benefactors. What credit a
Lacedæmonian would have given to these stories, we know not; Pindar
certainly knew nothing of them, for he states that Iolaus had near
_Thebes_ received a momentary renewal of youthful vigour for the purpose
of putting to death Eurystheus, after which he immediately expired, and
was buried by the Thebans in the family tomb of Amphitryon.(203) In this
account Eurystheus is represented as having been conquered in the
neighbourhood of Thebes, and in consequence by a Theban army. It is not
however necessary to esteem the Athenian tradition as altogether
groundless, and purposely invented: it was probably founded on some actual
event, and afterwards modified and embellished. The connecting link was
without doubt the temple of Hercules in Attica. It was natural that, if
the Athenians worshipped that hero, they should wish to have had the merit
of protecting his descendants. Hence the sons of Hercules were said to
have dwelt in the Tetrapolis at Marathon, where was the chief temple of
Hercules in Attica, and in the neighbourhood of which flowed the fountain
Macaria, represented as a daughter of that hero. It was on this account,
as is reported, that the entire Tetrapolis was during the Peloponnesian
war spared by the Lacedæmonians. Many circumstances, which will hereafter
be brought forward, seem to show that an union and intercourse subsisted
between the Dorians of Peloponnesus and some of the northern towns of
Attica,(204) the foundation of which appears to have been laid in the
times of the Doric migration, by a settlement of Dorians and Bœotians in
these towns. But this settlement had doubtless, when those fables were
invented, been already lost in the mass of the Athenian people.

6. After this battle, won by the aid of the Athenians, the Heraclidæ are
said (and with good reason, as they were assisted by the Athenians) to
have obtained possession of all Peloponnesus, and to have ruled
undisturbed for one year (or some fixed period); at the expiration of
which, a pestilence (like a tragical catastrophe) drove them back again to
Attica. The mythologists make use of this time to send Tlepolemus the
Heraclide to Rhodes, in order that he may arrive there before the Trojan
war. Of all this, however, Pherecydes could have known nothing, as he
relates that Hyllus, having conquered Eurystheus, went to Thebes,(205)
without subduing Peloponnesus, and there with the other Heraclidæ formed a
settlement near the gate of Electra, a circumstance which we shall advert
to hereafter.(206) In Peloponnesus, however, according to the traditions
chronologically arranged, Eurystheus was succeeded by the Pelopidæ, who
accordingly appear as the expellers of the legitimate sovereigns of the
race of Perseus.(207) Whether any such circumstance was known to the early
poets is very much to be doubted; but it is at least clear, that in this
case we are not in possession of the real tradition itself, but of
scientific combinations of it. Against these new sovereigns were directed
the expeditions of the Heraclidæ, of which it is generally stated that
there were three. The account given of them follows the general idea of an
entire dependence of the Dorians on the Delphian oracle;(208) but the
misconception of its injunctions, which embarrasses and perplexes the
whole question, may, we think, be attributed entirely to the invention of
the Athenians. The oracle mentioned the _third fruit_, and the _narrow
passage by sea_ (στενυγρὰ), as the time and way of the promised return,
which the Athenians falsely interpreted to mean the third _year_, and the
_Isthmus of Corinth_. But the account given in Apollodorus, nearly falling
into Iambic or Trochaic metre, leaves no doubt that he took his account of
the oracle from the Attic tragedians,(209) as was remarked above. Deceived
by these predictions, Hyllus forced his way into Peloponnesus in the third
year, and found at the Isthmus the Arcadians, Ionians, and Achæans of the
peninsula already assembled. In a single combat with Echemus the son of
Aëropus, the prince of Tegea, Hyllus fell, and was buried in Megara; upon
which the Heraclidæ promised not to renew the attempt for fifty or one
hundred years from that time.(210) Here every one will recognise the
battle of the Tegeate with the Hyllean as an ancient tradition. But in the
arrangement, by which it was contrived that the expeditions of the
Heraclidæ should not be placed during the Trojan war and the youth of
Orestes, we do not hesitate to suspect the industry of ancient systematic
mythologists.

7. When the Heraclidæ had been once separated from the Dorians as
belonging to a different race, and Hyllus set down as only the adopted son
of the Doric king, it immediately became a matter of doubt at what time
the junction of the Dorians and Heraclidæ in one expedition should be
fixed. Sometimes the Dorians are represented as joining the Heraclidæ
before the first, sometimes before the second, sometimes before the third
expedition; by one writer as setting out from Hestiæotis, and by another
from Parnassus.(211) There were doubtless no real traditional grounds for
any one report; and still less any sufficient to place the name Hyllus,
and the events connected with it, at any fixed epoch. Hence also Hyllus is
at one time called the contemporary of Atreus, and at another of
Orestes;(212) Pamphylus and Dymas are stated to have lived from the time
of Hercules to the conquest of Peloponnesus.(213) Nor is there any
absurdity in this, inasmuch as they are the collective names of races
which existed throughout this whole period. The descendants of Hyllus,
however, are no longer races, but, as it appears, real persons; viz., his
son Cleodæus,(214) and his grandson Aristomachus. These names stood at the
head of the genealogy of the Heraclidæ; as, for example, of the kings of
Sparta; and they can hardly have been mere creations of fancy. From their
succession is probably calculated the celebrated epoch of the expedition
of the Heraclidæ, viz., 80 years after the Trojan war, which was without
doubt determined by the early historians, since Thucydides was acquainted
with it. The Alexandrine critics generally adopted it, as we know
expressly of Eratosthenes, Crates, and Apollodorus.(215) But all that is
recounted of the expeditions of these two princes, however small in
amount,(216) cannot have been acknowledged by those who, like Herodotus,
and probably all the early writers, stated the armistice after the death
of Hyllus as lasting 100 years.(217)

8. At length Apollo himself opens the eyes of the Heraclidæ to the meaning
of the oracle. It was not across the _Isthmus_, but over the _Straits of
Rhium_, that they were to cross into Peloponnesus, and after the third
_generation_ had died away. They therefore first sailed from Naupactus, to
the Molycrian promontory (Antirrhium), and thence to Rhium in
Peloponnesus, which was only five stadia distant.(218) That the Dorians
actually came on that side into Peloponnesus, is a statement which may be
looked on as certain; agreeing (as it does) with the fact that the
countries near the Isthmus were the last to which the Dorians penetrated.
The name _Naupactus_ implies the existence of ship-building there in early
times;(219) and there was a tradition that the Heraclidæ passed over on
rafts, imitations of which were afterwards publicly exposed at a festival,
and called Στεμματιαῖα, _i.e._ _crowned with garlands_.(220) This festival
was doubtless the Carnea, since the Carnean Apollo was worshipped at
Sparta under the name of _Stemmatias_. Now it is also stated that the
Acarnanian soothsayer Carnus (who was reported to have founded the worship
of the Carnean Apollo) was killed at the time of this expedition by
Hippotes the son of Phylas, for which reason the Heraclidæ offered
expiatory sacrifices to his memory.(221) We see from this that some rites
of a peculiar worship of Apollo were observed at this passage, which were
probably for the most part of an expiatory nature. Now I have shown
elsewhere, that the Carnean or Hyacinthian worship of the Ægidæ originated
at Thebes, and prevailed in Peloponnesus before the arrival of the
Dorians, particularly at Amyclæ:(222) consequently, that prevalent near
the straits of Naupactus might have been another, probably an
Acarnanian(223) branch of the religion of Apollo, which was afterwards
incorporated in the Carnean festival; a supposition which, if admitted,
would enable us to explain many statements of ancient authors. The
religious rites and festivals are in fact often so intermingled and
confused together, that it is necessary to trace their component parts to
many and distant sources.

9. At their passage from Naupactus the Dorians stood in great need of the
friendship and assistance of the native races, the Ozolian Locrians and
Ætolians. The Locrians occupied Naupactus in early times;(224) the
Ætolians were their immediate neighbours, and their powerful city of
Calydon was the mistress of the region. The Locrians are said to have
aided the Dorians in their passage, by deceiving the Peloponnesians with
false beacons;(225) and we shall meet hereafter with traces of a lasting
amity between the Locrians and Sparta. A most singular, but, doubtless for
that very reason, a most ancient dress, has been given by mythology to the
union of the Dorians and Ætolians. This connexion, which was indispensable
for the passage from Naupactus, is also found implied in other legends,
the general character of tradition being to express the same thing in
various ways. Of these we may mention the marriage of Hercules with
Deianira, the daughter of Œneus the Calydonian.(226) At this time the
Dorians were ordered by the oracle to seek a person with three eyes for a
leader. This person they recognised in Oxylus the Ætolian, who either sat
upon a horse, himself having one eye, or rode upon a one-eyed mule.
Difficult as it is to rest satisfied with this interpretation of the
oracle, so casual a circumstance having no connexion with the general
course of events, yet it appears impossible to discover the true meaning
of the word τριόφθαλμος.(227) In all probability this expression for the
whole Ætolian race was only delivered in a mythical shape, and the sorry
explanation was not invented until a late period.(228) The family of
Oxylus is stated to have come from Calydon; so that the Ætolians (who in
later times made themselves masters of Elis) appear to have come for the
most part from that place.(229) There existed, however, an ancient
alliance and affinity between the inhabitants of Elis, the Epeans, and the
Ætolians who dwelt on the farther side of the Corinthian gulf; and Oxylus
himself was said to have originally belonged to Elis;(230) hence it does
not appear that there was any actual war between these two states, but
only that the Ætolians were received by the Eleans, and admitted to the
rights of citizenship;(231) and at the same time the same honours were
permitted to the heroes and heroines of the Ætolians as to their own.(232)

10. The systematised tradition next makes mention of a battle which took
place between the united force of Peloponnesus, under the command of
Tisamenus, the grandson of Agamemnon, and the sons of Aristomachus; in
which the latter were victorious, and Peloponnesus fell into their
possession. According as it suits the object of the narrator, this
engagement is either represented to have been both by sea and land, and to
have taken place at the passage,(233) or after the march through Arcadia.
We may fairly suppose that it was inferred merely on probable grounds that
a battle _must_ have been fought by Tisamenus, whom the tradition
represented as prince of the Achæans at the capture of Ægialea.(234) Many
traditions agree in stating that the Heraclidæ at that time took the road
through Arcadia; Oxylus is said to have led them by this way, that they
might not be envious of his fertile territory of Elis;(235) Cresphontes is
moreover stated to have been the brother-in-law of Cypselus king of
Arcadia, who had his royal seat at Basilis, on the Alpheus, in the country
of the Parrhasians.(236)

11. Next comes the division of Peloponnesus among the three brothers
Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodamus, or his sons. We have to thank the
tragedians alone for the invention and embellishment of this fable;(237)
that it contains little or no truth is at once evident; for it was not
till long after this time that the Dorians possessed the larger part of
Peloponnesus;(238) and a division of lands not yet conquered is without
example in Grecian history. At the same time it is related that, upon the
altars whereon the brothers sacrificed to their grandfather Zeus, there
was found a frog for Argos, a snake for Sparta, and a fox for Messenia. It
seems however probable that these are mere symbols, by which the inventors
(perhaps the hostile Athenians) attempted to represent the character of
those nations. For it cannot be supposed that national arms or ensigns are
meant; unless indeed we give credit to the pretended discovery of
Fourmont, who affirms that he found in the temple of the Amyclæan Apollo a
shield with the inscription of Teleclus as general (βάγος), with a snake
in the middle; and another of Anaxidamus, with a snake and two foxes.(239)
But he has represented the shield of so extraordinary a form, with sharp
ends, and indentures on the sides, that the fraud is at once open to
detection; and consequently the supposition that the snake was the
armorial bearing of Sparta remains entirely unfounded.(240)

12. Although we cannot here give a complete account of the great
revolution which the irruption of the Dorians universally produced in the
condition of the different races of Greece,(241) it may nevertheless be
remarked, that a very large portion of the Achæans, who originally came
from Phthia, retired to the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and compelled
the Ionians to pass over to Attica. The reduction of the principal
fortress of this country, the Posidonian Helice, is ascribed to Tisamenus;
and that Helice was in fact the abode of the most distinguished families
of the Achæan nation is evident from the legend, that Oxylus the Ætolian,
at the command of the oracle, shared the dominion with Agorius, a Pelopid,
who was descended from Penthilus the son of Orestes, and dwelt at
Helice.(242) The chronological difficulty of Oxylus being called the
cotemporary of a grandson of Penthilus is not of much importance. At
Helice was also shown the tomb of Tisamenus, whose supposed ashes the
Spartans (doubtless with the idea of thus making amends for the injustice
of his expulsion) afterwards brought to their city, as they also did the
corpse of Orestes at Tegea.(243) But hereupon follows a series of
migrations to Æolis in Asia, which was founded in later times, in which
the numbers of the Achæan race predominated. Although Orestes is called a
leader of the first expedition,(244) he probably is only put for his
descendants: Penthilus also is perhaps put only for that part of his
descendants who went with the colony to Lesbos and Æolis. For all the
Penthilidæ did not go; we find indeed Penthilidæ in Mitylene;(245) and
others at Helice, as we have just seen. Pisander, a Laconian Achæan, is
also mentioned as having gone with the expedition of Orestes; and there
were men of his family in Tenedos at the time of Pindar.(246)




Chapter IV.


    § 1. Physical Structure of Greece and Peloponnesus. § 2. Physical
    Structure of Arcadia. § 3. Of Laconia. § 4. Of Argolis. § 5. Of
    Achaia and Elis. § 6. Improvement of the Soil by artificial means.
    § 7. Early Cultivation of the Soil by the Pelasgians and Leleges.
    § 8. Numbers of the Doric Invaders. § 9. Mode by which they
    conquered Peloponnesus.


1. So wonderful is the physical organization of Greece, that each of its
parts has received its peculiar destination and a distinct character; it
is like a body whose members are different in form, but between which a
mutual connexion and dependence necessarily exists. The northern districts
as far as Thessaly are the nutritive organs which from time to time
introduced fresh and vigorous supplies: as we approach the south, its
structure assumes a more marked and decided form, and is impressed with
more peculiar features. Attica and the islands may be considered as
extremities, which, as it were, served as the active instruments for the
body of Greece, and by which it was kept in constant connexion with
others; while Peloponnesus, on the other hand, seems formed for a state of
life, occupied more with its own than external concerns, and whose
interests and feelings centred in itself. As it was the extremity of
Greece, there also appeared to be an end set by nature to all change of
place and habitation; and hence the character of the Peloponnesians was
firm, steady, and exclusive. With good reason therefore was the region
where these principles predominated considered by the Greeks as the centre
and acropolis(247) of their countries; and those who possessed it were
universally acknowledged to rank as first in Greece.

2. This character of Peloponnesus will become more evident, if we examine
the peculiar nature of its mountain-chains. Though the Isthmus of Corinth
connected the peninsula with the continent by a narrow neck of land, yet
it was not traversed in its whole length by any continuous chain of
mountains; the Œnean hills being entirely separated from the mountains of
Peloponnesus.(248) The principal elevations in Peloponnesus form very
nearly a circle, the circumference of which passes over the mountains of
Pholoë, Lampe, Aroanius, Cyllene, Artemisium, Parthenium, and Parnon; then
over Boreum, and from thence up to the northern rise of mount Taygetus,
and finally over mount Lycaon along the river Alpheus. The highest ridge
appears to be that part of Cyllene which looks to Parnon: the height of
Cyllene, according to the statement of Dicæarchus,(249) was not quite 15
stadia; according to another measurement, it was nine stadia wanting 80
feet;(250) a considerable height, when it is remembered that the sea is
near, and that Peloponnesus is the last link of the great chain, which
runs down from the north of Macedonia. But the eastern plains also, for
instance that of Tegea, are at a great height above the sea, and are often
covered with snow late in the spring.(251) Now from the circle of
mountains which has been pointed out, all the rivers of any note take
their rise; and from it all the mountainous ranges diverge, which form the
many headlands and points of Peloponnesus. The interior part of the
country however has only one opening towards the western sea, through
which all its waters flow out united in the Alpheus. The peculiar
character of this inland tract is also increased by the circumstance of
its being intersected by some lower secondary chains of hills, which
compel the waters of the valleys nearest to the great chains either to
form lakes, or to seek a vent by subterraneous passages.(252) Hence it is
that in the mountainous district in the north-east of Peloponnesus many
streams disappear, and again emerge from the earth. This region is
ARCADIA; a country consisting of ridges of hills and elevated plains, and
of deep and narrow valleys, with streams flowing through channels formed
by precipitous rocks; a country so manifestly separated by nature from the
rest of Peloponnesus, that, although not politically united, it was always
considered in the light of a single community. Its climate was extremely
cold; the atmosphere dense, particularly in the mountains to the
north:(253) the effect which this had on the character and dispositions of
the inhabitants has been described in a masterly manner by Polybius,
himself a native of Arcadia.

3. LACONIA is formed by two mountain-chains running immediately from
Arcadia, and enclosing the river Eurotas, whose source is separated from
that of an Arcadian stream by a very trifling elevation. The Eurotas is,
for some way below the city of Sparta, a rapid mountain-stream; then,
after forming a cascade, it stagnates into a morass; but lower down it
passes over a firm soil in a gentle and direct course.(254) Near the town
of Sparta rocks and hills approach the banks on both sides, and almost
entirely shut in the river both above and below the town:(255) this
enclosed plain is without doubt the “_hollow_ Lacedæmon” of Homer.(256)
Here the narrowness of the valley, and the heights of Taygetus, projecting
above in a lofty parapet, increase the heat of summer, both by
concentrating the sun-beams, as it were, into a focus, and by presenting a
barrier to the cool sea-breezes;(257) whilst in winter the cold is doubly
violent. The same natural circumstances produce violent storms of rain,
and the numerous mountain-torrents frequently cause inundations in the
narrow valleys.(258) The mountains, although running in connected chains,
are yet very much interrupted; their broken and rugged forms were by the
ancients attributed to earthquakes;(259) one of which caused so great
consternation at Sparta a short time before the war with the Helots. The
country is not however destitute of plains; that indeed along the lower
part of the Eurotas is one of the finest in Greece, stretching towards the
south, and protected by mountains from the north wind: moreover, the
maritime district, surrounded by rocks, from Malea to Epidaurus Limera
(Malvasia), is extremely fertile.(260) Nor are the valleys on the
frontiers of Messenia less productive; towards the promontory of Tænarum
however the soil continually becomes harder, drier, and more ferruginous.
The error of supposing that this country was nearly a desert appears from
the very large number of its vegetable productions mentioned by
Theophrastus and others: Alcman and Theognis also celebrate its wines:
vines were planted up to the very summit of mount Taygetus, and
laboriously watered from fountains in forests of plane-trees;(261) the
country was in this respect able to provide for its own wants. But the
most valuable product, in the estimation of the new inhabitants, was
doubtless the iron of the mountains.(262) More fortunate still was the
situation of the country for purposes of defence, the interior of Laconia
being only accessible from Arcadia, Argolis, and Messenia by narrow passes
and mountain-roads; and the most fertile part is the least exposed to the
inroads of enemies from those quarters: the want of harbours(263) likewise
contributes to the natural isolation of Laconia from other lands.
Euripides has on the whole very successfully seized the peculiar character
of the country in the following lines, and contrasted it with the more
favoured territory of Messenia:(264)


    Far spreads Laconia’s ample bound,
    With high-heap’d rocks encompass’d round,
        The invader’s threat despising;
    But ill its bare and rugged soil
    Rewards the ploughman’s painful toil;
        Scant harvests there are rising.

    While o’er Messenia’s beauteous land
    Wide-watering streams their arms expand,
        Of nature’s gifts profuse;
    Bright plenty crowns her smiling plain;
    The fruitful tree, the full-ear’d grain,
        Their richest stores produce.

    Large herds her spacious valleys fill,
    On many a soft-descending hill
        Her flocks unnumber’d stray;
    No fierce extreme her climate knows,
    Nor chilling frost, nor wintry snows,
        Nor dogstar’s scorching ray.


For along the banks of the Pamisus (which, notwithstanding the shortness
of its course, is one of the broadest rivers in Peloponnesus), down to the
Messenian bay, there runs a large and beautiful valley, justly called
_Macaria_, or “The Happy,” and well worth the artifice by which
Cresphontes is said to have obtained it. To the north, more in the
direction of Arcadia, lies the plain of Stenyclarus, surrounded by a hilly
barrier. The western part of the country is more mountainous, though
without any such heights as mount Taygetus; towards the river Neda, on the
frontiers of Arcadia, the country assumes a character of the wildest and
most romantic beauty.

4. ARGOLIS is formed by a ridge of hills which branches from Mount Cyllene
and Parthenium in Arcadia, and is connected with it by a mountain-chain,
very much broken, and abounding in ravines and caverns (hence called
Τρητὸν);(265) through which runs the celebrated _Contoporia_,(266) a road
cut out, as it were, between walls of rock, connecting Argos with Corinth.
By similar passes Cleonæ, Nemea, and Phlius, more to the south, and
eastwards Mycenæ, Tiryns, and Epidaurus, were connected; and this natural
division into many small districts had a considerable effect upon the
political state of Argos. The southern part of this chain ends in a plain,
at the opening of which, and near the pass just alluded to, was situated
Mycenæ, and in a wider part of it the city of Argos. The nature of this
anciently cultivated plain is very remarkable; it was, as is evident,
gradually formed by the torrents which constantly filled up the bay
between the mountains; and hence it was originally little else than fen
and morass.(267) Inachus, “_the stream_,” and Melia, the daughter of
Oceanus, “_the damp valley_” (where ash-trees, μελίαι, grow), were called
the parents of the ancient Argives; and the epithet “thirsty” (πολυδίψιον
Ἄργος), which is applied to Argos in ancient poems, refers only to the
scarcity of spring-water in the neighbourhood of the town. Yet,
notwithstanding the rugged nature of the rest of Argolis, there are, both
in the interior and near the sea, here and there, small plains, which by
the fertility of their soil attract and encourage the husbandman; the
south-eastern coast slopes regularly down to the sea. To the north of the
mountain-ridge which bounded Argolis, extending from the Isthmus as far as
a narrow pass on the boundaries of Achaia, there is a beautiful, and in
ancient times highly-celebrated plain, in which Corinth and Sicyon were
situated.(268) With respect to the progress of civilization at Argos, it
is important to know that the mountains between that town and Corinth
contain copper:(269) accordingly, in the former town the forging of metals
appears to have been early introduced; and hence arose the ancient
celebrity of the Argive shields.(270) But no precious metal has been ever
found in any part of Peloponnesus: a circumstance which greatly tended to
direct the attention of its inhabitants to agriculture and war, rather
than commerce and manufactures.

5. That region which was in later times called ACHAIA, is only a narrow
tract of land along the coast, lying upon the slope of the northern
mountain-range of Arcadia. Hence most of the Achæan cities are situated on
hills above the sea, and some few in enclosed valleys. The sources of the
numerous streams by which the country is watered lie almost without
exception in Arcadia, whose frontiers here reach beyond the water-line.

But the lowest slope of Peloponnesus, and the most gradual inclination to
the sea, is on the western side; and it is in this quarter that we find
the largest extent of champaign country in the peninsula, which, being
surrounded by the chain beginning from mounts Scollis and Pholoë, was
hence called the HOLLOW ELIS. It was a most happy circumstance that these
wide plains enjoyed an almost uninterrupted state of peace. Towards the
coast the soil becomes sandy; a broad line of sand stretches along the sea
nearly as far as the Triphylian Pylos, which from this circumstance is so
frequently spoken of by Homer as “_the sandy_.”(271) As this tract of
country is very little raised above the level of the sea, a number of
small lakes or lagoons have been formed, which extend along the greatest
part of the coast, and are sometimes connected with one another, sometimes
with the sea. Such being the nature of the country, the river Alpheus runs
gently between low chains of hills and through small valleys into the sea.
Towards the south the country becomes more mountainous, and approaches
more to the character of Arcadia.

6. If now we picture to ourselves this singular country before the
improvements of art and agriculture, it presents to the mind a very
extraordinary appearance. The waters of Arcadia are evidently more
calculated to fill up the deep ravines and hollows of that country, or to
produce irregular inundations, than to fertilise the soil by quiet and
gentle streams. The valleys of Stymphalus, Pheneus, Orchomenus, and Caphyæ
in Arcadia required canals, dams, &c., before they could be used for the
purposes of husbandry. One part of the plain of Argos was carefully
drained, in order to prevent it becoming a part of the marshes of Lerna.
In the lower part of the course of the Eurotas it was necessary to use
some artificial means for confining the river: and that this care was at
some time bestowed on it, is evident from the remains of quays,(272) which
give to the river the appearance of a canal. The ancient Nestorian Pylus
was situated on a river (Anigrus), which even now, when it overflows,
makes the country a very unhealthy place of residence; and no traveller
can pass a night at Lerna without danger. Thus in many parts of
Peloponnesus it was necessary, not merely for the use of the soil, but
even for the sake of health and safety, to regulate nature by the
exertions of art. At the present time, from the inactivity of the natives,
the inevitable consequence of oppression, so bad an atmosphere prevails in
some parts of the country, that, instead of producing, as formerly, a
vigorous and healthy race, one sickly generation follows another to the
grave. And that improvements of this kind were begun in the earliest
periods, is evident from the fact, that the traces of primitive cities are
discovered in those very valleys which had most need of human labour.(273)
This induction is also confirmed by the evidence of many traditions. The
scanty accounts respecting the earliest times of Sparta relate, that
Myles, the son of the earth-born Lelex, built mills, and ground corn at
Alesiæ; and that he had a son named Eurotas, who conducted the water
stagnating in the level plain into the sea by a canal, which was
afterwards called by his name.(274) Indeed the situation of Sparta seems
to imply that the standing water was first drained off:(275) nay, even in
later times, it was possible, by stopping the course of the river, to lay
most of the country between Sparta and the opposite heights under
water.(276)

7. The consideration of these natural circumstances and traditions obliges
us to suppose that the races which were looked on as the ancient
inhabitants of Peloponnesus (the Pelasgians in the east and north, and the
Leleges in the south and west) were the first who brought the land to that
state of cultivation in which it afterwards remained in this and other
parts of Greece. And perhaps it was these two nations alone to whom the
care of husbandry, cattle, and everything connected with the products of
the soil, belonged through all times and changes. For, in the first place,
the numbers of the invading Achæans, Ionians, and afterwards of the
Dorians, were very inconsiderable, as compared with the whole population
of Peloponnesus; and, secondly, these races conquered the _people_ as well
as the _country_, and enjoyed an independent and easy life by retaining
both in their possession: so that, whatever tribe might obtain the
sovereign power, the former nations always constituted the mass of the
population. By means of these usurpations agriculture was kept in a
constant state of dependence and obscurity, so that we seldom hear of the
improvement of the country, which is a necessary part of the husbandman’s
business. Agriculture was, however, always followed with great energy and
success. For in the time of the Peloponnesian war, when the population of
Peloponnesus must have been very great, it produced more corn than it
consumed, and there was a constant export from Laconia and Arcadia
downwards to the coast of Corinth.(277)

8. It is not with a view of founding any calculation upon them, but merely
of giving a general idea of the numerical force of a Greek tribe (which
many would suppose to be a large nation), that I offer the following
remarks. At the flourishing period of the Doric power, about the time of
the Persian war, Sparta, which had then conquered Messenia, contained 8000
families, Argos above 6000; while in Sicyon, Corinth, Phlius, Epidaurus,
and Ægina, the Dorians were not so numerous, the constitution being even
more oligarchical in those states. Although in the colonies, where they
were less confined by want of sufficient space, and by the severity of the
laws, the inhabitants multiplied very rapidly, yet the number of original
colonists, as many of them as were Dorians, was very small. Now since in
the states of Peloponnesus, even after they had been firmly established,
the number of inhabitants, particularly of Dorians, never, from several
causes, much increased,(278) it seems probable that at the time of their
first irruption the whole number of their males was not above 20,000.(279)
Nor were the earlier settlements of Achæans and Ionians more considerable.
For the Ionians, as is evident from their traditions, appear as a military
race in Attica, and probably formed, though perhaps together with many
families of a different origin, one, and certainly the least, of four
tribes (the ὅπλητες(280)). The arrival of the Achæans is represented in
ancient traditions in the following simple manner: “Archander and
Architeles, the sons of Achæus, having been driven from Phthiotis, came to
Argos and Lacedæmon.”(281) Their names signify “the ruler,” and “the chief
governor.” Certainly the Achæans did not come to till the ground; as is
also evident from the fact that, when dislodged by the Dorians, and driven
to the northern coast, they took possession of Patræ, dwelt only in the
town, and did not disperse themselves into the smaller villages.(282)

It seems pretty certain that the Dorians migrated together with their
wives and children. The Spartans would not have bestowed so much attention
as they did on women of a different race; and all the domestic
institutions of the Dorians would have been formed in a manner very unlike
that which really obtained. This circumstance alone completely
distinguishes the migration of the Dorians from that of the Ionians, who
having, according to Herodotus, sailed from Attica without any women, took
native Carian women for wives, or rather for slaves, who, according to the
same writer, did not even dare to address their husbands by their proper
names. And this was probably the case with all the early settlements
beyond the sea, since the form of the ancient Greek galley hardly admitted
of the transport of women.

9. It would have been less difficult to explain by what superiority the
Dorians conquered Peloponnesus, had they gained it in open battle. For,
since it appears, that Homer describes the mode of combat in use among the
ancient Achæans, the method of fighting with lines of heavy armed men,
drawn up in close and regular order, must have been introduced into
Peloponnesus by the Dorians; amongst whom Tyrtæus describes it as
established. And it is evident that the chariots and darts of the Homeric
heroes could never have prevailed against the charge of a deep and compact
body armed with long lances. But it is more difficult still to comprehend
how the Dorians could have entered those inaccessible fortifications, of
which Peloponnesus was full; since their nation never was skilful in the
art of besieging, and main force was here of no avail. How, I ask, did
they storm the citadel of Acro-Corinthus, that Gibraltar of
Peloponnesus?(283) how the Argive Larissa, and similar fortresses? On
these points, however, some accounts have been preserved with regard to
the conquest of Argos and Corinth, which, from their agreement with each
other, and with the circumstances of the places, must pass as credible
historical memorials. From these we learn that the Dorians always
endeavoured to fortify some post at a short distance from the ancient
stronghold; and from thence ravaged the country by constant incursions,
and, kept up this system of vexation and petty attack, until the defenders
either hazarded a battle, or surrendered their city. Thus at a late period
the places were still shown from whence Temenus and Aletes had carried on
contests of this nature with success.(284) And even in historical times
this mode of waging war in an enemy’s country (called ἐπιτειχισμὸς τῃ
χώρᾳ) was not unfrequently employed against places, which could not be
directly attacked.(285)




Chapter V.


    § 1. Reduction of Argos by the Dorians. § 2. Of Sicyon. § 3. Of
    Phlius and Cleonæ. § 4. Of the Actè, Epidaurus, Ægina, and Trœzen.
    § 5. Independence of Mycenæ and Tiryns. § 6. Ancient homage of the
    towns of the Actè to Argolis. § 7. Territory of the Dryopians in
    Argolis. § 8. Reduction of Corinth by the Dorians. § 9. Ancient
    inhabitants of Corinth. § 10. Reduction of Megara by the Dorians.
    § 11. Reduction of Laconia by the Dorians under Aristodemus. § 12.
    Resistance of Amyclæ. Position of Sparta. § 13. Resistance of
    other Laconian towns to the Dorians. § 14. Traditions respecting
    Eurysthenes and Procles. § 15. Reduction of Messenia by the
    Dorians. § 16. Political state of Messenia.


1. Before the time of the Dorians, Mycenæ, situated in the higher part of
the plain at the extremity of the mountain-chain, had doubtless been the
most important and distinguished place in Argolis; and Argos, although the
seat of the earliest civilization was dependent upon and inferior to it.
At Mycenæ were the Cyclopian hall of Eurystheus,(286) and the sumptuous
palace of Agamemnon; and though, as Thucydides correctly says, the
fortified town was of inconsiderable extent, yet it abounded with
stupendous and richly-carved monuments, whose semi-barbarous but
artificial splendour formed a striking contrast with the unornamented and
simple style introduced after the Doric period.(287) The Doric conquerors,
on the other hand, did not commence their operations upon fortresses
secured alike by nature and art, but advanced into the interior from the
coast. For near the sea between Lerna and Nauplia, on the mouth of the
Phrixus,(288) there was a fortified place named Temenium, from which
Temenus the son of Aristomachus, together with the Dorians, carried on a
war with Tisamenus and the Achæans, and probably harassed them by repeated
incursions, until they were obliged to hazard an open battle. From thence
the Dorians, after severe struggles, made themselves masters of the town
of ARGOS.(289) It is related in an isolated tradition, that Ergiæus, a
descendant of Diomed, stole and gave to Temenus the Palladium brought by
his ancestor from Troy to Argos, which immediately occasioned the
surrender of the city.(290) Argos was therefore supposed to have been
taken by Temenus himself.

2. The further extension of the Doric power is, however, attributed not to
Temenus, but to his sons; for such the Doric tradition calls Ceisus,
Cerynes, Phalces, and Agræus or Agæus.(291) Of these, Ceisus is
represented to have governed at Argos, and Phalces to have gone to SICYON.
The ancient Meconè or Sicyon had in early times been in the power of the
Ionians, and afterwards subject to the Achæans of Argos. The very copious
mythology of this ancient city contains symbolical and historical elements
of the most various nature: we will only touch upon a part of the story
immediately preceding the Doric invasion. Phæstus, a son of Hercules, is
stated to have been king of Argos before that event; and having gone to
Crete, where he founded the town of his name,(292) to have been succeeded
by his descendants Rhopalus, Hippolytus, and Lacestades, the last of whom
lived on terms of friendship with Phalces. Between them, however,
Zeuxippus, a son of Apollo and of the nymph Hyllis,(293) is placed. We
here perceive the traces of a connexion between Phæstus in Crete, and the
introduction of the worship of Apollo and Hercules; this tradition,
however, cannot authorise us to draw any chronological inferences.

3. Whether PHLIUS (situated in a corner of Arcadia, in a beautiful valley,
whence arise the four sources of the Asopus(294)) was founded from Sicyon
or Argos, was a matter of contention between these two towns: the latter
simply called Phlias the son of Ceisus.(295) This _Phlias_, however, is
nothing else than the country personified; the name being derived from
φλέω or φλιδάω, and signifying “damp,” or “abounding in springs,” which
appellation was fully merited by the nature of the spot. Hence Phlias was
with more reason called the son of Dionysus (Φλεὺς, Φλεὼν), who loved to
dwell in such valleys. There is, therefore, greater probability in the
account of the Sicyonians, that Phalces and Rhegnidas were the founders of
the Doric dominion;(296) it being moreover easier to force a way to
Phliasia from Sicyon along the Asopus, than from Argos. It is known, that
Pythagoras the Samian derived his origin from a certain Hippasus, who had
quitted Phlius on that occasion; and the Ionic town of Clazomenæ is said
to have been partly founded by some inhabitants of Cleonæ and Phliasia,
who had been expelled by the Dorians;(297) from which two facts we are
justified in inferring the existence of a connexion between the early
inhabitants of these places and the Ionians. CLEONÆ, situated in a narrow
valley, where the mountains open towards Corinth, and bordering upon
Phlius, appears from this account to have been colonised at the same time
with that town, but probably from Argos. For we find that the ruling power
was there in the hands of the same Heraclide family, of which a branch
went from Argos to Epidaurus.(298)

4. The ACTE (as the northern coast of Argolis, over against Attica, was
called)(299) was reduced, according to the account of Ephorus, by
Deiphontes and Agæus.(300) The former of these, who was called a
descendant of Ctesippus, and son-in-law of Temenus, and whose fortunes
afforded materials for the tragic poets, made himself master of the town
of EPIDAURUS, and dislodged the Ionians from thence: these latter, under
the command of their king Pityreus, crossed over to Attica, whence the
king’s son Procles went subsequently, at the general Ionic migration, to
Samos.(301) Of the Dorians of Epidaurus, however, a part under the conduct
of Triacon withdrew to ÆGINA,(302) in which place Hellenes of Thessaly had
formerly ruled, and united the island and mother-state into one
commonwealth, with equal rights, and the same magistrates. Now since
besides Epidaurus, TRŒZEN alone belonged to the Actè, and since both Agæus
and Deiphontes are mentioned as the Dorian colonisers of this coast, it
was probably this Agæus who brought Trœzen under the rule of the
Dorians.(303) In this city, too, he must have encountered some Ionians;
since both the mythical genealogies and religious rites of the ancient
Trœzen attest a close connexion between its earlier inhabitants and the
Athenians.(304) For Trœzen even shared with the Ionic cities in the
peculiar worship of the Apaturian Athene, as the goddess of _phratriæ_ and
_gentes_;(305) as also in that of Poseidon and his son Theseus.

5. The accounts already given show that Sicyon, Phlius, Cleonæ, Epidaurus,
Trœzen, and Ægina received their share of Doric inhabitants either
mediately or immediately from Argos. We can only regret the want of any
accurate accounts respecting Mycenæ and Tiryns; the conquest of which
cities must have been most difficult; but, when accomplished, decisive for
the sovereignty of the Dorians. Pindar(306) considers the expulsion of the
Achæan Danai from the gulf of Argos, and from Mycenæ, as identical with
the expedition of the Heraclidæ; and Strabo states that the Argives united
Mycenæ with themselves.(307) Nevertheless we find that in the Persian war
Mycenæ and Tiryns were still independent states, and it admits of a doubt
whether they had previously belonged for any length of time to Argos. That
some ancient inhabitants at least still maintained themselves in the
mountains above Argos, is shown by the instance of the Orneatæ. The
inhabitants of Orneæ, a town on the mountainous frontier of Mantinea,
having long been hostile to the Dorians, and at war with the
Sicyonians,(308) were at length overpowered by Argos, and degraded to the
state of periœci.(309) Now, since it is more probable that such a
proceeding took place against the people of a different race, than against
a colony of Argos, and also as there is nowhere any mention of a Doric
settlement at Orneæ, it is evident that the inhabitants of Orneæ had up to
that time been either Achæans or Arcadians.

6. Although from the foregoing accounts it appears that Argos almost
entirely lost its power over the towns which it had been the means of
bringing under the rule of the Dorians, yet in early times there existed
certain obligations on the part of these cities towards Argos, which at a
later period became mere forms. There was in Argos, upon the Larissa, a
temple of Apollo Pythaëus, which had probably been erected soon after the
invasion of the Dorians, as a sanctuary of the national deity who had led
them into the country. It was a temple common to all the surrounding
district, though belonging more particularly to the Argives.(310) The
Epidaurians were bound at certain seasons to send sacrifices to it.(311)
The Dryopians in early times, and afterwards also, in their character of
Craugallidæ, or servants of the Delphian god, had at Asine and Hermione
erected temples to Apollo Pythaëus, in acknowledgment of a similar
dependence; and this was the only one spared by the Argives at the
destruction of the former town.(312)

7. The fragments preserved respecting the ancient history of the DRYOPIANS
having been collected in a previous chapter,(313) we shall here only
remark that this people possessed a considerable district in the most
southern part of Argolis, the boundaries of which, so long as they
remained inviolate, were defined by two points, viz. the temple of Demeter
Thermesia on the frontier between Hermione and Trœzen, eighty stadia from
Cape Scyllæum, and a hill between Asine, Epidaurus, and Trœzen,(314) and
they may still be pointed out with tolerable certainty. Hercules, who,
according to the Doric tradition, brought the Dryopians hither, had
accurately marked out these boundaries. It is, however, also related that
the Dryopians established themselves beyond these limits at Nemea(315) in
Argolis: this, however, as well as Olympia, was not any particular town,
but merely the name of a valley, and particularly of a temple of Zeus
there situated.

8. The history of the establishment of CORINTH, though marvellous and
obscure, contains nevertheless some historical traces by no means unworthy
of remark. In the first place, it is stated that this town did _not_
receive its inhabitants from Argos. The purport of the tradition is as
follows: “When Hippotes at the time of the passage of the Dorians from
Naupactus slew the soothsayer, he was banished (according to Apollodorus
for ten years),(316) during which time he led a roaming and predatory
life;”(317) whence his son was called Ἀλήτης, or the _Wanderer_.(318) It
is also recorded in the fragment of a tradition(319) that Hippotes, when
crossing the Melian gulf, imprecated against those who wished to remain
behind, “_That their vessels might be leaky, and themselves the slaves of
their wives._” In like manner his son Aletes passed through the territory
at that time called Ephyra, where he received from scorn a clod of
earth;(320) which in the ancient oracular language was a symbol of
sovereignty.(321) We might almost guess from these traditions that the
Dorian warriors had harassed, and at length subdued the ancient Ephyreans,
by ravaging their lands, and by repeated invasions. This is confirmed by
the very credible account of Thucydides relating to this point.(322) There
was in the mountainous country, about sixty stadia from Corinth, and
twelve from the Saronic gulf, a hill called Solygius, of which the Dorians
had once taken possession for the purpose of making war against the Æolian
inhabitants of Corinth. This hill was, however (at least in the time of
Thucydides), entirely unfortified. Here we may recognise the very same
method of waging war as in the account of Temenus given above, a method
which in the Peloponnesian war was adopted by the Spartans at the
fortifying of Decelea. Again, it is related in a tradition connected with
the Hellotian festival, that at the taking of Corinth the Dorians set fire
to the town, and even to the temple of Athene, in which the women had
taken refuge.(323) In another it is stated that Aletes, being advised by
an oracle to attack the city on a “crowned day,” took it during a great
funeral solemnity by the treachery of the youngest daughter of Creon:
these, however, are for the most part mere attempts at an historical
interpretation of ancient festival ceremonies. As Aletes (according to his
genealogy) lived one generation after the conquerors of Peloponnesus, the
capture of Corinth was dated thirty years after the expedition of the
Heraclidæ;(324) whence probably also arose the error of supposing that
there had previously been Dorians at Corinth; as it was supposed that the
Dorians had obtained their whole dominion over Peloponnesus at _one_ time,
by _one_ expedition. The city appears to have received the name of Corinth
at this time, instead of its former one of Ephyra;(325) and it seems that
the Dorians called it with a certain preference “_The Corinth of Zeus_;”
although ancient interpreters have in vain laboured to give a satisfactory
explanation of this name.

9. The early inhabitants of Corinth were, according to the expression of
Thucydides,(326) Æolians; and their traditions and religion show that they
were very nearly connected with the Minyans of Iolcus and Orchomenus.(327)
Their kings were the Sisyphidæ, whose genealogy closes with Hyantidas and
Doridas. We find in the last name the same confusion which has been
pointed out (amongst others) in the legend of Thessalus the son of
Jason,(328) viz., that the arrival of a different nation was expressed by
connecting the new comers genealogically with the heroes of the ruling
race. Thus Doridas, _i.e._ the Dorians in a patronymic form, is the
descendant of Sisyphus. Here begins the sovereignty of the Dorians; who,
however, did not, as Pausanias(329) states, altogether expel the ancient
inhabitants, but formed the aristocratic class of the new state. Pindar
and Callimachus, indeed, call the whole Corinthian nation _Aletiadæ_(330)
but merely by a poetical license; the only lineal descendants of Aletes
being the ruling house, the Bacchiadæ, from which for a long time were
taken the kings and Prytanes of Corinth and all its colonies. There were,
however, at Corinth distinguished families of a different origin. The
family of Cypselus, which afterwards obtained possession of the tyranny,
was, according to Herodotus, of the blood of the Lapithæ, and descended
from Cæneus.(331) They came, according to Pausanias, from Gonusa, near
Sicyon, to assist the Dorians against Corinth:(332) Aletes, however, at
the advice of an oracle, at first refused to receive them, but presently
admitted them into the city, where they afterwards overthrew his own
descendants. We shall allow this narrative, which contains a _post
eventum_ prophecy of the tyranny of the Cypselidæ, to rest on its own
merits, remarking only that the Cænidæ had more reason to assist the
ancient Æolians than the Dorians; and shall merely infer from it the
existence of distinguished families in Corinth not of Doric descent.

10. As in this chapter we have hitherto rather followed a geographical
than a chronological arrangement, we will now pass to the founding of
MEGARA.(333) That event is represented by the ancient tradition as
connected with the expedition of the Peloponnesians against Athens;(334)
which is doubtless a correct statement, since Megara had before that epoch
been closely united with Attica, and comprehended in Ionia. This
expedition was, according to most authors, undertaken by the whole
Peloponnesus; by some, however, the Corinthians are called the real
authors of it, and Aletes the leader, Althæmenes of Argos, the son of
Ceisus, being nevertheless joined with him. The defeat of the Doric
invaders, by the voluntary sacrifice of Codrus, has been a favourite
subject both with poets and rhetoricians.(335) It is sufficient for our
purpose to oppose to this celebrated legend an obscure tradition that some
Athenians, whom Lycophron calls Codri, had a share in the expedition of
the Heraclidæ.(336) Whether or not the Ionians and Dorians met at the
borders on this occasion, thus much is certain, that Megara in consequence
of this invasion became a Doric town, and indeed soon afterwards a
Corinthian colony.(337) It also remained for some time in complete
dependence on Corinth, as Ægina upon Epidaurus; in proof of which it is
mentioned that the Megarians were bound to mourn for every death that
occurred in the family of the Bacchiadæ at Corinth.(338) When, however,
the internal strength of Megara increased, it ventured to dissolve this
connexion, and, in defiance of the Corinth of Zeus, to rout the
Corinthians in the field.(339) The border-wars of the Megarians and
Corinthians were carried on without intermission.(340) Megara appears not
to have raised itself to the situation of a ruling city till after it had
obtained its independence; since in earlier times it had been one of the
five hamlets (κῶμαι) into which the country was divided, viz. the Heræans,
Piræans, Megarians, Cynosyrians, and Tripodiscians.(341) These small
communities also waged war with each other, but with a singular lenity, of
which some almost marvellous accounts have been preserved; the conquerors
carried their prisoners home, treated them as guests and companions, who
were hence called δορύξενοι, in opposition to δορυάλωτοι.

11. We now turn to LACONIA, which, according to the above-mentioned legend
concerning the division of Peloponnesus, fell to the share of Aristodemus
or his sons.(342) According to the common tradition (which was derived
from the epic poets(343)) the twin brothers Eurysthenes and Procles(344)
took possession of Sparta after the death of their father; whereas the
national tradition of Sparta, as Herodotus informs us, represented
Aristodemus himself as having been the first ruler,(345) and the double
dominion of his children as not having been settled till after his death;
the first-born, however, enjoying a certain degree of precedence.(346)
This is, indeed, contradicted by the account of Thucydides,(347) who
mentions as a Lacedæmonian tradition, that the kings who first took
possession of Lacedæmon (_i.e._ Eurysthenes and Procles) were conducted
thither with dances and sacrifices, an honour which at the command of the
Delphian oracle was afterwards given to Pleistoanax at his restoration.
This variation, however, is perhaps merely the effect of a pardonable
negligence in the author.

12. It is, however, far more difficult to ascertain what was the condition
of Laconia immediately after the invasion of the Dorians. For it is plain
that the history, as it was arranged by Ephorus, and derived from him to
other authors, is in contradiction with many isolated traditions, but
which for that very reason are of the greater importance. So far, indeed,
from the whole of the Laconian territory immediately falling into the
hands of the Dorians,(348) it is certain that a powerful fortress of the
ancient Achæans, at a short distance from Sparta itself, held out for
nearly three centuries after the Doric invasion.

There was a saying, well known in antiquity, of the “silent Amyclæ;” thus
called because its citizens had been so often alarmed by the report of the
enemy coming, that they at last made a law that no one should give tidings
of the enemy’s approach; in consequence of which the town was at length
taken.(349) This proverb, and the story on which it was founded, prove the
existence of a long and determined contest between the two neighbouring
cities. They also confirm the account of Pausanias, that the Dorians in
the reign of Teleclus built a temple(350) to Zeus Tropæus, because they
had at length, after a tedious and severe struggle, overcome the Achæans
of Amyclæ and taken their city. This city of Amyclæ, one of the most
ancient and considerable in Peloponnesus, of which there still remains a
fort situated upon a rock on the side of mount Taygetus, was therefore so
far from being reduced by the Spartans immediately, that it held out until
the reign of Teleclus, 278 years after the invasion, a short time before
the first Messenian war; and then was only taken after a tedious contest,
which, from the proximity of Amyclæ and Sparta, must have been very
dangerous to the latter city. Now it is not possible that before this
victory Amyclæ and Sparta, distant only 20 stadia (2-1/2 miles) from each
other, should have been engaged in constant war, as it must have soon
ended in the destruction of one or the other city: their truces and
armistices were, however, doubtless interrupted frequently by sudden
incursions. The important territory near mount Taygetus belonged at that
time to Amyclæ, and all this country was still in the possession of the
Achæans, with whom some Minyans from Lemnos, and Cadmean Greeks, known by
the name of Ægidæ, had united themselves. This is the territory from which
the colonies of Thera, Melos, and Gortyna proceeded; so, according to
Pindar, Amyclæ was the point from which the first colonies to Lesbos and
Tenedos set out, and also (as may be inferred from other notices) those
Achæans who took possession of Patræ.(351)

Sparta, on the other hand, must have been of very slight importance before
the Doric migration; by which event alone it was enabled to become the
ruler of all the surrounding states. For, in the first place, Sparta was
not built in the same manner as Mycenæ, Tiryns, and other ruling cities
founded before the Doric invasion; the Acropolis is a hill of
inconsiderable height, and easy of ascent, without any trace of ancient
fortifications or walls. Secondly, it is remarkably deficient in monuments
and local memorials of the times of the Pelopidæ and other mythical
princes; much as the Spartans in other instances clung to traditions and
records of this kind: while Amyclæ and Therapne had these in great
abundance. Amyclæ, in a beautiful and well-wooded country,(352) was the
abode of Tyndareus and his family; here were the tombs of Cassandra and
Agamemnon, who, according to a native tradition (preserved by Stesichorus
and Simonides),(353) ruled in this city. At no great distance was situated
the town of Therapne. Alcman calls it the “well-fortified Therapne;”(354)
Pindar mentions its high situation;(355) by which they clearly imply a
position and fortification similar to that of Tiryns. The latter also
calls it the ancient metropolis of the Achæans, amongst whom the Dioscuri
lived; here were the subterraneous cemeteries of Castor and Pollux,(356)
vaulted, perhaps, in the ancient manner; here also the temples of the
Brothers and of Helen in the Phœbæum, and many remains of the ancient
symbolical religion.(357) It is also very remarkable, that on the banks of
the Eurotas, in the district between Therapne and Amyclæ, there should
have been discovered a building(358) which resembles the well-known
treasury at Mycenæ, and which affords a certain proof that the dominion of
the Pelopidæ extended to this district.

But although the local traditions make it probable that the ante-Doric
rulers of the country dwelt in Amyclæ and Therapne, yet Homer describes
Sparta as the residence of the Pelopidæ, transferring, apparently, the
circumstances of his own time to an earlier period. Homer sometimes calls
Lacedæmon the abode of Menelaus; by Lacedæmon meaning the entire country,
and especially the valley round Sparta, which agrees far better with the
epithet of “_hollow_ Lacedæmon,” than the district of Amyclæ, which opens
down to the sea.(359) Sometimes he expressly mentions Sparta as the city
in which Menelaus has fixed his abode.(360)

13. Amyclæ, however, is not the only Achæan city which was not reduced by
the Dorians till a late period. Ægys, on the frontiers of Arcadia, is said
to have been taken from the Achæans by Archelaus and Charilaus a short
time before Lycurgus; Pharis, together with Geronthræ, by Teleclus;(361)
and Helos in the plains, near the mouth of the Eurotas, by Alcamenes, the
son of Teleclus.(362) So long as these places belonged to the Achæans, the
Spartans were shut out from the sea, and surrounded on all sides by the
possessions of a different race. It appears, however, that other places
besides Sparta were held by the Dorians themselves previously to their
obtaining possession of the whole of Laconia; such were, for instance, Bœæ
near Malea,(363) and perhaps also Abia on the confines of Messenia.(364)
But of the numerous contests which doubtless took place at this period,
little information has come down to us, as they just lie between the
provinces of mythology and history.

Thus much, however, we may with safety say, that Ephorus is clearly in
error when he mentions a division of Laconia made by the Dorians,
immediately after their conquest, for the sake of an undisturbed dominion
over the country.(365) The same historian further states that “Sparta was
reserved by the Dorians as the seat of their own empire; that Amyclæ(366)
was granted to Philonomus, who had delivered the country to them by
treachery, and that governors were sent into the other four divisions.”
Also, that “the principal towns of these four provinces were Las,
Epidaurus Limera (or Gytheium), Ægys, and Pharis; of which the first
served as the citadel of Laconia,(367) the second as an excellent harbour,
the third as a convenient arsenal for the wars with Arcadia, and the
fourth as an internal point of union. That the periœci dwelt in these
towns, and were dependent upon the Spartans, though without losing their
freedom.” This account doubtless suited the historical style of Ephorus;
but it does not agree with the isolated but genuine traditions already
mentioned.

The division into six provinces is nevertheless, in my opinion, to be
considered as an historical fact; only the arrangement could not have been
made till a much later period. Of these provinces, the first comprehended
the district of the city; the second, the mountain-chain of Taygetus, with
the western coast; the third, the Laconian gulf; the fourth, perhaps the
modern Zaconia, on the eastern side of the Eurotas; the fifth, the
northern frontier; and the sixth, the lower valley of the Eurotas. The
reality of such a division is also confirmed by the existence of a similar
one in Messenia; which is spoken of by other writers besides Ephorus.(368)
For this country is also said to have been divided by Cresphontes, so that
Stenyclarus was the habitation of the Dorians and their king, under whose
authority were placed the Messenian districts of Pylos, Rhium, Mesola, and
Hyamia; of these, Pylos apparently comprehended the whole western coast;
Rhium is the promontory of Methone and the neighbouring southern coast;
Hyamia may perhaps be the shore of the Messenian bay nearest to the
frontiers of Laconia; Mesola signifies the midland district(369) near the
Pamisus; and Stenyclarus is the northern plain of Messenia.

14. We have now another instance of the arbitrary manner in which Ephorus
composed his history by probable arguments. He proceeds upon the fact that
Eurysthenes and Procles, although the founders of Sparta, were not
honoured as such (as ἀρχηγέται), that they did not enjoy any divine
honour, did not give their name to any tribe, &c. (Now the very first of
these statements is false; for Eurysthenes and Procles, according to the
native tradition, were _not_ the founders of Sparta, as was shown above.)
Hence Ephorus infers that they must have offended the Dorians; and he
finds the cause of this offence in the adoption of foreign citizens,
through whose assistance they had extended their power. This instance is a
sufficient justification for our rejecting the historical system of
Ephorus, and neglecting the results which he obtained by it.

There must have been many stories concerning Eurysthenes and Procles
current in ancient times which have not come down to us. There was a
general tradition of their continual discord; and we know that the
military fame of Procles was as great as that of Eurysthenes was
insignificant.(370) There is, however, something peculiarly worthy of
notice in an incidental remark of Cicero,(371) that Procles died a year
before Eurysthenes. Could there have been chronicles of so early a period,
or is it possible that tradition should preserve such precise dates? It is
also a remarkable statement that the wives of both kings were likewise
twin sisters, Lathria and Anaxandra by name, daughters of Thersander king
of the Cleonæans, whose descent we mentioned above.(372) Some great heroic
actions of Soüs(373) (the “violent”), the son of Procles, were also
celebrated in Sparta.(374) It was even said that he had carried on war
against the Cleitorians; and it was related, that in the narrow valley of
Cleitor, when surrounded by enemies, and oppressed by intolerable thirst,
he promised to give up all his conquests, on the condition of himself and
his army being allowed to drink from the fountain: that upon this he
offered the crown to any one who would abstain from drinking, but, no one
being willing to gain it at this price, he moistened himself with water
from the fountain, and departed without drinking.(375) But a Spartan king
would hardly have ventured, even some centuries afterwards, to lead an
army through the hostile territory of Arcadia, to a place at so
considerable a distance as Cleitor, leaving behind so many hollow defiles,
ravines, and mountains.

15. In the country which from this time forth obtained the name of
MESSENIA,(376) Pylos was before the Doric migration the most important
town, whither the family of the Nelidæ had retired from the Triphylian
territory.(377) The Dorians under Cresphontes(378) at first seated
themselves in the opposite part of the country, at Stenyclarus, in the
midland region; they must however have soon pressed so closely upon Pylos,
that part of the inhabitants was forced to emigrate. For that many of the
noble families, both at Athens and in Asia Minor, came originally from
Pylos, is placed out of doubt by the agreement of many national and family
traditions; and it is equally certain that they did not leave Peloponnesus
long before the Ionic migration. Mimnermus, the most ancient witness to
this fact, says that the founders of his native city Colophon came from
the Nelean Pylos;(379) _i.e._, he calls Andræmon, the founder of Colophon,
a Pylian; where it almost seems that the poet meant a direct migration
from that place. Pylos however (though it is generally considered to have
been in the possession of the Dorians from this epoch) probably remained
for some time an independent town, with a limited territory; even in the
second Messenian war some Nestoridæ went as allies to the Messenians;(380)
and, after the defeat of the Messenians, the Pylians and the Methonæans
were able to harbour them for a considerable time.(381)

16. Of the internal condition of Messenia we cannot even know so much as
of that of Laconia, since, at the cessation of its political existence,
its monuments, and even its inhabitants, perished; and thus all means of
perpetuating a knowledge of its former state were entirely lost. Yet,
setting aside the accounts of Ephorus, there remain some very simple
circumstances from which we may form an idea of the condition of the
country. It is related, that when Cresphontes was treacherously
assassinated, the Arcadians, in conjunction with the kings of Sparta and
Ceisus king of Argos, re-established in his place his son Æpytus,(382) who
had been brought up with Cypselus the Arcadian, the father of his mother
Merope,(383) and who rendered himself so celebrated, that all his
descendants were called Æpytidæ. The name of Æpytus is evidently connected
with Æpytis, a district on the frontiers of Arcadia and Messenia, near the
ancient Andania, the earliest seat of civilization and religious worship
in the country. The names of his descendants, Glaucus, Isthmius, Dotades,
Sybotas (swine-herd), Phintas (or Φιλητὴς), are in remarkable contrast
with those of the Lacedæmonian kings, as Eurysthenes (widely-ruling),
Procles (the renowned), Agis (the general), Soüs (the violent),
Echestratus (the general), Eurypon (the widely-reigning), Labotas
(shepherd of the people), and so forth; for, whilst the latter signify
powerful warrior princes, there sounds in the former something peaceable
and pastoral. What Pausanias relates of these Messenian princes refers
almost exclusively to a peaceful office—viz., the establishment of
festivals; the gods also to whom they were consecrated agree with the same
general character. Glaucus and Isthmius, we are told, established or
promoted the worship of Æsculapius at Gerenia and Pharæ: Sybotas joined to
the ancient worship of the great gods at Andania the funeral sacrifices of
the hero Eurytus, brought over from the Thessalian to the Messenian
Œchalia; and others in the same manner. In fact this Cabirian worship of
Demeter at Andania, allied to that prevalent in Attica at Eleusis and
Phyla, was one of the most ancient in Peloponnesus, and at that time
flourished in Messenia;(384) whereas, according to Herodotus, the Dorians
everywhere exterminated the ancient rites of Demeter.(385) Hence also the
mystical consecration of Andania was discontinued as long as Messenia was
governed by the Spartans, and it fell into oblivion, until many centuries
afterwards Epaminondas solemnly re-established it, either from the mere
recollection of the inhabitants, or, if the account be true, upon the
authority of an inscription on a tin plate found in a brazen urn,
containing some obscure words referring to ancient mystic ceremonies.(386)

The re-establishment of Æpytus may, however, have been effected by the
threefold alliance of both the princes and nations of Argos, Sparta, and
Messenia, by which they guaranteed their respective rights, an alliance of
which Plato has preserved a faint, though undoubted trace, marked out in
the spirit of his political philosophy.(387)

From the settlements of the Dorians _within_ Peloponnesus, we now turn to
those _without_ that peninsula.




Chapter VI.


    § 1. Doric colonies of Argos, Epidaurus, and Trœzen. § 2. Doric
    league of Asia Minor. § 3. Mythical accounts of the colonization
    of Halicarnassus, Rhodes, Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathos, and Casos. § 4.
    Rhodian colonies. § 5 and 6. Legends respecting the foundation of
    Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, and Phaselis. § 7 and 8. Colonies
    of Corinth. § 9 and 10. Colonies of Megara. § 11 and 12. Colonies
    of Sparta.


1. On account of the multiplicity of subjects which it will be now
necessary to consider, we shall be compelled to shorten the discussion of
several points, and to take for granted many collateral questions, except
where we may be encouraged to enter into greater detail by the hope of
disclosing fresh fields for the inquiries of others.

It will be the most convenient method to make the mother-states the basis
of our arrangement, as these are known with far greater certainty than the
dates of the foundation of their respective colonies; by which means we
shall also be enabled to take in a regular order those settlements which
lie near to, and were connected with, one another.

First, the colonies of ARGOS, EPIDAURUS, and TRŒZEN. We will treat of
these together, as they all lie in the same direction, and as the colonies
of the two last states more or less recognised the supremacy of Argos, and
not unfrequently followed a common leader. These extend as far as the
southern extremity of Asia Minor.

The Dorians on the south-western coast of Asia Minor derived their origin,
according to Herodotus,(388) from Peloponnesus. And indeed they were
generally considered a colony of Argos(389) (from which state Strabo
derives Rhodes, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Cos), led by princes of the
Heraclidæ, from whom the noble families of Rhodes—for example, the Eratidæ
or Diagoridæ at Ialysus—claimed to be descended.(390) This emigration was
considered contemporary, and as having some connexion with the expedition
of Althæmenes, the son of Ceisus, from Argos to Crete.(391) Now we know
from Herodotus(392) that the Coans, Calydnians, and Nisyrians came from
Epidaurus; yet, as is evident from arguments already brought forward, two
different expeditions cannot be understood to have taken place. Thus also
Ægina was called a colony of Argos as well as of Epidaurus. The account of
Herodotus is confirmed by the similarity of the worship of Æsculapius at
Cos and at Epidaurus, which was sufficiently great to prove a colonial
connexion.(393) We have also a tradition of some sacred missions between
Cos and Epidaurus; a ship of the latter is said to have brought a serpent
of Æsculapius to the former state.(394) If this is considered as an
historical fact, we may, as it appears, deduce more from it than is
commonly inferred—viz. that the Doric colonists of Cos, Calydna, &c.
remained in Epidaurus a sufficient time before their passage into Asia
Minor to adopt the worship of Æsculapius. And since we find that the
worship of Æsculapius also prevailed in Cnidos and Rhodes,(395) it may be
fairly inferred, that of the inhabitants of these islands a part at least
passed through Epidaurus. This is further confirmed by the orator
Aristides, who, on the authority of the national tradition, states of the
Rhodians, “that from ancient times they had been Dorians, and had had
Heraclidæ and Asclepiadæ for their princes.”(396) Thus also there were
families of the Asclepiadæ and Heraclidæ at Cos, to the former of which
Hippocrates was related on his father’s side, to the latter on his
mother’s.(397) Contemporaneous with this migration from Argos and
Epidaurus was that from Trœzen,(398) in which Halicarnassus, _the citadel
upon the sea_ (ἁλι-κάρηνον), was founded; which fact also receives
confirmation from the similarity of religious worship.(399) And indeed
there is reason for believing that it was only one Doric tribe, the
Dymanes, which colonized this city,(400) who strengthened themselves by
collecting together the earlier inhabitants, the Leleges and Carians.(401)

2. Those towns, however, only which composed the Doric Tripolis of Rhodes
(a number which probably originated from the division of the tribes),
together with Cnidos, Cos, and Halicarnassus, formed the regular Doric
league (before the separation of Halicarnassus called the Hexapolis,
afterwards the Pentapolis). The members of this alliance met on the
Triopian promontory to celebrate in public national festivals the rites of
Apollo and Demeter, which last were of extreme antiquity;(402) its
influence in political affairs was however probably very
inconsiderable.(403) But, besides those already mentioned, many towns and
islands in this district were peopled by Dorians.(404) The small island of
Telos, near Triopium, was probably dependent upon Lindos:(405) Nisyrus and
Calydna (or Calymna) have been already mentioned; the inhabitants were
Epidaurian Dorians, who belonged to the colony of Cos:(406) Carpathus also
received some Argive colonists. It is said to have been taken by Ioclus,
the son of Demoleon, an Argive by descent.(407) Syme also was colonised
from Cnidos: of this town we shall make further mention when speaking of
the Laconian settlements. The inhabitants of Astypalæa were partly derived
from Megara;(408) their Doric origin is attested by the dialect of decrees
now extant;(409) and by the same circumstance we are enabled to recognise
as a Doric colony Anaphe,(410) which is situated near the Doric islands of
Thera, Pholegandros,(411) and Melos; the position of these islands,
together forming a chain across the southern part of the Ægæan sea, shows
that they were colonized in a connected and regular succession. Myndus,
however, upon the mainland had received inhabitants from the same town as
Halicarnassus;(412) perhaps Mylasa had also had some connexion with the
Dorians.(413) Cryassa in Caria was colonised by inhabitants of the Doric
island of Melos.(414) Even Synnada and Noricum, further to the interior in
Phrygia, had inhabitants of Doric origin;(415) yet the Spartan settlement
in Noricum is a fact which it is difficult to understand; and with regard
to the former we are wholly unable to state how the Dorians could have
penetrated thus far.

I have now, though not without in some measure forestalling the regular
course of these investigations, given an account of all the known cities
in this territory which were founded by Dorians of Peloponnesus; and if to
these we add the colonies from Rhodes upon the opposite coast of Asia, and
the cities of Lycia founded from the island of Crete, in which the Doric
dialect was doubtless spoken, we shall have before us a very extensive
range of colonies belonging to that race. Some of these were probably
dependent upon the more considerable; many on the contrary stood entirely
alone, some very early disagreements having, as it appears, separated and
estranged them from the league of the six towns.(416) Hence the Calymnians
(or Calydnians) at a later period, on the occasion of embarrassing
lawsuits, had recourse not to the larger states of the same race, but to
the Iasians (who, though a colony from Argos, had afterwards learned the
habits and character of the Ionic race by a settlement from Miletus),(417)
which nation sent them five judges. This circumstance, however, may be
accounted for by a temporary resemblance of their constitutions.(418)

3. Having thus put together the most simple historical accounts respecting
the foundation of these Doric cities, we have still to examine the
mythical narrations with which they are accompanied, and which were
invented by representing the same colonies under different names, and
attributing a false antiquity to their establishment. That this was in
fact the case is evident from the mythical account which is connected with
the colony of Trœzen, viz. “that Anthes and his son Aëtius, ancient
princes of the Trœzenians, had in early times founded Halicarnassus.”(419)
This tradition, however, contradicts itself, when compared with the
additional account in Callimachus,(420) “that Anthes had taken out Dymanes
with him;” which was _exclusively_ a civil division of the Dorians. It is
therefore far preferable to follow the statement of Pausanias,(421) that
the descendants of Aëtius passed over to Halicarnassus and Myndus long
after his death. It must not, however, from this circumstance be inferred
that these descendants of Aëtius were leaders of the colony, since it was
necessary that these should be Doric Heraclidæ. But they were in all
probability a family which cultivated the worship of Poseidon in
preference to any other, and carried it over with them to the colony. But
that a family of this kind, and with it the tradition and name of Anthes,
actually prevailed in Halicarnassus, is seen also from the poetical name
of the Halicarnassians (Antheadæ.)(422)

There is also a great similarity in the part which Tlepolemus bears in the
history of the colonisation of Rhodes. In this case also the mythical hero
is represented as coming from Argos,(423) as well as the historical
colony, only at an earlier period. But, it may be objected, the colony is
related to have come immediately from Epidaurus, and not the hero. We
have, however, still an evident trace of mythical genealogies of Rhodes,
in which Tlepolemus was represented as immediately connected with the
Heraclidæ of Epidaurus. For Pindar celebrates the Diagoridæ as descended
on the father’s side from Zeus, from Amyntor on the mother’s, because both
these were the grandfathers of Tlepolemus.(424) Now Deiphontes of
Epidaurus was also descended on his mother’s side from Amyntor, and was
therefore very nearly related to Tlepolemus. We may also probably suppose
that there was in this Argive and Epidaurian colony a family which derived
itself from Tlepolemus the son of Hercules, by which means the traditions
concerning him were connected with this migration.(425) The same want of
consistency which we observed above, may here also be perceived in the
statement of Homer, that the colony of Tlepolemus was divided into three
parts, according to the different races of the settlers;(426) whence it is
evident that he was always considered as a Doric prince.

Thirdly, the colony of Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathus, and Casos also possessed
leaders or heroic founders, whose expedition is reported to have taken
place at a time different from that at which the colony was founded, and
is placed back in a remote period, viz. Phidippus and Antiphus, sons of
Thessalus the Heraclide, or of Hercules himself. Their origin is derived
by the fable from the irruption of Hercules into Cos, where he made
pregnant the daughter of Euryphylus; afterwards they are said to have
migrated to Ephyra in Thesprotia, and their descendants to have gone from
thence to Thessaly, where the Aleuadæ, the most distinguished and the
wealthiest family of Larissa, claimed them as ancestors.(427) Again, I do
not deny that Heraclide families in exile at Cos derived their origin from
both these heroes (it was indeed by this means that the name of Thessalus
found its way into the Asclepiad family of Hippocrates); but that these
families were born in the island of Cos itself, is evidently a patriotic
invention of the Coans. There were, as we have seen, traditions respecting
Phidippus and Antiphus in Cos, and also at Ephyra in Thesprotia; which
traditions the fables and poems respecting the returns of the heroes from
Troy, endeavoured to reconcile, by making Antiphus reach Ephyra, after a
series of wanderings, instead of going directly to Cos; a supposition
which will not gain many believers. It is also plain from the epigram of
Aristotle,(428) that, according to the traditions of Ephyra, that city was
considered as the _native country_, and the domicile of the two heroes;
and therefore was in direct opposition to the Coan tradition. Now that a
Heraclide family should have gone from Cos to Ephyra in Epirus, is
contrary to all other examples of the migrations of Greek races and
colonies, and all that we know of the dispersion of Heraclide clans or
families. On the other hand, a part of the mythology of Hercules, which
appears to be of great antiquity,(429) refers to this Ephyra in Epirus;
and it was then quite natural, that with the conquest of Ephyra (a
fabulous exploit of Hercules) the origin of a branch of the Heraclidæ
should be connected, who then came with the Dorians into Peloponnesus, and
by means of the Epidaurian colony to the island of Cos.

4. The favourable situations of these Doric cities on islands and
promontories, possessing roadsteads and harbours convenient for maritime
intercourse, attracted in early times a considerable number of colonies.
It is remarkable that the RHODIANS should have founded fewer and less
considerable colonies on the coast of Asia Minor than in the countries to
the west: for, with the exception of Peræa, which was not till later times
dependent on this island, the only Rhodian towns in Asia Minor were
Gagæ(430) and Corydalla(431) in Lycia, Phaselis,(432) on the confines of
Lycia and Pamphylia, and Soli in Cilicia.(433) On the other hand, in
Olymp. 16. 4. 713 B.C., according to Thucydides, about the time of their
colonising Phaselis, they founded in Sicily the splendid city of Gela, the
mother-town of Agrigentum. This colony was sent from Lindus, which
furnished its leader Antiphemus (or Deinomenes.)(434) It was accompanied
by inhabitants of the small island of Telos;(435) and was at the same time
joined by some Cretan emigrants. That however the numbers of those who
came from the first-mentioned town predominated, is shown by the original
name of the settlement, Λίνδιοι, and by the religion there established.
Doric institutions were common to all the founders above mentioned, and
were consequently established in their settlements.(436) The connexion and
intercourse with those islands continued without interruption; hence it
was that, in later times, the family of Phalaris, coming from Astypalæa,
found a welcome reception at Agrigentum;(437) and the family of the
Emmenidæ, which overthrew Phalaris, had come from the same region, viz.
from Thera.(438) Moreover, Parthenope, in the country of the Osci, and
Elpiæ, or Salapiæ, in the territory of the Daunians (in the founding of
which the inhabitants of Cos had a share), were beyond a doubt settlements
of the Rhodians; and indeed this same people penetrated even to Iberia at
an early period, and there founded Rhode; and we have also traces of their
presence at the mouth of the Rhone.(439) Hence also, perhaps, arose the
account of the expedition of Tlepolemus to the Balearic islands; which
account, and the statement that Sybaris was founded by him, may be
understood merely as mythical expressions for the voyages undertaken by
the Rhodians in the western sea.

5. It is, however, a matter even of still greater difficulty to determine
the true history of several cities in Asia Minor, which are reported by
tradition to have been colonies of Argos, and generally of the greatest
antiquity. But it requires nothing short of absolute superstition to
believe that Tarsus was founded by Io, or Perseus the Argive,(440) who,
with his descendant Hercules, was worshipped in this place as a tutelar
deity;(441) or that Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, and Phaselis were
founded by Argive soothsayers at the time of the Trojan war.(442) To these
may be added Aspendus in Pamphylia, Curium in Cyprus, and even Ione, near
Antiochia, in Syria,(443) the founding of which place is attributed to the
Argives. For, without considering the period at which the ancient
Peloponnesians are represented to have undertaken such distant (and at
that time impossible) voyages round the Chelidonian islands, it is most
singular that Argos, which is at no time mentioned among the maritime
nations of Greece, should have planted upon that one line of coast a
series of colonies in so connected an order, and so completely useless to
herself. We will therefore venture to advance an hypothesis, to which,
though perhaps no complete proofs of it can be adduced, we have still
sufficient traces to lead us, viz. that all these towns were colonised
from Rhodes; but that, by a form frequently in use, they were led out in
the name of Argos, the mother-country of Rhodes, and under the auspices of
Argive gods and heroes.(444) In the first place, Argives and Rhodians are
mentioned together as founders; as in the instance of Soli, which
nevertheless only defended the Rhodians as a sister state before the Roman
senate.(445) Of the manner in which heroes were adopted as founders, the
city just mentioned furnishes a good instance. For the Argive soothsayer
Amphilochus is said to have come hither, who, according to poems that went
under the name of Hesiod, had been put to death by Apollo at Soli.(446)
The following example gives a still clearer notion of the manner in which
these fables were formed. The Rhodians built Phaselis at the same time
with Gela (Olymp. 16. 713 B.C.); the founder is called Lacius, whom the
Delphian oracle had sent to the east, as it had Antiphemus to the
west.(447) Now it is shown in another part of this work(448) that Lacius
is a Cretan form for Rhacius; and this was the name of the husband of
Manto, and father of Mopsus, the ancient mythical prophet of the temple at
Claros. For, leaving no doubt that this person is intended, the tradition
also says, that this Mopsus, the son of Rhacius, founded Phaselis:(449)
Pamphylia itself is called the daughter of Rhacius and of Manto;(450) and
lastly, the same Lacius is represented as a contemporary of Mopsus, and as
having been sent out by Manto as a founder at the same time with the
latter.(451) The inference that we must draw is, that there was no such
individual as Lacius who led the Lindians in person to Phaselis, but that
he was merely a mythical being, and represents the Clarian oracle, which
seems to have co-operated on this occasion.(452) Those who are versed in
the interpretation of mythical narratives will also hence infer, that the
same was the case with his contrary, Ἀντιόφημος. In order, however, to
give the mother-state, Argos, a share in the mythical account of the
foundation of the Pamphylian colonies, it was necessary that Amphilochus,
who belonged to the family of the Amythaonidæ, should, together with
Calchas, have some connexion with them all; and, in fact, it is not
impossible that soothsayers from Argos, who called themselves descendants
of this prophet and hero, were procured by the Rhodians for this service.

6. We may now penetrate somewhat deeper into the obscure traditions of the
Cilician cities Mallus, Mopsuestia, and Mopsucrene. In the fables
concerning the founding of these towns, Amphilochus and Mopsus are always
mentioned together; at the same time that the account of their Argive
origin is very much brought into notice. Cicero calls both these prophets
on this occasion kings of Argos.(453) Here then we may also assume that
soothsayers were brought from the mother-country, and suppose that the
prophets of the Amphilochian oracle of Mallus were actually natives of
Argos; and although, as will be shown below, the influence of the Clarian
worship was also felt,(454) yet the persons who were the real colonisers
could only have been a sea-faring people, such as the Rhodians. In
consequence, however, of these settlements having been founded at a very
early period, when all colonies were as yet entirely dependent upon the
oracles, and therefore were always under the direction of prophets, and as
an inventive and imaginative spirit was then in full vigour, their true
history has been enveloped in a thick cloud of mythological fiction, which
we have at least begun to remove.

7. We next proceed to the CORINTHIAN colonies, the geographical situation
of which alone affords a remarkable result with regard to the maritime
expeditions undertaken by the mother-country. For although Corinth had two
harbours, Lechæum in the Crisæan, and Cenchreæ in the Saronic gulf, it it
evident that all its colonies were sent out from the western port. They
were founded, almost without exception, on the coasts of the Ionian sea;
at the entrance of which the Corinthians had, perhaps at a very early
period, founded the city of Molycreium.(455) Notwithstanding this, the
very first colony from Corinth, the date of which is known within a few
years (Olymp. 5. 760-757 B.C.),(456) ventured to cross the Ionian sea, and
to found in the most beautiful part of Sicily the renowned city of
Syracuse. The founder was Archias a Heraclide, and probably also of the
family of the Bacchiadæ;(457) he was followed by Corinthians, chiefly from
the borough of Tenea;(458) and on the road was joined by some Dorians from
Megara;(459) the expedition was also accompanied by a prophet of the
sacred family of Olympia, the Iamidæ, whose descendants flourished at
Syracuse in the time of Pindar.(460) It appears, however, that Syracuse at
that time borrowed many religious institutions from Olympia, as is proved
by the worship of Arethusa, of Artemis Ortygia, and of the Olympian
Zeus.(461) These original founders built a town in the island of Ortygia,
the name of which can be explained only from the worship of the goddess
just mentioned. The lands taken from the aboriginal Sicilians they divided
into lots, according to the number of the colonists. For the method
universally observed in founding these colonies was, that the adventurers
received before-hand a promise of a share in the territory—which also was
called a lot. On the occasion of this very settlement, Æthiops, a
Corinthian glutton, is said to have sold a promise of this kind to a
companion for one honey-cake.(462) Eumelus the Bacchiad, the celebrated
poet of Corinth, seems to have been one of these colonists,(463) as he is
mentioned in connexion with Archias. Although the _demus_, or populace of
the city, chiefly perhaps consisted of inhabitants of various nations, who
put themselves under the protection of this colony, and although the
territory around was peopled by Sicilian bondsmen, yet in its dialect, and
probably for a considerable period in its customs also, Syracuse remained
a purely Doric state: as the women in Theocritus say,(464) “_Our origin is
Corinthian, and therefore we speak the language of Peloponnesus. For it is
permitted, I suppose, to the Dorians to speak Doric._” Hence the
Syracusans were so greatly pleased with an ambassador from Lucania, who
had learnt to speak Doric in order to address them in their native
tongue.(465) Syracuse increased so rapidly in population and power, that
seventy years after its foundation it colonized Acræ, and also Enna,
situated in the centre of the island; twenty years after this, the town of
Casmenæ; and in forty-five more, Camarina. Also some Syracusan(466)
fugitives named Myletidæ, together with Chalcideans from Zancle, are said
to have founded Himera: hence the dialect there in use was a mixture of
Chalcidean and Doric; but the institutions were entirely Chalcidean.

8. The other Corinthian colonies, as has been already remarked, were all
situated to the east of the Ionian sea. The nearest of these are, besides
their colony of Molycreium, Chalcis in Ætolia,(467) and Solium in
Acarnania;(468) further on, we find that Ambracia was in very early times
founded by Corinth,(469) and accordingly was governed by a brother of
Periander;(470) by the influence of this settlement Amphilochian Argos
changed its language and customs for those of the Greeks.(471) Anactorium
was founded by the Corinthians, under the command of Periander, in
conjunction with the Corcyræans. At the same time, and in connexion with
the same persons, they occupied the island of Leucadia;(472) to the
possession of which, however, the Corcyræans, as they were at that time
subject to Corinth, had no just claim; and Themistocles unquestionably did
wrong in attributing any such right to them;(473) the Leucadians also
always remained firm to their real parent-state. Next comes Corcyra
itself, the founding of which by Chersicrates the Bacchiad(474) is
represented as having been a secondary branch of the colony sent to
Syracuse;(475) but it had at a very early period set itself up as a rival
to the mother-state in the Ionian sea, whose ancient power had been
probably broken before the Persian war. On the opposite coast lay
Epidamnus, which city was chiefly founded by Corcyræans, but under the
command of Phalius, the son of Eratocleides, a Corinthian Heraclide, whom
the Corcyræans, according to the ancient colonial law, had sent for,
together with some of his countrymen (in Olymp. 38. 2. 629 B.C. according
to Eusebius), and were afterwards strengthened by emigrants from
Dyspontium in Pisatis.—Lastly, Gylax, a Corinthian, together with 200 of
his own countrymen, and a greater number of Corcyræans, founded Apollonia
in the time of Periander. Here ends the list of Corinthian colonies, which
formed a strong and continuous chain along the coast; and thus even the
barbarians of the interior, especially the Epirots of Thesprotia, were
forced to maintain a perpetual connexion with Corinth:(476) hence also the
kings of the Lyncestæ in Macedonia esteemed it an honour to derive their
origin from the Bacchiadæ.(477) At a still further distance lay the island
of Issa, which was colonized from Syracuse.(478) Corcyra, however,
possessed settlements as far as the Flanatian gulf.(479) From these facts
it is evident that there was a time when Corinth predominated in these
seas; and by means of Corcyra and Ambracia, and other towns, ruled over
many nations of barbarians. But the loss of Corcyra, which had been at war
with its mother-state in the 28th Olympiad (about 668 B.C.),(480) even
before the time of Periander (though it was for a short time again reduced
to subjection by the enterprising Cypselidæ), was an incurable wound for
Corinth. The other colonies, however, showed a remarkable obedience to
her.(481) It was not till after the loss of their maritime dominion in
these quarters (an event which had nevertheless taken place before the
Persian war) that the Corinthians appear to have founded Potidæa on the
opposite side of Greece in Chalcidice, which colony they sought to retain
in their power by continually interfering in its internal administration,
and for this purpose sent thither every year magistrates named
Epidemiurgi.(482)

9. MEGARA, on the other hand, was induced by its situation to send even
its first colonies to the opposite side of Greece on the Thracian coast.
Thus in Olymp. 17. 3. 710 B.C. it founded Astæus in Bithynia;(483)
afterwards Chalcedon, on the entrance of the Bosporus(484) in Olymp. 26.
2. 675 B.C. (according to Eusebius); and 17 years later (Olymp. 30. 3. 658
B.C.) Byzantium in a more favoured spot, opposite to Chalcedon.(485) The
Argives also had a share in the foundation of this town; for which fact we
may trust the general assertion of Hesychius of Miletus, that his
circumstantial and fabulous history of the early times of this city was
derived from ancient poets and historians. For the transmission of the
worship of Here (whose temple both at Byzantium and Argos was on the
citadel),(486) and the traditions concerning Io, the attendant of the
Argive Here, confirm in a manner which does not admit of a doubt, the
pretensions of Argos to a share in this colony. Io, who was represented
with horns on her forehead, is said to have here produced to Zeus a
daughter, Ceroëssa the “Horned” by name (which is, however, only a
different name for Io herself), who being suckled by the nymph Semestra,
afterwards brought forth Byzas.(487) Thence the fable of the cow swimming
over the sea became peculiar to this place.(488) In other respects the
combinations of religious ceremonies as found at Byzantium, almost exactly
resembled that which existed in Megara. Nay, so carefully did the
Byzantians, though far removed from their mother-state, preserve the
remembrance of it, that they carried over almost all the names of their
native country and the neighbouring region. We find on the coast a temple
of Poseidon, whose son was named Byzas; also of Demeter and Cora; the
Scironian rocks, an Isthmian promontory, with the tomb of Hipposthenes a
Megarean hero, the temple of Apollo on the high promontory of Metopum;
also an altar of Saron, a pretended hero, whose name referred to the
Saronic gulf.(489) Thus Byzantium was never estranged from its
Peloponnesian ancestors, although it adopted a large number of additional
colonists,(490) and ruled over Thracian subjects. Moreover, the prevailing
dialect, which occurs in some public decrees still extant, remained for a
long time Doric.(491) The Byzantians, together with the Chalcedonians,
either at the time of the expedition of Darius against the Scythians, or
of the Ionic revolt, founded Mesambria on the Pontus,(492) which some
consider as a colony of Megara. The Megareans had also founded Selymbria
even before the settlement of Byzantium,(493) and probably carried on from
this place a war with the Samians at Perinthus,(494) when that island was
still governed by Geomori, before the time of Polycrates. Moreover, the
Megareans had a large share in the founding of Heraclea on the Pontus; for
although they were strengthened by some Tanagræans from Bœotia, their
numbers so predominated that this city was in general considered as
Doric.(495)

10. Megara, however, at the same time founded some very considerable
colonies to the west, viz., in Sicily. It will be sufficient to state in
general terms that Hybla in Sicily was a Megarean colony, established in
the 13th Olympiad (about 728 B.C.), and was even called Megara.(496) It
probably kept up a constant intercourse with the mother-state; since
Theognis, who was a Megarean from Sicily, according to Plato, dwelt
nevertheless for a long time in the Megara near Athens, to which state
many of his poems refer.(497) The founding of the small town of Trogilus,
and of the more important city of Thapsos, preceded the building of
Megara. A century later, some inhabitants of Megara founded Selinus in the
neighbourhood of that part of the island, which town was in early times
held by the Phœnicians, in later times by the Carthaginians.

11. The colonies of SPARTA, which still remain to be considered, were more
numerous than would be expected of a state so averse to maritime affairs.
In the history of the migrations of the Heraclidæ, we find introduced the
colonies of Thera, Melos, Gortyna, and Cyrene; which, although for the
sake of honour they recognised Sparta as their mother-state, had been in
fact founded by Achæans, Minyans, and Ægidæ, who dwelt at that time in a
state of almost entire independence in a district of Laconia.(498) All
these states, however, retained the Doric name; and Cyrene, though even
the founders married Libyan women,(499) always preserved to the utmost of
its power the institutions, customs, and language of its
mother-country.(500) The founding of Cnidos also took place at an early
period, and was generally ascribed to the Lacedæmonians.(501) The leader
of the colony was, according to Diodorus, one Hippotes.(502) Syme also was
at that time peopled from Cnidos.(503) The principal religion of this
city, that of Aphrodite(504) (who was here worshipped in a three-fold
capacity), was without doubt the same as that which existed at Cythera,
having been carried over by the Lacedæmonian colonists. The splendid city
of Cnidos, protected toward the east by an Acropolis, which both its
Cyclopian architecture(505) and fabulous history prove to have existed
before the time of the Dorians, was situated on a neck of land, with a
harbour on each side, one of which was among the largest in Greece. Thus
fitted by nature for commerce, Cnidos also founded colonies of its own,
among which Lipara, established (in Olymp. 50, about 580 B.C.) upon one of
the Æolian islands under the direction of descendants of Hippotes,(506)
overcame the Etruscans in several wars, and adorned Delphi with offerings
of victory.(507) Another colony from Cnidos, remarkable chiefly for its
distance from the mother-country, is Black-Corcyra, on the coast of
Illyria. Lacedæmon herself, however, is said to have sent out colonies to
Phrygia, Pisidia, and Cyprus. In the former country, Pisistratus, a
Spartan, is said to have founded Noricum near Celænæ on the river
Marsyas.(508) Selge in Pisidia is generally considered by the ancients to
have been a Lacedæmonian colony, and we frequently find on coins of a late
date this origin recognised. The representative of the state is Hercules
the Doric hero: moreover, the free spirit, the bravery, and the good laws
of the Selgæans (although the reverse is sometimes attributed to them)
were derived from their mother-state.(509) The wrestling youths in the act
of grasping one another (ἀκροχειριζόμενοι) represented on their coins,
bespeak a love for gymnastic exercises. It should, however, be remembered,
that the founders of this colony were, according to a more exact
statement, Amyclæans,(510) _i.e._ fugitive Periœci, who perhaps had passed
through Cnidos in their way to these districts. It appears that the
Selgæans founded Sagalassus,(511) which city is styled on its coins _The
Lacedæmonian_. Perhaps Praxander went at the same time from Therapne in
Laconia, with Cephas of Olenus (both Achæans by birth) to the island of
Cyprus, where they founded Lapathus and Ceronia.(512)

12. But the most celebrated of all the Lacedæmonian colonies, and which
really proceeded from Sparta, was Tarentum. The history of its origin is
buried in fable, in the accounts of the first Messenian war; the
accompanying circumstances will be mentioned below. The leader of this
colony was Phalanthus, son of Aratus, a Heraclide.(513) Taras, on the
other hand, is called the son of Poseidon, because this colony carried
over the worship of that deity from Tænarum to Italy. These emigrants also
brought with them other religious rites, as for instance the worship of
Hyacinthus;(514) likewise many names from their native country, as that of
the Eurotas, which they gave to the river Galæsus.(515) But the fruitful
and luxuriant territory to which they had moved, its soft and voluptuous
climate, and the commerce, for which Tarentum was well situated,(516) and
always open (although it never carried it on in an active manner), helped
to engender that effeminacy of character, which gave countenance to the
fable of the founders having been the sons of unmarried women (παρθενίαι).
Still, amidst all its degeneracy, Tarentum retained a certain degree of
dependence on its mother-country: at the foundation of Heraclea the
Tarentines allowed Cleandridas a Spartan to be one of the original
colonists.(517) The friendship, moreover, of the Cnidians with the
Tarentines,(518) as well as that with the Cyreneans, was founded on the
recognition of a common origin. The colony of Croton (Olymp. 19. 2. 703
B.C., according to Eusebius) consisted indeed of Achæans, who came partly
from the maritime town of Rhypæ,(519) and partly from Laconia:(520) it
must, however, have been established under the authority of the Doric
state of Sparta, since Apollo and Hercules, the Doric god and hero, were
here worshipped with especial honour;(521) the early constitution was also
Doric; and although in general we are not to look for truth in the poetry
of Ovid, yet in this instance we may credit his statement that Myscellus
the founder was a Heraclide.(522) In like manner the Locrians, who (in
Olymp. 24. 2. 683 B.C.) founded Locri, must have procured Spartans as
leaders,(523) since (as their coins also show) they paid particular
honours to the Dioscuri, in time of distress in war the statues of these
gods having been sent to them from Sparta, as being a people of the same
origin;(524) and even in the Peloponnesian war they still adhered to the
cause of Sparta.(525) Of a nature wholly different were the rapid and
transitory settlements of Dorieus the son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta,
which this noble adventurer founded in Sicily and Libya; when, scorning to
submit to a worthless brother, and confiding in his own strength, he hoped
to obtain by conquest a kingdom in a distant country.(526) Finally, the
Lyctians of Crete and other inhabitants of this island called themselves
colonists of Sparta. In all probability many of the ancient Doric cities
of this country received fresh settlers from Lacedæmon; which state, at
the beginning of the Olympiads(527) in the time of Alcamenes, and even
during the life of Lycurgus,(528) exercised a very considerable influence
upon the internal affairs of Crete.

Having taken a view of the Doric settlements without Peloponnesus, we now
return to the history of that peninsula, which we will divide into two
periods, namely, before and after the 40th Olympiad, or the year 620 B.C.




Chapter VII.


    § 1. Sources of the early history of Peloponnesus. § 2. Quoit of
    Iphitus, Registers of Victors at the Olympic and Carnean Games,
    Registers at Sicyon and Argos. § 3. Registers of the Spartan
    Kings. § 4. Spartan Rhetras, Land-marks. § 5. Lyric Poets, Oral
    Tradition, and Political Institutions. § 6. Mythical character of
    Lycurgus. § 7. Lycurgus founder of the sacred armistice of
    Olympia. § § 8. and 9. Messenian wars: sources of the history of
    them. § 10. First Messenian war. § 11. Second Messenian war. § 12.
    Influence in Arcadia obtained by the Spartans. § 13. Limited
    ascendancy of Argos in Argolis. § 14. Disputes between Argos and
    Sparta. § 15. Pheidon of Argos. § 16. Further struggles between
    Argos and Sparta.


1. Before we begin to collect and arrange the accounts extant concerning
the early history of Peloponnesus, it will be first necessary to ascertain
what are our sources of information respecting the events of this period.
For the epic poets, who carried on an uninterrupted series of traditions
on the events of the mythical ages, and have thus thrown over this dark
period some faint glimmerings which may in many places be condensed into a
distinct and useful light, only touch on a few points of the period whose
history we are about to examine. On the other hand, indeed, the art of
writing was during this time introduced among the Greeks through their
intercourse with Asia; but that a long time elapsed before it came into
general use, is evident from the almost surprising imperfection of those
written documents which have been preserved to us of a date anterior to
the 60th Olympiad, in comparison with the great perfection of the works of
Grecian art. For this reason, writing was long regarded in Greece as a
foreign craft, and letters were considered (for example in the Tean
curses) as Phœnician symbols. Nevertheless, these few and scanty registers
are the first materials for real history and chronology now extant. As
such, the following have been made known to us from Peloponnesus.

2. The _Quoit of Iphitus_, upon which was inscribed in a circle the
formula for proclaiming the sacred armistice of Elis, and in which Iphitus
and Lycurgus were mentioned as the founders of it.(529) There is no reason
for doubting its genuineness, which was recognised by Aristotle, and the
institution which it mentioned was considered by all ancient writers as a
real fact.(530) Secondly, the _lists of the conquerors at the Olympic
games_ brought down uninterruptedly from the victory of Chorœbus,(531)
which always recorded the conquerors in the foot-race, and in later times
at least those in the other games.(532) It is probable that they were
originally engraved on single pillars, and afterwards collected under the
inspection of the Hellanodicæ.(533) Similar catalogues of conquerors in
other games, besides the four great ones, were also probably not uncommon,
but they were generally inscribed on separate pillars, and were therefore
of little use to the historian.(534) The names of the _conquerors at the
Carnean games_ at Sparta were also registered, so that Hellanicus was
enabled to compose from them a work called Καρνεονῖκαι. The _register at
Sicyon_ contained a list of the priestesses of Here at Argos, and the
poets and musicians of the games.(535) But this also contained fabulous
accounts: for example, the invention of playing and singing on the harp by
Amphion. Nor were the _catalogues of the priestesses of Here_, which were
probably kept at Argos, altogether free from fable, as may be perceived
from the fragments of Hellanicus’s chronological work on these
priestesses, which was probably founded on the official catalogues.(536)

3. There were also at Lacedæmon public registers, in which Plutarch found
mention of the daughters of Agesilaus;(537) and in those of the earliest
times the same author discovered the Pythian oracle concerning
Lycurgus,(538) the same that Herodotus refers to in his first book. These
doubtless contained the names of all the kings, and probably also the
years of their reigns, as far back as Procles, who, according to a
statement noticed above, died one year before his brother
Eurysthenes.(539) This fact could hardly have been derived from any other
source than some national annals, though it is not impossible that it was
first transferred to them from oral narrative; in which case, however, it
is difficult to understand how tradition, contrary to its general
character, preserved dates. It was without doubt from these registers that
Charon of Lampsacus, before the time of Herodotus, composed his work
entitled, “_The Prytanes, or Rulers, of Lacedæmon_;”(540) in which he also
noticed the sacred offerings and monuments of ancient times.(541) With
respect to the chronological labours of Timæus, Polybius(542) says that
“this writer compared the ephors with the kings of Lacedæmon from the
beginning, and the archons at Athens and priestesses at Argos with the
conquerors at the Olympic games, and noted the errors which the cities had
made in the registration, even when they only differed by three months.”
Eratosthenes and Apollodorus founded their chronology, especially before
the Olympiads, upon the same list of the kings;(543) they both nearly
agreed in reckoning 327 or 328 years from the expedition of the Heraclidæ
to the first Olympiad (776 B.C.),(544) which calculation would have been
impossible if the duration of each king’s reign had not been known; for if
this computation is made by generations, reckoning about three to a
century, quite a different number comes out.(545) Lycurgus, however, was
placed by Eratosthenes 108 years before the first Olympiad;(546) in which
computation he certainly went on the authority of the Quoit of Iphitus;
which agrees with the statement of Apollodorus, that Homer, who according
to this chronologist flourished 148 years before the first Olympiad, was a
contemporary of Lycurgus when the latter was a young man.(547)—It appears,
however, that the name of Lycurgus was not preserved in any register of
the kings, since in that case it would have been impossible that he should
have been called by Herodotus the guardian of his nephew Labotas the
Eurysthenid,(548) by Simonides (who lived in great intimacy with king
Pausanias)(549) the son of Prytanis and brother of Eunomus the Proclid,
and by others the son of Eunomus and guardian of his nephew
Charilaus,(550) had there existed any genealogy of him which was
sufficiently accredited. Hence we must infer that these catalogues only
contained the names of the kings, and not even of the royal guardians or
protectors, such as Lycurgus. On the other hand, the variations in the
enumeration of the kings are unimportant, being confined to this, that in
the pedigree of the Proclidæ Herodotus(551) (or his transcribers) leaves
out the name of Soüs, which occurs in all the rest, and, contrary to
Pausanias, changes the order of Eunomus and Polydectes. Since the name of
Polydectes is entirely wanting in Simonides and Eusebius, it is probable
that Polydectes and Eunomus are only different names of the same king; and
that Polydectes was the proper name, and Eunomus a title of honour.(552)
Upon this hypothesis we obtain the following series of kings of the
Proclid line—Prytanis, Polydectes, Charilaus, with tolerable certainty.
There must also have been registers of the names and years of the princes
of Corinth, and the family of the Bacchiadæ, since no one could have had
the boldness to invent them.(553) Indeed there were altogether many
pedigrees, particularly of the Heraclidæ: as, for example, of families at
Cyrene,(554) and the Ptolemies;(555) their authority, however, could not
have been very great; in the latter, indeed, we cannot fail to recognise
the unscrupulous hand of Alexandrine flatterers. The ancient chronicles of
Elis, which Pausanias saw, appear to have contained complete pedigrees
from Oxylus down to Iphitus;(556) although the descendants of the former
were not kings. The father of Iphitus was there stated to have been also
named Iphitus, in contradiction to the common account.(557)

4. None of these registers appear to have contained anything beyond the
names of conquerors at the games (which have seldom any reference to
history), and princes with the years of their reigns. If anything more was
noted down, it was perhaps here and there an oracle, as those belonging to
the history of Sparta in Herodotus,(558) which were without doubt brought
by the Pythians to Sparta in writing, at a very early period. To these may
be perhaps added some ancient _rhetras_;(559) under which term the ancient
Dorians included all political documents, laws, and treaties. The most
ancient instance of the last kind is the treaty between the Eleans and the
inhabitants of Heræa, discovered by sir William Gell,(560) the writing of
which is so extremely rude as to prove that they were little practised in
that art when it was engraved. It is however very doubtful how the Spartan
rhetras of Lycurgus were drawn up. By some it has been supposed that they
were originally composed in metre, in order to be chanted by the youth of
Sparta;(561) but this is contradicted by the certain testimony(562) that
Terpander of Antissa, whom the Spartans so highly esteemed, was the first
who set these laws to music, and first gave them a metrical and poetical
form; and Terpander did not live till after the 26th Olympiad, or 672
B.C.(563) But the rhetra which Plutarch has preserved as the genuine
constitutional formula bears a truly archaic character, since it contains
a command of the Pythian Apollo to the lawgiver in the infinitive mood,
and does not fall into verse. I do not perceive why it might not have been
written, as well as the contemporaneous inscription on the Quoit of
Iphitus, and the ancient oracles cited by Herodotus; at least we cannot in
any other way account for the preservation of the words. The original
rhetras, however, were very few, and formed merely the nucleus of a system
of laws, more as a help to the memory than as a perfect code; hence the
ancients could with propriety say, that Zaleucus was the first who
committed laws to writing.(564) The three rhetras, which were preserved
besides the former one, were merely certain general formulas, and by no
means explicit laws; they had the form of an oracle, as having proceeded
from the Pythian god,(565) but were written entirely in prose.(566)

Next in the list of public monuments come the ὅροι, or landmarks of
territory. It is well known that we are in possession of such records of a
later period, belonging to the sacred territory of the Pythian Apollo (in
which earlier surveys of the Amphictyonic Hieromnemons, and ancient
inscriptions on boundary-stones are appealed to), belonging to Cretan
towns, and likewise to Samos and Priene, in which the inhabitants of
Priene cite ancient records, preserved from the time of Bias in the temple
of Athene.(567) Historical works were also composed from these
memorials.(568) Now there must also have been records of this kind in
Peloponnesus, although the inscriptions, by which the Messenians wished to
prove to the Romans their original boundary towards Laconia, were
evidently not made till after their re-establishment by Epaminondas.(569)

5. These documents, if we were in possession of them, would afford a
valuable foundation for an account of the three centuries before regular
history begins; but merely an outline, which would require to be filled up
from other sources. This might partly be done from the writings of the
_Lyric poets_, who flourished at that time, as Eumelus, Thaletas, Tyrtæus,
Alcman, and Terpander;(570) which writers had frequent intercourse with
the Spartans, and introduced the events of the time into their poetry to a
much greater degree than the epic poets. And in fact we find in the
fragments of Tyrtæus and Alcman a lively representation of the feelings
and manners of the period. The next source of information is _oral
tradition_, which, though erring continually with regard to names and
numbers, yet always relates something essential; and, finally, the
_political institutions_ continuing to exist in later times, which had
their origin in this period.

These, and no other than these, can have been the means employed by the
authors who wrote on the affairs of Laconia, in the century when history
was approaching to maturity, such as Hellanicus, Charon, and Herodotus;
and either directly or indirectly must have afforded materials to those
who treated of the times of Lycurgus during the later age of Greek
learning. But how little do we recognise the ancient simplicity and
liveliness which characterise all the genuine remains of that time, in the
historical style of Ephorus and Hermippus,(571) and their followers. The
object of these writers was to assimilate, as much as possible, the
notions of antiquity to those of their own time, and to attempt in some
way or other to represent every act as proceeding from such motives as
would have actuated their own contemporaries. They have with a truly
unsparing hand rubbed off the venerable rust of ancient tradition, and,
totally mistaking the most powerful springs of action then prevalent,
moulded all events of which any records had been preserved, into a
connected form more suited to a modern history. It is almost impossible to
describe with what unlucky zeal Plutarch, where Lycurgus only embodied in
laws the political feelings of his race and nation, ascribes to that
legislator plans and views generally unsatisfactory, and often absolutely
childish.

6. If now we apply the method above stated to the history of Lycurgus, we
shall find that we have absolutely no account of him as an _individual
person_. Tradition very properly represents him as intimately connected
with the temple of Delphi (by which the Dorians, and especially the state
of Sparta, were at that time entirely led), and with Crete, the earliest
civilized state of the Doric race. This connexion was generally
represented under the form of a journey to both places; his tomb was also
shown both at Cirrha and at Pergamia in Crete. It was easy to imagine that
the reforms of Lycurgus were violently opposed, and produced tumults and
disturbances.(572) But the story of Alcander putting out one of Lycurgus’s
eyes (probably a popular tale) is founded on a false explanation of the
title of Pallas Optiletis.(573) It was indeed an ancient tradition that he
was guardian of a Spartan king; but the common report of this being
Charilaus(574) is not quite certain, as we have seen above; and in order
to account for both his travels and regency, he was reported to have
abdicated the latter in order to avoid suspicion.(575) If we set aside all
fictions of this description, which have almost the spirit of a moral
tale, like the Cyropædia of Xenophon, there remains very little
traditional lore. Of his legislation we will treat hereafter.(576)

7. It is very singular that historians should have mentioned so little of
the action of Lycurgus, which comes next in importance to that which has
been just discussed;(577) I mean the share that he had in founding the
sacred armistice and games at Olympia, which event was without doubt the
commencement of a more tranquil state of affairs in Peloponnesus.
Lycurgus, as the representative of the Doric race, Iphitus, of the
Ætolians and Eleans, and Cleosthenes,(578) the son of Cleonicus of Pisa,
the city to which the temple of Olympia properly belonged, and which had
not then lost the management of it, in conjunction perhaps with several
others, drew up the fundamental law of the Peloponnesian armistice. This
contained two heads. First, that the whole territory of the Eleans (who
acted as masters of the games, after the expulsion of the Pisatans, every
year with more exclusive power) should remain for ever free from hostile
inroads and ravages, insomuch that even armed troops were only to be
allowed a passage on condition of first laying down their arms;(579)
secondly, that during the time of the festival a cessation of arms should
also be proclaimed throughout the rest of Peloponnesus. But, since there
was little agreement among the individual states in the computation of
time, and as the Eleans alone were acquainted with the exact time at which
the quadrennial festival came round, and perhaps also in order to make the
injunction of the god more impressive, the Eleans always sent _feciales_
round to the different states, “_heralds of the season, the Elean
truce-bearers of Zeus_;”(580) these persons proclaimed the Olympic
armistice, first to their own countrymen, and then to the other
Peloponnesians: after which time no army was to invade another’s
territory.(581) The fine which was to have been paid by the Spartans in
the Peloponnesian war for having sent out soldiers after this period was
two minas for each hoplite, the very sum which by the agreement of the
Peloponnesians was required for the ransom of prisoners of war;(582)
whence it is evident that the transgressors of the truce were considered
as becoming slaves of the god, and were to be ransomed again from him. The
decree was pronounced by the tribunal of the temple at Elis, according to
the “Olympian law.”(583) The fine was divided between the Eleans and the
treasury at the temple of Olympia. To this temple also were paid all
penalties incurred by the infraction of treaties;(584) nay, sometimes
whole cities were bound to pay a fixed tribute every year to the god.(585)
By these and similar laws was the armistice protected, which doubtless was
not intended merely to secure the celebration of the games from
disturbance, but also to effect a peaceable meeting of the Peloponnesians,
and thus to give occasion for the settling of disputes, and the conclusion
of alliances. Even in the Peloponnesian war public business was transacted
at this assembly.(586) But one chief effect of the Olympian festival
appears to have been the production of a more friendly connexion between
the Ætolian and Doric races. This fact appears to be established by the
tradition that Iphitus introduced the worship of Hercules at Elis, which
therefore had previously been peculiar to the Dorians.(587) Apollo, the
Doric god, was also at this time regarded as the protector of the sacred
armistice of Olympia, as we shall see hereafter.(588)

8. We now proceed immediately to the _Messenian wars_, since it is hardly
possible to find one independent event between the commencement of them
and the time of Iphitus. These however are really historical, since we
have in Tyrtæus a nearly contemporaneous account of the first, and one
actually so of the second. The fragments and accounts of his poems are our
principal guides for obtaining a correct knowledge of these transactions.
And in these alone many circumstances appear in quite a different light
from that in which they are represented in the romance of Pausanias. In
the latter, the Spartans only are the aggressors, the Messenians only the
subjects of attack; but, if we listen to Tyrtæus, the former also had to
fight for their own country. But, since even the ancients possessed few
remains of Tyrtæus, and as nearly all the historical part of his poems
appears to have come down to us, whence did Pausanias derive his copious
narrative, and the details with which he has adorned it? Was it from
ancient epic poets? Yet of these there is nowhere any mention: and in
general an historical event, if it could not be put into an entirely
fabulous shape, like the stories of the origin and foundation of many
colonies, lay altogether without the province of the early poetry. It is
indeed possible that in the Naupactia, which are referred to for the
mythical history of Messenia,(589) some historical notices may have
occasionally occurred, perhaps too in the works of Cinæthon and Eumelus:
but the ancients, who disliked the labour of compiling a history from
scattered fragments, probably gave themselves very little trouble to
discover them. On the other hand, there existed a series of traditional
legends, whose character announces their high antiquity; thus, that of the
Messenians, that Aristomenes had _thrice_ offered a _hecatomphonion_, or
sacrifice for a hundred enemies slain in battle;(590) whether or no of
human victims is doubtful.(591) A share in this sacrifice was also
performed by Theoclus, who is called an Elean, because he belonged to a
family of the Iamidæ, which, as it appears, was settled in Messenia; but
this clan, though scattered about in different places, yet always retained
their rights at Olympia.(592) The same character may also be perceived in
the legend of Aristomenes thrice incurring the danger of death. On the
first of these occasions, when thrown into the Ceadas, he was preserved by
a fox, the symbol of Messenia; on the second, whilst his guards were
asleep, he turned to the fire and burnt in two the cords that bound his
limbs,(593) a story more certainly derived from tradition than the
love-adventure which supplies its place in Pausanias: the third time
however that he fell into the hands of his enemies, they cut open his
breast, and found a hairy heart.(594)

9. Traditions of this kind were probably circulating in different forms
among the victorious Lacedæmonians,(595) amongst the refugee Messenians in
Italy and Naupactus, the subject Messenians who remained in the country,
and the other Peloponnesians, when they were recalled into existence by
the re-establishment of the Messenian state by Epaminondas. Even before
the battle of Leuctra, the Bœotians, on the advice of an oracle, hung up
as a trophy the shield of Aristomenes,(596) the device of which was a
spread eagle:(597) and when Epaminondas recalled the Messenian fugitives
from Italy, Sicily, and even from Libya, and had erected them, with
numerous Helots and people collected from various quarters, into a new
state,(598) Aristomenes was especially invoked before the foundation of
the city.(599) In this manner the ancient traditions were enabled to gain
a new footing, and to be developed in a connected form. Several writers
now seized upon a subject which had begun to excite so great interest, of
whom Rhianus the poet and Myron the prose-writer are known to us.(600)
Myron gave an account of the first Messenian war down to the death of
Aristodemus; but, in the opinion of Pausanias, utterly regardless whether
or no he related falsehood and incredibilities; thus, in the teeth of all
tradition, he introduced Aristomenes, the hero of the second war, into the
first; and he wrote with an evident bias _against_ Sparta.(601) Rhianus,
however, a native of Bena in Crete, celebrated the actions of Aristomenes,
in the second war, from the battle near the Great Trench (Μεγάλη Τάφρος),
until the end of the war, as Homer had done those of Achilles; and
although Pausanias has disproved some of his statements of particular
facts from Tyrtæus,(602) yet he has frequently followed him, and
especially in the poetical embellishments of his narrative.(603) He never
mentions any historians, such as Ephorus, Theopompus, Antiochus, or
Callisthenes.(604) Rhianus, however, though he might not have exclusively
adopted the Messenian account,(605) yet, as far as we can judge from
Pausanias, gave the reins to his fancy, and mixed up many circumstances
and usages of later times with the ancient tradition.(606) It is not
therefore our intention either to divert the reader with a continued
narration of these fictions, at the expense of truth, or fatigue him by a
detailed criticism of them, but merely to lay before him the chief
circumstances, as they are known with historical certainty.

10. The first war is distinctly stated by Tyrtæus to have lasted nineteen
years, and in the twentieth the enemy left their country, and fled from
the mountain Ithome.(607) The same authority also gives the time which
elapsed between the first and second wars, viz., that the grandfathers
were engaged in the first, the grandchildren in the second.(608) The date
of the first war is fixed by Polychares, who is stated to have been the
author of it,(609) having been conqueror in the race at the 4th
Olympiad(610) (764 B.C.); and it agrees well with this date that Eumelus,
who was contemporary with Archias the founder of Syracuse (in the 5th
Olympiad), composed a poem for _free_ Messenia. Pausanias places the
commencement (we know not on what grounds) at Olymp. 9. 2, (743 B.C.) the
termination nineteen years later, Olymp. 14. 1. (724 B.C.) The interval
between the two wars he states (though on what authority we know not, and
contrary to Tyrtæus) to have been thirty-nine years;(611) so that the
second would have lasted from Olymp. 23. 4. to Olymp. 28. 1. (or from 685
to 668 B.C.)(612) We shall, however, find hereafter that the date of this
war was probably later by several years, though not so late as Diodorus
fixed it, according to whom the war began in Olymp. 35. 3.(613) We also
know from Tyrtæus that the Spartan king who completed the subjugation of
Messenia was Theopompus.(614) Now, with respect to the origin of this war,
it may be first traced in the increase of power, which Sparta, before the
beginning of the Olympiads, owed to the exertions of its king Teleclus;
this prince having succeeded in subduing the neighbouring city of Amyclæ,
and in reducing several other Achæan towns to a state of dependence on
Sparta.(615) Indeed, if we correctly understand an insulated notice,(616)
Teleclus razed the town of Nedon, on the frontiers of Messenia and
Laconia,(617) and transplanted its inhabitants to the towns of Pœessa,
Echeiæ, and Tragis. Hence arose border wars between the Dorians at Sparta
and those at Stenyclarus. The temple of Artemis Limnatis,(618) the
possession of which was disputed between the two nations (though its
festival was common to both), afforded, as may be discovered from the
romance of Pausanias,(619) the immediate ground for the war. For even in
the reign of Tiberius the Lacedæmonians supported their claim to this
temple by ancient annals and oracles;(620) while the Messenians, on the
other hand, brought forward the document already quoted, according to
which this temple, together with the whole territory of Dentheleatis, in
which it was situated, belonged to them. Dissensions in Messenia must have
hastened the breaking out of the war, since it is certain that Hyamia, one
of the five provinces of Messenia, was given by the Spartans to the
Androclidæ, a branch of the family of the Æpytidæ.(621) The history of the
first war contains traces of a lofty and sublime poetical tradition: for
example, that Aristodemus, though ready to appease the wrath of the gods
by the blood of his own daughter,(622) yet was unable to effect his
purpose; that the damsel was put to death in vain; and upon this,
recognising the will of the gods that Messenia should fall, and being
terrified by portentous omens, he slaughtered himself upon the tomb of his
murdered child.(623) The war seems to have been confined chiefly to the
vicinity of Ithome, which stronghold, situated in the midst of the
country, commanded both the plain of Stenyclarus and that of the Pamisus.
The reduction of this fortress necessarily entailed the subjugation of the
whole country, and many of the Messenians began to emigrate. With this
event the Doric colony of Rhegium is connected. Heraclides of Pontus(624)
merely relates, that some Messenians (who happened to be at this time at
Macistus in Triphylia, in consequence of the violation of some Spartan
virgins) united themselves to the Chalcidian founders of this town (who
had been sent out from Delphi). He probably means those Messenians who
wished to make a reparation for the violation of the Spartan virgins in
the temple of Artemis Limnatis, and were in consequence expelled by their
own countrymen.(625) But, according to Pausanias,(626) even this body of
Messenians received the district of Hyamia; and the Messenians did not
migrate to Rhegium until after the taking of Ithome under Alcidamidas, and
again after the second Messenian war under Gorgus and Manticlus, son of
Theoclus, one of the Iamidæ.(627) Anaxilas the tyrant (who lived after
Olymp. 70) afterwards derived his family from the Messenians,(628) who
constituted in general the first nobility of the town of Rhegium.(629)

The establishment of Tarentum is connected with the history of the first
Messenian war; but it is wrapped up in such unintelligible fables (chiefly
owing perhaps to an ignorance of Lacedæmonian institutions), that all we
can learn from them is, that Tarentum was at that time founded from
Sparta.(630)

11. In a fragment of Tyrtæus we find some very distinct traces of the
condition of the subject Messenians after the first war, which will be
separately considered hereafter. The second war clearly broke out in the
north-eastern part of the country, on the frontier towards Arcadia, where
the ancient towns of Andania and Œchalia were situated. In all probability
this tract of country had never been subjugated by the Spartans.
Aristomenes, the hero of this war, was born at Andania,(631) from which
town he harassed the Spartans by repeated inroads and attacks. In his
first march he advanced as far as the plain of Stenyclarus; but after the
victory at the Boar’s Grave he returned to Andania. But this attempt of
the Messenians to recover their independence became of serious importance
by the share which the greater part of the states in Peloponnesus took in
it. For Strabo,(632) quoting Tyrtæus, states, that the Eleans, Argives,
Arcadians, and Pisatans(633) assisted the Messenians in this struggle. The
Pisatans were led by Pantaleon the son of Omphalion, who celebrated the
34th Olympiad in the place of the Eleans;(634) which fact enables us
accurately to fix the time (644 B.C.).—At the head of the Arcadians was
Aristocrates, whom Pausanias calls a Trapezuntian, the son of Hicetas, and
mentions his treachery at the battle near the Trench, on the subsequent
discovery of which the Arcadians deprived his family of the sovereignty of
Arcadia.(635) The same account is also given by Callisthenes,(636) and
both writers quote the inscription on a pillar erected near the
mountain-altar of Zeus Lycæus in memory of the traitor’s detection. Now we
know from good authority(637) that Aristocrates was in fact king only of
Orchomenus in Arcadia,(638) of which his family was so far from losing the
sovereignty, that his son Aristodamus ruled over it, and also over a great
part of Arcadia. The date of Aristocrates(639) appears to have been about
680-640 B.C.(640)

The Lacedæmonians were therefore in this war really pressed by an enemy of
superior force, a fact alluded to by Tyrtæus. Meanwhile Sparta was
assisted by the Corinthians,(641) perhaps by the Lepreatans,(642) and even
by some ships of the Samians;(643) but chiefly by Tyrtæus of Aphidnæ, whom
an absurd and distorted fable has turned into a lame Athenian
schoolmaster. The fact of Sparta seeking a warlike minstrel in Aphidnæ,
may be accounted for from its ancient connexions with this borough in
Attica, which is said to have been in the hands of the Dioscuri. Whether
or not Aphidnæ at that time belonged to Attica, and was subject to Athens,
is a question we shall leave undecided; but there does not seem to be any
reason for inferring with Strabo, from the passage of Tyrtæus itself, that
the whole tradition was false, and that Tyrtæus was a Lacedæmonian by
birth,(644) though he doubtless became so by adoption. It is to be
regretted that we have very little information concerning the war carried
on by Sparta with the rest of the Peloponnesians;(645) but the Messenians
at a later period withdrew from Andania towards Eira, which is a
mountain-fortress on the Neda, the border-stream towards Arcadia, near the
sea-coast. When obliged to retire from this stronghold, they were received
first by the Arcadians, their ancient and faithful allies (who, according
to the tradition, gave them their daughters in marriage(646)); afterwards
the exiles sought an asylum with their kinsmen at Rhegium. Aristomenes
himself (if he was not put to death by the Spartans) is said to have died
at Rhodes, in the house of the noble family of the Eratidæ.(647)

12. Besides the possession of Messenia, nothing was of such importance to
the Spartans as the influence which they gained over the towns of Arcadia.
But in what manner these came into their hands is very little known.(648)
During the Messenian war Arcadia was always opposed to Sparta. Hence, in
the year 659 B.C., the Spartans suddenly attacked and took the town of
Phigalea, in a corner of Messenia and Triphylia; but were soon driven out
again by the neighbouring Oresthasians.(649) But the place chiefly dreaded
by Sparta, as being one of the most powerful cantons in Arcadia, and
commanding the principal entrance to Laconia, was Tegea. Charilaus, one of
the early kings of Sparta, is said to have been compelled, by the valour
of the Tegeate women, to submit to a disgraceful treaty.(650) At a later
period also, in the reigns of Eurycrates and Leon the Eurysthenid,(651)
Sparta suffered injury from the same state,(652) until it at last obtained
the superiority under the next king, Anaxandridas. It was not, however,
merely the ingenuity of a mountain-tribe, in protecting and fortifying its
defiles, that made victory so difficult to the Spartans; but, although the
pass which separates Tegea from Laconia, and even at the present time
retains the vestiges of defensive walls, was of great service in repelling
invasions from Laconia,(653) yet Tegea was also formidable in the open
field from her heavy-armed troops, which in later times always maintained
the second place in the allied army of Peloponnesus.(654)

13. Argos never obtained so great authority in Argolis as Sparta did in
Laconia, since, in the former country, the Dorians divided themselves into
several ancient and considerable towns;(655) and to deprive Dorians of
their independence seems to have been more contrary to the principles of
that race, than to expel them, as the Spartans did the Messenians. Argos
was thus forced to content itself with forming, and being at the head of a
league, which was to unite the forces of the country for common defence,
and to regulate all internal affairs. An union of this kind really
existed, although it never entirely attained its end. It was probably
connected with the temple of Apollo Pythaëus, which, as we remarked above,
was considered as common to the Epidaurians and Dryopians. An Argive
Amphictyonic council is mentioned in the account of the Messenian
war,(656) and is evidently not a fiction, although erroneously there
introduced. That it still continued to exist in the 66th Olympiad is clear
from the fact, that, when the inhabitants of Sicyon and Ægina furnished
Cleomenes with ships to be employed against Argos, each town was condemned
to pay a fine of 500 talents.(657) These penalties could not have been
imposed by Argos as a single town, but in the name of a confederacy, which
was weakened and injured by this act. We find that the Eleans could impose
similar penalties in the name of the Olympian Zeus.(658) But the very case
here adduced shows how refractory was the conduct of the members of this
alliance with regard to the measures taken by the chief confederate.

14. To this internal discord were added the continual disputes with
Lacedæmon. Herodotus states, that in ancient times (_i.e._ about the 50th
Olympiad, or 580 B.C.) the whole eastern coast of Peloponnesus as far as
Malea (comprising the towns of Prasiæ, Cyphanta, Epidaurus Limera, and
Epidelium), together with Cythera, and the other islands, belonged to the
Argives.(659) According to the account of Pausanias the territory of
Cynuria, a valley between two ranges of mountains, on the frontiers of
Laconia and Argos, inhabited by a native Peloponnesian race, had been from
early times a perpetual subject of contention between the two states. The
Lacedæmonians had subdued this district in the reigns of Echestratus and
Eurypon.(660) During the reigns of Labotas and Prytanis, the Spartans
complained of an attempt of the Argives to alienate the affections of
their Periœci in Cynuria:(661) as, however, we know not by what authority
this statement is supported, we shall allow it to rest on its own merits.
In the reign of Charilaus the Lacedæmonians wasted the territory of
Argos.(662) His son Nicander made an alliance with the Dryopians of Asine
against Argos. Accordingly this people were expelled by Eratus, the Argive
king, from their town,(663) and fled to their allies in Laconia; from whom
they obtained, after the end of the first Messenian war, a maritime
district, where they built a new Asine, and for a long time preserved
their national manners,(664) as well as their connexion with the ancient
religious worship of their kinsmen, the inhabitants of Hermione.(665)

15. A clearer point in the Argive and Peloponnesian history is the reign
of Pheidon. The accounts respecting this prince having been collected and
examined in another work, it is merely necessary to repeat the
result.(666) Pheidon the Argive, the son of Aristodamidas, was descended
from the royal family of Temenus, the power of which had indeed since the
time of Medon, the son of Ceisus, been much diminished, but yet remained
in existence for a long time. Pheidon broke through the restrictions that
limited his power, and hence, contrary however to the ancient usage of the
term, was called a _tyrant_. His views were at first directed towards
making the independent towns of Argolis dependent upon Argos. He undertook
a war against Corinth, which he afterwards succeeded in reducing. In all
probability Epidaurus, and certainly Ægina, belonged to him; none of the
other towns in the neighbourhood were able to withstand the bold and
determined conqueror.(667) The finishing stroke of his achievements was
manifestly the celebration of the Olympic games, over which he, as
descendant of Hercules (the first conqueror at Olympia), after having
abolished the Ætolian-Elean Hellanodicæ, presided, in conjunction with the
inhabitants of Pisa, the ancient town of Pelops, which at this time, and
many centuries after this time, had not relinquished its claims to the
management of the festival. This circumstance also enables us to fix with
certainty the period of his reign, since, in the Elean registers, the 8th
Olympiad was marked as having been celebrated by him (747 B.C.). But it
was this usurpation that united the Eleans and Lacedæmonians against him,
and thus caused his overthrow. While the undertakings of Pheidon thus
remained without benefit to his successors, he has been denounced by
posterity as the most rapacious of tyrants in Greece; but, had he
succeeded in establishing a permanent state of affairs, he would have
received equal honours with Lycurgus. Yet, notwithstanding his failure,
some of his institutions survived him, which adorn his memory. He is known
to have equalized all weights and measures in Peloponnesus, which before
his time were different in each state; he was also the first who coined
money. He was enabled to undertake both with the greater success, since
the only two commercial towns at that time belonging to Peloponnesus lay
in his dominions, viz. Corinth (whence he is sometimes called a
Corinthian) and Ægina. According to the most accurate accounts he first
stamped silver-money(668) in Ægina (where at that time forges doubtless
existed), and, after having circulated these, he consecrated the ancient
and then useless bars of metal to Here of Argos, where they were exhibited
in later times to strangers.(669)—Many of the most ancient drachmas of
Ægina, with the device of a tortoise, perhaps belong to this period, since
the Greek coins struck before the Peloponnesian war appear to indicate a
progress of many centuries in the art of stamping money. Those however
which we have are sufficient to show that the same standard was prevalent
throughout Peloponnesus,(670) a difference in weight, measure, and
standard not having been introduced till after the Peloponnesian war. This
again was a second time abolished by the Achæan league, and an equality of
measures restored.(671)

16. After the fall of Pheidon the old dispute with Lacedæmon still
continued.(672) In the 15th Olympiad (720 B.C.) the war concerning the
frontier territory of Cynuria broke out afresh;(673) the Argives now
maintained it for some time,(674) and secured the possession of this
district chiefly by the victory at Hysiæ in Olymp. 27. 4. (669 B.C.(675))
And they kept it until the time of Crœsus (Olymp. 58.), when they lost it
by the famous battle of the three hundred, in which Othryadas, though
faint with his wounds, erected the trophy of victory for Sparta:(676) a
history the more fabulous, since it was celebrated by sacred songs at the
Gymnopædia.(677) Inconsiderable in extent as was the territory(678) for
which so much blood was shed, yet its possession decided which should be
the leading power in Peloponnesus. It was not till after this had taken
place that Cleomenes, in whose reign the boundary of Lacedæmon ran near
the little river Erasinus, was enabled to attack Argos with success.

The power of Argos in the neighbourhood of the city was very insecure and
fluctuating. Towards the end of the second Messenian war Argos had
conquered the neighbouring town of Nauplia; the Lacedæmonians gave Methone
in Messenia to the expelled inhabitants.(679) The temple of Nemea, in the
mountains towards Corinth, was, from its situation, the property of the
independent Doric town Cleonæ; the Argives took it from them before Olymp.
53. 1. 568 B.C.,(680) and henceforth celebrated the games of Zeus. The
Argives however again lost it; and some time before the 80th Olympiad the
Cleonæans again regulated the festival,(681) a privilege which they
probably did not long retain. It is likely that about 580 B.C. the town of
Orneæ, between Argos and Sicyon, which had anciently carried on wars with
the latter city, was rendered subject to the former, from which
circumstance the Periœci of Argos obtained the general name of
_Orneatans_; to which class the Cynurians also belonged before the battle
of Thyrea.(682) But these events properly belong to the period, on the
history of which we are now about to enter, and which we will designate in
general as _the time of the tyrants_.




Chapter VIII.


    § 1. The Doric principles of government opposed to despotic (or
    tyrannical) power. § 2. Tyrants of Sicyon. § 3. Of Corinth. § 4.
    Of Epidaurus and of Megara overthrown by Sparta. § 5. Other
    tyrants overthrown by Sparta. § 6. Expedition of Cleomenes against
    Argos. § 7. Internal history of Argos. § 8. Contests between
    Megara and Athens.


1. The subject of this chapter may be best expressed in the words of
Thucydides:(683) “The tyrants of Athens, and of the rest of Greece, of
which many states had been governed by tyrants before the Athenians, were,
with the exception of those in Sicily, in most instances, and especially
in later times, overthrown by the Lacedæmonians, whose state was never
under a despotic government, and who, having become powerful through the
early establishment of their own constitution, were enabled to arrange to
their own liking the governments of other states.” It is a remarkable
circumstance in the history of Greece, that at the same period of time
tyrants everywhere obtained the supreme authority in Doric, Ionic, and
Æolic cities; a proof that, although these nations were derived from
different races, the same stage in the progress of social life was every
where attended with the same phenomena. Those states alone in which the
features of the Doric character were most strongly marked, viz., Sparta
and Argos, resisted this influence; and we shall in general find that it
was by a subversion of the Doric principles that the tyrants obtained
their power. This will be made evident by a consideration of the absolute
monarchies in the Doric states of Peloponnesus.

2. The inhabitants of SICYON appear in ancient times to have been
distinguished from other Dorians by a lively and excitable temperament,
and by a disposition which they had at an early period transferred to
their mythical hero Adrastus, whose “tongue was softly persuasive.”(684)
This very disposition, however, under the actual state of circumstances,
opened the way to tyranny. In this instance of Sicyon, as in many others,
the tyrant was the leader of the lower classes, who were opposed to the
aristocracy. It was in this character that Orthagoras came forward, who,
not being of an ancient family, was called by the nobles a cook.(685) But,
notwithstanding its low origin, the family of this person maintained the
supremacy for a longer period than any other, according to Aristotle(686)
for a century, as they did not maltreat the citizens, and upon the whole
respected the laws. Their succession is Orthagoras, Andreas, Myron,
Aristonymus, and Cleisthenes,(687) of whom, however, the second and fourth
never ascended the throne, or only reigned for a short time. Myron was
conqueror at Olympia in the chariot-race in the 33d Olympiad (648 B. C),
and afterwards built a treasury, in which two apartments were inlaid with
Tartessian brass, and adorned with Doric and Ionic columns.(688) Both the
architectural orders employed in this building, and the Tartessian brass,
which the Phocæans had then brought to Greece in large quantities from the
hospitable king Arganthonius,(689) attest the intercourse of Myron with
the Asiatics; we shall presently see that this same correspondence was of
considerable importance for the measures of other tyrants. Cleisthenes
appears to have employed violence in obtaining the sovereignty,(690) which
he held undisturbed, partly by creating terror through his military fame
and exploits in arms, and partly by gaining the support of the people by
the introduction of some democratic elements into the constitution. With
regard to the latter measure, the singular alterations which he made in
the tribes of Sicyon will be explained hereafter.(691) We will here only
remark that Cleisthenes himself belonged to the subject tribe, which was
not of Doric origin; and while he endeavoured to raise the latter, at the
same time he sought to depress, and even to dishonour the Doric tribes, so
that he entirely destroyed and reversed the whole state of things which
had previously existed. For this reason Cleisthenes was at enmity with
Argos, the chief Doric city of this district.(692) For the same reason he
proscribed the worship of the Argive hero Adrastus, and favoured in its
place the worship of Dionysus, a deity foreign to the Doric character; and
lastly, prohibited the Homeric rhapsodists from entering the town, because
Homer had celebrated Argos, and, we may add, an aristocratic form of
government. These characteristic traits of a bold and comprehensive mind
are gathered from the lively narrative of Herodotus. The same political
tendency was inherited by his son-in-law Megacles, the husband of the
beautiful Agariste, to obtain whose hand many rival youths had assembled
in the palace of Cleisthenes, like the suitors of old, for that of
Helen;(693) and it was particularly manifested in Cleisthenes of Athens,
who changed the Athenian constitution by abolishing the last traces of
separate ranks. With regard, however, to the warlike actions of
Cleisthenes, he must have been very celebrated for his prowess; since in
the war of the Amphictyons against Cirrha, although denounced as a
stone-slinger (that is, a man of the lowest rank),(694) by the Pythian
priestess, he shared the chief command of the army with the Thessalian
Heraclid, Eurylochus, and helped to conquer the city.(695) This took place
in the third year of the 47th Olympiad, or 592 B.C.(696) Out of the
plunder of the town Cleisthenes built a portico for the embellishment of
Sicyon;(697) he was also conqueror in the chariot-race at the second
Pythiad (Olymp. 49. 3. 584 B.C.)(698) It may perhaps be possible from the
scattered accounts concerning this prince to form a notion of his
character. Cleisthenes was undoubtedly a man who was able to seize the
spirit of the time, which aimed at great liberty and excitement—the very
contrary of the settled composure of the Dorians; and, combining talents
and versatility with the love of splendour and pageantry, ridiculed many
things hitherto looked upon with awe, and set no limits to his love of
change. Notwithstanding these qualities, he was, as is probable from the
general testimony of Thucydides, overthrown by Sparta, perhaps soon after
580 B.C.;(699) nor was the ancient state of things restored at Sicyon till
60 years afterwards,(700) during which interval another tyrant named
Æschines reigned, belonging however to a different family.

3. The CORINTHIAN tyrants(701) were nearly allied with those of Sicyon;
since the former, not belonging to the Doric nobility, were placed in the
same situation as the latter with regard to this class. In Corinth, before
the commencement of the dynasty of tyrants, the ruling power was held by
the numerous(702) Heraclide clan of the Bacchiadæ, which had changed the
original constitution into an oligarchy, by keeping itself distinct, in
the manner of a caste, from all other families, and alone furnished the
city with the annual prytanes, the chief magistrates. Cypselus the son of
Aëtion, the grandson of Echecrates, from a Corinthian borough named
Petra,(703) and not of Doric descent, although connected on his mother’s
side with the Bacchiadæ, overcame, with the assistance again of the lower
classes,(704) the oligarchs, now become odious through their luxury(705)
and insolence, the larger part of whom, either voluntarily or by
compulsion, quitted Corinth;(706) and Cypselus became tyrant about the
30th Olympiad (660 B.C.),(707) from the inability of the people to govern
itself independently. However violently the Corinthian orator in Herodotus
accuses this prince, the judgment of antiquity in general was widely
different. Cypselus was of a peaceable disposition, reigned without a
body-guard,(708) and never forgot that he rose from a demagogue to the
throne. He also undertook works of building, either from a taste for the
arts, or for the purpose of employing the people. The treasury at Delphi,
together with the plane-tree, was his work.(709) To him succeeded his son
Periander, who was at first equally or more mild than his father.(710)
Soon, however, his conduct became sensibly more violent, and, according to
Herodotus, he was instigated by his correspondence with Thrasybulus, the
tyrant of Miletus, who counselled him by every method to weaken, or even
to exterminate, the nobility of his city.(711) Many of his actions were
evidently prompted by the wish of utterly eradicating the peculiarities of
the Doric race, which were closely connected with an aristocratic spirit.
For this reason he abolished the public tables, and prohibited the ancient
education.(712) He awed the people by his military splendour, and
maintained triremes on both coasts of the Isthmus;(713) his person he
protected by three hundred body-guards.(714) To maintain the city at
peace, and to avoid all violent commotions, was a principle, on the
observance of which the security of his dominion depended, and upon which
a complete system of regulations was founded. With this view he abolished
a criminal court(715) for the condemnation of such as wasted their
patrimony, inasmuch as persons in this situation were likely to become
innovators. He interdicted immoderate luxury, and an extravagant number of
slaves. Idleness he considered as especially dangerous. So little true did
he remain to the democratic principles of his father, that he expelled the
people from the city;(716) and in order the more readily to accustom them
to agricultural and mechanical labour, only permitted them to wear the
dress of peasants.(717) His own expenses were trifling, and therefore he
required no other taxes than harbour-dues and market-tolls. He also
avoided, where his projects did not require it, all violence and open
injustice; and was even at times so strict a maintainer of public
morality, that the numerous procuresses of the luxurious Corinth were by
his orders thrown into the sea;(718) the hospitable damsels of
Aphrodite(719) being protected by religion. He, as well as his father,
made the construction of splendid monuments of art(720) a means of taxing
the property of the rich, and of employing the body of the people; though
indeed his own refined taste took pleasure in such works. And in general,
if considered in reference to the cultivation of taste and intellect, and
the interests of agriculture and trade, the age of the tyrants was
productive of a very great advancement in the Grecian states. The unpliant
disposition, strict in the observance of all ancient customs and usages,
was then first bent and subdued, and more liberal and extended views
became prevalent. The tyrants were frequently in intimate connexion with
the inhabitants of Asia Minor, whom Sparta despised for their luxury and
effeminacy; and from the Lydian sultan in his harem at Sardes, a chain of
communication, most important in its consequences, was established through
the princes of Miletus and Samos with the countries in the immediate
neighbourhood of Sparta. Periander was in correspondence not only with
Thrasybulus, but also with Halyattes, the king of Lydia, and sent to the
latter prince some Corcyræan youths to be castrated according to the
oriental custom.(721) The names of his kinsmen, Psammetichus and Gordias,
the latter Phrygian, the former Egyptian, are proofs of an hospitable
intercourse with those countries. On the other side of Greece, the policy
of the Cypselidæ led them to attempt the occupation of the coast of the
Ionian sea as far as Illyria, and to establish a connexion with the
barbarous nations of the interior.(722) Periander was of a daring and
comprehensive spirit, and rivalled by few of his contemporaries, bold in
the field, politic in council, though misled by continual distrust to
undertake unworthy measures, and having too little regard for the good of
the people when it interfered with his own designs; a friend of the arts,
of an enlightened mind, but at the same time overcome by the strength of
his passions; and, although devoid of awe for all sacred things, yet at
times a prey to the most grovelling superstition. After the death of
Periander, Psammetichus(723) the son of Gordias, of the same family,
succeeded to the sovereignty, but only reigned three years, having been,
without doubt, overthrown by the Spartans in Olymp. 49. 3. 582 B.C.(724)

4. Periander was married to the fair Melissa, whose beauty had captivated
him in the house of her father, the tyrant Procles, while she was
distributing wine to the labourers in a thin Doric dress.(725) Procles was
ruler of EPIDAURUS and the island of Ægina, which were at that time still
closely united; he himself was related by marriage to the princes of
Orchomenus, and appears from this circumstance, and from his connexion
with the family of Cypselus, to belong to the number of tyrants, who,
being hostile to the Dorian aristocracy, obtained their power by the
assistance of the lower ranks.

And when we also add that Theagenes of MEGARA, the father-in-law of Cylon
the Athenian,(726) precisely resembled the princes already mentioned in
his conduct (since he likewise obtained his power by attacking the rich
landed proprietors, and had killed their flocks upon the pastures of the
river),(727) and that like the others he endeavoured to please the people
by embellishing the city, by the construction of an aqueduct, and of a
beautiful fountain;(728) it is easy to perceive in the dynasties of the
Sicyonian, Corinthian, Epidaurian, and Megarian tyrants, a powerful
coalition against the supremacy of the Dorians, and the ancient principles
of that race, the more powerful, as they knew how to render subservient to
their own ends the opinions which had lately arisen; and it is a matter of
wonder that Sparta should have succeeded in overthrowing this combination.

5. If, indeed, it is also borne in mind that the Ionic, as well as the
Æolic and Doric(729) islands and cities of Asia, and also Athens, together
with Phocis, Thessaly, and the colonies in Sicily and Italy, were all in
the hands of tyrants, who doubtless assisted one another, and knew their
common interest; and that Sparta alone, in most instances at the
instigation of the Delphian oracle, declared against all these rulers a
lasting war, and in fact overthrew them all, with the exception of the
Sicilian tyrants; it must be confessed, that in this period of Grecian
history no contest took place either greater, or, by its extent as well as
its principles, of more important political and moral consequences. The
following tyrants are stated by ancient historians to have been deposed by
the Spartans:(730) the Cypselidæ of Corinth and Ambracia, the former in
Olymp. 49. 3. (584 B.C.), the latter probably somewhat later; the
Pisistratidæ of Athens, who were allied with the Thessalians, in Olymp.
67. 3. (510 B.C.);(731) their adherent Lygdamis of Naxos,(732) probably
about the same time: Æschines of Sicyon, about the 65th Olympiad(733) (520
B.C.); Symmachus of Thasos; Aulis of Phocis; and Aristogenes of Miletus,
of whom we know only the names;(734) the larger number were dethroned
under the kings Anaxandridas and Ariston, Cleomenes and Demaratus. Of
these tyrants, some they deposed by a military force, as the Pisistratidæ;
but frequently, as Plutarch says, they overthrew the despotism without
“moving a shield,” by despatching a herald, whom all immediately obeyed,
“as, when the queen bee appears, the rest arrange themselves in
order.”(735) In the time of Cleomenes also (525 B.C.) Sparta sent out a
great armament, together with Corinthian and other allies, against
Polycrates of Samos, the first Doric expedition against Asia, not, as is
evident from the trivial reason stated by Herodotus, (viz. in order to
revenge the plunder of a cauldron and a breastplate,) but with the intent
of following up their principle of deposing all tyrants.(736) But the
besieging of a fortified town, situated upon the sea, and at so great a
distance, was beyond the strength of Peloponnesus. The last expedition of
Sparta against the tyrants falls after the Persian war, when king
Leotychidas, the conqueror at Mycale, was sent for the purpose of ejecting
the Aleuadæ of Thessaly, who had delivered up the country to the Persians
in 470 B.C. or somewhat later. Aristomedes and Angelus were actually
dethroned, but the king suffering himself to be bribed by others, the
expedition did not completely succeed.(737)

We may suppose with what pride the ambassador of Sparta answered Gelon the
tyrant of Syracuse (however brilliant and beneficial his reign may have
been), when he required the command in the Persian war: “Truly the Pelopid
Agamemnon would lament, if he heard that the supremacy was taken from the
Spartans by Gelon and the Syracusans!”(738)

6. To these important changes in the political history of that time we may
annex the subordinate events in the interior of Peloponnesus.

Sparta, by the conquest of Cynuria, had obtained the key of the Argive
territory. Soon after this, Cleomenes, the eldest son of Anaxandridas the
Eurysthenid, succeeded to the throne, a man of great boldness and strength
of mind, sagacious, enterprising, accustomed, after the manner of his age
and country, to express himself in a concise and emphatic language, only
too much inflated by family and personal pride, and in disposition more
nearly resembling his contemporaries the tyrants than beseemed a king of
Sparta. The first exploit of this prince(739) was the expedition against
Argos. He landed in some vessels of Sicyon and Ægina on the coast of
Tiryns, overcame the Argives at the wood of Argos,(740) slew the greater
part of the men able to bear arms, and would have succeeded in capturing
their city, had he not, from an inconceivable superstition, dismissed the
allied army without making any further use of the victory, and contented
himself with sacrificing in the temple of Here.(741) At the same time
Argos, in consequence of this defeat, remained for a long time crippled,
and it was even necessary that a complete change in her political
condition should take place, in order to renovate the feeble and
disordered state into which she had fallen.

7. For after the bond-slaves or _gymnesii_(742) of Argos had for a time
governed the state thus deprived of its free inhabitants, until the young
men who had in the mean time arisen to manhood overcame and expelled them,
the Argives, as Aristotle(743) relates, saw themselves compelled, in order
to restore the numbers of their free population, to collect about them the
surrounding subjects of their city, the Periœci, and to distribute them in
the immediate neighbourhood.(744) The completion of this plan took place
one generation after the fatal battle with Cleomenes, at the time of the
Persian war, in which Argos, whose attention was wholly occupied with
strengthening her affairs at home, took no part. At that time the Argives,
in order to increase their own numbers, dispeopled nearly all the large
cities in the surrounding country, and transplanted the inhabitants to
Argos;(745) particularly Tiryns, Mycenæ, Hyseæ, Orneæ, and Midea.(746)
Tiryns and Mycenæ were in the time of the Persian war free, and even
independent communities, which followed the command of Sparta without the
consent of Argos; the latter town indeed contested with Argos the right to
the administration of the temple of Here, and the presidency at the Nemean
games.(747) The destruction of their city, which the Argives undertook in
concert with the Cleonæans and Tegeates,(748) was effected in the year 464
B.C. (Olymp. 79. 1). But of the Mycenæans, a few only followed the
Argives, as the larger number either took refuge at Cleonæ (which city was
at that time independent, and had for some time the management of the
Nemean games)(749), at Ceryneia in Achaia, and even in Macedonia.(750) Of
the Tirynthians also some fled to Epidaurus, and some to Halieis in the
territory of the Dryopians, in which place the expelled Hermioneans also
found an asylum.(751) For Hermione, which Herodotus during the time of the
Persian war considers as a Dryopian city,(752) was subsequently taken by
the Argives.(753) The other cities which have been mentioned, had however,
as we know of Orneæ and also Hysiæ, previously belonged to Periœci, being
subjects of Argos, and were only then incorporated for the purpose of
enlarging the metropolis.(754) The Argives, by these arbitrary
proceedings, secured themselves as well against external foes as against
their former enemies the bond-slaves, and also acquired a large number of
laborious and industrious inhabitants, who, by the continuance of peace,
soon re-established the prosperity and wealth of Argos.(755) The oracle
has well marked out the principles which were then expedient for the
welfare of that state, when it recommended it, as “_the enemy of its
neighbours, and friend of the gods, to draw in its arms, and __ remain in
watchful quiet, guarding its head; for that the head would save the
body_.”(756) At the same time, however, by these proceedings, a complete
change in the constitution was brought about, and Argos, as we shall see
hereafter, gradually lost the peculiar features of the Doric character.

The other actions of Cleomenes of which we have any knowledge refer to the
political changes at Athens, and could only be connectedly related in a
history of the Athenian constitution, or in reference to the events in
Ægina, which we have narrated elsewhere.

8. It is remarkable that during this whole time, in which Sparta founded
her empire, we read of no serious contest between Dorians and Ionians. For
although the border-states, Megara and Ægina (the latter after its revolt
from Epidaurus), carried on a continued war with Athens, the whole race
took no part in the contest, and Sparta herself fulfilled the office of an
impartial arbitrator between Athens and Megara. Even before the time of
Solon, the Athenians and Megarians fought in the territory of
Eleusis.(757) The chief struggle was for the island of Salamis, which
Solon is supposed to have gained by the well known stratagem,(758) a fact
however which was denied by Daimachus of Platæa.(759) According to the
Megarian account, some refugees from their own city (named Δορύκλειοι)
betrayed the island to the Athenians.(760) So much is certain, that five
Spartan arbitrators (Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and
Cleomenes), in obedience to ancient traditions and fables respecting the
original owners of Salamis, adjudged the possession of Salamis to the
Athenians. Yet in the troubles which succeeded the banishment of Megacles,
this island was again lost, as well as the harbour Nisæa, which had been
before conquered.(761) They soon however regained it, and Megara appears
from that time forth to have given up all hopes of recovery: as in this
age the power of Athens increased so rapidly, that Megara could no longer
think of renewing her ancient contests.

Since it is not my object to give a continuous and general narration of
facts, but only to extract what is most instructive for the condition of
the Doric race, I shall not carry on the history of the Dorians out of
Peloponnesus to a lower point, as their local connexions would lead us far
astray into other regions. For the same reason I will only touch upon a
few events of the Persian wars, confining myself to the internal affairs
of Peloponnesus during that period, among which the supremacy of Sparta is
the most important and remarkable.




Chapter IX.


    § 1. Sparta the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy. Its members
    and their order of precedence. § 2. Mode in which the supremacy of
    Sparta was exercised. § 3. Congress of the confederacy. § 4.
    Non-interference of the confederacy with the internal affairs of
    the confederate States. § 5. Sparta the head of the confederacy by
    general acknowledgment. § 6. Hellenic league during the
    Peloponnesian war. § 7. Sparta withdraws from the command of the
    Allied Army. § 8. Ionia never completely liberated by Athens from
    the power of Persia. § 9. War between Sparta and Arcadia. § 10.
    Revolt of the Helots; third Messenian war. § 11. Dissolution of
    the alliance between Sparta and Athens. Battles of Tanagra and
    Œnophyta. Five years’ truce. Thirty years’ truce. § 12. Origin of
    the Peloponnesian war. § 13. Opposite principles of the contending
    parties in the Peloponnesian war. § 14. Its influence upon Sparta.


1. Sparta, by the conquest of Messenia and Tegea, had obtained the first
rank in Peloponnesus, which character she confirmed by the expulsion of
the tyrants, and the overthrow of Argos. From about the year 580 B.C. she
acted as the recognised commander, not only of Peloponnesus, but of the
whole Greek name. The _confederacy_ itself however was formed by the
inhabitants of that peninsula alone, on fixed and regular laws; whereas
the other Greeks only annexed themselves to it temporarily. The order of
precedence observed by the members of this league may be taken from the
inscription on the footstool of the statue of Zeus, which was dedicated at
Olympia after the Persian war, the Ionians, who were only allied for a
time, being omitted.(762) It is as follows: Lacedæmon, Corinth, Sicyon,
Ægina, Megara, Epidaurus,(763) Tegea, Orchomenus, Phlius, Trœzen,
Hermione, Tiryns, Mycenæ, Lepreum, and Elis; which state was contented
with the last place, on account of the small share which it had taken in
the war. The defenders of the Isthmus are enumerated in the following
order;(764) Lacedæmonians, Arcadians, Eleans, Corinthians, Sicyonians,
Epidaurians, Phliasians, Trœzenians, and Hermionians, nearly agreeing with
the other list, only that the Arcadians, having been present with their
whole force, and also the Eleans, occupy an earlier place; and the
Megarians and Æginetans are omitted, as having had no share in the
defence. This regular order of precedence is alone a proof of a firm
union. The Tegeates, since they had joined the side of Lacedæmon, enjoyed
several privileges, and especially the place of honour at the left wing of
the allied army.(765) Argos remained excluded from the nations of
Peloponnesus, as it never would submit to the command of Sparta; the
Achæans, indifferent to external affairs, only joined themselves
momentarily to the alliance:(766) but the Mantineans, though latterly they
followed the policy of Argos,(767) were long attached to the Peloponnesian
league; for at the end of the Persian war they sent an army, which arrived
too late for the battle of Platæa;(768) having before, together with the
other Arcadians, helped to defend the Isthmus;(769) they had also been
engaged in the first days of the action at Thermopylae;(770) and they were
at this time still the faithful allies of the Lacedæmonians.(771) Their
subsequent defection from Sparta may be attributed partly to their
endeavours to obtain the dominion of Parrhasia, which was protected by
Lacedæmon;(772) to their hostility with Tegea,(773) which remained true to
Sparta after the great war with Arcadia, which began about 470 B.C. and to
the strengthening of their city (συνοικισμὸς), and the establishment of a
democratic government, through the influence of Argos.(774)

2. The supremacy of Sparta(775) was exercised in the expeditions of the
whole confederacy, and in transactions of the same nature. In the first, a
Spartan king—after it had been thought proper never to send out two
together—was commander-in-chief, in whose powers there were many remains
of the authority of the ancient Homeric princes. Occasionally, however,
Sparta was compelled to give up her privilege to other commanders,
especially at sea, as, for instance, the fleet at Salamis to Eurybiades.
When any expedition was contemplated, the Spartans sent round to the
confederate states,(776) to desire them to have men and stores in
readiness.(777) The highest amount which each state could be called on to
supply was fixed once for all, and it was only on each particular occasion
to be determined what part of that was required.(778) In like manner, the
supplies in money and stores were regularly appointed;(779) so that an
army, with all its equipment, could be collected by a simple summons. But
agricultural labour, festivals, and the natural slowness of the Doric
race, often very much retarded the assembling of this army. The
contributions, chiefly perhaps voluntary, both of states and individuals,
were registered on stone: and there is still extant an inscription found
at Tegea, in which the war supplies of the Ephesians, Melians, &c, in
money and in corn, are recorded.(780) But the Lacedæmonians never exacted
from the Peloponnesian confederacy a regular annual contribution,
independent of circumstances; which would have been in fact a tribute: a
measure of this kind being once proposed to king Archidamus, he answered,
“that war did not consume according to rule.(781)” Pericles, however,
properly considers it as a disadvantage to the Peloponnesians that they
had no paid troops, and that neither in common nor in the several states
they had amassed any treasure.(782) The object of an expedition was
publicly declared: occasionally however, when secrecy was required, it was
known neither to the states nor to their army.(783) The single allied
states, if necessity demanded it, could also immediately summon the army
of the others;(784) but it is not clear to what extent this call was
binding upon them. The Spartan military constitution, which we will
explain hereafter, extended to the whole allied army; but it was doubtless
variously combined with the tactics of the several nations.(785) To the
council of war, which moreover only debated, and did not decide, the
Spartan king summoned the leaders of the several states, together with
other commanders, and generally the most distinguished persons in the
army.(786)

3. According to the constitution of the Peloponnesian league, every common
action, such as a declaration of war, or the conclusion of a peace or
treaty, was agreed on at a congress of the confederates. But, as there was
no regular assembly of this kind, the several states sent envoys
(ἄγγελοι), like the deputies (πρόβουλοι) of the Ionians, who generally
remained together only for a short time.(787) All the members had legally
equal votes;(788) and the majority sometimes decided against a strong
opposition;(789) Sparta was often outvoted, Corinth being at all times
willing to raise an opposition.(790) We have however little information
respecting the exact state of the confederacy; it is probable indeed, from
the aristocratic feelings of the Peloponnesians, that, upon the whole,
authority had more weight than numbers; and for great undertakings, such
as the Peloponnesian war, the assent of the chief state was necessary, in
addition to the agreement of the other confederates.(791) When the
congress was summoned to Sparta, the envoys often treated with a public
assembly (ἔκκλητοι)(792) of the Spartans; although they naturally withdrew
during the division. Of these envoys, besides Sosicles the Corinthian, we
also know the name of Chileus of Tegea, who prevailed upon the ephors,
after a long delay, to send the army to Platæa, and who did much to allay
the differences existing between the members of the then numerous
confederacy.(793)

4. But upon the _internal_ affairs, laws, and institutions of the allied
states, the confederacy had legally no influence. It was a fundamental law
that every state (πόλις) should, according to its ancient customs (καττὰ
πάτρια), be independent and sovereign (αὐτόνομος καὶ αὐτόπολις);(794) and
it is much to the credit of Sparta, that, so long as the league was in
existence, she never, not even when a favourable opportunity offered,
deprived any Peloponnesian state of this independence. Nor were disputes
between individual states brought before the congress of the allies,
which, on account of the preponderance of Sparta, would have endangered
their liberty; but they were commonly either referred to the Delphian
oracle, or to arbitrators chosen by both states.(795) When Elis claimed an
ancient tribute from Lepreum, both states agreed to make Sparta their
arbitrator by a special reference. In this character Sparta declared that
Lepreum, being an independent member of the confederacy, was not bound to
pay the tribute: and Elis acted unjustly in refusing to abide by her
agreement, on the plea that she had not expected the decision.(796) For
disputes between citizens of different states there was an entirely free
and equal intercourse of justice (_commercium juris dandi
repetendique_).(797) The jurisdiction of the states was also absolutely
exempt from foreign interference (αὐτόδικοι).(798) These are the chief
features of the constitution of the Peloponnesian confederacy; the only
one which in the flourishing times of Greece combined extensive powers
with justice, and a respect for the independence of its weaker members.

5. Sparta had not become the head of this league by agreement, and still
less by usurpation; but by tacit acknowledgment she was the leader, not
only of this, but of the whole of Greece; and she acted as such in all
foreign relations from about the year 580 B.C. Her alliance was courted by
Crœsus: and the Ionians, when pressed by Cyrus, had recourse to the
Spartans, who, with an amusing ignorance of the state of affairs beyond
the sea, thought to terrify the king of Persia by the threat of
hostilities. It is a remarkable fact, that there were at that time
Scythian envoys in Sparta, with whom a great plan of operations against
Persia is said to have been concerted; which it is not easy to
believe.(799) In the year 520 B.C. the Platæans put themselves under the
protection of Cleomenes,(800) who referred them to Athens; a herald from
Sparta drove the Alcmæonidæ from their city:(801) afterwards Aristagoras
sought from the protector of Greece(802) aid against the national enemy:
and when the Æginetans gave the Persians earth and water, the Athenians
accused them of treachery before the Spartans: and lastly, during the
Persian war, Greece found in the high character of that state the only
means of effecting the union so necessary for her safety and success.(803)

6. In this war a new confederacy was formed, which was extended beyond
Peloponnesus; the community of danger and of victory having, besides a
momentary combination, also produced an union destined for some duration.
It was the assembly of this league—a fixed congress at Corinth during, and
at Sparta after, the war—that settled the internal differences of Greece,
that invited Argos, Corcyra, and Gelon to join the league, and afterwards
called upon Themistocles to answer for his proceedings.(804) So much it
did for the present emergency. But at the same time Pausanias, the regent
of Sparta, after the great victory of Platæa (at which, according to
Æschylus, the power of Persia fell by the Doric spear),(805) prevailed
upon the allies to conclude a further treaty. Under the auspices of the
gods of the confederacy, particularly of the Eleutherian (or Grecian)
Zeus, they pledged themselves mutually to maintain the independence of all
states, and to many other conditions, of which the memory has been lost.
To the Platæans in particular security from danger was promised.(806) The
Ionians also, after the battle of Mycale, were received into this
confederacy.(807)

7. The splendid victories over the Persians had for some time taken
Sparta, which was fitted for a quiet and passive existence, out of her
natural sphere; and her king Pausanias had wished to betray his country
for the glitter of an Asiatic prince. But this state soon perceived her
true interest, and sent no more commanders to Asia, “that her generals
might not be made worse:” she likewise decided to avoid any further war
with the Persians, thinking that Athens was better fitted to carry it on
than herself.(808) The decision of the Spartans was doubtless influenced
by the defection of the Ionians from Pausanias, and their refusal to obey
Dorcis, whom the Spartans had sent with a small body of men in his place.
Nevertheless, the chief motives which determined them must have lain
deeper; for without the Greeks of Asia Minor, they could, by the
assistance of the naval powers of Peloponnesus, Corinth, Ægina, &c, have
continued a war which promised more gain and plunder than trouble and
danger. If the speech were now extant in which Hetoëmaridas the Heraclid
proved to the councillors that it was not expedient for Sparta to aim at
the mastery of the sea,(809) we should doubtless possess a profound view,
on the Spartan side, of those things which we are now accustomed to look
on with Athenian eyes. Nor is it true that the supremacy over the Greeks
was in fact transferred at all from Sparta to Athens, if we consider the
matter as Sparta considered it, however great the influence of this change
may have been on the power of Athens. But Sparta continued to hold her
pre-eminence in Peloponnesus, and most of the nations of the
mother-country joined themselves to her: while none but the Greeks of Asia
Minor and the islands, who had previously been subjects of Persia, and
were then only partially liberated, perhaps too much despised by Sparta,
put themselves under the command of Athens.(810)

8. But the _complete_ liberation of Asia Minor from the Persian yoke,
which has been considered one of the chief exploits of Athens, was in fact
never effected. Without entering into the discussion respecting the
problematical treaty of Cimon,(811) we will merely seek to ascertain the
actual state of the Asiatic Greeks at this period. Herodotus states, that
Artaphernes, the satrap at Sardes under Darius, fixed the tribute to be
paid by the Ionians as it remained until the time of the writer,(812)
_i.e._ about the end of the Peloponnesian war. It is evident that this was
a tribute to be paid to the king of Persia: the exactions of the Athenians
were clearly not regulated by any Persian register of property. Again, in
the nineteenth year of the war, Tissaphernes sought for assistance against
Athens, that he might be able to pay to the king of Persia the tribute due
from the Grecian maritime towns, which the Athenians had prevented him
from collecting.(813) From this it is plain that the shah of Susa was
ignorant that the majority of those cities had for more than sixty years
paid to the Athenians and not to him, and attributed the arrears only to
the negligence of his viceroys. I say only the majority; for the Athenians
had been far from completing the glorious work of the great Cimon; and
after the war-contributions had become a most oppressive tribute, these
cities might not themselves be very desirous to change their master. Hence
Themistocles, as a vassal of Persia, possessed undisturbed, at the
accession of Artaxerxes, the beautiful towns of Magnesia on the Mæander,
Lampsacus, Myus, Percote, and ancient Scepsis.(814) At a still later
period the descendants of king Demaratus, Eurysthenes, and Procles, ruled
by the same title over Halisarna in Mysia.(815) The neighbouring towns of
Gambrium, Palægambrium, Myrina, and Grynium had been given by Darius to
Gongylus, and his descendants still dwelt there after the Peloponnesian
war.(816) When Athens unjustly expelled the Delians from their island,
they found a place of refuge at Adramytteum, on the coast of Æolis, which
was granted them by the satrap Pharnaces.(817) Thus the Athenian empire
did not prevent the vassals and subjects of the king of Persia from ruling
over the Greeks of Asia Minor, even down to the very coast. We need not go
any further to prove the entire falsehood of the account commonly given by
the panegyrical rhetoricians of Athens.

9. Peloponnesus took the less concern in these proceedings, as internal
differences had arisen from some unknown cause, which led to an open war
between Sparta and Arcadia. We only know, that, between the battle of
Platæa (in which Tegea, as also later still, showed great fidelity towards
Sparta) and the war with the Helots (_i.e._ between 479 and 465 B.C.), the
Lacedæmonians fought two great battles, the one against the Tegeates and
Argives at Tegea, the other against all the Arcadians, with the exception
of the Mantineans, at Dipæa in the Mænalian territory. Tisamenus, an
Elean, of the family of the Iamidæ, was in both battles in the Spartan
army; and in both Sparta was victorious.(818) Yet, in an epigram of
Simonides, the valour of the Tegeates is praised, who by their death had
saved their city from destruction;(819) probably after the loss of the
first battle. As we find that Argos had a share in this war,(820) it is
possible that the views of that state were directed against the ascendancy
of Sparta; perhaps also the independence of the Mænalians, Parrhasians,
&c. had been, as was so often the case, attacked by the more powerful
states of Arcadia, and was defended by the head of the Peloponnesian
confederacy.

10. This war had not been brought to a termination, when, in the year 465
B.C., in the reign of Archidamus(821) and Pleistoanax, a tremendous
earthquake (which is said to have been predicted by Anaximander(822))
destroyed Sparta, and a sudden ruin threatened to overwhelm the state of
Greece. For, in the hope of utterly annihilating their rulers, many Helots
(perhaps doubly excited by the late outrage on the suppliants at the altar
of the Tænarian god),(823) especially the ancient inhabitants of Messenia,
and two cities of the Periœci, revolted from Sparta; these rebels were all
named Messenians, and the war was called the third Messenian war.(824) The
circumstances of this terrible contest are almost unknown to us; and we
can only collect the few fragments extant of its history. Aëimnestus the
Spartan, who had killed Mardonius, fought with 300 men at Stenyclarus
against a body of Messenians, and was slain with all his men.(825) This
was followed by a great battle with the same enemy at Ithome,(826) in
which the Spartans were victorious. Most of the conquered Messenians then
intrenched themselves on the steep summit of Ithome, which was even then
sacred to Zeus Ithomatas; and they probably restored the ancient walls and
defences which had fallen down. Upon this the Lacedæmonians, foreseeing a
tedious siege, called in the aid of their allies; and this call was
answered among others by the Æginetans,(827) the Mantineans,(828) the
Platæans,(829) and the Athenians, who, at the request of the Spartan envoy
Periclides, sent 4000 hoplites(830) under the command of Cimon; the
Spartans, however, dismissed them before the fortress was taken, in which
they expected to be aided by the superiority of the Athenians in the art
of besieging, not without showing their suspicion of the innovating spirit
of their ally.(831) In the tenth year of the siege, 455 B.C., Ithome
surrendered on terms; and the Messenians, together with their wives and
children, quitted Peloponnesus, under a promise of never again entering
it. It appears that the war between Lacedæmon and Arcadia was concluded
upon conditions, of which one was, that no person should be put to death
for the sake of the Lacedæmonian party at Tegea; and another, that Sparta
was to expel the Messenians from the country, but not kill them—which were
inscribed on a pillar on the banks of the Alpheus.(832) The Athenians,
however, gave the fugitives the town of Naupactus, which they had shortly
before conquered, and which was conveniently situated for tempting them,
against their promise, to make inroads and forays in Peloponnesus. The
Messenians still continued, in the Peloponnesian war, to be distinguished
from the neighbouring people by their Doric dialect.(833)

11. Immediately after the dismission of the Athenians from Ithome, the
people of Athens, in order to resent the affront, annulled the alliance
with Sparta, which had subsisted since the Persian war;(834) entered into
a treaty with Argos, the enemy of Sparta, and also with the Thessalians;
and even joined to itself Megara, which was dependent on its commercial
intercourse. Then followed the war with the maritime towns of Argolis, in
which Athens, after many reverses, at length succeeded in destroying the
fleet of Ægina, and subjugating that island (457 B.C.).(835) Sparta was
compelled to be a quiet spectator of the subjection of so important a
member of her confederacy, as she was still occupied with the siege of
Ithome, and in the same year had sent out an army to liberate her mother
country, Doris, from the yoke of the Phocians. But when, after the
execution of this object, the Spartans were hastening back to
Peloponnesus, they were compelled to force their passage home by the
battle of Tanagra, which, with the assistance of the Thebans, they gained
over an army composed of Athenians, Ionians, Argives, and Thessalians.
This aid was afforded to them on the condition that they would help the
Thebans to regain their supremacy in Bœotia, which the Thebans had lost by
their defection from the Grecian cause in the Persian war.(836) Sparta,
however, after so decisive a victory, concluded a four months’ armistice
with Athens, during which that state conquered the Thebans at Œnophyta,
finished the blockade of Ægina, subdued all Bœotia with the exception of
Thebes, and Phocis, and extended its democratical constitution, which
after the battle of Tanagra was nearly threatened with destruction,(837)
even to the city of Thebes. The inactivity of Sparta during these
astonishing successes of her enemy (for when she concluded the armistice
with Athens she must have partly foreseen its consequences) seems to prove
that she was entirely occupied with the final capture of Ithome, and the
settlement of her interests in Arcadia.(838) But that the war, which was
now renewed by Athens, nevertheless extended to the whole Peloponnesian
league, is shown by the connected attacks of Tolmides on the Spartan
harbour Gytheium, and the cities of Sicyon and Corinth, and also by the
expedition of Pericles in the Corinthian gulf. The five years’ truce in
451 B.C. was only an armistice between Athens and the Peloponnesian
confederacy, which left Bœotia to shake off the Athenian yoke by its own
exertions. This was also the time of the Sacred war, in which a Spartan
and an Athenian army, one coming after the other, the first gave the
management of the temple to the Delphians, and the second, against all
ancient right,(839) to the Phocians. At the end of these five years Megara
revolted from the Athenians, and in consequence an invasion of Attica by
the Peloponnesians took place, which, though it did not produce any
immediate result, was soon followed by the thirty years’ truce, in which
Athens ceded her conquests in Megaris and Peloponnesus,(840) and on the
mainland returned within her ancient boundaries; but she preserved the
same power over her other confederates. For when the Athenians soon
afterwards attacked the revolted island of Samos, the Peloponnesians
indeed debated whether they should protect it, but the proposal of Corinth
was adopted, that Athens should be allowed to deal with her allies as she
pleased.(841)

12. If now we consider the events which have been briefly traced in the
foregoing pages, it will be perceived, that the principle on which the
Lacedæmonians constantly acted was one of self-defence, of restoring what
had been lost, or preserving what was threatened with danger; whereas the
Athenians were always aiming at attack or conquest, or the change of
existing institutions. While the Spartans during this period, even after
the greatest victories, did not conquer a foot of land, subjugate one
independent state, or destroy one existing institution; the Athenians, for
a longer or for a shorter time, reduced large tracts of country under
their dominion, extended their alliance (as it was called) on all sides,
and respected no connexion sanctioned by nature, descent, or antiquity,
when it came in conflict with their plans of empire. But the astonishing
energy of the Athenian people, which from one point kept the whole of
Greece in constant vibration, almost paralysed Sparta; the natural
slowness of that state became more and more apparent: which having been,
as it were, violently transplanted into a strange region, only began by
degrees to comprehend the policy of Athens.

But when Athens saw the Peloponnesian confederacy again established, and
as she could not, on account of the truce, attack it directly, she looked
to the colonial law, which rested rather on hereditary feelings than on
positive institution, for an opportunity of an indirect attack. This was
soon found in the defensive treaty with Corcyra, which state was engaged
with its mother country Corinth in a war, according to ancient Greek
principles, wholly unlawful and unjust. Besides this, however, it was an
actual breach of the thirty years’ truce.(842) And the same principles
were expressed in the demand that Potidæa should, for the sake of the
Athenian confederacy, give up its original connexion with the parent
state. In both these cases it is manifest that the maxims of the Athenian
policy were directly at variance with the general feeling of justice
entertained by the Greeks, and especially with the respect for affinity of
blood; and this fundamental difference was the true cause of the
Peloponnesian war.

13. As it would not be consistent with the plan of this work to give a
detailed account of the influence of the Peloponnesian war upon the
political and private character of the Greeks, we must be content to point
out the following obvious points of opposition between the contending
parties. In the first place, then, _Dorians were opposed to Ionians_; and
hence in the well-known oracle it was called the Doric war.(843) The
individual exceptions are for the most part merely apparent;(844) also
when the Athenians attacked Sicily, all the Doric cities were opposed to
them.(845) On the side of Athens were ranged all the Ionians of Europe, of
the islands, and of Asia, not indeed voluntarily, but still not altogether
against their inclination. _The union of the free Greeks against the evil
ambition of one state._ At the beginning of the war the general voice of
Greece was in favour of Sparta(846) (which was heard through the Delphian
oracle, when it promised that state assistance);(847) nor did she compel
any one to join in it. The allies of Athens, having previously been
Persian subjects, were accustomed to obey; and on the present occasion
forced to submit; the public assembly of Athens was the only free voice in
so large a combination. _Land-forces against sea-forces._ According to the
speech of Pericles, Peloponnesus was able, in an action with heavy-armed
troops, to resist all the rest of Greece together; and Athens avoided
coming to this mode of engagement with singular ingenuity. The fleet of
the Peloponnesians, on the other hand, was at the beginning of the war
very inconsiderable.(848) Hence it was some time before the belligerent
parties even so much as encountered one another. The land was the means of
communication for one party, the sea for the other: hence the states
friendly to Athens were immediately compelled to build _long walls_ for
the purpose of connecting the chief city with the sea, and isolating it
from the land; as Megara before, and Argos and Patræ during the war.(849)
_Large bodies of men practised in war against wealth._ The Peloponnesians
carried on the war with natives: whereas Athens manned her fleet—the basis
of her power—chiefly with foreign seamen; so that the Corinthians said
justly that the power of Athens was rather purchased than native.(850) It
was the main principle of Pericles’ policy, and it is also adopted by
Thucydides in the famous introduction to his History, that it is not the
country and people, but moveable property, (χρήματα, in the proper sense
of the word,) which makes states great and powerful. _Slow and deliberate
conviction against determined rashness._ This is evident both from the
different direction taken by the alliances of the two parties, and from
their national character. It was with good reason that the oracle
admonished Sparta to carry on the war with decision and firmness; for that
state was always cautious of undertaking a war, and ready for peace.(851)
_Maintenance of ancient custom as opposed to the desire of novelty._ The
former was the chief feature of the Doric, the latter of the Ionic race.
The Dorians wished to preserve their ancient dignity and power, as well as
their customs and religious feelings: the Ionians were commonly in pursuit
of something new, frequently, as in the case of the Sicilian expedition,
but obscurely seen and conceived. _Union of nations and races against one
arbitrarily formed._ As has been already shown, this difference was the
cause of the war; and indeed Athens in the course of it hardly recognised
any duty in small states to remain faithful to cities of the same race,
and to their mother countries; otherwise, why was Melos so barbarously
punished, for remembering rather that it was a colony of Sparta than an
island? Thus also in the interior of states the Athenians encouraged
political associations or clubs (ἑταιρίαι), while the Spartans trusted to
the ties of relationship.(852) _Aristocracy against democracy._(853) This
difference was manifested in the first half of the war by Athens changing,
while Sparta only restored governments; for in this instance also the
power of Sparta was in strictness only employed in upholding ancient
establishments, as an aristocracy may indeed be overthrown, but cannot be
formed in a moment.

14. These obvious points of difference are sufficient to substantiate the
result which we wish to arrive at. It is manifest that the second of the
two forces, which in each of these instances came into collision, must
necessarily have always overcome the first. The slow, cumbrous, unwieldy
body of the Spartan confederacy was sure to suffer under the blows of its
skilful, forward, and enterprising antagonist. The maxims which, according
to Thucydides, were current at this time,(854) that rashness was to be
called courage in a friend’s cause, provident foresight hidden cowardice,
moderation a cloak for pusillanimity, and that to be prudent in every
thing was to be active in nothing, necessarily impeded and shackled the
beneficial effects of the measures of the Doric party. The “honesty and
openness” of the Doric character, the noble simplicity of the ancient
times of Greece, soon disappeared in this tumultuous age.(855) Sparta
therefore and the Peloponnesians emerge from the contest, altered, and as
it were reversed; and even before its termination appear in a character of
which they had before probably contained only the first seeds.

But in the second half of the war, when the Spartans gave up their great
armaments by land, and began to equip fleets with hired seamen; when they
had learnt to consider money as the chief instrument of warfare, and
begged it at the court of Persia; when they sought less to protect the
states joined to them by affinity and alliance, than to dissolve the
Athenian confederacy; when they began to secure conquered states by
harmosts of their own, and by oligarchs forced upon the people, and found
that the secret management of the political clubs was more to their
interest than open negotiation with the government; we see developed on
the one hand an energy and address, which was first manifested in the
enterprises of the great Brasidas, and on the other a worldly policy, as
was shown in Gylippus, and afterwards more strongly in Lysander; when the
descendants of Hercules found it advisable to exchange the lion’s for the
fox’s skin.(856) And, since the enterprises conducted in the spirit of
earlier times either wholly failed or else remained fruitless, this new
system, though the state had inwardly declined, brought with it, by the
mockery of fate, external fame and victory.(857)





BOOK II. RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY OF THE DORIANS.




Chapter I.


    § 1. Apollo and Artemis the principal deities of the Doric race. §
    2. Traces of the worship of Apollo in Tempe. § 3. Route of the
    Theoria from Tempe to Delphi. § 4. Establishment of the worship of
    Apollo at Delphi; § 5. Crete; § 6. And Delos. § 7. Early history
    of Crissa. § 8. Doric population of Delphi. § 9. Opposition to the
    worship of the Delphian Apollo.


1. In turning from the history of the external affairs of the Dorians to
the consideration of their intellectual existence, our first step must be
to enquire into their religion; and for this purpose we will proceed to
analyse and resolve it into the various worships and ceremonies of which
it was composed, and to trace the origin and connexion of these as they
successively arose.

Now it may with safety be asserted, that the principal deities of the
Dorians were Apollo and Artemis, since their worship is found to have
predominated in all the settlements of that race; and conversely the Doric
origin can be either proximately or remotely traced wherever there were
any considerable institutions dedicated to the worship of Apollo; insomuch
that the adoration of this god may be shown from the most ancient
testimonies of mythology to have gradually advanced with the extension of
the Doric nation. Yet we are not to understand that the worship of Apollo
and the Doric race were so exactly co-extensive that the presence of the
latter always proves either the previous or actual existence of the
former. Indeed it is certain that in ancient as well as in modern times
the worship of particular gods was not only propagated by migration and
conquest, but that religious belief was also extended by peaceful
intercourse, and, as it were, by moral contact.

In order to rest the claims of the Doric race to the worship of Apollo on
a secure foundation, it is necessary first to give a direct contradiction
to all those statements which assert its connexion with any race not of
Hellenic descent. In the first place, then, Apollo was not a national
deity of the aboriginal _Pelasgic_ nations of Greece.(858) Had this been
the case, he would certainly have enjoyed frequent and distinguished
honours in those countries where the numbers of that race remained
undiminished; for example, in Arcadia. Now there were very few temples of
Apollo in Arcadia; and moreover, the founding of most of these was either
connected with a foreign hero, or else attributed to some external
influence.(859) Secondly, it has been supposed that the worship of this
god was introduced from the _East_ (an opinion founded chiefly on the
establishments of his religion in Lycia); but we shall presently show that
its institution in this quarter was in fact derived from the Dorians. To
this we may add, that amongst none of the _half-Grecian_ nations, for
example, the Leleges, Carians, Ætolians, Phrygians, and Thracians, the
worship of this god can be proved to have been national. The same may be
affirmed of the _Italian_ nations. Apollo never occurs in the ancient
_Etruscan_ religion. Nor was _Rome_ acquainted with this worship, until it
was introduced by the Sibylline oracles; a sacred spot was then allotted
on the Flaminian meadow; and the temple erected there (324 A.U.C.) was, up
to the time of Cicero, the only one in Rome.(860) Nay, that the Italians
adopted Apollo altogether as a foreign deity is proved by the circumstance
of their not having united him with their native Jupiter, or Mercury, as
they did the Grecian Zeus, Hermes, &c. In our inquiries therefore into the
origin of the worship of Apollo, we are limited to the races of purely
Greek offspring. It remains only to be shown why we have selected the
_Dorians_ in particular from all these different tribes. And we merely
make this preliminary remark, that the mythical genealogy, in which Dorus
is called the son of Apollo,(861) was a simple expression for this fact.

2. The most ancient settlements of the Doric race, of which any historical
accounts are extant, were, as we before ascertained,(862) the country at
the foot of Olympus and Ossa, near the valley of TEMPE. In this district
there were two sanctuaries, bearing the character of the highest
antiquity, viz., the Pythium, on the ridge of Olympus, near a steep
mountain-pass leading to Macedonia; and the altar in the ravine of the
Peneus,(863) from which the god himself was called Τεμπείτας; and in an
inscription discovered near this spot, on the banks of the river between
Tempe and Larissa, are the words ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ ΤΕΜΠΕΙΤΑ, “To Apollo of
Tempe.”(864) From another inscription found in this district we gather an
account of certain native Thessalian festivals, at which branches of
laurel were carried round, that were doubtless procured from the groves in
the valley of Tempe; whither also the Delphians every eight years, at the
expiration of the sacred period, sent the Pythian theori, who, after the
performance of a sacrifice, broke the expiatory branch from the sacred
laurel-tree.(865) According also to the admission of the Delphians
themselves, the temple of Apollo at Tempe was more ancient than their own,
since a perfect expiation could only be performed in that sanctuary. In
accordance with the tradition that Apollo himself, after having slain the
Python, fled to the altar at Tempe to be purified from the pollution, the
sacred boy, at each return of the appointed day, went to Tempe by a
certain path,(866) in imitation of the god whom he honoured, in order to
return home amidst the joyful songs of the choruses of virgins, as
δαφνηφόρος, or _laurel-bearer_. The religious usages at this festival will
be investigated hereafter; here we will only consider the route which the
procession took. It led through Thessaly and Pelasgia (that is, through
the plain of the Peneus, which stretches to the south as far as Pheræ);
then through the country of the Malians and Ænianes, over mount Œta,
through Doris and the western part of Locris;(867) avoiding in a
remarkable manner the shorter and more frequented road from Thessaly
through Thermopylæ, over Phocis, and through the pass of Panopeus and
Daulis to Delphi. The reasons of this deviation may have been the
opposition offered in early times by hostile tribes from the eastern side
of Delphi to the peaceable march of sacred processions; and also that the
theoria might in its progress pass through the second settlements of the
Dorians, between Œta and Parnassus, where doubtless the worship of Apollo
had likewise prevailed.(868)

3. The first half of the Pythian road, which goes through Thessaly, is
very accurately determined by a combination of different testimonies. Its
first stage was from Tempe to Larissa. Near this place was a village named
Deipnias, where the boy who carried the laurel-branch first broke his long
fast;(869) as Apollo himself was reported also to have done. That the
place received its name from this circumstance is a sufficient proof of
the antiquity of the usage. The theoria next proceeded to Pheræ, where the
boy, on his way to Tempe, and before his purification, represented the
servitude of Apollo when a refugee at the palace of Admetus. This use of
slavery as a preparative for the expiation of guilt, is doubtless taken
from some very ancient tradition; and it is alluded to by the earliest
epic poets; in the Iliad the horses of Eumelus, the son of Admetus, are
stated to have derived their excellence from having been under the care of
Apollo at Pheræ.(870) The harbour of Pheræ was Pagasæ, in the furthest
recess of the Pagasæan bay, in which place there was a celebrated altar of
the Pagasæan Apollo, situated in an extensive grove,(871) where there were
large numbers of sacred ravens.(872) This sanctuary is the theatre of
Hesiod’s poem of the Shield of Hercules; and at no great distance the
river Anaurus runs into the sea,(873) which stream, swollen by violent
storms of rain carried away the tomb of Cycnus, the son of Mars; “_for
thus Apollo, the son of Latona, willed it, because Cycnus had plundered
the hecatombs which the nations brought to the temple of Pytho._”(874)
Hence it is evident that the Pagasæan sanctuary was situated on the road
consecrated by the processions to and from Delphi; and we may perceive
also in these words of Hesiod an allusion to a fable perhaps much
celebrated by early poets, viz., that Cycnus was slain for having profaned
the temple of Apollo.(875) Moreover, the legend related by Heraclides
Ponticus, that Trophonius founded the temple of Apollo at Pagasæ,(876)
points to the connexion with Delphi; the same Trophonius, a renowned
architect of the mythical age, is also said to have built the most ancient
temple of Pytho.

4. We thus arrive at DELPHI, the second grand station of the worship of
Apollo, and, as it were, a focus, from which it diverged in numberless
directions, and to which it was again partially reflected. Now although
from early times the singular and striking character of the place might
often have raised the feelings to ecstasy, and excited in the spectator
dim and shadowy forebodings of the future; yet the establishment of a
_fixed_ institution, with its sacred regulations and rights, was
intimately connected with the introduction of the worship of Apollo. At
what time, however, did this first obtain a footing at Delphi? Probably
when the Doric race came from Hestiæotis to Parnassus, and settled above
Delphi, which event took place at a very early period. This supposition,
to which we are led by the preceding inquiry, is not inconsistent with the
celebrated tradition that Cretan navigators landed on this coast in the
time of Minos, and there introduced the worship of Apollo. In order,
however, to reconcile these two accounts, we must first examine the Cretan
worship of that god.

5. The population of CRETE having been in early times composed of a
heterogeneous mixture of different nations, it was natural that the
worships of many different gods should prevail there; yet in many cases it
is possible to ascertain the nation from which they severally originated.
Amongst these, the Dorians, whose chief settlement was on the
north-eastern coast near Cnosus (from which point, however, they very soon
spread over other parts of the island), had brought over the worship of
Apollo from their settlements under Olympus. According to a tradition
preserved in the Homeric hymn to Apollo, the ship, which Apollo in the
shape of a dolphin conducted to Delphi, set out from the city of Cnosus.
Of this city the chief temple was that of Apollo Delphinius.(877) In its
territory was situated a place called Apollonia; and the remarkable town
of Amnisus, with the grotto of Eileithyia, where it was supposed that this
goddess, who assisted at the birth of Apollo, was herself born.(878) On
the same coast are Miletus, where (as will be mentioned hereafter) the
worship of Apollo prevailed, and Lato (Camira), whose name reminds us of
the goddess Latona. It cannot be doubted that the same worship also
prevailed in the ancient Doric town of Lyctus, in the interior of the
island.(879) Nearer to the southern coast was Gortyna, which, though
founded by a different race, yet in later times recognised the dominion
and worship of the same nation as Cnosus: accordingly, the most central
point of this city was called _Pythium_.(880) Immediately bordering on it
was Phæstus, the birthplace of Epimenides, which town was said to have
derived its origin and name from a Heraclid of Sicyon.(881) Here, together
with Hercules, Apollo and Latona received particular honours.(882) Further
on towards the west, in the mountains, was Tarrha, one of the most ancient
and considerable temples of Apollo.(883) Here, according to the Cretan
tradition, dwelt Carmanor the father of the minstrel Chrysothemis, a
priest who was said to have purified Apollo himself from the blood of the
Python;(884) which legend, when compared with the account of his expiation
at the altar in the valley of Tempe, shows how the legends connected with
the worship of Apollo crossed over to Crete, and there again took root.
With the residence of Apollo when a refugee in the house of Carmanor,
there is connected a tradition of his amour with Acacallis, who bore him
Naxos,(885) or Miletus,(886) or Phylander and Phylacis, who, in a sacred
offering of the Elyrians at Delphi, were represented as sucking the teat
of a she-goat.(887) This Elyrus, like most of the ancient towns of Crete,
was situated in the mountains of the interior, probably not far from
Tarrha.(888) Although there have not been preserved accounts sufficient to
lead to any general conclusion, yet those which we have adduced establish
the position that it was not the original inhabitants of mount Ida or any
supposed colonists from Phœnicia, but the Dorian invaders alone who made
Crete the head-quarters of the worship of Apollo: we therefore assert that
this worship (as originally founded in Crete), had not the slightest
connexion with the enthusiastic (and probably Phrygian) orgies of the
Idæan Zeus, with the Corybantes, &c. Yet from these ceremonies being
celebrated at so short a distance from each other, confusions soon arose;
so that in later times the Curetes were called the sons of Apollo.(889)
According to some writers, Corybas was the father of Apollo, and he was
reported to have disputed the sovereignty of Crete with Zeus.(890)

6. From Crete, we will now proceed to DELOS. Virgil, on the authority (as
it appears) of some ancient epic poet, calls the Cretans ministers of the
Delian altars.(891) The voyages of Theseus from Cnosus to Delos is also
founded on the same connexion, as will be more fully explained
hereafter.(892) We must not, however, too hastily conclude, that in the
age of Minos, when the Cretans were the dominant nation in the Greek
Archipelago, Delos received the worship of Apollo from a Cretan
colony.(893) It may with greater probability be conjectured, that the
Dorians in their first expedition to Crete (which could hardly have
traversed so great a distance without leaving behind some traces of its
existence) had founded the sanctuary at Delos; since the tradition of the
transmission of sacred presents from the country of the Hyperboreans to
that island, is most simply explained as a memorial of a religious
connexion, which had once been long maintained, by means of sacred
processions, with the northern settlements of the Dorians.

7. Now respecting the presence of Cretans at Delphi, it was nothing more
than an attempt of these islanders, who dwelt on the very verge of the
Grecian territory, to gain for themselves the credit of a reciprocal
influence upon the early settlements of their own race and religion. We
find in the Hymn of Homer, that Apollo, descending from Olympus, himself
founded his temple at Pytho, and afterwards obtained experienced priests,
minstrels, and prophets(894) from Cnosus; for which purpose he, in the
shape of a dolphin, conducted a Cretan vessel to Crissa. Crissa, or Cirrha
(for that the same place was originally signified by both names I consider
as certain(895)), a fortified town in the inmost recess of the Crissæan
bay, was probably a settlement of this Cretan colony, as the name Κρῖσα
seems to signify nothing else than a _Cretan_ city (Κρησία πόλις).(896)
Although the Pythian sanctuary itself was situated in the territory of
Crissa,(897) yet the town of Crissa possessed, besides an altar of Apollo
Delphinius on the shore, in early times one of the chief temples of
Apollo:(898) hence in Homer’s Catalogue the _sacred_ Crissa is mentioned,
together with the rocky Pytho; and the Pythian sanctuary is called
_Crissæa templa_, on the faith of some ancient tradition, by a Roman poet.
This expression must have been borrowed from poems anterior to the
destruction of Cirrha (about 585 B.C.) before this town had by its
extortions and oppression of pilgrims deserved the wrath of the
Amphictyonic confederacy; nor is it probable that it retained a share in
the management of the Delphian temple up to the very last moment of its
political existence, when it was visited with a destruction so complete,
as nearly to deprive us of all knowledge of its previous history. The
unfortified town of Delphi, which, with the Amphictyons, obtained after
that war the sole management of the temple, previously perhaps had not
been a place of any importance; at least it is not mentioned in any
earlier writings than one of the most recent hymns of Homer, and by
Heraclitus of Ephesus.(899)

8. In ancient times the service of the temple, as appears from the Homeric
Hymn, was performed both at Delos and Delphi by Cretans; but it is
scarcely possible that they should have constituted the whole population
of the country. For, in the first place, the extensive territory of the
temple was cultivated by a subject people, of whom we shall speak
hereafter, and who were certainly not of Doric, and probably in few cases
of Cretan descent;(900) besides whom there was a native nobility, whose
influence over the temple was very considerable. These are the persons
who, according to Euripides, “_sat near the tripod, the Delphian nobles,
chosen by lot_;”(901) called also “_the lords and princes of the
Delphians_.” They also formed a criminal court, which, by the Pythian
vote, sentenced all offenders against the temple to be hurled from a
precipice.(902) To the same persons also doubtless belonged the permission
and superintendence of the ancient rite of expiation; and it was their
duty (as it was that of the court of the Samothracian priests) to
determine whether a homicide was expiable or not. Their influence over the
oracle was so great, that they may be considered to have been the actual
managers of it. Their political bias may be inferred from the fact, that
Timasitheus the Delphian distinguished himself by his boldness and
resolution among the aristocratical party of Isagoras at Athens.(903) It
appears that these families originally came to Delphi from the mountainous
country in the interior. Thus the chief-priests of the god, the five
Ὅσιοι, were chosen by lot from a number of families who derived their
descent from Deucalion,(904) by which they probably meant to denote their
origin from Lycoreia on the heights of Parnassus, founded (as was
supposed) by Deucalion, the father of Hellen;(905) from which town it is
known that great part of the population of Delphi had proceeded.(906) Now
this place, of which traces still remain in the village of _Liacura_ (now
only inhabited in summer by mountain shepherds)(907) was in all
probability of Doric origin, since it formed the communication between the
Tetrapolis and Delphi.(908) The language spoken at Delphi was likewise a
Doric dialect.(909)

If then this was the case, Doric mountaineers from the heights of
Parnassus, and Cretan colonists on the sea-coast, met together (according
to a very uncertain computation about 200 years before the Doric migration
into Peloponnesus), in order to establish the Delphian worship. The Doric
dialect, it may be observed, which prevailed at Delphi, was common to both
parties. It is known from many traditions and historical traces, that the
connexion established by the Cretans continued for a long time.(910) The
ancient tents made of feathers, and a wooden statue of Apollo, perhaps one
of the most ancient specimens of rude carving, were also reported to have
been brought from Crete. The fabulous series of Delphic minstrels began
with Chrysothemis, the son of Carmanor, the above-mentioned priest of
Tarrha.(911) Crete, however, did not merely send works of sculpture and
hymns to Delphi, but sometimes even men,(912) for the service of the
Pythian Apollo.

9. I know not whether these accounts are sufficient to afford an
intelligible description of a time when the worship of Apollo, being
established at the foot of Olympus, Parnassus, and in the distant island
of Crete, and producing a certain degree of communication between these
points, had not as yet penetrated to any part of Greece which lay to the
south of Œta and Parnassus.

It is evident, moreover, that the extension of this worship met with a
long opposition. Apollo is in ancient traditions represented as himself
protecting his own temple.(913) The Phlegyans to the east, and the
Ætolians to the west, appear to have been particularly adverse to the
worship of the Delphian Apollo. That there was a national opposition
caused by the Phlegyans possessing the stronghold of Panopeus in the
mountain-passes towards Bœotia, is shown by the legends, that Phorbas
their leader wrestled there with Apollo; that Phlegyas burned the temple
to the ground; and lastly, that Apollo exterminated their whole race with
thunder and lightning.(914) The same people is here represented as waging
war with the great deity of the Dorians, which, under the name of Lapithæ,
opposed the Dorians themselves in Thessaly. And on the other side, Apollo
was related in the Poems of Hesiod, and the Minyad, to have assisted the
Locrian Curetes against the Ætolians, and slain their prince
Meleager.(915)




Chapter II.


    § 1. Propagation of the worship of Apollo from Crete. § 2. in
    Lycia. § 3 and 4. in the Troad. § 5. in Thrace. § 6 and 7. on the
    Coast of Asia Minor. § 8. at Trœzen, Tænarum, Megara. § 9.
    Thoricus. § 10. and Leucatas. § 11 and 12. in Bœotia. § 13. 14.
    and 15. and in Attica.


1. But whilst the worship of Apollo was experiencing so much opposition in
the north of Greece, the sea, with the neighbouring coasts and islands
afforded ample opportunities for its propagation from the shores of Crete.
This serves to account for the singular fact, that the most ancient
temples of Apollo throughout the south of Greece, are found in maritime
districts, and generally on promontories and headlands.

The colonies of Apollo branched out in various directions from the
northern coast of Crete, carrying every where with them the expiatory and
oracular ceremonies of his worship.(916) The remarkable regularity with
which these settlements were established cannot, however, be regarded as
the work of missions systematically carried on, or as part of the policy
of Minos.(917) They are to be accounted for by the natural desire of the
tribes of Crete, whilst migrating along the coast of the Ægean sea, to
erect, wherever they touched, temples to that god, whose worship was
blended with their spiritual existence.

We shall first advert to those settlements which (taking the coast of
Crete as our centre) were founded in the direction of LYCIA, MILETUS,
CLAROS, and the TROAD; the first and last of which were the most ancient,
the others being perhaps a century later.(918)

2. It is stated by Herodotus that Sarpedon migrated with some _barbarous_
nations from Crete to Lycia or Milyas.(919) This unsupported and singular
account is however probably not founded on tradition, the popular idea
being that he was a brother of Minos the Cnosian, whom it represented as a
prince of purely Hellenic blood. By these means the Cretan laws (that is,
the Doric customs, which had been first fully developed in Crete), and
also the Doric worship of Apollo, were spread over Lycia. For the
situation of the chief temples is a sufficient proof that the settlers of
Lycia came, not from the inland countries of Asia, but over the sea to the
coast. Xanthus, a city renowned for the valour of its inhabitants,(920)
and situated on the river of the same name, was a Cretan settlement.(921)
It seems to have been a Lycian tradition, that Xanthus was the father of
Minos, Rhadamanthus, and Sarpedon:(922) in this town was a temple sacred
to Sarpedon;(923) but it is uncertain whether to the elder Sarpedon, the
brother of Minos, or to the younger, a hero of the same family mentioned
in Homer, whose corpse Apollo rescued from the Greeks, and conveyed to his
native country.(924) Apollo was also worshipped under the title of
Sarpedonius.(925) Sixty stadia below the town, and ten from the mouth of
the river Xanthus, was a grove sacred to Latona, near an ancient temple of
the Lycian Apollo.(926) To this spot the goddess had been conducted by
wolves; here also she had bathed her new-born babes in the river,(927) and
been hospitably received by an old woman in a wretched hovel.(928) These
are the only remains of the national tradition, which in its general
character was perhaps only another version of that prevalent at Delos. But
the chief temple was one at Patara, in the southern extremity of
Lycia,(929) the winter habitation of the god, where he also gave out
oracles through the mouth of a priestess.(930) The oblations of cakes in
the shape of lyres, bows and arrows, which were made to Apollo at Patara,
remind us of similar customs at Delos, and furnish a fresh proof of the
close connexion between the worships of these two countries.(931)

Further to the east was the oracle of Apollo Thyrxeus, near the Cyanean
islands;(932) to the west lay Telmissus, with its interpreters of dreams,
who attributed their origin to Apollo.(933) Not only the towns just
mentioned, but almost every other on the coast of Lycia, honoured the god,
from whom even the name of the country was derived.(934)

Amongst these settlements we must probably also reckon that on the
promontory of Corycus in Cilicia, since we find in its vicinity the temple
of Zeus Sarpedon. The name of the place, if compared with that of the
Corycian grotto on Parnassus, is of itself sufficient evidence that the
worship of Apollo prevailed there, which is still further proved by the
tradition that stags swam over from thence to Curium in Cyprus.(935) Here
also stood an altar of Apollo, of particular sanctity, which no one was
allowed to touch on pain of being thrown from the rocks of the
neighbouring promontory. In this punishment we shall presently recognise
one form of the expiatory rites, which every where accompanied the worship
of Apollo.

3. No place contained so many temples of Apollo within so small a space as
the coast of Troy; Cilia, in the recess of the Adramyttian gulf; Chryse,
in the territory of the Hypoplacian Thebes;(936) the Smintheum, in its
immediate neighbourhood;(937) the island of Tenedos (whose religious
ceremonies were by some unaccountable means transplanted to Corinth and
Syracuse),(938) are all mentioned in a few verses of the Iliad.(939) No
less celebrated was Thymbra, situated at the confluence of the Thymbrius
and Scamander, where Cassandra was reported to have been brought up in the
temple of Apollo, and thus to have learnt the art of prophecy.(940) On the
Trojan citadel of Pergamus itself was a temple of Apollo, with Artemis and
Latona; and hence Homer represents these three deities as protecting the
falling city.(941) It is however important to remark, that the inhabitants
of Zelea, a town on the northern foot of mount Ida, and the native place
of the archer Pandarus, the son of Lycaon, worshipped Apollo under the
title of Lycius, or Lycegenes; and that Zelea was also called Lycia;(942)
for these facts show that there was a real connexion between the name of
Lycia and the worship of Apollo, and that it was the worship of Apollo
which gave the name to this district of Troy, as it had done to the
country of the Solymi. In Chryse also Apollo was called Lycæus.(943) The
origin of this worship can neither be attributed to the native Trojan and
Dardan race, nor yet to the later Æolians, although these for the most
part adopted it into their religious ceremonies.(944) It is however
certain, from an ancient tradition, that the Cretans also colonized this
coast; though we are not aware what was the precise account of Callinus,
the ancient elegiac poet,(945) who preserved it. It was however the
popular belief that Apollo Smintheus, and indeed the whole Trojan nation,
were derived from Crete.(946) The last notion, that all the Trojans were
of Cretan origin, is in the highest degree improbable; but it will hardly
be denied that there came to Troy a Cretan colony in connexion with Apollo
Smintheus. Indeed the Cretans who inhabited the district of Troy must
often have been mentioned in ancient traditions, as a strange account of
their strict administration of justice has been preserved.(947) Could we
but obtain a more authentic source of traditions relating to the religious
worship than the deceitful accounts of poets, we might perhaps discover in
it many confirmations of the historical traces to which we have just
adverted. Even now we may perceive that the servitude of Apollo under
Laomedon(948) is the same fable as that of Admetus at Pheræ, the locality
alone being changed.

4. By observing Homer’s accounts of the worship of Apollo in different
Trojan families, we may discover a remarkable consistency and connexion in
the ancient tradition.

In the first place he represents it as belonging chiefly to the family of
the Panthoidæ. Panthus (from whom a tribe in modern Ilium derived its name
Πανθωῒς)(949) was a priest of the god,(950) and hence his sons were
protected by Apollo in battle.(951) Hence also Euphorbus, the descendant
of Panthus, is selected to kill Patroclus, who, as well as all the other
Æacidæ, was in the heroic mythology represented as odious to Apollo.(952)

The other family, described in the Iliad as connected with Apollo, is that
of Æneas, whom, when wounded by Diomed, the god himself conducted to his
temple on the citadel of Troy, and delivered over to the care of Latona
and Artemis.(953) Now that this history was not a mere arbitrary fiction
of the poet may be distinctly proved. For we know that, after Troy had
fallen, the remaining Trojans still maintained themselves in the
mountains; they are mentioned by Herodotus as a separate state existing in
the stronghold of Gergis, in the defiles of Ida;(954) and, even after the
Peloponnesian war, Dardan princes reigned here and at Scepsis.(955) It
can, we think, be shown that Homer’s prophecy(956) respecting the future
dominion of the descendants of Æneas over the remnant of the Trojan
nation, refers solely to the town of Gergis, and perhaps to the
neighbouring valleys. Now the chief temple at Gergis was that of
Apollo,(957) and in the same town there was an ancient Sibylline oracle,
known by the name of the _Hellespontine_ or _Mermessian_. We now see that
the ancient poet, being well acquainted with the existence of the Æneadæ
at Gergis, their festivals and sacrifices, felt himself bound, according
to the spirit of mythology, to represent Apollo as the ancient guardian of
that family.

We shall seize this opportunity of briefly pointing out the results which
may be drawn from these facts, in illustration of the fable of Æneas. We
must first assume that the above oracle of Apollo at Gergis announced to
the Trojan Gergithians the re-establishment of their nation under the
dominion of the descendants of Æneas. Such a prophecy, in fact, agrees so
exactly with the spirit and system of the ancient oracles, that its
existence can scarcely be doubted. The hopes, the longing after a
restoration of their ancient power, must necessarily have assumed this
form among the distressed and conquered Trojans. Now a colony of
Gergithians also inhabited the territory of the Æolian Cume,(958) where
Apollo possessed a magnificent temple;(959) and if these oracles had been
known to the Cumæans, they would readily have passed over to their kinsmen
the Cumans of Campania. At this last place there was, on the summit of a
rock, a temple of Apollo (one of the most ancient in the whole settlement,
and, as it was pretended, built by Dædalus);(960) underneath was the
grotto of the sibyl. Here it was said that Æneas landed; and here,
according to Stesichorus, he remained, and never went further to the
north.(961) Nothing was more probable than that these oracles should in
both cases have been applied locally, and that a new Troy should in
consequence have been founded both in Asia and Italy. Hence, when the
Greek sibylline oracles, in connexion with the worship of Apollo, became
the state-oracles of Rome, all that had been prophesied of districts near
the Hellespont was, without scruple or ceremony (though not without the
ingenuity of commentators and interpreters), applied to Rome. It is
evident that the origin of the strange fable of Æneas, the father of
Romulus, and all that was afterwards added to it, may be explained in this
simple manner.

5. The most ancient temple of Apollo in THRACE was also founded by
Cretans, as well as that at Ismarus or Maroneia;(962) Maron its priest
being, according to tradition, a Cretan adventurer.(963) With this
sanctuary was probably connected the ancient oracular temple of Apollo at
Deræa near Abdera,(964) alluded to in the device on the coins of Abdera;
on one side of which Apollo is seen with the arrow in his hand; and on the
reverse is a griffin, a symbol which appears to have been adopted by the
Teians in consequence of their having resided for some time in their
colony of Abdera.

6. The Cretan worshippers of Apollo also established some considerable
temples on the Ionian coast. The principal of these was the Didymæum, in
the territory of Miletus. Before the Ionic migration, Miletus was a Cretan
fortress, on the coast, in a country at that time called Caria.(965) The
disagreement of traditions as to whether Sarpedon or Miletus (the Cretan)
was the founder, confirms, rather than weakens, the principal fact of its
settlement from Crete, both traditions describing the same fact in a
different manner. With the founding of this stronghold was connected that
of a temple, which is ascribed to Branchus, an expiatory priest(966) of
Delphi, whose name (which was well fitted for a prophet),(967) moulded
into a patronymic form, was afterwards adopted by the priests of the
temple;(968) the temple itself, and even the place (which was also called
Didyma). Thus we here again see a fresh connexion between the Delphians
and Cretans, there being indeed hardly any distinction between them before
they were dispersed by the different migrations of the Doric race. The
worship at Didyma was in fact the same with that of Crete and Delphi;
expiatory ceremonies and prophecies being united, and the latter delivered
with rites very similar to those observed at the Pythian oracle. Apollo
was here called _Philesius_ and _Delphinius_, which names were afterwards
adopted by other Ionians;(969) with him was connected Zeus, both,
according to Callimachus, being the ancestors of Didyma; and also Artemis,
who, in an ancient hymn ascribed to Branchus, is with Apollo addressed
under the titles of ἑκάεργος and ἑκαέργη.(970) The ruins of this temple,
so highly honoured in Asia, still bear witness to its ancient fame and
splendour. From the temple to the harbour(971) Panormus there was a sacred
road adorned on both sides with more than sixty statues in a very ancient
style of workmanship: amongst these, an Egyptian lion attests the
connexion of king Necho with the oracle.(972) The Ionians of Miletus,
however, acknowledged the god of Branchidæ as the principal deity in their
town, and introduced him into their numerous colonies, from Naucratis(973)
to Cyzicus,(974) Parium,(975) Apollonia Pontica,(976) and the distant
Taurica: the coins and inscriptions of which place agree in representing
him as the guardian deity (προστάτης).(977)

7. The twin brother of the Didymæan god, both in origin and in the
similarity of worship, is the Clarian Apollo. However fabulous the
particular circumstances of its foundation, still it was impossible in
ancient times to invent a religious colonial connexion where none in fact
existed. The traditions manifestly imply a double dependence of the
establishment at Claros: viz., upon Delphi and Crete. Manto, the daughter
of Teiresias the Theban soothsayer, was, according to the epic poets,
consecrated by the Epigoni to the Delphian Apollo after the taking of
Thebes,(978) and she was afterwards sent by Apollo to the spot on which
the Ionians at a later period founded the city of Colophon; having, in
obedience to the commands of the oracle, married on her way Rhacius the
Cretan, whose name, according to the dialect of Crete, had the double form
Rhacius and Lacius.(979) Augias, the Cyclic poet, mentioned the tomb of
her father Teiresias at Colophon,(980) which was generally supposed to be
in Bœotia. The offspring of this marriage was Mopsus, who was probably
called the progenitor of the family from which, even in the Roman time,
the priests of the oracle were selected.(981) The forms of prophecy were
in this temple also similar to those at Delphi.

The other temples of Apollo on the coast of Asia Minor were generally
connected with some one of the four already mentioned. The temple of
Leucæ, between Smyrna and Phocæa (where the Cumæans celebrated a
festival),(982) was probably a member of the Trojan family, to which the
Grynean Apollo, in the territory of Myrina near Cume (where there was also
an oracle), appears to be related.(983) Apollo Malloeis, in the territory
of Mytilene, in Lesbos, was an off-shoot of the Clarian worship:(984) to
the same branch also belonged the oracle of Apollo at Mallus in
Cilicia,(985) inasmuch as it was said to have been founded by Mopsus the
son of Manto.

8. The worship of Apollo also penetrated to several parts of European
Greece, where it was established by Cretan adventurers on capes and
headlands—particularly at Trœzen, Tænarum, Megara, and Thoricus.

TRŒZEN, as has been above remarked,(986) shared with Athens both the race
of her inhabitants and her worship, together with the connexion between
Athens and Crete; the meaning of which will be explained hereafter.(987)
Hence we may conjecture the Cretan origin of the nine families, which were
in existence at a late date at Trœzen, and in early times performed the
rites of atonement and purification (of which Orestes was said to have
been the first subject) near a laurel-tree in front of the temple of
Apollo, and a sacred stone in front of the temple of the Lycean
Artemis.(988)

The expiatory establishment(989) on the promontory of TÆNARUM was also
said to have been founded by Tettix, a Cretan,(990) who is merely a
personified symbol of Apollo, like Lycus, Corax, Cycnus, &c, in other
places. Callondas is said to have purified the soul of the murdered
Archilochus at this gate of the infernal regions. Considering the
proximity of Delium in Laconia(991) and of the little island of Minoa to
this temple, we may conclude that the origin of the above sanctuary was
connected with these places.

In front of the harbour of MEGARA was another island called Minoa, and
numerous legends had been there preserved in which the Cretans of Minoa
(though probably only by a corruption of the original tradition) were
represented as enemies and plunderers. Megara had two citadels: the Carian
with the temple of Demeter, and a more modern one towards the sea,
surmounted by temples of Apollo. This is said to have been built by
Alcathous the son of Pelops, while Apollo stood by and played upon his
lyre. A sounding-block of stone was exhibited at the place where the god
lay down his lyre.(992) The same fable is also alluded to by Theognis of
Megara.(993) Here then there is a worship and temples of an earlier date
than the Doric migration, and which certainly proceeded from Crete. On the
former citadel stood a statue of Apollo Decatephorus,(994) “the receiver
of tithes,” whose name is explained by the fable that the daughter of
Alcathous was once sent as a tribute to Crete, like the Athenian youths
and maidens. Thus a fact which will be soon proved with respect to Athens,
is also true of Megara—viz., that these missions always conveyed a sacred
tithe.(995)

9. The process of our investigation will shortly lead us to examine the
Attic legends, consisting of a confused mass of tradition, with which the
worship of all the gods, including that of Apollo, was in that country
perplexed.

To commence then with the legends which are connected with the temple of
Apollo at THORICUS. Thoricus, situated on the south-eastern coast of
Attica, was one of the ancient twelve towns of that country, and always
remained a place of consequence, of which there are still extant
considerable remains. Favoured by its situation, it soon became a
commercial station; Cretan vessels were accustomed in ancient times to
anchor in its harbour.(996) The fable of Cephalus and Procris appears,
from some poetical and mythological accounts, to have been connected with
Crete and the worship of Apollo.(997) We know for certain that the
Cephalidæ, who existed at a still later period in Attica,(998) preserved
some hereditary rites of Apollo: for when in the tenth generation
Chalcinus and Dætus, the descendants of the hero, returned to the country
which their ancestor had quitted in consequence of murder, they
immediately built a temple to that god on the road to Eleusis.(999)

10. But the fable of Cephalus was also connected with another great temple
of Apollo, which in the west of Greece looked down from the chalky cliffs
of the promontory of Leucatas over the Ionian sea, and of which there are
ruins still extant.(1000) Now Cephalus, the hero of Thoricus, is said to
have gained these regions in company with Amphitryon:(1001) he is also
said to have first made the celebrated leap from the rock of
Leucatas.(1002) This leap, doubtless, had originally a religious meaning,
and was an expiatory rite. At the Athenian festival of Thargelia, a
festival sacred to Apollo, criminals, crowned as victims, were led to the
edge of a rock, and thrown down to the bottom; and the same ceremony
appears to have been performed on certain sacred occasions at
Leucatas.(1003) Here, however, the fall of the criminal was broken by
tying feathers, and even birds, to his body; below, he was taken up, and
conveyed to a distance, that he might carry away with him every particle
of guilt. This was without doubt the original meaning of the leap of
Cephalus, who was stained with the guilt of homicide, and on that very
account a fugitive from his country. According to a legend noticed in an
ancient epic poem, his purification took place at Thebes;(1004) whereas
the Leucadian tradition doubtless represented his leap from the rock as
the act of atonement.

In later times, indeed, the object of this leap was totally altered; it
was supposed to be a specific for disappointed love.(1005) This singular
application of the ancient custom gave a romantic colour to the legend
connected with it. Cephalus and Procris were also represented in
after-times as tormented by love and jealousy. Probably the story partly
obtained this form in Cyprus, the island of Aphrodite, whither the fable
of Cephalus(1006) was early carried by Attic settlers. But in whatever
manner it was perverted, we cannot doubt that the leap of Cephalus from
the Leucadian rock was a part of the expiatory worship of Apollo.

These considerations refer to the Cretan rites solemnized at Thoricus. In
Athens itself, the traditions of Crete and Delphi being found united
together, it is necessary that we should first return to the latter place,
and follow the Pythian worship through BŒOTIA.

11. This indeed is neither the time nor place to relate how the Pythian
worship, in spite of the opposition of hostile races, traced the route of
the procession through the passes of Parnassus. The fact is indeed evident
from an almost unbroken chain of temples and oracles, the links of which,
viz., Thurium, Tilphossium, the temple of Galaxius, the oracle of
Eutresis, the Ismenium, Tenerium, Ptoum, and Tegyra, are all connected
either by tradition or religious rites with Delphi. Delium is probably the
only place on the eastern coast founded from Delos. Pindar represents the
establishment of several such temples under the form of a migration of the
god himself.(1007)

I shall content myself with noticing a few of the temples above-mentioned.

The first in order is the oracle at the fountain of Tilphossa under Mount
Helicon, famous for the grave of Tiresias and the monument of
Rhadamanthus, who is said to have dwelt here with Alcmena the mother of
Hercules.(1008) To this spot were attached some remarkable traditions of
the Cretan worshippers of Apollo, forming a branch of the colonization of
Cirrha; which is alluded to in Homer’s account of the Thracians’ bringing
Rhadamanthus to Eubœa for the purpose of seeing Tityus;(1009)—a remarkable
passage, which I can only understand to mean that the Cretan hero was
desirous to see Tityus, who was vanquished by Apollo.

Tegyra was a place of great importance in the Bœotian tradition, as being
the birthplace of Apollo.(1010) The Delphian oracle was more favourable to
this tradition than to that of Delos. Pindar(1011) represents the youthful
god as coming to take possession of Pytho from Tegyra, not, as the Attic
poets, from Delos.

12. The identity of the Bœotian with the Delphian worship of Apollo was
particularly striking in the temple of Ismene at Thebes. As at Delphi the
Python was slain and the laurel broken anew every eight years, so at
Thebes a procession of laurel-bearers took place at the same periods, the
use of which, as a measure of time, is evident.(1012) Here also, as at
Delphi, the statue of Athene was placed in front of the temple
(πρόναος).(1013) Tripods were the sacred vessels in both temples, though
never employed in the latter for the purpose of prophecy. In later times
the priests were contented with observing omens from the flame and ashes
of sacrifices,(1014) like the πυρχόοι of Delphi;(1015) although the mode
of delivering oracles, from a mental enthusiasm, was prevalent also in
Thebes at an earlier period; at least Tiresias (whom we may consider as a
prophet of the temple of Ismene)(1016) does not, either in Homer or the
tragedians, appear as a diviner from fire.

That, however, the whole worship of Apollo was not one of those originally
instituted at Thebes, will be evident from the following observations. In
the ancient legends respecting Cadmus, in which Demeter, Cora, Cadmus, and
afterwards Bacchus, predominate in succession, Apollo never appears in a
conspicuous character. For particular additions of the poets may be easily
distinguished from the genuine popular tradition. The fable, that Cadmus,
after the slaughter of the serpent, was, like Apollo, compelled to live
_eight_ years in slavery,(1017) must be considered as a poetical
transposition. Cadmus and Apollo had originally no points of resemblance
to each other. The situation of the temple of Apollo at Thebes is a most
convincing proof that his worship was totally distinct from any other.
Those of the ancient national gods were built on the citadel of Cadmeia,
whilst Apollo was not only not worshipped in the citadel, but even without
the gates, in the temple of Ismene,(1018) which, according to Pausanias,
must have been situated opposite to the temple of Hercules and the house
of Amphitryon. This proximity of the hero and god, as well as all other
points of union between the two at Thebes, will be employed for the
purpose of establishing further conclusions, when we explain the legend of
Hercules.(1019)

To settle with any accuracy, from the traditions concerning Tiresias and
Hercules, the time at which the Bœotian temples of Apollo were founded,
seems hardly possible, since the former contain no chronological
information, and the latter are entirely unconnected with the rest of the
Theban mythology. A tradition respecting the establishment of the festival
of the Daphnephoria places it at the time of the Æolian migration,(1020)
whence it might perhaps be inferred that the Æolians introduced the
worship of Apollo into Bœotia. This hypothesis would however involve us in
endless perplexities; and it is most probable that its diffusion was
gradually effected, soon after the settlement at Cirrha, about the time at
which the worship of Apollo rose to importance at Athens.

13. The introduction of this worship into ATTICA coincides exactly with
the passage of the Ionians into that country. The traditions respecting
the most ancient kings, Cecrops, Erichthonius, and Erechtheus, chiefly
refer to the temples, symbols, and festival rites of Athene; and this
goddess, together with the other deities of the Acropolis, plays the
principal part in them, particularly in her connexion with the blessings
of husbandry. But with the reign of Ion the Attic mythology assumes quite
a different character.(1021) This seems to me a complete refutation of the
assertion of the Ionians as to their identity with the aboriginal nation
of the Pelasgians.(1022) Still more evident is it then, that in proportion
as the Ionians, being a warlike nation,(1023) separated themselves from
the original inhabitants, whose employment was agriculture and pasturing,
their Hellenic worship deviated from the ancient one of the country.
Aristotle indeed speaks of the paternal Apollo (Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος) as being
a son of Athene and Hephæstus;(1024) but this is nothing more than an
endeavour to create a family connexion between the principal gods of the
same town: for where do we ever find a temple dedicated conjointly to
Athene and Apollo? what ceremonies and sacrifices were offered to them in
common? and in what legends are they found connected? Till such an union
of the two deities is discovered, we must consider Athene as an ancient
and native deity, Apollo as one of much later introduction. The Athenians,
indeed, maintained that an ancient hero of their country, Erysichthon, a
son of Cecrops himself, erected the first statue of Apollo at Delos:(1025)
but it is easy to recognise in this account the attempt of the Athenians
to fortify their claims to the dominion of the Delian temple, and to
represent their rights as prior to all others. In all that is related of
the Ionian princes (to whom Ægeus(1026) and Theseus belong) with reference
to religious institutions, mention is seldom made of the ancient Athenian
deities, Athene and Hephæstus. The whole is taken up with accounts either
of the establishment of the worship of Poseidon (which prevailed in the
Ionian cities and in the places of their national assemblies), or the
establishment and maintenance of an intercourse with the temples of Apollo
at Delos, Delphi, and Cnosus.

14. In the second place, the fabulous history of these heroes also
concerns the worship of Apollo, in so far as the origin of the Pythian
Theorias is contained in it. Ion is even a real son or adopted disciple of
the Pythian god; and in all probability there was no more difference
originally between his two fathers, Apollo and Xuthus,(1027) than between
the two fathers of Theseus, Ægeus and Poseidon. Theseus consecrated his
hair to the same god; a place at Delphi was called Thesea.(1028) It is
also related of Ægeus, that his kingdom, embracing the plain of Attica,
stretched as far as Pythium, where it bordered on Megaris.(1029) This
Pythium was situated in the “sacred Œnoë,”(1030) a fortified borough town
of the tribe Hippothoontis, on the frontiers of Megaris, Bœotia, and
Attica,(1031) to the north of the plain of Eleusis, and in a district of
remarkable fertility.(1032)

This temple was manifestly built on the frontiers in order to afford a
resting-place to the sacred procession, which in the beginning of the
spring went from Athens to Pytho. For if favourable omens had been
observed in the town itself, and it was intended to despatch the
procession, the prophet in the Pythium at Œnoë performed sacrifices every
day, in order to procure a favourable journey, just as the Delian
procession was regulated by omens observed in the Delium at
Marathon.(1033) The families charged with the preparations for sending the
procession (probably all of ancient Ionian extraction) were called
Pythaistæ and Deliastæ.(1034) The omens looked for were the _Pythian
lightnings_, a very unusual mode of divination in Greece. The Pythaistæ
took their station in the town, near the altar of Zeus Astrapæus, between
the Olympieium and Pythium, both of which were among the earliest
sanctuaries, although they first owed their magnificence to
Pisistratus.(1035) From this spot it was the custom to watch for nine
nights, during three months, a lofty peak of mount Parnes,(1036) called
Harma; and it was only in case the wished-for lightnings flashed
favourably over the heights that the embassy could proceed along the
Pythian road. This road led from Athens, near mount Corydallus (on which
there was a temple of Apollo),(1037) through the Eleusinian plain to Œnoë;
from thence through the pass of Dryoscephalæ to Bœotia, where it touched
either Thespiæ or Thebes, then Lebadeia and Chæronea, and then passed on
by Panopeus and Daulis through the defile between Parnassus and Cirphis to
Delphi: a mountain road which the Athenians declared that they had
themselves opened,(1038) and which Theseus is said to have freed from
robbers,(1039) in the same manner that he purified the road to the Isthmus
from monsters. This was also the sacred road for the Peloponnesians, if we
except that part of it which traversed Attica.(1040)

There still remains to be mentioned a remarkable fact respecting Œnoë,
which will greatly assist us in explaining the fable of the voyage of
Theseus to Crete: I allude to the existence of a tomb of Androgeus, the
son of Minos, whom the natives had put to death as he was passing on the
Pythian road.(1041) A Cretan was murdered in the sacred way of the Cretan
worship; Minos came to take vengeance for the violation of the sacred
armistice; and hence Athens was obliged to send a tribute to Cnosus. Now
the nature of this tribute may be perceived from a tradition preserved by
Aristotle,(1042) that the boys who were sent to Crete by the Athenians
lived at Cnosus as slaves; and that afterwards, when the Cretans, in
consequence of an ancient vow, sent a tithe of men to Delphi, the
descendants of these slaves went with them, and subsequently passed from
thence to Italy. From this it appears that the Athenians were compelled to
send sacred slaves to the chief temple at Cnosus, viz., that of Apollo.
For this reason these missions took place every eight years (δι᾽ ἐννέα
ἐτῶν);(1043) that is, probably at every Ennaëteris of the Cretan and
Delphic festival; and for the same reason they consisted of seven young
men and women, as this number was especially sacred to Apollo.(1044)

It is well known how much this tradition was disfigured by the Athenians
(originally perhaps in their popular legends, and afterwards by the
poets), in what an odious light it was represented, and so mixed up with
extraneous matter, that we should only render the problem too difficult if
we attempted to investigate the whole of its component parts.

We may however affirm with certainty that the voyage of Theseus to Crete
had originally no other meaning than the landings at Naxos(1045) and
Delos, which were connected with it—viz., a propagation of religious
worship.

The landing at Delos is a mythical type of the theorias, which the
Athenians, in common with all the Ionian islands, had from early times
sent to this place;(1046) moreover, the ship which conveyed Theseus home
was always regarded as a sacred vessel. It was sent out at the Thargelia,
after the priest, on the sixth day of Thargelion, had crowned the
poop.(1047)

Amongst other Delian rites the worship of Eilithyia was also at that time
brought over to Athens, probably from the island of Crete, where an
ancient cavern of the goddess, near Amnisus, has been already
mentioned.(1048) One point at which the procession from Attica to Crete
touched was the borough town and harbour of Prasiæ, on the eastern coast
of Attica, where, besides the temple of Apollo, was the tomb of
Erysichthon, the Delian and Athenian hero; and tradition represented the
gifts of the Hyperboreans to have been transported from this port to that
sacred island.(1049)

Lastly, the origin of the Delphinian expiatory festival from Delphi and
Crete is as evident as its introduction by the Ionian princes; for Ægeus
dwelt in the Delphinium, and was there buried. To him was also ascribed
the establishment of the Delphinian tribunal. Theseus, previously to his
expedition to Crete, here placed the olive-branch, bound with wool, on the
sixth day of Munychion,(1050) and purified himself from the murder of the
Pallantidæ.(1051)

15. The political situation of the worship of Apollo at Athens still
requires to be noticed. From our previous observations it is clear that
the Ionians had adopted it from the Dorians; hence Ion himself is called
the son of the Pythian god. The paternal deity of Athens was, as
Demosthenes says, no other than the Pythian Apollo.(1052) We may then
assert, without hesitation, that the Ionians were the only race who had
gentilitious rites of Apollo, and that they alone could properly be called
γενῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῴου. Thus, when the archons at the scrutiny swore,
that besides Zeus Herceus, the household god, they worshipped also Apollo
πατρῷος;(1053) this form of oath originated at a time when the Eupatridæ,
that is, the noble Ionic and Hellenic families, were alone eligible to the
dignity of the archonship. Nor was it till, by the timocracy of Solon and
democracy of Aristides, the richer class in general and the whole people
were admitted to this office, that Apollo πατρῷος was considered as a
deity common to all families.(1054) The democratical judges of Athens also
yearly took an oath before this deity:(1055) this ceremony was at first
perhaps only required of the criminal judges of aristocratical descent,
viz., the Ephetæ. It is however clear that originally the religion of
Apollo was adapted for the military caste alone, the ancient Hopletes;
hence he was not a god of artisans and husbandmen, but of warriors. Hence
also Ion or Xuthus adopted him as the Athenian god of war (πολέμαρχος) at
the festival of Boedromia,(1056) the name of which is derived from the
onset of armed troops in battle.

As originally the Eupatridæ alone cultivated the worship of Apollo, they
alone possessed the ceremony of purification, which is here, as elsewhere,
mixed up with the rites of the Cretan worship. According to
Plutarch,(1057) Ion had instructed the Athenians in religion, _i.e._, in
that of Apollo; and the same author relates,(1058) that Theseus
established the Eupatridæ as administrators of the government, judges, and
interpreters of the sacred rites (ἐξηγηταὶ ὁσίων καὶ ἱερῶν).

By this we are to understand that it was their duty to give information
respecting every thing which regarded the _jus sacrum_; which in ancient
times especially comprehended expiations and excommunications for
homicide. The rites necessary at purification were also entirely in the
hands of the Eupatridæ, (πάτρια);(1059) and this is the reason why in old
times they took cognizance of every homicide, and in later times of
manslaughter, the connexion of which duties with the worship of Apollo
will be shown hereafter.(1060)

I have been induced to place these points in as strong a light as
possible, from the democratical tendency of Athenian poetry, which
endeavoured to obliterate all traces of the forcible occupation of Attica,
and of the foreign extraction of the families of the Eupatridæ. On this
account the vacant period between the times of the Erecthidæ and Ægidæ was
notoriously supplied by arbitrary insertions, and the fable of Ion
represented in a thousand various ways. This tendency is also recognised
in the tragedy of Ion by Euripides, the artful and ingenious plan of which
cannot be sufficiently admired. According to the ancient tradition, Ion
was the son of the hero Xuthus, or of the Pythian Apollo (who were
originally considered as identical), and probably of Creusa, a native of
Attica, which was a mode of expressing his new settlement there.
Euripides, on the other hand, separates Ion from Xuthus,(1061) who is
always represented as somewhat rude and coarse, and even tyrannical,(1062)
and so alters the whole story, that the hero does not appear as a
newcomer, but as the legitimate offspring of the female line of the race
of the Erecthidæ. By this device the poet preserved the idea that the
Athenians were an aboriginal nation, on which they so prided
themselves,(1063) and set aside, in a manner most agreeable to their
feelings, the fable which contradicted this claim to antiquity. Ion
himself in the tragedy gives utterance to some very popular sentiments;
and of the power of aristocracy, once so firmly established, the last
faint memorial is almost buried in oblivion.(1064)




Chapter III.


    § 1. Diffusion of the worship of Apollo in Peloponnesus by the
    Dorians. § 2. His Introduction by the Dorians at the Olympic
    festival. § 3. Influence of the Delphian oracle of Apollo.
    Subjects of the oracle. § 4. Migrations caused by the oracle. § 5.
    Connexion of the temple of Delphi with the Amphictyons of
    Thermopylæ. § 6. Worship of Apollo in Asia Minor and the islands.
    § 7. In Italy and Sicily, in Apollonia and Cyrene.


1. We now come to the _third_ epoch of the propagation of the worship of
Apollo. The first embraced the earliest migrations of the Doric nation,
when the great temples at Delphi, Cnosus, and Delos were founded from
Tempe. The second period is that of the maritime supremacy of Minos, when
the coasts of Asia and Greece were covered with groves and expiatory
altars of this god. The third comprehends the chief migration of the
Dorians, and others occasioned by it. Through these means Apollo became
the principal deity in Peloponnesus, where, in early times, we find few
traces of his existence. That the Carnean Apollo of the Lacedæmonians, and
the Apollo Nomius of the Arcadians, form no exceptions to our assertion,
will be proved in a subsequent inquiry into the nature and origin of these
worships.(1065)

After the Doric conquest of Peloponnesus, the chief temples were every
where consecrated to Apollo. We have already spoken of the sanctuary of
Apollo Pythaëus, in which the Argive confederacy held their
meetings;(1066) nor was the temple of Apollo Lyceus in the market-place
less celebrated.(1067) The Spartans also worshipped this deity under the
former name,(1068) and the inhabitants of Sicyon under the latter.(1069)
Hecatus, it is pretended, was a soothsayer, who came with the sons of
Aristodemus to Sparta; and his descendant, in the second Messenian war,
held the same office:(1070) the name of this family refers to the worship
of Apollo Hecatus (the far-darting god). At Sparta Apollo was the national
deity; the kings sacrificed to him on the first and seventh days of every
month;(1071) the influence of the capital city had also caused its general
extension throughout the country.(1072) Corinth,(1073) Epidaurus,(1074)
Ægina,(1075) and Trœzen(1076) followed the same example.

The name of the Delphian god had now attained throughout Peloponnesus the
universal respect which it so long enjoyed: it had even led the way to the
settlement and conquest of that peninsula, and hence Apollo was called by
the Dorians their _leader_ and _founder_.(1077) It was not till a later
period that the kings of Messenia (who upon the whole adhered less
strictly to the Doric customs than the Spartans) entered into a connexion
with the sanctuary at Delos, which had then already fallen into the power
of the Ionians. About the fifth Olympiad (760 B.C.) Eumelus, the
Corinthian poet, composed an ode for a Messenian chorus to that holy
island.(1078) On the other hand, it was owing to the Dorians (particularly
to the Spartans) that the Pythian sanctuary remained independent, in the
hands of the Delphians; to preserve it in this state was one of the duties
which they inherited from their fathers;(1079) and they protected it more
than once, particularly against the Athenians.

2. The political power of the Dorians over the whole of Peloponnesus
necessarily ensured the preponderance of their religious institutions;
nevertheless we find that the Achæans and Arcadians possessed few temples
of Apollo, and those not the principal ones in their cities.(1080) The
worship of Apollo was however, through Spartan influence, held in great
respect at Tegea (the customs of which town had indeed become almost
entirely Doric), where there was also a tribe called Apolloneatis.(1081)
The country moreover being intersected in every direction by roads to
Olympia and Delphi (to which place Peloponnesus despatched her hecatombs
in the beginning of the spring),(1082) must have been by this very
circumstance induced to establish temples in honour of Apollo, an instance
of which appears in that at Onceum.

The principal deity of the Doric name soon obtained a conspicuous place in
the national festival, held equally sacred by all Peloponnesians; I mean
that of Olympia. The establishment of this festival is probably of early
date; perhaps it took place during the time when the dominion of the
Pelopidæ spread from Pisa and Olympia over most parts of the peninsula.
Hence the Elean Ætolians, when they seized upon the presidency of these
games, were, by the command of the oracle, at the same time obliged to
take one of the Pelopidæ from the Achæan town of Helice for their
prince.(1083) Moreover, the ancient rivalry between the Olympian and
Isthmian worship, which occasioned the prohibition against any Elean
contending at the Isthmus,(1084) can hardly have arisen at any other time
than when (previously to the Doric usurpation) the Olympian Zeus was the
chief god of the Achæans,(1085) the Isthmian Poseidon of the Ionians.

But it was not till the Dorians, for the purpose of assembling all the
Peloponnesians, at least every four years, under the protection of their
god, had taken possession of the temple at Olympia; nor till Iphitus the
Ætolian, and Lycurgus the Dorian, had renewed these contests, or given
them a greater degree of importance, that Apollo and Zeus are found in
connexion with each other, and even contending in the course at Olympia.
And as a further instance of change, the sacred armistice of Olympia went
by the local name of Therma;(1086) and hence Apollo, as the patron and
guardian deity of the institution, was called Thermius, and worshipped
under that title in the grove of Altis.(1087) At this time Hercules (whose
worship, once entirely unknown in Elis, was introduced by Iphitus)(1088)
is also reported to have brought the wild olive-tree from the Hyperboreans
to the Alpheus, and planted the sacred grove of Altis with it.(1089) The
important influence of the Delphian oracle on the Olympian games also
occasioned the time of their celebration to be regulated by the Pythian
cycle of eight years.(1090) For whereas the whole cycle of eight years
consisted of ninety-nine lunar months, at the expiration of which time the
revolutions of the moon and sun again nearly coincided; this period was at
Olympia divided into two unequal parts of fifty and forty-nine months, so
that the festival took place sometimes in the month of Apollonius,
sometimes in Parthenius.

The introduction of the worship of Apollo must have had no less influence
on the families of the soothsayers, who ministered at the altars of the
Olympic deities. These were the Clytiadæ, Iamidæ, and Telliadæ;(1091) of
which the Clytiadæ considered themselves as belonging to a clan, which
produced very many soothsayers, viz., the Melampodidæ.(1092) This explains
the fable that Melampus received the gift of prophecy from Apollo on the
banks of the Alpheus,(1093) in the place where it was exercised by his
descendants the Clytiadæ.

3. The Doric migration gave rise to many others, which spread the worship
of Apollo in various directions; no longer, however, as a peculiar deity
of the Dorians and Cretans, but, in a more extended sense, as the national
god of the Greeks. This was chiefly occasioned by the influence of Delphi,
which seems to have given the chief stimulus to that great migration. In
fact, it became from this time invested with a power which hardly belonged
to any subsequent institution. Apollo is represented as governing nations
with an arbitrary power, compelling them, however unwilling, to undertake
distant expeditions, and pointing out the settlements which they are to
occupy. In order to convey a more distinct idea of this singular
phenomenon, it is necessary that the condition of the immediate subjects
of the Pythian temple should be more closely examined.

When the district of the Cirrhæans had, by the Amphictyonic war, become
forfeited to the temple of Delphi, the sacred lands belonging to it formed
a very considerable territory. Two inscriptions contain surveys of the
Hieromnemons respecting its boundaries: one relating to those towards
Anticirrha in the east, the other to those in the direction of Amphissa to
the west.(1094) Now it certainly appears that in ancient times, when
Cirrha was in existence, none of these lands belonged to the temple, which
must therefore have possessed little or no territory. But in spite of the
generally received accounts of the Amphictyonic war, it can be
satisfactorily proved, that in earlier times Cirrha and the temple, with
its appendages, formed one state.(1095) Their territory indeed consisted
for the most part of rock, mountain, and narrow glens;(1096) yet towards
the south it embraced the spacious plain of Crissa, and in the north at
least the luxuriant vineyards of Parnassus. By whom then was this
territory cultivated? certainly neither by the Doric nobles nor the Cretan
colonists, who in the Homeric hymn are derided by the god for thinking of
the labours of agriculture, and commanded to employ themselves merely in
sacrificing victims.(1097) Thus it is evident, that there were subjects of
the temple, who, besides the humble employment of cultivating the soil,
were also obliged to tend the herds belonging to the temple. These were
the servants of the temple whom we so frequently find mentioned.(1098) The
same class also existed in Crete, as we have before proved from the
tribute sent by Athens; and Crete, in its turn, as well as Eretria and
Magnesia,(1099) sent such “human firstlings” to the temple of Pytho.
Mention is also made of a town in Crete composed of a thousand men, all
sacred slaves.(1100) Now these slaves of Delphi may have been procured in
different ways, either as tribute (and that either of a city or of
individuals), as voluntary bondsmen, or by purchase:(1101) the latter mode
was probably of rare occurrence in early times. There still remain a
considerable number of Delphian monuments, in which private individuals
present or sell to the god those slaves whom they wish to favour.(1102)
The condition of these vassals corresponds to that of the Doric
bondsmen;(1103) but their servitude was probably of a milder nature; for
we find it frequently stated that the sacred slaves lived inviolate under
the protection of the god, although (at least in early times) they were
entirely dependent on the sacred council of the temple. Originally, a
great part consisted of prisoners taken in war. We collect from ancient
epic poems that Manto the daughter of Tiresias was, after the war of the
Epigoni, sent to the Pythian god as a share of the spoil(1104)
(ἀκροθίνιον): one individual, as is usual in the language of mythology,
standing for many. The Gephyræans also are said to have been at that time
decimated, sent from Thebes to Delphi, and thus to have arrived at
Athens.(1105) After the Persian war, an idea was actually entertained of
reviving this punishment against the Thebans, whose enemies considered
them, at a still later period, as in the eye of justice decimated, and
given as slaves to Apollo.(1106)

4. When the Pythian god was either unwilling or unable to retain within
his territory the crowds who had been collected in this manner, he sent
them out as colonists; without, however, entirely giving up all claim to
their obedience. The early Grecian history affords several examples of
this proceeding: the earliest is a Doric tradition respecting the Dryopes,
which differs in some respect from their own account. Hercules, here
represented as a Doric hero, had subjugated the Dryopes, and brought them
to Delphi as an offering to Apollo, by whom he was commanded to settle
them on the southern coast of Argolis.(1107) That this nation, probably of
Pelasgic origin, did not in early times worship the Doric god, is evident
from the tradition that Leogoras the Dryopian violated the temple of
Apollo.(1108) But it is equally certain that they were henceforth
compelled to serve Apollo as their chief deity, especially in his
character of Apollo Pythaëus at Argos.(1109) A part of this nation however
remained at Delphi, where it is frequently mentioned in later times under
the name of Craugallidæ, who, together with the Cirrhæans, appear as
enemies to the temple;(1110) from which circumstance it may be inferred
that most of these Cirrhæans were revolted subjects of the temple.

The migration of the Magnesians approaches rather nearer to the historical
age. This race, dwelling under mount Pelion, felt itself, about the time
of the Thessalian migration, so pressed for want of territory, that it had
recourse to the Delphian oracle, by whose advice it decimated its numbers;
that is, it sent off a tenth part of the young male population, who (like
a _ver sacrum_ in Italy)(1111) renounced their native land.(1112) These
young colonists were mostly despatched to the worshippers of Apollo in
Crete, where they founded the town of Magnesia, which Plato speaks of as a
place that had been destroyed, and considers as a prototype of his ideal
state, Apollo having been its only legislator.(1113) The intercourse of
Crete with the coast of Asia Minor soon carried over these sojourners to
the banks of the Mæander and the Lethæus, at the confluence of which
rivers they had been settled some time before the Ionic migration;(1114)
being, as was afterwards declared by a Panhellenic decree, the first
Greeks who settled in Asia Minor.(1115) Still, although thus separated
from their mother country, they maintained, as sacred colonists (ἱεροὶ
ἄποικοι), a perpetual connexion with Delphi, and were bound, in ancient
times, to provide all travellers with food and lodging.(1116) The
Delphians could expect a similar reception at Delos:(1117) and indeed an
extended exercise of the duties of hospitality formed one of the principal
objects of this worship. Pausanias(1118) gives an account of this very
important worship of Apollo in Magnesia as follows:(1119) “At Hylæ, a
place in the territory of the Magnesians,(1120) is a cavern consecrated to
Apollo; not, indeed, remarkable for its size; but it contains a statue of
Apollo of great antiquity, and which confers strength for every kind of
work. Certain devotees throw themselves, by the assistance of this image,
from steep and lofty precipices; or tearing large trees up by the roots,
walk with their burden down the steepest paths.” We would attempt to trace
more minutely the connexion of Magnesia with Crete and Delphi, had not all
clue to history been necessarily broken off by the conquest of this proud
and prosperous city by the Ephesians, and its complete destruction by the
Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, in the time of the Lydian monarch Ardys.(1121)

We have only time to notice some few other events of a similar nature.
Thus the Ænianes came to the oracle about the same time, and on a similar
emergency as the Magnesians; dwelt for some years in the territory of
Cirrha, and were afterwards sent to the banks of the Inachus in southern
Thessaly.(1122) An example of historical authority is furnished by the
Chalcideans in Eubœa, the youthful part of whose population was despatched
by Apollo to Rhegium in Italy;(1123) hence this town also celebrated the
worship of the god with expiatory rites and festivals,(1124) to which the
Messenians of Sicily sent choruses of thirty-five boys across the
straits.(1125)

5. These events, which from their connected form cannot be poetical
fictions, give some idea of the extensive influence of the temple of
Delphi, the power of which was probably at its highest pitch in the time
immediately succeeding the Doric migrations. Hence also this was the epoch
of the greatest influence of the Amphictyons of Thermopylæ;(1126) which
confederation of Thessalian tribes, and of tribes derived from Thessaly,
united the worship of the Doric temple of Apollo with that of Demeter at
Thermopylæ, and thus an Hellenic and ancient Pelasgic worship were
combined together,(1127) probably not without a view of forming a more
intimate union between the different races of Greece. The assembling in
the spring of the year at Delphi was probably copied from the meeting of
the neighbouring towns, in the spring festival, at Tempe, at which
business of a political kind was sometimes transacted.(1128) The power,
however, of the Amphictyons of Thermopylæ was at no time actually
political, and, with a very few exceptions, all their regulations and
undertakings concerned the protection of the two temples in their rights
and possessions, the rights of other temples in Greece, and the
maintenance of some principles of international law (νόμοι Ἀμφικτυονικοὶ),
founded upon religious notions.

6. The Dorian colonies introduced Apollo into Asia Minor as the principal
deity of their national and federal festival on the promontory of
Triopium,(1129) where they probably first planted his worship, without,
however, excluding the more ancient Pelasgic rites of Demeter and the
infernal gods, which, although of a different nature, were united in the
ceremonies at Triopium with those of Apollo.(1130) In the same manner the
twelve towns of the Æolians, with whom Apollo was by no means so nearly
connected, celebrated in his honour, as it seems, their federal festival
in the grove of Gryneum near Myrina.(1131) And though when the Ionians
crossed over from Athens to Asia Minor they remained so constant to the
worship of Poseidon that they consecrated to him their national festival
at Mycale, and also built in the island of Tenos a splendid temple of
Poseidon and Amphitrite, honoured with festivals and sacred
embassies;(1132) yet the Cretan worship was so prevalent at Delos, when
first overrun by the Ionians, that this island was itself the religious
metropolis of the Cyclades,(1133) at whose festivals and contests the
higher classes of the islanders attended with their families, even in
ancient times; which naturally gave rise to the establishment of temples
to Apollo, the principal deity, in the rest of the Cyclades; as
Cythnus,(1134) Siphnus,(1135) Ceos,(1136) Naxos,(1137) &c.

7. The principal places to be mentioned in Italy besides Rhegium are
Croton and Metapontum. The former was an Achæan and Lacedæmonian colony;
in the founding of which, according to tradition, the oracle had an
important share;(1138) the memory of which is preserved by temples of
Apollo Pythius, Hyperboreus,(1139) and Alæus,(1140) within, and close to
the town. Croton was peculiarly subject to the influence of Apollo, whose
worship operated to an unusual extent on the character and customs of its
inhabitants. On the founding of Metapontum our information is scanty. The
inhabitants generally supposed themselves to be of Achæan origin; yet
Ephorus has preserved a remarkable, though confused tradition, that
Daulius the tyrant of Crissa was the founder of that town.(1141) It seems,
then, that inhabitants of Daulis, in the narrow valley of Parnassus, and
Crissæans, from the coast, had passed over to Italy in very early times.
The inhabitants of Metapontum, as ancient subjects of Apollo, sent him
golden ears of corn (χρυσοῦν θέρος) as a tithe of their harvest; we find
on their coins the full ears of barley, which were paid as tribute, and on
the reverse the god himself, armed with his helmet, arrow and bow, as a
conqueror, and holding a branch of laurel; exactly coinciding with the
symbols used in the temple of Delphi.(1142) Thus historical tradition and
religious symbols both point to the same conclusion.(1143)

During the period of which we are treating, the regulation of colonies by
the Delphian oracle was the chief instrument which extended the worship of
Apollo on the coast of the Mediterranean. In honour of this deity the
Chalcideans who founded Naxos, the first Greek colony in Sicily (Olymp. 5.
2. 759 B.C.), erected on the coast an altar of Apollo Archegetas, upon
which the Sicilian Theori always sacrificed when they sailed to the temple
of Apollo in their mother-country.(1144)

Apollonia, the Corinthian settlement on the Ionian sea, was also supposed
to have been founded by Apollo;(1145) hence the above-mentioned custom of
sending “_the golden summer_” to Delphi prevailed in this town.(1146) We
have in a former work(1147) shown that the worship at Thera and Cyrene was
paid to the deity of the Theban Ægidæ, viz., the Carnean Apollo; who,
however, at the founding of the colony (Olymp. 37), was already considered
as the same with the Dorian god; hence the fountain of Apollo at Cyrene,
its colony of Apollonia, &c. Mythology, which often first clothes the
events of history in a fabulous garb, and then refers them to an early and
unknown time, expressed the founding of Cyrene, under the guidance of the
temple of Apollo, in the following elegant personification—That Cyrene, a
Thessalian nymph, the favourite of Apollo, was carried by her divine lover
to Africa, in his chariot drawn by swans.(1148)

We shall abstain from bringing down the colonization of this religion to a
later period, since in after-times the lively principle which at first
actuated the worshippers of Apollo was lost; and, instead of considering
their actions as the effect of supernatural compulsion, men were rather
disposed to regulate their conduct according to the dictates of reason and
free-will.




Chapter IV.


    § 1. Connexion of the fable of the Hyperboreans with the worship
    of Apollo. § 2. Its connexion with the temples at Delphi; § 3. and
    Delos. § 4. Original locality of the Hyperboreans. § 5. Localities
    subsequently assigned by Poets and Geographers. § 6. The
    Hyperboreans considered a sacred people.


1. Wearisome as it is to follow up the chain of remote events which gave
rise to the wide diffusion of the worship of Apollo, nevertheless the
fable of the Hyperboreans, by referring a number of particular
circumstances to one head, is very well qualified to arrest and fix our
attention.

We assert, then, the connexion of this tradition with the original worship
of Apollo. No argument to the contrary can be drawn from its not being
mentioned either in the Iliad or Odyssey; these poems not affording any
opportunity for its introduction. Moreover, the Hyperboreans were spoken
of in the poem of the Epigoni, and by Hesiod.(1149) The fable, indeed, may
not have come till late within the province of poetical mythology; as a
local tradition, it must have arisen whilst that primitive connexion
between the temples of Tempe, Delphi, and Delos (which was afterwards
entirely dissolved) still existed in full vigour.

2. According to a Doric hymn of Bœo, a poetess of Delphi, quoted by
Pausanias,(1150) Pagasus, and the godlike Agyieus, the sons of the
Hyperboreans, founded the celebrated oracle at Delphi. Agyieus is merely
another name for Apollo himself. Pagasus refers to the Pagasæan temple on
the sacred road.(1151) With them came Olen, the first prophet and bard of
Apollo. Two other Hyperborean heroes, Hyperochus and Laodicus, assisted in
the slaughter of the Gauls at Delphi;(1152) and, in accordance with
similar traditions, Mnaseas of Patara called all the inhabitants of Delphi
descendants of the Hyperboreans.(1153)

Alcæus,(1154) in a hymn to Apollo, related how “Zeus adorned the new-born
god with a golden fillet and lyre, and sent him, in a chariot drawn by
swans, to Delphi, in order to introduce justice and law amongst the
Greeks. Apollo, however, ordered the swans first to fly to the
Hyperboreans. The Delphians, missing the god, instituted a pæan and song,
ranged choruses of young men around the tripod, and invoked him to come
from the Hyperboreans. The god remained an entire year with that nation,
and at the appointed time, when the tripods of Delphi were destined to
sound, he ordered the swans to resume their flight. The return of Apollo
takes place exactly in the middle of summer; nightingales, swallows, and
grasshoppers sing in honour of the god; and even Castalia and
Cephisus(1155) heave their waves to salute him.”

If Alcæus consecrated this pæan, as Pindar did his pæan, to the worship of
the Delphian god, he would hardly have dared to do more than embellish the
local traditions. Supposing, however, that this was not the case, he would
still have taken the principal event (viz., the arrival of Apollo from the
Hyperboreans) rather from a fable universally acknowledged, than the
unauthorized fictions of poetry. The whole account, and even the time, are
clearly drawn from the mysteries of the worship. According to the
tradition of Delphi, Apollo, at the expiration of the great period,
visited the beloved nation of the Hyperboreans, and danced and played with
them from the vernal equinox to the early setting of the Pleiades; and
when the first corn was cut in Greece, he returned to Delphi, as I
suppose, with the full ripe ears, the offerings of the Hyperboreans.(1156)
Even the story of the swans was no addition of Alcæus; for the painted
vases in the south of Italy (the extremity of the Grecian world) represent
the same fiction as the Lesbian poet; nay, so exactly do they correspond,
that we do not indeed recognise Alcæus, but the traditions upon which the
account was founded, as they were perhaps related at Metapontum and
Croton. The boy Apollo, the sceptre and goblet in one hand, and full ears
of barley in the other (which allude to the offerings of the Hyperboreans,
and the “golden summer”), is seated, with a mild aspect, on a car, the
axles of which are bound with swans’ feathers. Hyperborean women, with
torches, and pitchers for sacred libations, conduct him.(1157) The swans,
with which Apollo here comes, occur elsewhere in the legends of Delphi,
which refer to the Hyperboreans. The most ancient temple of Delphi,
according to the assertion of the priests, was merely a low hut, built
with branches of the sacred laurel of Tempe; the second was a tent, which
either the Hyperboreans or Pteras of Crete formed of swans’ feathers and
wax.(1158) The Peneus flowed by the altar of Tempe; the notes of the swans
on the banks of this river are mentioned in a short hymn attributed to
Homer.(1159) And allowing that these birds were here particularly
numerous, it is evident that their brilliant colour and majestic motion
peculiarly adapted them for symbols of Apollo.

3. We find the same tradition, with merely a few local alterations, at
Delos.(1160) Latona, in the first place, is said to have arrived in that
island from the country of the Hyperboreans as a she-wolf, having
completed the whole journey, pursued by Here, in twelve days and
nights.(1161) Afterwards the young virgins, Arge and Opis, came with
Apollo and Artemis; a lofty tomb was erected to their memory at Delos,
upon which sacrifices were offered; an ancient hymn, which was attributed
to the ancient minstrel Olen, celebrated their appearance.(1162)
Afterwards the Hyperboreans sent two other virgins, Hyperoche and Laodice,
the same names as occur above, and with them five men, who are called
_perpherees_(1163) (from their bringing the sacred gifts enveloped in
wheaten straw): this exactly corresponds with “the golden summer” of the
Delphians. The perpherees received great honours at Delos; and the Delian
maidens before marriage laid on the tomb of the two Hyperborean virgins a
spindle, the young men a branch, both entwined with locks of hair. The
offering, however, of the Hyperborean women was, it was said, really
intended for Ilithyia, the protectress of women in labour, in order to
fulfil a vow made to that goddess for the birth of Apollo and Artemis. Now
these missions, according to Delian traditions, always continued to be
carried on. The Hyperboreans were supposed to pass them on to their
neighbours the Scythians; from them they were transmitted through a chain
of nations on the coast of the Adriatic, by Dodona,(1164) through
Thessaly, Eubœa, and the island of Tenos, and came accompanied with flutes
and pipes,(1165) to Delos.(1166) This story cannot have been a mere
poetical fiction; it doubtless originated in the active connexion kept up
by means of sacred missions with the ancient settlements of the worship of
Apollo in the north of Thessaly.(1167) In Delos also, as at Delphi, there
was a story of the god resting for some time amongst the Hyperboreans;
though the scene was generally changed to Lycia.(1168) A painted vase
exhibits the god with a lyre in his hand, alighting near the palm-tree of
Delos: a young woman, representing a whole chorus, receives him, playing
upon a stringed instrument.(1169)

As the temple at Olympia was connected with Delphi, we find also here some
traditions respecting the country of the Hyperboreans, as the native land
of the wild olive-tree which flourished in the grove of Zeus.

4. Thus much concerning the places where the fable of the Hyperboreans
really existed; we must next notice the situation generally assigned to
that sacred nation. In this the name is our chief guide. In the first
place it indicates a _northern_ nation; which idea is sufficiently
accounted for by the fact that the worship of Apollo came from the most
northern part of Greece, from the district of Tempe;(1170) and although
the actual distance was not great, yet the imagination might have been
moved by this circumstance to conceive Apollo as coming from the most
remote regions of the north. But, in the second place, the Hyperboreans
are said to dwell _beyond_ Boreas; so that this happy nation never felt
the cold north wind: in the same manner that Homer represents the summit
of Olympus as rising above the storms, nor ever covered with snow, but
surrounded by an atmosphere of cloudless and undisturbed serenity.

5. This is nearly the whole of our information on the origin of this
fabulous people. Poets, however, and geographers, dissatisfied with such
accounts, attempted to assign to it a fixed habitation in the catalogue of
nations: and for this purpose connected multifarious and foreign accounts
of the northern regions of the world with the religious fable of the
Hyperboreans, and moulded the whole into an imaginary picture of a
supposed real people.

Among these stories the most remarkable is that which connects the
Hyperboreans with the Scythians. Herodotus found them mentioned in the
Arimaspea of Aristeas the Proconnesian, in which poem his ideas of the
worship of Apollo were interspersed with obscure accounts of the northern
regions.(1171) He came, led by the spirit of Apollo, through Scythia to
the Issedones,(1172) the one-eyed Arimaspians, the Griffins that kept
watch over the gold, and thus at last reached the Hyperboreans who
inhabited the shores on the further side of the ocean. Now Aristeas must
have collected the tradition concerning these nations and monsters from
the same sources as Herodotus; viz., from the Greeks dwelling on the
Pontus and Borysthenes, and through these from the Scythians.

In the list of the fabulous nations of the north, the ancient Damastes
exactly agrees with the Arimaspea of Aristeas.(1173) Beyond the Scythians
he places the Issedones, then the Arimaspians, then the Rhipæan mountains,
from which the north wind blows, and on the other side of these, on the
sea-coast, the Hyperboreans.(1174) Without doubt this geographer placed
the Issedones in the districts to the north of the Euxine sea, and rather
to the east of Greece.(1175) And indeed neither Issedones, Arimaspians,
nor Griffins could be placed in any other region than that which lies to
the north of the Euxine sea, as all this tract had become known to the
Greeks by means of the Scythians, who dwelt in these parts; it was only in
this district that the Greeks heard of Arimaspians. The case is entirely
different with respect to the Hyperboreans and Rhipæans. Of the former the
Scythians, as Herodotus tells us, knew nothing; and the latter are a mere
political fiction of Greece, since they derived their names from
_hurricanes_ (ῥιπαὶ), issuing from a cavern, which they warded off from
the Hyperboreans, and sent to more southern nations. For this reason the
Hyperboreans could also be placed in another part, remote from Scythia;
still however they kept their original position in the _north_. Thus
Pindar,(1176) and also Æschylus in the Prometheus Unbound,(1177) place the
Hyperboreans at the source of the Ister. Now, if, with Herodotus, the
Ister is conceived to be a river which runs through all Europe from its
_western_ extremity, the Hyperboreans, in spite of their name, must be
placed in the regions of the _west_.(1178) But there was in ancient times
also an idea that the Ister was a vast stream descending from the extreme
_north_;(1179) and this notion was evidently entertained by the two poets
just mentioned; thus Æschylus, in the Prometheus Unbound, represented
Hercules as penetrating to the place where Boreas rushes from the
mountains; and with this the Rhipæan mountains, the Hyperboreans, and the
Ister were doubtless mentioned. Sophocles also placed the “_ancient garden
of Phœbus_” _i.e._, the country of the Hyperboreans, at the extremity of
the earth, and near the dwelling of Boreas.(1180) This natural conception
of the Hyperboreans, and agreeing so well with the origin of the legend,
is universal among the early poets; it is only in the works of later
writers that we find certain traces of a translation of the Hyperboreans
to Italy and other western countries, and of a confusion of the Rhipæans
with the Alps and Pyrenees.

6. We see then that notwithstanding the arbitrary license assumed by
poets, the religious ideas respecting the Hyperboreans were every where
preserved without the slightest variation. They were represented as a
pious nation, abstaining from the flesh of animals, and living in
perpetual serenity, in the service of their god, for a thousand
years.(1181) “The muse,” says Pindar, “is not estranged from their
manners. The choruses of virgins and sweet melody of the lyre or pipe
resound on every side; and, twining their hair with the glittering laurel,
they feast joyfully. Neither disease nor old age is the lot of this sacred
race; while they live apart from toil and battles, undisturbed by the
revengeful Nemesis.”(1182)

Respecting their festivals, which were supposed to take place in the open
air,(1183) it was related by Hecatæus the younger, of Abdera, that these
were celebrated by three gigantic Boreadæ, whose songs and dances were
accompanied by innumerable flocks of swans.(1184) But the strangest
account is that of Pindar, that whole hecatombs of asses were sacrificed
at these festivals:(1185) this however is borrowed from the real worship,
from one of the sacred rites of Delphi, where asses were sacrificed at the
Pythian festival.(1186) Lastly, the account given of the death of the
Hyperboreans strongly reminds us of the rites of the Thargelia, and the
leap at Leucate; we are told that, tired of a long existence, they leapt,
crowned with garlands, from a rock into the sea.(1187)




Chapter V.


    § 1. The Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, Crete, Lycia, Troy,
    Athens, and Peloponnesus, the same deity. § 2. Apollo Nomius of
    Arcadia rightly distinguished from the preceding. § 3. Apollo the
    father of Æsculapius likewise a distinct deity. § 4 and 5. Apollo
    not originally an elementary deity, or god of the sun. § 6. Origin
    of this idea. § 7. Rites of Apollo unlike those of the elementary
    deities.


1. Having treated of the extension and propagation of the worship of
Apollo, and some of the most remarkable legends and fables connected with
it, we next turn our attention to the nature and character of the religion
itself.

In the first place, then, we shall remind the reader of a position
sufficiently established by the foregoing inquiries; that the Apollo of
Tempe, Delphi, Delos, Crete, Lycia, Troy, Athens, and Peloponnesus, is the
same god, and not, as was very frequently the case in the religions of
Greece, a combination of several deities under one name. This conclusion
we supported as well by historical accounts respecting the foundation of
his numerous temples, as by the evidence derived from a recurrence of the
same names, rites, and symbols; such, for example, as the titles of Lycius
and Lycia, Delphinius and Pythius; the oracles and sibyls; the
purifications and expiations; the custom of leaping from rocks;
decimations; the golden summer, and bloodless oblations; the
laurel-berries; the legend of the Hyperboreans, and the cycle of eight
years. Hence the theologians mentioned by Cicero(1188) were wrong in
endeavouring without any authority to distinguish between the Athenian,
Cretan, and Hyperborean Apollo.

2. It appears, however, that they were warranted in distinguishing from
the rest the Apollo Nomius of Arcadia; although in their etymology of the
name,(1189) which made him a divine _lawgiver_, they by no means followed
the most authentic sources of religious history. The correct account is
without doubt that given by Pindar,(1190) who calls Aristæus, conjointly
with Zeus and Apollo, a protector of flocks, and guardian of huntsmen. In
fact, Aristæus and his son Actæon were ancient deities of the early
Pelasgic inhabitants of Greece.(1191) That god also protected agriculture
and pasturing, warded off the scorching heat of summer, charmed by
incantations the mild Etesian winds, and loved hunting and the care of
bees. His chief haunts were the plains under mount Pelion and Iolcus—from
which place his worship was introduced into Cyrene—the fertile valley of
Thebes, Parrhasia in Arcadia,(1192) and the Parrhasian island of
Ceos;(1193) at Cyrene, Apollo and Cyrene were called his parents.(1194)
The genealogy attributed to Aristæus varied considerably in different
places; through the prevalence of Greek worship in Arcadia he was
considered identical with Apollo. It was remembered that the Delphian god
had also tended the herds of Admetus; and perhaps the national worship of
Aristæus at Pheræ had partly contributed to the formation of this
fable.(1195) Deities, whose worship at an early period fell into disuse,
were adapted and modified in various ways to suit the ruling powers: and
even if a complete and consistent system of mythology was eradicated and
destroyed as a whole, yet particular portions of it would combine
themselves with the prevailing religion, and thus obtain a new existence.
Thus also the ancient elementary deity, which had received the name of
Apollo Nomius, was called the son of the ancient Silenus,(1196) because
his attributes seemed to resemble those of the attendants of
Bacchus.(1197) I shall take occasion hereafter to explain the connexion
between the Carnean Apollo and this deity.(1198)

3. It should also be observed that Apollo and Æsculapius were connected in
fable and mythology; and this at an early period, for Hesiod called
Æsculapius the son of Apollo;(1199) but, as it appears, only in mythology,
and not in any religious worship. Thus neither at Tricca, Lebadea,
Epidaurus, nor Cos, were Apollo Pæan and Æsculapius intimately connected;
nor do we ever find that they had altars, festivals, or sacrifices in
common, except perhaps in a temple at the modern town of
Megalopolis.(1200) This practical difference may be accounted for by the
national origin of the two worships. For Phlegyas, the ancestor of
Æsculapius, and the sons of Æsculapius mentioned in the Homeric Catalogue,
belonged to races which were hostile both to the Dorians and the temple of
Delphi; and the dispersion of the schools of the Asclepiadæ through Greece
had nothing in common with the foundation of the temples of Apollo.

4. Having made these distinctions, we now return to the principal position
established by the preceding inquiries; viz., that it was the Dorians
among whom the religion of Apollo was the most ancient, important, and
truly national worship.

The Dorians being an active and heroic people, it is natural that their
peculiar religious feelings should have had a like tendency. Hence, as
they displayed a perpetual aversion to the innocent employments of
husbandry, and a love for active and military exertion, their national god
was exactly the reverse of the elementary deities worshipped by the
agricultural races.

But this inference seems to be invalidated by an opinion entertained by
many at least of the later Greeks, and by most modern writers on
mythology, that Apollo was an elementary deity, the deified
personification of the sun. On the whole of this difficult and doubtful
subject it is not my intention now to enter; but I shall be satisfied with
laying before the reader the principal arguments on both sides, and
afterwards stating my own views on the subject.

5. In the first place, then, the accounts above given of Apollo returning
from the Hyperboreans with the ripe ears of corn, and the tribute of the
golden ears, certainly suggest the idea of a guardian of
agriculture.(1201) On the coins of Metapontum we frequently see these ears
of corn, with the grasshopper, or mouse both in the act of creeping, upon
the reverse. The same explanation is applicable to both symbols. The mouse
and grasshopper are animals hurtful to the corn, which the god was
supplicated to protect from their attacks. In like manner the Cretan
Apollo Σμίνθειος was doubtless a destroyer of field mice (σμίνθοι);(1202)
and his statue was represented with one foot upon a mouse.(1203)

Again, in Rhodes he was called ἐρυθίβιος, “the averter of mildew;”(1204)
which attribute was peculiarly suitable to him, as being one of the
Triopian deities, one of whom was Demeter, the destroyer of Erysichthon.
These are probably the chief reasons which can be adduced in favour of the
position that Apollo was an elementary deity; reasons which are founded on
the symbols and ceremonies of the real worship, and not on the opinions of
later philosophers. But, first, the argument that Apollo was an elementary
god, because he was a patron and protector of agriculture, is
inconclusive; for he performs this office in his character of guardian and
averter of misfortune generally. The case indeed would be otherwise, had
Apollo been supposed either to call forth the seed from the earth or bring
it to maturity; no trace however of these functions being attributed to
him ever occurs. It is therefore unnecessary on this account to identify
him with the sun. And it may be remarked likewise, that the chief
festivals of Apollo were not connected with any remarkable epochs of the
sun’s course, but rather with the rising of the stars, particularly of the
pleiads, and with the phases of the moon. Thus the new moon was sacred to
Apollo, who hence received the name of Νεομήνιος;(1205) and so likewise
the first quarter, or the seventh day; and, finally, the full moon
(διχομηνία), particularly in the island of Zacynthus.(1206) From these
circumstances, however, no one will infer that Apollo was a god of the
moon.

We do not, however, deny that Apollo and the god of the sun admitted in
particular points of a comparison and parallel with each other; the source
of external light might be a symbol of the “bright and pure” god; and
indeed the Platonists favoured this supposition,(1207) which is not,
however, supported by any historical authority. The worship of the sun was
practised in the Acropolis of Corinth, at Rhodes, Athens, and in earlier
times also at Calauria and Tænarum; but in none of these places was it
connected with the rites of Apollo.(1208)

6. This naturally leads us to inquire how any ideal connexion between
Apollo and the sun, if it really existed, should have been entirely
overlooked for so many centuries; how was it that these deities were not
identified till the Grecian mythology had ceased to have any influence
upon the ideas and feelings of mankind? Even when the Egyptian
interpreters identified Horus with Apollo, they were in all probability
guided only by the resemblance between the destroyer of the Python and the
vanquisher of Baby (Typhon in Greek).(1209) The Persian magi, however, in
discovering a connexion between the worship of Apollo and their religion
(on which account Xerxes preserved from injury the island where Apollo and
Artemis were born),(1210) were influenced by a well-grounded comparison,
which we shall find occasion to confirm in a subsequent chapter;(1211)
yet, in all probability, it was not the sun, but Ormuzd, whom they
supposed to be Apollo. It was not until the philosophers of the Ionic
school identified the deities of the popular creed partly with material
powers and objects, and partly with the attributes of the universal
intellect (νοῦς), that the doctrine was advanced of Apollo being the sun.
From them Euripides, who called Zeus the air, and Vesta the earth, was
naturally among the first to receive it. In the tragedy of Phaethon, the
mother of the unfortunate youth complained against his father Helius as
follows; “_Rightly does he who knows the secret names of the gods call
thee Apollo_” (the destroyer);(1212) referring, without doubt, not to any
doctrine connected with, or revealed in the mysteries, but to a
philosophical interpretation. This opinion, thus adopted by Euripides,
became still more general at Alexandria; and Callimachus blames those “who
separate Apollo from the sun, and Artemis from the moon.”(1213) Soon
afterwards it was said to have originated in very early times; and the
author of the astronomical treatise attributed to Eratosthenes(1214)
relates, that Orpheus the Thracian had from the top of a mountain, at
break of day, prayed to the sun, whom he also called Apollo, as the
greatest of all the deities.(1215) Nevertheless, this statement does not
authorize us to infer, that in the ancient Orphic Hymns, previous to
Herodotus, Apollo and the sun were identified. For this system of
religious speculation was chiefly concerned about Bacchus; and in all the
Orphic fragments of any antiquity Apollo is hardly ever noticed.(1216)

7. It seems, therefore, that whatever might have been the poetical
attributes of Apollo in late times, in his religious character he was
never an elementary deity, the essence of whose godhead is a
personification of the creative powers of nature. None of the
characteristic marks of such a religion are discoverable in his worship.
So far from being a god of generation(1217) and production, he remains
unmarried and youthful; for it is easy to see that his poetical amour with
the nymph Daphne, and his sons, mentioned in poetry and prophecy, have no
connexion with his worship. In his sacred rites and symbols there is no
trace of the adoration of the generative powers, like those occurring in
the ancient Arcadian worship of Hermes, the Argive fables of Here, or the
Attic legends of Hephæstus and Athene. The worship of Apollo is even still
more widely removed from the boisterous and frantic orgies so conspicuous
in the Thracian rites of Dionysus. And although this latter worship
flourished by the side of Helicon and Parnassus, near the Pythian temple,
and both kinds of religious worship were practised in the immediate
neighbourhood of each other,(1218) yet the religious feelings and rites
which distinguished the services of the two gods always remained
dissimilar.

In the subsequent discussion we shall accordingly take for granted the
original diversity of Apollo and the sun; and though the rites of the
worship of Apollo, as preserved and recorded in later times, are doubtless
of greater antiquity than any written documents which either we or the
Greeks possessed, it will be convenient first to state the clearer and
more intelligible accounts of Homer on the subject of Apollo, his divine
character and worship.




Chapter VI.


    § 1. Homer’s Conception of Apollo. § 2. Apollo as a punishing
    deity. § 3. Apollo as a beneficent deity. § 4. Explanation of the
    name Pæan. § 5. Of the name Agyieus. § 6. Of the name Apollo. § 7.
    Of the name Phœbus. § 8. Of the name Lyceus. § 9. Religious
    Attributes of Apollo.


1. Homer, as we have already seen, had, both from hearsay and personal
observation, acquired a very accurate knowledge of the Cretan worship of
Apollo in the Smintheum, in the citadel of Troy, in Lycia near mounts Ida
and Cragus, as well as of Pytho and the Delian palm-tree. His picture of
Apollo is, however, considerably changed by the circumstance of the god
acting as a friend to the Trojans and an enemy to the Greeks, although
both equally honour him with sacrifices and pæans. Yet he generally
appears to the Greeks in a darker and more unfavourable view. “_Dread the
son of Zeus_,” says the priest of Chryse to the Greeks, “_he walks dark as
night; the sure and deadly arrows rattle on his shoulders_.” His
punishments are sudden sickness, rapid pestilence, and death, the cause
and occasion of which is generally unseen; yet sometimes he grants death
as a blessing.(1219) His arrows are said to wound from afar, because they
are unforeseen and unexpected. He is called the far-darting god;(1220) his
divine vengeance never misses its aim. He appears in the terror of his
might when from the heights of the citadel he stimulates the Trojans with
a loud war-cry to the combat;(1221) and leads them on, a cloud around his
shoulders, and the ægis in his hand, into the thick of the battle,(1222)
like Ares himself,(1223) though far from showing the boisterous confidence
of that deity. Achilles, to whom he is indeed particularly hostile, calls
him the most pernicious of all the gods. Even when he appears amongst the
gods, “_all tremble before him in the palace of Zeus, and rise from their
seats; while Latona alone rejoices that she has produced so strong a son
and so powerful an archer_.”(1224)

It is remarkable how seriously Homer (who otherwise speaks of the gods,
and particularly of those friendly to Troy, with some levity of
expression)(1225) describes the character of Apollo. He is never
represented as hurried on by blind fury. He never opposes the Greeks
without reason, or through caprice, but only when they disregard the
sacred rights of priests and suppliants, or assume an unusual degree of
arrogance. But when the gods separate into two bodies, and descend to the
contest, he, unmoved by passion, shuns the combat, and speaks of the quick
succession of the race of man in a manner which betokens the oracular
deity of Pytho.(1226) A similar spirit is perceivable in his address to
the daring Diomed: “_The race of the immortal gods resembles not that of
mortals._” Thus Apollo appears as the minister of vengeance, the chastiser
of arrogance. Consistently with this character he destroys the proud
Niobe,(1227) the unruly Aloidæ,(1228) Tityus and the Python, the enemies
of the gods. His contests with Eurytus of Œchalia, and with Phorbas the
Phlegyan, were grounded on historical facts; the former alluded to the
enmity between the Dorians and Œchalians, the latter to that between the
Pythian sanctuary and the Phlegyans.(1229)

2. We will now examine the notions of other poets on the character of
Apollo as a revenging and punishing deity, in which light he is introduced
by Homer. Archilochus calls upon Apollo to “_punish and destroy the guilty
as he is wont to destroy them_.”(1230) Hipponax, the successor of
Archilochus in vituperative satiric poetry, prays that “Artemis and Apollo
may destroy thee;”(1231) and Æschylus, with manifest allusion to the name,
says, Ἀπόλλων ἀπώλεσας;(1232) which, however, can hardly entitle us to
infer that the name of Apollo was really derived from ἀπολεῖν;(1233) for
we should lose sight of one main point, viz., the object against which his
destructive powers were directed, or be reduced to consider him an
universal destroyer, a character which is ill adapted to mark the nature
of a divine being of any kind whatsoever. Apollo slays, indeed, but only
to inflict deserved punishment. At Megara was exhibited the tomb of
Corœbus, who had slain the Fury sent by Apollo against that town, to
punish the crimes of the fathers by destroying their children.(1234) After
this action, Corœbus was ordered to carry in his arms a tripod from Pytho,
and erect on the spot where he should fall down from exhaustion, a town
(Tripodiscus) and a temple to the god. This explains why many sacred fines
were at Corinth, Patara, and Amphipolis,(1235) paid into the temple of
Apollo, who thus appears, in some measure, as enforcing his own judgments.
Æschylus refers to his office of avenging murder, where he speaks of
Apollo, Pan, and Zeus, as the gods who send the Furies;(1236) Zeus as
ruler of the world, Pan as the dæmon that disorders the intellect, Apollo
as the god of punishment. Hence it was not without reason that the Romans
believed Apollo to be represented in a statue of the god Vejovis, a
terrible god, equipped with arrows.(1237) At least there is some connexion
between him and Apollo καταιβάσιος, “who darts down in the lightning;” to
whom the Thessalians vowed every year a hecatomb of men.(1238) At Argos it
was the custom immediately after death for the relations to sacrifice to
Apollo as a god of death; the priest of Apollo (the amphipolus) offered up
the victim, and for consuming the fragments of the sacrifice a new fire
was always kindled. On the thirtieth day afterwards a sacrifice was
offered to Hermes as the conductor of souls.(1239)

3. Although we have thus dwelt upon the gloomy side of Apollo’s character,
it must not be supposed that he was considered in the light of a
malevolent and destroying power. Thus Pindar declares that of all the gods
“he is the most friendly to men.”(1240) His titles, also, as connected
with different temples, serve to remove that impression. Thus he was
called the Healer at Elis,(1241) the Assister at Phigaleia,(1242) the
Defender, the Averter of Evil,(1243) at Athens, and in many oracles.(1244)
Although some of these names were perhaps not introduced until the
Peloponnesian war, and the restriction of his avenging power to physical
evil is first perceptible in Pindar and the tragedians,(1245) yet the idea
of the healing and protecting power of Apollo must have been of remote
antiquity. Under all these names Apollo does not so much appear bestowing
positive good as assuaging and warding off evil; and in this character he
was invoked (according to an oracle) to send health and good
fortune.(1246)

4. The preceding arguments may perhaps receive confirmation from a
description of the god PÆAN (Παιήων) in Homer. The name clearly betokens a
healing deity, and though the poet indeed speaks of him as a separate
individual, and the physician of Olympus,(1247) yet this division appears
to have been merely poetical, without any reference to actual worship;
since from very early times the pæan had, in the Pythian temple,(1248)
been appointed to be sung in honour of Apollo.(1249) The song, like other
hymns, derived its name from that of the god to whom it was sung. The god
was first called pæan, then the hymn, and lastly the singers
themselves.(1250) Now we know that the pæan was originally sung at the
cessation of a plague, and after a victory, and generally, when any evil
was averted, it was performed as a purification from the pollution.(1251)
The chant was loud and joyous, as celebrating the victory of the
preserving and healing deity.(1252) Besides the pæans of victory,(1253)
however, there were others which were sung at the beginning of
battle;(1254) and there was a tradition that the chorus of Delphian
virgins had chanted “_Io Pæan_” at the contest of Apollo with the
Python.(1255) The pæan of victory varied according to the different
tribes; all Dorians, viz., Spartans, Argives, Corinthians, and Syracusans,
had the same.(1256) This use of the pæan, as a song of rejoicing for
victory, sufficiently explains its double meaning; it bore a mournful
sense in reference to the battle, and a joyous sense in reference to the
victory. Apollo, under this name, was therefore either considered as a
destroying (from παίω), or as a protecting and healing deity, who frees
the mind from care and sorrow;(1257) and accordingly the tragedians, by an
analogical application of the word, also called Death, to whom both these
attributes belonged, by the title of Pæan.(1258) And thus this double
character of Apollo, by virtue of which he was equally formidable as a
foe, and welcome as an ally,(1259) was authorized by the ambiguity of his
name.

5. On the other hand, the title AGYIEUS had a single signification.(1260)
This appellation of Apollo was peculiar to the Dorians,(1261) and
consequently of great antiquity at Delphi;(1262) from which place,
however, it was brought over to Athens at a very early period, and indeed
partly at the command of an oracle.(1263) His statue was erected in
court-yards, and before the doors of houses; that is, at the boundary of
private and public property, in order to admit the god as a tutelary
deity, and to avert evil. The symbol or image of the god was most simple,
being a conical block of stone. The ancients knew not whether to consider
it as an altar or statue.(1264) The worship consisted of a constant
succession of trifling services and marks of adoration.(1265) Frankincense
was burnt before the pillar;(1266) it was bedecked with wreaths of myrtle,
garlands, &c. This was sufficient to remind, and at the same time to
assure, the ancient Dorians of the protecting presence of their deity. The
Athenians represented their Hermes in a similar manner. This god, although
fundamentally distinct from Apollo, was invested by them with the same
offices: thus the statues of both gods were placed, as protecting powers,
in front of the houses: both gods were supposed to confer blessings on
those who either entered or left the house: both were represented by
simple columnar statues. With Apollo, however, this protection was rather
of a spiritual and inward nature: while the phallic form, which always
distinguished the Hermæ of Athens, shows that this god was considered to
afford, by increasing the fruitfulness of the fields and cattle, and
generally all the products of nature, a more external and physical
assistance.

6. To these titles may perhaps be added the name of APOLLO itself. That we
must search for its etymology in the Greek language alone, and that it
could have been derived from no other source, is evident from the
preceding investigations. In the first place, then, we cannot derive it
from the sun, ΑϜΕΛΙΟΣ,(1267) since the digamma is never changed into Π.
The derivation from ΟΛΩ we have already rejected, as being founded on a
partial and occasional attribute of the god.(1268) On the other hand, we
may observe that the ancient Doric Æolian form of the name was not Ἀπόλλων
but Ἀπέλλων,(1269) which also obtained amongst the ancient Latins,(1270)
and from which the Macedonian and Delphian month _Apellæus_ evidently
derived its name. Now if this is admitted to be the original form, Ἀπέλλων
simply means the _averter_ or _defender_,(1271) and belongs to the same
class as Ἀλεξίκακος, Ἀποτροπαῖος, and other names mentioned above.

7. All these names, however, only indicate the attributes and actions of
the deity; but the name PHŒBUS expresses more nearly his peculiar nature.
From its original sense of “_bright_,” “_clear_,” its secondary sense of
“_pure_,” “_unstained_,” is easily derived;(1272) and hence the term
φοιβάζειν (which perhaps is connected with the Latin _februare_), “to
expiate.” Phoebus therefore is the clear and spotless god, often
emphatically called the “pure and holy” (ἁγνὸς θεός).(1273) This name is
particularly applied to him when he returns purified from Tempe.(1274) The
same meaning is implied in the epithet ξανθὸς, which also signifies
“pure,” and “clear;”(1275) hence the streams near the temples of Apollo in
Troy and Lycia were called Xanthus,(1276) and amongst the Macedonians the
expiatory festival of the army bore the title of _Xanthica_.(1277) In
allusion to Apollo as a god of joy and gladness, Aeschylus frequently
forbids that he should be invoked in sorrow.(1278) Several other passages
from poets and grammarians might be adduced to support this idea.(1279)

8. We now come to the most enigmatical of all the titles of Apollo, viz.,
“LYCEUS.” It was shown above, that Apollo Lycius was worshipped at Lycorea
on mount Parnassus, in Lycia at the foot of mount Cragus, in Lycia under
mount Ida, at Athens, Argos, Sparta, and Sicyon. This religion must have
been of greater antiquity than the Greek colonies in Asia Minor, having
been carried over thither at the time of their establishment. Homer was
also acquainted with this title of Apollo.

In explanation of this epithet we every where find traditions concerning
wolves. The descendants of Deucalion, who survived the deluge, following a
wolf’s roar, founded Lycorea on a ridge of mount Parnassus. Latona came as
a she-wolf from the Hyperboreans to Delos: she was conducted by wolves to
the river Xanthus. Wolves protected the treasures of Apollo; and near the
great altar at Delphi there stood an iron wolf with ancient
inscriptions.(1280) The attack of a wolf upon a herd of cattle occasioned
the worship of Apollo Lyceus at Argos, where a brazen group of figures,
commemorating the circumstance, was erected in the market-place.(1281) The
Sicyonian tradition of Apollo “the destroyer of wolves” is certainly of
less antiquity, as also the epithet Λυκοκτόνος (_Lupercus_), which occurs
in Sophocles and other authors.(1282)

Now in inquiring into the meaning of the symbol of the wolf in this
signification, it may be first remarked that it is a beast of prey. In
this point of view it cannot but appear a remarkable coincidence that
Apollo should in the Iliad assume the form of a hawk,(1283) and a species
of falcon should be called his swift messenger.(1284) Thus also the
tragedians frequently represented Apollo, in his character of a destroyer,
under the title of Lyceus.(1285) We are not, however, to suppose that it
was this character of Apollo as a destroying power which gave a name, not
only to innumerable temples, but even to whole countries; such a
supposition would, contrary to history and analogy, make the early state
of this religion to have been one of the grossest barbarism and
superstition. It is far more probable that the name Lyceus is connected
with the ancient primitive word _lux_ (whence λευκός). The Greek word λύκη
is preserved most distinctly in λυκάβας, _i.e._ _course of the
light_;(1286) and by the epithet Λυκηγένης, applied to Apollo by
Homer,(1287) and probably taken from some ancient hymns, we should (from
the idiom of the Greek language) rather understand _one born of light_,
than _the Lycian god_. That light and splendour are frequently employed,
both in the symbols of worship and language of the poets, to express the
attributes of Apollo, cannot be denied;(1288) and we only remind the
reader of the belief that the fire which burnt on the altar of Apollo
Lyceus at Argos had originally fallen from heaven:(1289) and thus the
epithet Lyceus would seem to belong to the same class as _Ægletes_,
_Phœbus_, and _Xanthus_.(1290)

It is not to be supposed that the wolf was made use of as a symbol of
Apollo merely from an accidental similarity of name; but it is difficult
to discover what analogy even the lively imagination of the Greeks could
have found between the wolf and light. At a later period it was attempted
to explain this symbol by the circumstance that all wolves produced their
young within twelve days in the year, the precise time during which Latona
was wandering as a she-wolf from the Hyperboreans to Delos.(1291) This
physical interpretation was, however, grounded on the fable, and not the
fable on it. Perhaps the sharp sight of the wolf(1292) (if we can trust
the accounts of the ancients), or even the bright colour of the animal,
may afford a better explanation.(1293)

In the ancient Grecian worship, however, there is another example, and one
in the highest degree remarkable, of the connexion between light and the
wolf. On the lofty peak of Lycæum, a mountain of Arcadia, above the
ancient Lycosura, there stood (as Pindar says) a lofty and splendid altar
of Zeus Lycæus, with which were in some way connected all the traditions
concerning Lycaon, who sacrificed his child to Zeus, and was in
consequence transformed into a wolf. Now not only does the symbol of the
wolf occur in this place,(1294) but there is also a reference to light.
There stood here a sacred shrine or _adytum_, supposed to be inaccessible;
and the popular belief was, that whoever entered it cast no shadow; and in
order to escape being sacrificed, the aggressor was obliged to escape as a
deer: hence the pursuing god naturally appeared to the imagination as a
wolf.(1295) We perceive that light was supposed to dwell within the
sanctuary. Thus in this very ancient worship of the Parrhasians, which in
other respects has little in common with the Doric worship of Apollo, we
discover the same combination of ideas and symbols that exists in the
latter, and cannot but consider it a vestige of some very ancient
symbolical idea peculiar and general among the Greeks.

9. Having proceeded so far, we shall endeavour to unite and harmonize the
different facts already collected. Apollo, as he is represented by Homer,
exhibits the character of a destroying and avenging, as well as a
delivering and protecting power. But he is the avenger of impiety and
arrogance, and the punisher of injustice and sin, and not the author of
evil to mankind for evil’s sake. He was therefore always considered as
attended with certain beings whose nature was contrary to his own; his
character could only be shown in opposition with a system of hostile
attributes and powers. As the _warring_ and _victorious_ god, he required
enemies to combat and conquer: as the _pure_ and _bright_ god, he implies
the existence of a dark and impure side of nature. In this manner the
worship of Apollo resembled those religions, such as the ancient Persian,
which were founded on the doctrine of _two principles_, one of good, the
other of evil. At the same time he is no deified personification of the
creative or generative powers of nature, nor of any natural object or
phenomenon; and he has therefore nothing in common with the deities of the
elementary religions.

These ideas, which seem to be expressed with tolerable distinctness, in
the most ancient epithets and symbols connected with the worship of
Apollo, as well as in the images and fictions of poets down to the time of
Euripides, we will first examine with reference to the mythical history
and adventures of Apollo, and secondly we will endeavour to point out the
influence which these notions exercised upon the worship itself.




Chapter VII.


    § 1. Zeus and Apollo originally the only two male deities of the
    Dorians. § 2. Birth of Apollo. § 3. Sanctity of the island of
    Delos. § 4. Pains of Latona. § 5. Spot of Apollo’s birth. § 6.
    Battle with the Python. § 7. Apollo sings the Pythian strain. § 8.
    Bondage of Apollo. § 9. Combat with Tityus. § 10. Apollo’s
    assumption of the oracular power.


1. Our present investigation renders it necessary to ascend to a period in
which the primitive religion of the Dorians exhibited a distinct and
original character, before it had been combined with the worship of other
deities. At that time this nation had only two male deities, Zeus and
Apollo: for the existence of the latter everywhere supposes that of the
former, and both were intimately connected in Crete, Delphi, and
elsewhere; though the Doric Zeus did not receive great religious honours.
In the temple of Delphi, Zeus and Apollo were represented as Moiragetæ,
accompanied by two Fates.(1296) The supreme deity, however, when connected
with Apollo, was neither born, nor visible on earth, and perhaps never
considered as having any immediate influence upon men. But Apollo, who is
often emphatically called the son of Zeus,(1297) acts as his intercessor,
ambassador, and prophet with mankind.(1298) And whilst the father of the
gods appears, indistinctly and at a distance, dwelling in ether, and
enthroned in the highest heavens, Apollo is described as a divine hero,
whose office is to ward off evils and dangers, establish rights of
expiation, and announce the ordinances of Fate. It is our purpose to
investigate these latter attributes, more especially in the mythology of
Delos and Delphi.

2. The legend of the birth of Apollo at Delos was indeed recognised by the
Ionians and Athenians, but neither by the Delphians, Bœotians, nor
Peloponnesians;(1299) as is plain from the indifference which they
generally showed for the temple in that island. We also know that the
Bœotians represented Tegyra as the birthplace of Apollo.

Apollo, says Pindar, was born with time;(1300)—alluding to the many
obstacles and delays experienced at his birth. These had been occasioned
by the influence of an hostile power, the same which produced Typhaon from
the depths of Tartarus,(1301) called by the poets Here.

This power refused its assistance at the birth of Apollo, and compelled
Latona to wander in the pains of childbirth over earth and sea until she
arrived at the rocky island of Delos.

3. Hence the island of Delos itself became one of the subjects of
mythology. Pindar, in an ode to Delos, addresses it as “_the daughter of
the sea, the unshaken prodigy of the earth, which mortals call Delos, but
the gods in Olympus the far-famed star of the dark earth_;”(1302) and
related how “_the island, driven about by the winds and waves, as soon as
Latona had placed her foot on its shore, became fast bound to the roots of
the earth by four columns_.”(1303) The fable of the floating island(1304)
(which is, however, of a more recent date than the Homeric hymn to Apollo)
indicated merely the restless condition which preceded the tranquillity
and brightness introduced by the manifestation of the god. Henceforth
Delos remained fixed and unshaken, immoveable, according to the belief of
the Greeks, even by earthquakes; for which reason, the whole of Greece was
alarmed when this phenomenon happened before the Persian war.(1305) By the
words “_the star of the dark earth_,” Pindar alludes to the idea that
Delos (as the name shows) was considered as a pure and bright island,
whose shores, too holy for pollution, were ever kept free from corpses,
the sight of which is odious to the god. Hence also the tradition that
Asteria, whose name is derived from ἀστὴρ, the offspring of the Titans,
had cast herself into the sea, and been petrified on the shore.

4. The birth of Apollo, being an epoch in mythology, was without doubt
celebrated in ancient hymns, whose simplicity presented a striking
contrast to the higher polish of the Homeric poems. A hymn of this
description, ascribed to Olen, was addressed to Eileithyia, the worship of
which goddess, together with other religious ceremonies, was brought over
(as has been above remarked)(1306) from Cnosus to Delos, and from thence
to Athens.(1307) In calling Eileithyia the mother of the god of
love,(1308) Olen exceeded the regular bounds of tradition respecting
Apollo, by confusing the worship of a strange god with that deity, and
probably identified her with the ancient Aphrodite (Ἀφροδίτη ἀρχαία),
whose altar Theseus is said to have erected at Delos.(1309) In either
case, the establishment of this ancient Attic worship on the sacred
island, and its connexion with the Delian rites, illustrate the mention of
Eros in the Delian hymn.

_Nine days and nine nights Latona writhed in hopeless pains of childbirth,
surrounded by the benevolent Titanidæ, Dione, Rhea, Themis, and
Amphitrite, who finally_ (according to the hymn of Homer) _prevailed upon
Eileithyia by the promise of a golden necklace. Then the pains seized
Latona; she cast her arms around the palm-tree, and brought forth her
divine son._ The explanations of the bribe offered to Eileithyia are all
too far-fetched: probably pregnant women at Delos consecrated their
necklaces to that goddess.

5. The exact spot where the birth of Apollo took place was shown in Delos,
since the least circumstance connected with so important an event could
not fail to excite interest. It must be looked for in the place where the
torrent Inopus flows from mount Cynthus.(1310) Here there was a circular
pool (the λίμνη τροχόεσσα), the form of which is often carefully
mentioned.(1311) By its side grew two sacred trees, the palm and the
olive, which are not elsewhere reckoned among those sacred to Apollo; as
in Greece Proper the first does not grow at all, and the second not
without great care. The Delian temple alone could boast of the palm, the
use of palm-branches at the games having also originated in Delos.(1312)

This island acquired so much sanctity by the birth of Apollo, that no
living being was permitted either to be born or die within its
boundary.(1313) Every pregnant woman was obliged to go over to the
neighbouring island of Rheneia, in order to be delivered. One of the ideas
of the Greeks respecting religious purity (which may in general be traced
to the worship of Apollo) was, that all intercourse with pregnant women
polluted in the same manner as the touch of a corpse. The prohibition
against keeping dogs had the same origin.(1314) On the whole, the Delian
traditions are not to be considered as of very great antiquity or credit;
they contain, indeed, hardly any original source of information respecting
Apollo, being generally composed of descriptions of the sanctity of the
island itself; several legends, as that of its having once floated on the
ocean, &c., appear to have been the invention of the Ionians; this race,
even in fiction, allowing itself far greater latitude than the Dorians.

6. Apollo, according to the Attic legend, passed to Delphi from Delos
through Attica and Bœotia; the Homeric Hymn to Apollo makes him come from
the northern districts, but likewise through Bœotia: according to other
traditions he came from the Hyperboreans. According to another, Latona was
carrying the two babes, Apollo and Artemis, in her arms, when assailed by
the Python,(1315) the mother seeking refuge on a sacred stone near the
plane-tree at Delphi:(1316) in another, Apollo was a child at the time of
this event;(1317) and, accordingly, a Delphian boy, both whose parents
were alive, represented the actions of the deity at the great festival.
The destruction of the Python, however, always formed the chief event of
the sacred fable. It was by this feat that Apollo gained possession of the
oracular chasm, from which the goddess Earth had once spoken. It was not,
however, without some resistance that she gave way to the claims of the
youthful god, whom, according to Pindar, she even attempted to hurl down
to Tartarus.(1318) The serpent Python is represented as the guardian of
the ancient oracle of the Earth,(1319) and a son of the Earth itself,
sprung from the warm clay that remained after the general deluge, and
dwelling in a dark defile near a fountain, which was said to be supplied
from the Styx.(1320) The serpent, as usual, represents an earthly being,
by which is personified the rough and shapeless offspring of nature. It
was supposed to be connected with the nature of water and the sea; and
hence was called _Delphin_, or _Delphine_,(1321) like the fish of the same
name, which was particularly sacred to Apollo, and in all probability was
also conceived to have been subdued by him. After this, the serpent that
watched the oracle remained, although conquered, as a memorial of the
ancient struggle, and of the victory of the god, and was placed near the
rocky chasm at the foot of the tripod, in the inner sanctuary.(1322)

7. The battle with the Python being finished,(1323) Apollo himself breaks
the laurel, to weave a crown of victory.(1324) Here too he was said first
to have sung the pæan, as a strain of triumph. In the dramatic exhibition,
by which the Delphians represented the adventures of Apollo, the Pythian
strain (νόμος Πύθιος) was here introduced. This air, which was originally
nothing more than a simple melody, soon received all the embellishment of
art; and, being raised by Timosthenes to the dignity of a great musical
composition,(1325) was (contrary to the ancient custom) performed with
flutes, lyres, and trumpets, without the accompaniment of the voice. The
accounts concerning this festival are indeed copious, but unluckily of too
late a date to give us an idea of its ancient and genuine character. In
Plutarch’s time(1326) it was not a hollow serpent’s den, but an imitation
of a princely house (καλιὰς), that was erected in a court (ἅλως), at every
octennial festival.(1327) Into this building the women of a Delphian
family(1328) led the boy by a secret passage (δολωνεία) with lighted
torches, and fled away through the door, overturning the table, and
setting fire to the house.

8. Although the destruction of the Python is characterized as a triumph of
the higher and divine power of the deity, yet the victorious god was
considered as polluted by the blood of the monster, and obliged to undergo
a series of afflictions and woes. Tradition represented him as going
immediately after the battle by the sacred road to Tempe; which the boy,
who personified Apollo, afterwards took as leader of the religious
procession.(1329) The direction of this road has been accurately stated
above. The chief circumstance in this wandering was the bondage θήτευσις
of Apollo under Admetus the Pheræan, to which the god subjected himself in
order to expiate his guilt. This too was represented by the boy, who
probably imitated the manner in which the god, as a herdsman and slave,
submitted to the most degrading services.(1330) Perhaps it was the piety
of Admetus, celebrated in tradition, which entitled him to the privilege
of possessing such a slave; yet it must be doubted, whether, conformably
to the spirit of the ancient mythology, an ideal being, and not a mortal
hero, was not originally intended to be represented under this name.
Ἄδμητος is an usual name for the god of the infernal regions; to whom,
according to the original idea, Apollo became enslaved. The worship of
this deity is connected with that of Hecate, who was called θεὰ Φεραία,
and the daughter of Admetus.(1331) Cannot we, in the rescuing of Alcestis
from the infernal regions by Apollo(1332) and Hercules, find some clue
which may lead us to suppose that the fable of Admetus refers to a worship
of the infernal deities? An ancient dirge, called the song of Admetus, was
chanted in Greece, having, as was pretended, been first sung by Admetus at
the death of his wife, originally perhaps addressed to Αἵδες
ἄδμητος.(1333) How well does it suit the sublime character of the
religious poetry in question, that the god, who had been polluted by the
combat with the impure being, should be obliged, in order to complete his
penance, to descend into the infernal regions. In confirmation of this,
there have been preserved some obscure traditions, which represent Apollo
as actually dying, that is, descending into the infernal regions.(1334)
However, after eight years, the appointed time of bondage, the god wanders
to the ancient altar of Tempe, where, sprinkling with laurel-branches, and
other expiatory rites, symbolically restore his purity,(1335) After this,
the purified deity returns by the same road to Deipnias, near Larissa, and
there breaks his long fast.

9. These Delphian traditions in very early times became the theme of epic
poetry, in which however another cause was assigned for the slavery of
Apollo; it was represented as a punishment inflicted by Zeus for slaying
the Cyclops, who forged the lightning with which Zeus struck his son
Æsculapius, because, not satisfied with recovering the sick, he even
recalled the dead to life.(1336) Yet some of the poets also state that
Pheræ was the place of his servitude, alluding to the Pythian road, and
mention a _great year_ (μὲγαν ἐνιαυτὸν) as the time of his bondage;(1337)
by which they mean the Delphian period. We may perhaps find a trace of a
more ancient tradition in the story of amber being a petrified tear, which
Apollo shed during the time of his slavery in his ancient abode amongst
the Hyperboreans, in the land of the Celts.(1338)

The combat with Tityus is nearly allied to that with the Python. This
earth-born monster, dwelling at Panopea, a town situated on the sacred
road, and hostile to the Delphians, laid hands upon Latona when passing
through that place: but her children soon overcome the ravisher, and send
him to the shades below; where a vulture incessantly preys upon his
liver,(1339) the seat of inordinate desire.

10. The hostile part of nature now lying vanquished, and quiet having
gained the victory over disturbance, Apollo begins to exercise the other
office for which he was sent into the world. He mounts the tripod of the
Delphian oracle, no longer to give utterance to the dark responses of the
earth, but to proclaim the “unerring decree of Zeus.”(1340) For it is
evident that, in the language of this religion, fate was considered as the
will of Zeus (Διὸς νοὸς, Διὸς αἴσα), who was at Delphi called Μοιραγέτης,
“leader of fate;” whilst the epic poets, from their custom of making each
god a separate individual, generally (though the glimmering of a more
exalted idea may be sometimes traced) made Zeus, like all other
individuals, subject to fate. The prophetic powers of Apollo will be more
fully treated of in the following chapter.




Chapter VIII.


    § 1. Ritual worship of Apollo. Bloodless offerings. § 2. Expiatory
    rites. § 3. Peace offerings. § 4. Festivals of Apollo. § 5. Traces
    of a festival calendar. § 6. Expiations for homicide. § 7. Rites
    of purification—use of the laurel therein. § 8. Prophetic
    character of Apollo. § 9. His modes of divination. § 10. Use of
    music in the worship of Apollo. § 11. Apollo represented as
    playing on the cithara. § 12. Contest of Apollo and Linus. Ancient
    plaintive songs. § 13. Ancient hymns to Apollo. § 14. The pæan and
    hyporcheme. § 15. The Hyacinthian and Carnean festivals. § 16.
    Apollo as represented by the sculptors. § 17. Ancient statues of
    Apollo. § 18. Apollo as represented by successive schools of
    sculptors. § 19. Political influence of the worship of Apollo. §
    20. Its connexion with the Pythagorean philosophy.


1. Our intention in this chapter is to show that, besides the mythology,
the ceremonies also of the worship of Apollo so agree and harmonize
together, as to furnish a decisive proof of its regular and systematic
development; after which we will endeavour to point out this agreement,
and elucidate its relative bearings; although an attempt of this kind must
necessarily be very imperfect, since the religion, which, in order to
comprehend, we should regard with the ardour of devotion, is now merely
the subject of cold and heartless speculation.

First, with regard to the sacrifices, it is remarkable, that in many of
the principal temples a particular sanctity and importance was attributed
to _bloodless_ offerings. At Delphi cakes and frankincense were
consecrated in holy baskets;(1341) at Patara, cakes in the form of bows,
arrows, and lyres, emblems both of the wrath and placability of the
deity.(1342) At Delos, an altar, called the altar of the pious, stood
behind the altar built of horns, on which were deposited only cakes of
wheat and barley; this, according to tradition, was the only one on which
Pythagoras sacrificed.(1343) In this island also at festivals were offered
mallows and ears of corn;(1344) the simplest food of man, in remembrance
of primitive simplicity and temperance. At Delphi the young women of
Parnassus are said to have brought the first-fruits of the year to Apollo,
immediately after the destruction of the Python.(1345) The pious offerings
of the Hyperboreans, as has been remarked above, were the same as those
last enumerated. And perhaps we may add to our list the custom, at the
Attic autumnal festival of the Pyanepsia, of hanging grapes, fruits, and
small jars of honey and oil, to branches of olive or laurel bound with
wool, and carrying them to the doors of a temple of Apollo;(1346) though
perhaps this rite belonged rather to Bacchus, the Sun, and the
Hours,(1347) who shared the honour of this festival with Apollo.

2. The above offerings doubtless express the existence of a pure and
filial relation, like that in which the Hyperboreans stood to Apollo; it
being quite sufficient for persons in so innocent a state to give a
constant acknowledgment of the benevolence and power with which the god
defends and preserves them. But as the pure deity was himself supposed to
be stained with blood, so might the minds of his worshippers become
tainted with sin, and lose their internal quiet. When in this state, being
as it were under the influence of a fiendlike and corrupting power (Ἄτη),
the mind naturally wishes to put an end to its unhappy condition by some
specific and definite act. This is effected by the solemn expiation and
purification of the religion of Apollo. Expiatory rites were thus
introduced into the regular system of worship, and formed a part of the
ancient _jus sacrum._ It was soon however perceived that the usual routine
of life sometimes needed the same ceremony, and hence expiatory
_festivals_ were connected with the public worship of the god; by which
not only individuals, but whole cities were purified. These festivals were
naturally celebrated in the spring, when the storms of winter disappear,
and nature bursts into fresh life.(1348) But in these the pious gifts of
individuals no longer sufficed, nor even the sacrifice of animals; and the
troubled mind seemed to require for its purification a greater sacrifice.
At Athens, during the Thargelia, two men (or a man and a woman), adorned
with flowers and fruits, having been rubbed over with fragrant herbs, were
led in the most solemn manner, like victims, before the gate, and thrown
with imprecations from the rock; but were in all probability taken up
below, and carried beyond the borders. The persons used for these
expiations (Φαρμακοὶ) were condemned criminals, whom the city provided for
the purpose.(1349) This festival was common to all Ionians; it is
particularly mentioned at Miletus(1350) and Paros;(1351) and the same
rites were also practised in the Phocæan colony of Massalia.(1352) In
Ionia the victims were beaten with branches of the fig-tree and with
sea-onions; at the same time there was played on the flute a strain
(called χραδίης), which, according to the testimony of Hipponax, was
reduced by Mimnermus into elegiac measure.(1353) At Athens also the
victims were crowned with figs and fig-branches, being probably the symbol
of utter worthlessness. The antiquity of this manner of purification has
been shown above, in our remarks upon the religious ceremonies of
Leucadia.(1354)

3. The _peace-offerings_ (ἱλασμοὶ), by which Apollo was first appeased,
and his wrath averted, should, as it appears, be distinguished from the
_purifications_ (καθαρμοὶ), by which he was supposed to restore the mind
to purity and tranquillity. At Sicyon (where the religion of Apollo
flourished at a very early period) it was related, that Apollo and Artemis
had, after the destruction of the Python, wished to be there purified, but
that, being driven away by a phantom (whence in after-times a certain spot
in the town was called φόβος), they proceeded to some other place. Upon
this the inhabitants were attacked by a pestilence; and the seers ordered
them to appease the deities. Seven boys and the same number of girls were
ordered to go to the river Sythas and bathe in its waters, then to carry
the statues of the two deities into the temple of Peitho, and from thence
back to that of Apollo.(1355) The Attic festival of Delphinia (on the
sixth of Munychion) had evidently the same meaning; in this seven boys and
girls reverently conveyed the ἱκετηρία, an olive-branch bound with white
fillets of wool, into the Delphinium.(1356) This took place exactly one
month before the Thargelia; and in all probability the peace-offerings and
purifications (ἱλασμοὶ and καθαρμοὶ) were celebrated at the same period
throughout the whole of Greece.

4. By comparing and arranging the scattered fragments of information
respecting the time of the festivals belonging to these two classes, we
shall obtain the following clear and simple account.(1357)

In the commencement of the Apollinian year, in the first month of spring,
called Bysius (_i.e._ Πύθιος) at Delphi, Munychion at Athens, Apollo was
supposed to come through the defile of Parnassus to Delphi, and begin the
battle with the Delphinè. He next assumes the character of the wrathful
god, whom it was necessary to appease; and hence, on the sixth day of the
month, the expiatory festival of Delphinia took place at Athens, and
probably also at Miletus and Massalia; we may likewise suppose that it was
the same month which in Ægina and Thera went under the name of
Delphinius:(1358) on the seventh Apollo destroyed the Python.(1359) The
pæan was now sung. This too was the day on which, according to immemorial
custom, the oracle first broke silence; at a late period it was also
esteemed at Delphi as the birthday of Apollo.(1360) Immediately after, the
Delphian procession moved on to Tempe; and at the same time the tithes of
men were once despatched to Apollo in Crete.(1361)

In the second month of spring, called by the Ionians Thargelion, Apollo
was purified at the altar at Tempe, and probably on the seventh day of the
month; for the great expiatory festival of both deities, Apollo and
Artemis, was at Athens celebrated on the sixth and seventh days; and Delos
was at the same time purified; this ceremony was immediately followed by a
feast of thanksgiving in honour of the god of light. According to Delian
tradition, Artemis and Apollo (ἑβδομαγέτης)(1362) were born on the sixth
and seventh days of this month.(1363) On the same day however on which the
Delphian boy broke the laurel and turned homewards, the purifying
laurel-boughs (from which the festival of the Daphnephoria derived its
name)(1364) were probably also carried round in Bœotia, and throughout the
rest of Greece.(1365) Soon after this, the setting of the Pleiades took
place (the day before the ides of May, according to the statement of
Eudoxus);(1366) at which time Hesiod makes the harvest begin; then, as has
been above remarked, on the testimony of Diodorus and ancient works of
art,(1367) Apollo, having been presented with the first ears of corn,
leaves the Hyperboreans, and appears in a milder and more noble character
at Delphi.

If it was wished that the setting of the Pleiades should occur at a
regular interval from the preceding festival, this could have been
effected only by cycles, by which the lunar and sidereal years were made
to agree. Now it was not difficult to observe, that, after ninety-nine
lunar months, the setting of the Pleiades coincided pretty exactly with
the same phase of the moon. From this circumstance arose the period of
_eight years_, called by the Greeks ἐνναετηρὶς, in conformity with which
the great festivals of Apollo at Delphi, Crete, and Thebes were from the
earliest times arranged.(1368)

5. These data afford a sufficient proof of a remarkable and by no means
fortuitous connexion between the expiatory festivals of Apollo: we may
discover the vestiges of a sacred calendar, once, without doubt, preserved
entire, but which, through the various combinations introduced into the
Grecian worship, became disjointed and broken. This was particularly the
case in the Attic festivals, where the same festival is frequently, as it
were, doubled, and placed in different portions of the year. A remarkable
instance, illustrative of the above remark, immediately occurs to us. As
the months Munychion and Thargelion succeeded each other in the _second_
half of the year, so did Boëdromion and Pyanepsion in the _first_. The
sixth of Boëdromion was sacred to Artemis; the seventh, without doubt, to
Apollo Boëdromius, _the martial god_; who therefore corresponds with the
Delphinian Apollo, and the festival with the Delphinia. The Pyanepsia,
however, were very similar to the Thargelia; the laurel-boughs wrapt with
wool, carried round at the celebration of both, remind us of the
Daphnephoria;(1369) only, as was above remarked, the worship of Bacchus,
which Theseus is said to have established at Naxos, after his return from
the islands, was mixed up with it, and is to be recognised in the carrying
of boughs (ὀσχοφορία), which was introduced into this festival. Thus these
four seventh days (ἑβδόμαι) correspond with each other as follows:

7th Munychion.
7th Thargelion.
7th Boëdromion.
7th Pyanepsion.

6. We turn from these expiatory festivals of universal occurrence to the
expiations which the religion of Apollo enjoined for those who had
incurred the guilt of homicide.(1370) We previously noticed some
establishments of this nature connected with the temples at Tænarum, at
Trœzen, and of Branchidæ: a similar one also existed at Delphi, as may be
gathered from the fable of Orestes, related by Æschylus, in which Apollo
appears at the same time as leader of the avenging Furies, and as purifier
of the murderer. Immediately after this deed, the matricide takes an
olive-branch bound with woollen fillets,(1371) and flies _like a
frightened stag_(1372) to Delphi, where Apollo himself purifies his
blood-stained hands by the sacrifice of swine and ablutions;(1373) and
thus liberates him from the Furies, as a defence against whom he had
(according to Stesichorus) also given him a bow and arrows.(1374) After
the purification of Orestes at Delphi, the Athenian poets affirm that he
went to Athens, and, under the protection of the god, placed himself
before the Areopagus, where Cephalus had also stood in a similar
situation.(1375)

At Athens likewise, as was remarked above, the expiatory rites of the
worship of Apollo were connected with the criminal courts of justice, the
aristocratic ephetæ being intrusted both with the ceremony of purification
and the duties of judges. These were fifty-one men, of noble birth,(1376)
who in early times had jurisdiction in five courts of justice (amongst
which the Areopagus was of course included) over every description of
homicide.(1377) Solon probably first separated the Areopagus from the
other four courts; and in order to make it a timocratic tribunal, with
cognizance over cases of wilful murder, he gave it great political, though
not religious power; the latter he was not able to bestow. The
jurisdiction of the ephetæ was now confined to cases of unintentional or
justifiable homicide, and some others of no importance; thus remaining a
singular remnant of the ancient judicial forms, in the midst of an
universal change. We shall now describe the ceremonies in use at the
expiation of homicides. It is necessary, however, in the first place, to
distinguish the wilful murderer, who either left for ever his native land,
losing all privileges and property therein, or who suffered the penalty of
the laws, from the man who killed another without design, or with some
good cause, to be approved by the sentence of the ephetæ. A person in the
latter situation left his country by a particular road for a certain time;
during which he also kept at a distance from places of public resort
(ἀπενιαυτισμὸς).(1378) Afterwards, the reconciliation took place either
with the kindred or certain chosen phratores; but only in case they were
willing,(1379) and that it was only a homicide of the second
description.(1380) The term used was αἰδέσασθαι, because an offender of
this kind was an unfortunate person, and therefore, according to the
opinion of the ancient Greeks, worthy of respect. Afterwards, the
perpetrator was purified from all guilt by sacrifices and expiatory rites.
In early times the purification probably always took place abroad,
frequently in the ancient settlements of the injured family. At Athens it
was performed after the return of the criminal; and there the cases of
atoneable murders were of course less frequent than in the heroic age;
since, under a less regular government, and with closer family ties, there
were more incitements and excuses for that crime. Hence at that time those
institutions must have been of double importance, which checked the
fearful consequences of an unlucky act, quieted the workings of an uneasy
conscience, and moderated the too eager thirst for revenge.(1381)

From this ancient connexion of the religious expiations and criminal
jurisdiction, we easily perceive why at Athens Apollo should have presided
over all the courts of justice;(1382) and why he was also represented at
Tenedos as armed with a double hatchet,(1383) the instrument used in that
island for the execution of adulterers.(1384)

7. Apollo was likewise supposed to preside over purifications of houses,
towns, and districts;(1385) and accordingly they were performed by
Tiresias, the prophet of the Ismenium, at Thebes;(1386) as also in later
times by Epimenides, in his character of a Cretan worshipper of Apollo, at
Athens (after Olymp. 46. 1.), and at Delos at a still earlier
period.(1387) This is the first purification of Delos of which we have any
account; the second is that instituted by Pisistratus (about the 60th
Olympiad); the third, that set on foot by Athens (Olymp. 88. 3. 426 B.C.),
when the island was entirely freed from the corpses so odious to
Apollo.(1388)

In all these rites we find frequent use of the _laurel_ (the δάφνη
Ἀπολλωνιὰς),(1389) to which a power of warding off evil was ascribed, both
when employed in sprinkling, and when merely carried round in
procession.(1390) This tree also served several purposes in the delivery
of oracles; a branch of it in ancient times distinguished the
prophets,(1391) and even the god himself as such;(1392) hence his nurses
were said by some to have been Κορυθάλεια,(1393) _i.e._ “_the laurel
itself_;” and Ἀλήθεια, or “_the fulfilment of oracles_.”(1394) The reason
why the laurel was supposed to have these powers is as obscure as the
origin of the ancient symbolical language in general. Perhaps it was
merely the appearance of the evergreen-tree, with its slender form and
glittering leaves, that made it a symbol of Apollo. The laurel will bear a
tolerably severe winter,(1395) and therefore nourished in the north of
Greece; while the olive, the tree of Athene, belongs to its more southern
regions. But, be this as it may, the situation of Tempe, where this shrub
still grows with great luxuriance, certainly added much to the sanctity of
the symbol:(1396) and for this reason the amour of the god with Daphne is
often placed on the banks of the Peneus.(1397) Indeed Apollo was supposed
to love all groves, particularly of forest-trees, laurels, wild-olives,
&c. The freshening coolness and holy silence of such places were thought
to be proper preparatives for entering the sanctuary.(1398)

8. It has appeared incomprehensible to many, why Apollo should be a god of
prophecy, and how this office can be reconciled with his other attributes.
Many have been satisfied with supposing an accidental association of
music, prophecy, and archery, without being able to discover any principle
of union. In the following pages we shall endeavour to account for the
combination in the same deity of attributes apparently so unconnected.

Prophecy, according to the ideas of the ancients, is the announcement of
fate (of μοῖρα, αἶσα). Now fate was considered to be the right order of
things, the established physical and moral harmony of the world, in which
every thing occupies the place fitted for its capacities and function.
Fate therefore coincides with supreme Justice (Θέμις); which notion Hesiod
expressed by saying that Zeus married Themis, who produced to him the
Fates. The pious, religious mind could not separate Zeus and Destiny: Fate
was the will and thought of the highest of the gods. A man whose actions
agreed with this established harmony, and who followed the appointed
course of things, acted _justly_ (κατ᾽ αἶσαν, ἐναίσιμα); the violent and
arrogant man endeavoured at least to break through the laws of Fate. Now
it was this right order of events which the ancient oracles were supposed
to proclaim; and hence they were called θέμιστες, ordinances or laws of
_justice_.(1399) They were not imagined to be derived from a foreknowledge
of futurity; but merely to declare that which, according to the necessary
course of events, must come to pass. It cannot indeed fail to surprise us
that the oracle was delivered by a woman in a state of ecstasy, and not as
the result of serious reflection. But do we not find in the earlier period
of Grecian philosophy (especially in the Ionic school) every new and
profound discovery appearing as the work of sudden illumination and
ecstasy, and indeed often accompanied with miraculous circumstances? And
would not the mind in that age have naturally been raised to such an
excited and rapturous state, when, endeavouring to escape from the narrow
bounds of daily life, it recognised in the general course of events the
influence of the gods? The means adopted to promote this inspiration, the
vapour of the chasm, the chewing of the laurel-leaves, the drinking of the
water of the well, are of the most innocent description. We do not however
mean to deny that these ceremonies soon became an unmeaning form, the
oracle being made subservient to political purposes.

The custom of a woman giving utterance to the decrees of the god
originated partly from the peculiar estimation in which women were held by
the Dorians, and partly from the natural tendency of the female sex (so
often remarked by the ancients) to fits of ecstasy. Prophetesses were
elsewhere also frequently connected with temples of Apollo; as, for
instance, Manto, during the fabulous age, with the Ismenian and Clarian
temples, and Cassandra with that of Thymbra, whose nature was nearly
allied to that of the sibyls, who likewise were always connected with
temples of the same god. As to the manner in which the responses of the
Pythian priestess were delivered, Heracleitus of Ephesus says, that “_the
god, whose oracle is at Delphi, neither utters nor conceals any thing, but
gives signs_;”(1400) which at least serves to contradict the common idea
of the designed ambiguity of this oracle.

This temple must however have lost much of its dignity, when it
condescended, for the sake of rich offerings from the Lydian monarch, to
answer enigmatically the insidious questions which Crœsus put to the
Grecian oracles. In earlier times a Greek would not have dared, without
the greatest faith in its responses, to approach the temple, which had
regulated almost the whole political state of Greece, conducted its
colonies, instituted the sacred armistices, and established by its
authority the legislation of Lycurgus. For in general the god had not to
announce what _would_, but what _should_ take place; and he frequently
declared events not as to happen independently of his injunction, but as
the consequence of his answers. All Dorians were in a certain state of
dependence on the Pythian temple; and as long as that race possessed the
ascendency in Greece, the hearth in the centre of the earth (μεσόμφαλος
ἑστία), with its eternal fire, at Pytho,(1401) was considered as the
Prytaneum and religious centre of the whole of Greece.(1402)

9. In ancient Greece, however, prophecy was by no means derived altogether
from Apollo, but merely that species of it which proceeded from a
rapturous and entranced state of the soul. Nevertheless, the enthusiastic
and imaginative frame of mind, in which cool grottos, with their flowing
waters and hollow echoes, seemed to transport the votary into a former
world, was derived from the Nymphs: and the Bacidæ, who were considered as
under the influence of the Nymphs (νυμφόπληκτοι), have no more to do with
Apollo than the σεληνιακοὶ, among whom Musæus is reckoned.

Of the various modes of divination from omens,(1403) only two or three
were referred to this god, and that rather accidentally than in accordance
with any fixed principle:(1404) for example, divination from
lightning,(1405) from birds,(1406) from sacrifices,(1407) and from the
drawing of lots, which, however, was either disdained by him, as below his
dignity, or transferred to Hermes.(1408)

Connecting the idea of Apollo, which we have now acquired, with our
preceding inquiries, we find the whole combine in an easy and natural
manner. Apollo, as a divine hero, overcomes every obstacle to the order
and laws of heaven; and those are heavenly regulations and laws which he
proclaims as the prophet of Zeus. By these, also, tranquillity,
brightness, and harmony, are every where established, and every thing
destructive of them is removed. The belief in a fixed system of laws, of
which Apollo was the executor, formed the foundation of all prophecy in
his worship.

10. We have next to consider for what reason and to what extent _music_
was included among the solemnities (τιμαὶ) in honour of Apollo. On this
point, however, we must guard against inferring too much from the poets.
By the ancients he was represented as playing on the cithara (φόρμιγξ),
frequently in the midst of a chorus of Muses, singing and dancing;(1409)
whose place in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo is filled by ten goddesses,
among whom “_Ares and Hermes vault and spring_” (perhaps like Cretan
tumblers or κυβιστητῆρες), “_whilst Apollo, in a beautifully woven
garment, plays, and at the same time dances with quick motion of the
feet_;” for Apollo was not considered as merely a god of music; thus
Pindar addresses him as the god of dance.(1410) But we are not warranted
from this _poetical_ fiction to infer a _religious_ union of the Muses and
Apollo, nor can such a connexion be any where traced; indeed the worship
of these goddesses was, both in origin and locality,(1411) entirely
different from that of Apollo. Besides, amongst the early writers, Apollo
is never considered as the patron of poets, or invoked, as the Muses are,
to grant poetical inspiration: players on the cithara alone were under his
protection. The cithara was his attribute, both in many ancient
statues(1412) and also on the coins of Delphi; it is his ancient and
appropriate instrument; the deeper-toned lyre, with its arched
sounding-board, Apollo received from Hermes:(1413) the instances in which
he is represented as bearing it are very rare.

11. But for what reason is Apollo described as playing upon the cithara?
for no other, assuredly, than that the music of the cithara was from times
of remote antiquity connected with his worship; and that, because it
appears best fitted to express a tranquil and simple harmony; the worship
of Apollo, as we have frequently remarked, always endeavouring to produce
a solemn quiet and stillness of the soul. Pindar beautifully says of this
god that he “_invented the citharis and bestows the muse on whom he wills,
in order to introduce peaceful law into the heart_.”(1414) To this also
refer the golden κηληδόνες, which, according to the account of the same
poet,(1415) were suspended from the roof of the brazen temple at Delphi;
and they were without doubt intended as emblems of the mild and soothing
influence of the god. This was naturally the chief object of music when
used in purifications, and as an incantation (ἐπῳδὴ); when passions were
to be overcome, and pain soothed; and in ancient times this was one of its
most important applications.(1416) Chrysothemis, an ancient Pythian
minstrel of mythology, was hence called the son of Carmanor, the expiatory
priest of Tarrha;(1417) as also Thaletas, the Cretan poet, purified Sparta
by music, when attacked with the plague.(1418) The Pythagoreans, who paid
an especial honour to Apollo, went still further, and employed music as a
charm to soothe the passions, attune the spirit to harmony, and cure both
body and mind. Hence they much preferred the cithara to the flute,(1419)
as, according to Grecian ideas, there was something in the sound of the
flute wild, and at the same time gloomy; this, too, is the reason why
Apollo disliked the music of that instrument.(1420) This also explains his
contest with Marsyas, the Phrygian Silenus and flute-player, whose tough
skin, having been stript off by the conqueror, always moved (according to
the report of the inhabitants of Celænæ), with joy, as was believed, at
the sound of flutes.(1421)

The flute was not an instrument of much antiquity among the Greeks; Homer
only mentions it as used by the Trojans.(1422) In the time of Hesiod it
had been introduced at the _comus_, the band of noisy revellers.(1423) But
the cithara alone for a long time kept its place as the instrument for the
chorus: even in the time of Alcman flute-players came mostly from Asia
Minor; and their names (Sambas, Adon, Telos(1424)) frequently had, from
this circumstance, a barbarous sound. This kind of music was principally
adopted in places where Dionysus was worshipped; for instance, in Bœotia.
It was of course also much used in the rites of the Phrygian Magna Mater,
and of the Phrygian Pan:(1425) hence Pindar, who inherited the character
of a flute-player from his father, dedicated a shrine to the mother of the
gods, and to Pan.(1426) When, however, it had become common throughout
Greece, it could not be excluded from a place so celebrated for music as
Delphi, and Apollo’s ear became less fastidious. Alcman and Corinna,
indeed, were too partial to that art (the former as being a Lydian, the
latter a Bœotian), when they represented Apollo himself playing on the
flute.(1427) This instrument, however, had at that time been adopted even
in the sacred exhibition of the Delphian worship: a dirge on the death of
the Python(1428) (nominally the production of Olympus a Phrygian musician,
contemporary with, or somewhat later than, Terpander),(1429) was played on
the flute in the Lydian strain, and probably formed a part of that
dramatic representation. Moreover, this instrument was used to accompany
Prosodia (songs which were sung on the way to a temple) in the procession
to Tempe, and in the Pentathlon at the gymnastic contests.(1430) A
peculiar species of flute, from being used in pæans, obtained the name of
the _Pythian_:(1431) yet the music of the flute, combined with singing
(αὐλῳδία), in lyric and elegiac measures, was excluded from the Pythian
games, after it had once been heard, as making too gloomy an
impression:(1432) for all sadness, and therefore all plaintive strains,
were every where excluded from the worship of Apollo; and the music in his
temples was always intended to have an enlivening and tranquillizing
effect upon the mind.

12. From this view of the subject we may explain the singular story of the
contest of Apollo with Linus, and of the defeat and consequent death of
the latter.(1433) For this purpose it will be necessary to state shortly
my ideas respecting the real character of Linus. Linus, then, the subject
of the song called by his name, was originally a god of an elementary
religion (in which there were numerous symbols to signify the death of all
animated life): he was nearly connected with Narcissus (_i.e._, _the
Torpid_), whose tomb was shown at Thebes and Argos, at which last place
matrons and maidens bewailed him in the month Arneius, as a boy brought up
among lambs and torn in pieces by dogs.(1434) The song of lamentation for
the untimely death of Linus, the much-loved boy,(1435) was sung to the
harp in a low and subdued voice, and listened to with pleasure in the
times of Homer and Hesiod,(1436) although then, perhaps, the air was not
always very melancholy. But in after times this was its predominant
character, as is proved by the names Αἴλινος and Οἰτόλινος.(1437) It was a
great favourite with the husbandmen,(1438) who were generally aboriginal
inhabitants. In this point there was a resemblance between the usages of
ancient Greece and Asia Minor, where religious dirges of this description,
different, indeed, in different districts, but having every where the same
mournful tune, were customary.(1439) Such were, for instance, the lament
of the tribe of Doliones;(1440) the Hylas, sung at fountains in the
country of the Mysians and Bithynians(1441) (probably the same as the
Mysian song);(1442) the song of the beautiful Bormus, whose watery death
was deplored by the husbandmen of Mariandyne on the flute in the middle of
summer;(1443) of Lityerses, whom the Phrygians bewailed yearly during the
time of harvest at Celænæ, the native place of Marsyas;(1444) and which,
with the melancholy Carian strain, was played to the Phrygian flute.(1445)
Besides these there were the Gingras, or song of Adonis, and the Maneros,
the rustic song of Pelusium in Egypt, which Herodotus compares with the
Linus.(1446) And even at Cyprus the contest of the two opposite kinds of
music was in some measure renewed; there being a tradition that Cinyras,
the priest of Aphrodite, and composer of the mournful strains in honour of
Adonis, had, like Marsyas and Linus, been overcome and put to death by
Apollo.(1447)

Thus we behold Apollo the representative of the severe, even, and simple
music of the Greeks, in contest with that impassioned spirit, alternating
between the extremes of fury and apathy, which the professors of an
elementary religion sought to represent even in their music; and
consequently this fable also harmonizes with the fundamental principles of
the religion of Apollo.

13. Having now ascertained the general character of the music employed in
the worship of Apollo, we shall endeavour to obtain a more accurate
knowledge of its varieties.

One of the most ancient species of composition (in which Chrysothemis the
Cretan and Philammon were said to have contended at Delphi) was a hymn to
Apollo;(1448) which we must suppose to have been composed in the ancient
Doric dialect, and sung simply to the cithara. In reference to its musical
execution, this hymn was also called a _nome_,(1449) the invention of
which was ascribed to Apollo himself.(1450) At Delos also there were
nomes, which were sung at the cyclic choral dances, and were attributed to
Olen, another representative of the ancient poetry of hymns.(1451) The
general character of these was composure and regularity;(1452) the measure
was anciently (as we know from certain testimony) only hexameter:(1453)
which agrees well with the fact that the origin of the hexameter was
derived from Pytho.(1454) In the account that Philammon, the ancient
composer of hymns, had placed choruses of young women round the altar, who
sang the birth of Latona and her children in lyric measures (ἐν
μέλεσι),(1455) the nomes of Philammon,(1456) as improved by Terpander the
ancient lyric poet, appear to be confounded with the original ones; since
these, after the fashion of the most ancient composers, contained only
hexameters.(1457) The ancient religious poets mentioned in these accounts,
Chrysothemis, Philammon, and Olen, may be looked on as Dorians with the
same certainty as the founders of the temples of Tarrha, Delphi, and
Patara, to which they particularly belonged.(1458) The language also of
the poems ascribed to them must have been Doric; though indeed the fact of
a poetical use of this dialect before the historic times will not agree
with the predominant, though perhaps not well-grounded notions respecting
the progress of poetry in Greece.

14. That the _pæan_ was a song of thanksgiving for deliverance has been
mentioned above. With respect, however, to the manner in which it was
performed, we learn from Homer that it was sung after the sacrificial
feast,(1459) when the goblets were carried round after the sacred
libation; and this was also the case at Sparta and Athens.(1460) It was
generally sung in a sitting posture, although in the Homeric Hymn to
Apollo that god is represented as accompanying the Cretans who sing in a
measured step.(1461) At Sparta it was danced in choruses.(1462) On the
whole it required a regular and sedate measure,(1463) even when it assumed
a more lively air, as for the nome, and the solemn σπονδειακὸν, sung at
libations.(1464)

But the most lively dance which accompanied the songs used in the worship
of Apollo, was that termed the _hyporcheme_.(1465) In this, besides the
chorus of singers who usually danced around the blazing altar, several
persons were appointed to accompany the action of the poem with an
appropriate pantomimic display (ὑπορχεῖσθαι). Homer himself bears witness
to the Cretan origin of this custom, since the Cnosian dance, represented
by Hephæstus on the shield of Achilles, appears from the description to
have been a kind of hyporcheme,(1466) and hence all dances of this
description were called Cretan.(1467) From that island they passed at an
early period over to Delos, where, even in Lucian’s time, the wanderings
of Latona and her island, with their final repose, were represented in the
above manner.(1468) At the same time also probably took place the custom
mentioned in the hymn to the Delian Apollo as characterizing the songs of
the young women of that island; viz., that they represented the voices and
gestures of every nation:(1469) perhaps they introduced the peculiar
dances of the various countries which Latona visited in her wanderings.
The ludicrous, and at the same time complicated dance (γέρανος) which
Theseus is said first to have danced with his crew round the altar at
Delos,(1470) was probably of the same description. All that can be clearly
ascertained respecting the rhythm of these compositions is that the
hexameter was altogether unfitted to their playful and joyous
character.(1471) But both the hyporcheme and pæan were first indebted for
their systematic improvement to the Doric musicians, Xenodamus of Sparta,
and Thaletas of Elyrus in Crete (about 620 B.C.),(1472) who first brought
the Cretic or Pæonic metre into general use; which names point out beyond
doubt its Cretan origin, and its use in pæans.(1473) Cretics form a quick
and lively, though a pleasing and by no means inharmonious(1474) rhythm,
being particularly adapted to rapid motion. Thus a joyous and agreeable
harmony was added, at the festivals of Apollo, to the serious and solemn
music, although the softness and insipidity of several Ionian and Asiatic
tunes were, without doubt, always rejected.

Thus, if we except the purifying and propitiatory rites, the festivals of
Apollo bore the character of a serene and joyful mind, every other
attribute of the deity being lost in those of victory and mercy. Hence in
his statues at Delphi(1475) and Delos(1476) he was represented as bearing
in his hand the Graces, who gave additional splendour and elegance to his
festivals by the dance, music, and banquet.(1477)

15. We have as yet omitted the mention of two great national festivals
celebrated at Amyclæ by the Spartans in honour of the chief deity of their
race,(1478) viz., the _Hyacinthia_ and the _Carnea_, from a belief that
they do not properly belong to Apollo. That the worship of the Carnean
Apollo, in which both were included, was derived from Thebes, whence it
was brought over by the Ægidæ to Amyclæ, has been proved in a former
work;(1479) our present object is to show, from the symbols and rites of
this worship, that it was originally derived more from the ancient
religion of Demeter than from that of Apollo. The youth Hyacinthus, whom
the Carnean Apollo accidentally struck with a quoit,(1480) evidently took
his name from the flower (a dark-coloured species of iris), which in the
ancient symbolical language was an emblem of death; and the fable of his
death is clearly a relic of an ancient elementary religion. Now the
hyacinth most frequently occurs, in this sense, in the worship of Demeter;
thus, for example, it was under the name Κοσμοσάνδαλος sacred to Demeter
Chthonia at Hermione.(1481) We find further proof of this in the ancient
sculptures with which the grave, and at the same time the altar of
Hyacinthus, was adorned: the artists indeed appear to have completely
comprehended the spirit of the worship. We find Demeter, Cora, Pluto, and
the Cadmean Dionysus, with Ino and Semele, and Hyacinthus himself,
together with a sister named Polybœa.(1482) Polybœa is hardly, if at all,
distinct from Cora,(1483) whom Lasus of Hermione called Melibœa. To this
may be added the sacrifices to the dead, and lamentations customary on the
first day(1484) (which were forbidden at all other festivals of Apollo);
nightly processions,(1485) and several other detached traces of the
symbols of Demeter and Dionysus,(1486) which, by an attentive observer,
may be easily distinguished from those of Apollo. The time of the festival
was also different: it took place on the longest day of the Spartan month
Hecatombeus, which corresponds to the Attic Hecatombæon,(1487) at the time
when Hylas was invoked on the mountains of Bithynia, and the tender
productions of nature droop their languid heads.

The Carnean festival took place, as it appears, in the following month to
the Hyacinthian, equally in honour of Apollo of Amyclæ. But the Doric
religion seems here to have preponderated, and to have supplanted the
elementary symbols so evident in the Hyacinthia. The Carnea was, as far as
we know, altogether a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boëdromia. It
lasted nine days, during which time nine tents were pitched near the city,
in each of which nine men lived, for the time of the festival, in the
manner of a military camp. There is no reference to an elementary religion
except some obscure ceremonies of the priest Agetes and the
Carneatæ.(1488) This leads us to suppose that at the union of the Amyclæan
worship, introduced by the Ægidæ, with the Doric worship of Apollo at
Sparta, the Hyacinthia preserved more of the peculiarities of the former,
the Carnea of the latter, although the sacred rites of both were
completely united. At the same time we do not deny the difficulty of
inquiring into the origin and primitive form of ceremonies the history of
which is so complicated; and this alone must excuse the shortness of our
account respecting these two festivals.

16. Finally, the manner in which Apollo is represented in _sculpture_,
particularly by the ancient artists, may assist our investigation into the
ideas and sentiments on which his worship was founded. Apollo was a
subject peculiarly adapted for sculpture. Since his connexion with
elementary religion was slight, and there was nothing mystic in his
character, the sculptors were soon able to fix upon a regular cast of
features, to distinguish him from other deities: for Apollo, not only in
poetry, but in the fables most nearly connected with his worship, is
generally represented as a human god, and in all his actions and
sufferings more nearly connected with the heroes than any other divinity.
But before this perfection and conventional uniformity of the art, the
early sculptors were much assisted in characterizing the statues of Apollo
by his numerous and significant symbols, such as the bow, the cithara, the
laurel, &c.: and thus they were able, in some measure, to give an idea of
the power and properties of Apollo, though merely in stiff and rude images
of wood and stone.

17. The simple Cippus of Apollo Agyieus did not represent any particular
attribute, but was merely intended as a memorial of the presence of the
protecting god.(1489) In endeavouring more fully to express his character,
the symbols of power would naturally come next. His attributes of
vengeance doubtless preceded those of mercy, although both, in fact,
harmonized together: it must, however, have been long, before the
surpassing beauty of the god (celebrated even in the Theogony of Hesiod)
could be the subject of sculpture. The attribute, then, of strength, as
also that of omniscience, the ancient Lacedæmonians wished to represent by
the Apollo with four hands and four ears at Amyclæ.(1490) But the chief
statue on the above spot was an image, which, besides the bow, bore a
helmet and lance: of the same nature was also the statue on mount Thornax,
the face of which had been gilded by the Lacedæmonians.(1491) The
Megarians also consecrated at Delphi a statue of Apollo bearing a
lance;(1492) and at Tenedos he was armed with the double hatchet,(1493)
like the Labrandenian Zeus of the Carians.(1494) In a very ancient
bas-relief, discovered by Dodwell on the mouth of a well at Corinth, and
which we shall hereafter examine further, Apollo holds the cithara in his
hand;(1495) his whole form too, as in all the ancient sculptures, is
stouter and more manly than usual.

18. On inquiring concerning the artists of the most ancient symbolical
statues of Apollo, we find that the Cretans were the first sculptors, as
well as musicians, of that worship. From Crete, an ancient wooden statue
of Apollo, of the rudest style of workmanship, was brought to
Delphi:(1496) from hence, too (about Olymp. 50, 580 B.C.), there came
Dipœnus and Scyllis the Dædalidæ, who made for the Sicyonians statues of
Apollo, Artemis, Hercules, and Athene, of which we will speak hereafter.
The Pythian oracle greatly interested itself in the labours of these
artists; for when the envy of the native artists had driven them from
Sicyon, it compelled the inhabitants to recall them. The managers of the
temple of Delphi appear indeed to have been, from very early times, great
patrons of the art of sculpture, particularly in brass. The subterranean
temple at Pytho (the existence of which has been doubted, but, in my
opinion, without sufficient grounds) was covered with brass, as were
several treasuries of the ancient princes of Greece. The temples and
courts were fitted with numerous tripods; caldrons, goblets, and arms of
brass were there arranged promiscuously, from periods of the highest
antiquity. There was also a knife used in sacrifice called the _Delphian
knife_,(1497) nor do the singing golden Κηληδόνες, which Pindar represents
as suspended from the roof of the brazen temple, seem to be a mere
poetical fiction.

But the Cretan school of sculpture produced Tectæus and Angelion, who
erected the celebrated, and probably colossal statue of Apollo at Delos,
which (as was before mentioned) held the Graces in one hand and a bow in
the other. With the same school also, though in a more distant degree, was
connected Canachus of Sicyon, who, about the seventy-third Olympiad, made
a famous bronze statue for the Didymæum,(1498) and one of wood for the
Ismenium. From the accounts and various imitations of this work of art we
are enabled to form some idea of its character. The god was represented
with a manly form, his breast broad and prominent, the trunk square, the
legs almost like pillars, and in a firm position, the left leg being a
little advanced. The hair, encircled with a fillet, lay in slender twisted
curls over the forehead; over each shoulder were three platted tresses,
and behind the hair fell in a broad cluster down the back. The countenance
nearly resembled those in the marbles of Ægina. In the right hand, which
was stretched straight forward, was a fawn (an obscure symbol which we
shall not here attempt to explain); the left, not quite so much elevated,
grasped a bow. The whole must have had an awful and imposing appearance,
conveying the idea of sublimity and dignity far more than of grace or
loveliness.(1499) We cannot suppose the style of the colossal statue of
Apollo to have been very different which, several Olympiads later, was
modelled in brass by Calamis for Apollonia on the Pontus, and which was
afterwards brought to Rome by Lucullus:(1500) nor that of Apollo
Alexicacus, erected at Athens by the same artist at the beginning of the
Peloponnesian war.(1501) The Apollo which Onatas of Ægina, the
contemporary of Calamis, executed for the inhabitants of Pergamus, was a
colossal statue displaying great beauty of form, and, as it appears, of a
more youthful appearance than was common for statues of Apollo at that
time.(1502) In this, Apollo was represented as καλλίτεκνος, as the
beautiful son of Latona; under which name he was worshipped at
Pergamus.(1503) It is not improbable that the union of strength and beauty
so conspicuously exhibited in the ideal forms of the two children of
Latona was suggested by the peculiar character of the Doric education; and
that the artist represented the god as an Ephebus, whose skill in the
chorus and on the field of battle was exactly equal.

But the figure which we are accustomed to consider as properly belonging
to Apollo did not originate even in the school of Polycletus and
Myron,(1504) but was the creation of a later period; since both the coins
of a date prior to the time of Alexander,(1505) and single heads, which
must be referred to the same period,(1506) do not indeed preserve the
features ascribed to the work of Canachus, but still are quite different
from the most celebrated of the statues now extant, having broader cheeks,
a shorter and thicker nose; in a word, the proportions are what the
ancients termed _quadrate_, or square. It was not till the times of
Scopas, Leochares, Praxiteles, and Timarchides, that the Apollo appeared
whom we may call the twin-brother of Venus, so similar are the forms of
both deities. The expression of inspiration and ecstasy, which several of
the best statues exhibit, may also be shown to have first originated in
the school of Scopas, since the earlier artists aimed rather at producing
the appearance of tranquillity and composure than of transient excitement;
and the exquisite taste with which these sculptors were able to express
inspiration without extravagance, deserves the highest praise. Without
detailing the particular productions of these and later artists, we shall
only show how they may be best classified. The Apollo Callinicus of
Belvedere stands by itself, swelling with the pride of victory:(1507) next
comes the Apollo resting from the fight, with the right arm bent over the
head, the left leaning on a pillar, holding the bow, which has evidently
been used, or a cithara: being evidently a statue of the _resting Apollo_
(Ἀπόλλων ἀναπαυόμενος); but from the circumstance that a statue of this
kind stood in the Lyceum at Athens(1508) it is usually called the “Apollo
of the Lyceum:” then follows the Apollo Citharœdus (playing on the harp),
either naked, in different positions, or covered with the Pythian stola,
and in an almost theatrical attitude.(1509) It would be foreign to our
subject to enter into details respecting this class of statues, and those
derived from them, as the Sauroctonus, Nomius, &c.

19. Finally, we would endeavour to trace the influence of the worship of
Apollo on the policy and philosophy of Greece, if the question did not
embrace so wide a field, lying, as it does in great measure, beyond the
confines of history. We may, however, select, from what has been already
said, as proofs of the influence of this worship on political concerns,
the armistice connected with the festivals of Apollo, the truce observed
in the sacred places and roads, the soothing influence of the
purifications for homicide, together with the idea of the punishing and
avenging god, and the great influence of the oracles in the regulation of
public affairs.(1510) It has, moreover, been frequently remarked how by
its sanctity, by the dignified and severe character of its music, by all
its symbols and rites, this worship endeavoured to lull the minds of
individuals into a state of composure and security, consistently, however,
with an occasional elevation to a state of ecstatic delight.

20. Lastly, the worship of Apollo was so nearly connected with a branch of
Grecian philosophy that the one frequently established and explained
scientifically that which the other left merely to the feeling; I mean the
_Pythagorean system_. Pythagoras possessed hereditary rites of Apollo; he
dwelt at Croton, where that god received such various honours;(1511) he
lived mostly among Dorians, who were everywhere partial to that worship;
and a Delphian priestess, by name Aristocleia, is mentioned among his
followers.(1512) Thus it is not without reason that the Pythagorean
philosophy has in modern times been considered as Doric: in its political
doctrines it followed Doric principles, and with the Doric religion it was
united both externally and internally: besides which, the attempt to
realize and disseminate national ideas and opinions may perhaps illustrate
the rapid growth of the power of the Pythagorean league. The recondite
principle of this philosophy always is, that the essence of things lies in
their due measure and proportion, their system and regularity; that
everything exists by harmony and symmetry alone; and that the world itself
is an union of all these proportions (κόσμος, or order). The same
abstraction from materiality also belonged to the religion of Apollo; for
this too suggests the idea of order, harmony, and regularity, and in these
it makes the nature and actions of the Deity to consist. Hence, too, music
was one chief ingredient of the Pythagorean philosophy, as well as a
necessary element of the worship of Apollo, as best expressing the harmony
on which both were founded. In both the soothing and appeasing of the
passions was aimed at and effected, that the mind might be quieted and
strengthened at the same time.(1513) But we must leave the full
investigation of this subject to those who have acquired a profounder
knowledge of the philosophy of Pythagoras.




Chapter IX.


    § 1. Worship of Artemis. § 2. The Artemis connected with Apollo
    distinct from the other goddesses of that name. Her attributes. §
    3. The Arcadian Artemis. § 4. Fable of Alpheus and Arethusa. The
    Peloponnesian Artemis. § 5. The Attic Artemis. § 6. Artemis
    Orthia, or Iphigenia. § 7. Rites of the worship of Artemis Tauria.
    § 8. The Artemis of Asia Minor. § 9. Her connexion with the
    Amazons.


1. We now proceed to consider the worship of Artemis; a subject which need
not be so fully examined as that of Apollo, as it does not, like the
worship of that god, everywhere present the same fundamental notions, and
therefore cannot, in all its first beginnings, be derived from the
religion of the Dorians. But as in general the Grecian mythology adopted
the most various and inconsistent religious views and ideas, so in the
name of the single goddess Artemis were united almost opposite branches of
ancient worship, which we must attempt to separate. Lest, however, it
should be supposed that we are unable to trace the association of ideas,
which saw a simple character in the “various forms of that great goddess,
who, having her origin in the interior of Asia, passed from thence into
Greece, and was worshipped as the moon, the goddess of the woods, the
huntress, the nurse of children, and a nurse of the universe, as well by
the choruses of the virgins of Caryæ, as in the dances of the
temples;”(1514) we will endeavour to ascertain some historical criterion,
which may distinguish the worship of Artemis from that of any other deity,
and which must not be one of the ideas or symbols of the worship itself,
since it is concerning the possibility or impossibility of their connexion
that we are to inquire.

2. For this purpose it may be assumed, that the Artemis connected with
Apollo belongs alone to the same system of religious notions: and
consequently, the Artemis of Ephesus, Artemis Orthia, and Artemis
Tauropolus, are of a different nature, as Apollo is never represented as
their brother: of this, however, more hereafter. Here we will first show,
that in all the chief temples of Apollo, Artemis was worshipped as his
sister, as the partner of his nature and of his actions, and, as it were,
a part of the same deity. Thus both were children of Latona, and were
equally the rulers of the temple of Delphi;(1515) the victory over the
Python, the flight, and the expiation, concern both;(1516) both were
honoured at the Pythian games of Sicyon, together with Latona;(1517) as
also in Crete,(1518) Delos, Lesbos,(1519) at Carthæa,(1520) in the
Didymæum,(1521) on the citadel of Troy,(1522) in the worship of
Lycia,(1523) as well as in that of Metapontum.(1524) The worship both of
Apollo and Artemis is said to have been derived from the
Hyperboreans;(1525) and the names of the Hyperborean priestesses, who
brought the rites to Delos, _Arge_ and _Opis_, according to others
_Hecaerge_ and _Loxo_, are only epithets of Artemis. Arge probably means
“the rapid;” Opis(1526) (Ὦπις, _Ionice_ Οὖπις, the same as ὄπις) well
characterises the spirit of this religion, as it signifies the constant
watch and care of the goddess over human actions,(1527) while at the same
time she inspires fear and veneration of herself.(1528) She was known also
by the same name among the Dorians of Sparta,(1529) and celebrated as such
in sacred chants:(1530) thus almost all the attributes and actions of
Apollo are referred also to Artemis. She is also the goddess of sudden
death;(1531) which she sometimes inflicts in wrath, but sometimes without
anger;(1532) and hence she is represented as armed, not only with bow and
arrows, but in the Doric states with a complete panoply.(1533) In ancient
poets she is not only the destroyer of wild beasts, but also, like her
brother, of sacrilegious men.(1534) Thus, with Apollo, she killed Tityus,
and, by herself, the Aloidæ,(1535) and Orion, who dared to violate Opis
when bringing the ears of corn to Delos.(1536) Hence she was to be
appeased by expiatory rites; and had an equal share in Thargelia, and
similar festivals.(1537) And for the same reason the laurel was likewise
sacred to Artemis.(1538) She was honoured with the song of the pæan.(1539)
She is at the same time the destroyer and the preserver (λυκεία(1540) and
οὐλία).(1541) And even her name Ἄρτεμις(1542) clearly corresponds with
that of the protecting Apollo, since it signifies the “healthy,” the
“uninjured.”(1543) Whether the art of music belonged to Apollo alone is
not certain; at least the Lacedæmonians celebrated in honour of Artemis a
musical contest called καλαϝοιδία;(1544) and her singing is represented in
the Iliad as delighting both gods and men.(1545) On reliefs which
represent the victors in musical contests, Apollo is always accompanied by
his mother and sister.(1546) Artemis had also a claim to the gift of
prophecy, at least if we can attribute any antiquity to the tradition of
her being a sibyl.(1547) Like Apollo, she is always represented as
unmarried; and therefore not as the deity of an elementary religion, and
originally not as goddess of the moon, although it cannot be denied that
the worship of the moon was very nearly connected with other branches of
the worship of Artemis.

But, it may be asked, if this Artemis always has the same characteristics
as Apollo, and has none that are peculiar to herself, why should there be
two deities to express one idea? Wherefore both a male and female, if
neither have any relation to sex? It is difficult to give a satisfactory
answer to these questions.

This consideration may, however, in some measure assist; namely, that as
soon as Apollo was once supposed to be as an earthly god, as the ideal of
all human strength, it was necessary to add also a female being. And the
near approximation of the male to the female deity may be accounted for by
the condition of the Doric women, who were much more considered as
independent beings, and possessed a capability for all those other things
which adorn the other sex.

3. But the most difficult part of our problem still remains unsolved; viz.
to ascertain what was the worship of Artemis, which had not the same
origin and nature with that of Apollo. First of all we should mention the
Arcadian. That goddess has nowhere so many temples as in Arcadia; she was
there the national deity, and had been long revered, under the title of
“_Hymnia_”, by all the races of that people.(1548) She was also introduced
under the name of Callisto into the national genealogies, and called the
daughter of Lycaon(1549) (_i.e._ of the Lycæan Zeus), and mother of Arcas
(_i.e._ of the Arcadian people). For that Callisto is only another form of
the name of Artemis Calliste, which is a common epithet of Artemis, is
plain from the fact that the tomb of that heroine was shown in the temple
of the goddess,(1550) and that Callisto was said to be changed into a
bear, which was the symbol of the Arcadian Artemis.(1551) Afterwards,
indeed, the fable was much altered; and it was related that Artemis
changed Callisto into a bear merely from anger.(1552) But that this
ancient Arcadian deity was not the Doric Artemis is proved by the
above-mentioned criterion; viz. that she has no connexion with Apollo.

Another circumstance, however, speaks even still plainer. Apollo and his
sister seldom received any particular surnames from places where they were
worshipped;(1553) whereas the other Artemis has almost innumerable names
from the mountains, hills, fountains, and waters of Arcadia, and the other
regions of Peloponnesus. Hence Alcman remarks that the goddess bears the
names of thousands of hills, cities, and rivers.(1554) There must have
been, therefore, something in the attributes of this Arcadian Artemis
which produced such a number of local names; she must have been considered
as united and connected with the country in which she was worshipped. This
leads to the notion of an elementary goddess, of a similar, though more
universal nature than nymphs of the mountains, rivers, and brooks.
Accordingly we find that this ancient Peloponnesian Artemis was nearly
connected with lakes, fountains, and rivers. She was worshipped in several
places under the titles of Limnatis and Heleia.(1555) There were
frequently also fountains in the temples of Artemis: viz., at Corinth,
Marius, Mothone,(1556) and near the district of Derrhiatis in
Laconia.(1557) She likewise received great honours at the Clitorian
fountain of Lusi.(1558) Among rivers, those she was most connected with
are the Cladeus and the Alpheus.(1559) The moist and watery district,
through which this latter stream flows into the sea, was filled with
temples of the nymphs of Aphrodite and Artemis, among which the sanctuary
of the Alphean Artemis(1560) is most remarkable. There were in that temple
paintings of Cleanthus and Aregon of Corinth, which were chiefly on
subjects relating to religion; as, for instance, that of Poseidon
presenting a thunny-fish to Zeus while in the act of producing
Athene.(1561) All this naturally suggests the idea of a goddess who
produced a flourishing and vigorous life from the element of water; and
hence we would not entirely reject the popular faith of the Phigaleans,
that Eurynome, the goddess of fish, and herself represented as half a
fish, was an Artemis.(1562)

4. The mention of the river Alpheus reminds us of Sicily, whither, in
order to catch the fountain Arethusa, which was swallowed up in the land
of Elis, he is said to have followed her under the sea, and to have first
reached her in the island of Ortygia, near Syracuse.(1563) This singular
fable may perhaps be explained by the following considerations. Syracuse
was founded in the 5th Olympiad by Corinthians, with whom were some
settlers from the district of Olympia, and particularly some members of
the family of the Iamidæ, who held a sacred office at the altar of the
Olympian Zeus.(1564) These joint colonists (συνοιχιστῆρες according to the
expression of Pindar) appear to have had sufficient weight in the new city
to introduce their own religion and mythology. For, as we have seen above,
Artemis was worshipped at Olympia as the goddess of the Alpheus, being
generally considered in that country as presiding over lakes and rivers.
She had in the grove of Altis an altar, together with Alpheus;(1565) and
there was there a popular legend, that Alpheus had once loved Artemis. Now
the settlers that went from this district to Syracuse, in their first
expedition, confined themselves to the island of Ortygia. Here they built
a temple to the river-goddess Artemis; a sanctuary of so great fame, that
Pindar calls the whole island “the seat of Artemis, the
river-goddess.(1566)” There was, however, no river in Ortygia, and
therefore Artemis was supposed to regret her beloved Alpheus. Hence arose
the belief that Arethusa, a fountain near the temple, contained the sacred
water of the Alpheus;(1567) a belief which was strengthened by the
circumstance that large fish were found in the spring;(1568) and from this
arose the fable that Alpheus had followed the goddess to Sicily. But
Artemis was supposed to fly from the pursuit of Alpheus.(1569) This at
least was the fiction followed by Telesilla, a poetess who lived in the
64th Olympiad;(1570) and the same fable was perhaps adopted by
Pindar.(1571) Afterwards, however, the precise meaning and origin of this
fable were forgotten; and the fountain-nymph Arethusa took the place of
Artemis, and became the object of the pursuit of the river-god.(1572) Such
appears to have been the origin of the elegant fable of Alpheus and
Arethusa.

We now return to the Peloponnesian Artemis, and will mention some of her
other symbols and attributes. Her statue stood next to that of Demeter, at
Megalopolis, dressed in the skin of a deer, with a quiver on her back,
holding a torch in one hand, and two serpents in the other, with a dog by
her side.(1573) The connexion which existed between her and the Arcadian
Demeter is probably more ancient than this statue; and indeed the symbol
of the deer seems to have been common in Arcadia to both Artemis and Cora,
called in Arcadia _despœna_.(1574) She was also worshipped with
Bacchus;(1575) and, like him, had phallic festivals.(1576) From her
connexion with fountains and rivers, and other rural objects, it was
natural that this Artemis should be considered as the patron of wild
animals. Thus Æschylus calls her “the protectress of young lions, and the
whelps of other wild beasts.”(1577) In like manner she was supposed to
preside over the breeding of horses,(1578) and generally over the nurture
of infants and children;(1579) it was therefore by a perversion of the
original idea that she took the character of a huntress, the enemy and
destroyer of wild animals. An analogous inconsistency to that before
pointed out in the attributes of the _Doric_ Apollo and Artemis, who were
represented as both protecting and destroying.(1580)

5. By the mythological symbol of Artemis Callisto, the bear, we are
reminded of some ceremonies at Athens, where young girls, between the ages
of five and ten years (who were consecrated to the Munychian and
Brauronian Artemis), were called _bears_;(1581) and the goddess herself,
in some singular traditions, is represented as a bear calling for human
blood.(1582) When the Ionians went from Athens to Asia, they carried the
worship of the Munychian goddess to Miletus and Cyzicus;(1583) and to the
former city the kindred worship of Artemis Chitone, as the goddess
presiding over birth, whose wooden statues were made of fructiferous
wood.(1584)

6. The consideration of the Attic festival of Artemis leads again to
another variety of the worship of Artemis; viz., to that of Artemis
Orthosia, Orthia, or Iphigenia. We will first give the traditions and
facts as we find them. Iphigenia, coming from Tauria to Attica, was
supposed to have landed at Brauron, and at the neighbouring Halæ
Araphenides, and left behind her the ancient wooden image of
Artemis.(1585) Here she was immediately interwoven with the heroic
genealogy, and called the daughter of Theseus.(1586) In Sparta there was a
temple of Artemis Orthia in a damp part of the city, called Limnæum, where
was also shown a wooden statue, which had come from Tauria.(1587) As to
the introduction of the worship, it is said that Astrabacus and Alopecus
(the ass and fox), the sons of Irbus, descendants of Agis in the fourth
generation (about 900 B.C.), had found the image in a bush, and had been
struck mad by the sight of it; that the Limnatæ, and other villages of
Sparta, had upon this offered sacrifices to them, when a quarrel arose,
and murder ensued. A number of men were killed at the altar; and
accordingly the goddess called for victims to atone for the pollution;
instead of which, in later times, the scourging of boys was instituted,
over the severity of which the priestess presided.(1588) It is remarkable
that this was immediately followed by a πομπὴ Λυδῶν, a Lydian
procession.(1589)

From this narration it follows that the scourging was considered as a
substitute for human sacrifice; and further, that the worship was looked
upon as of a foreign origin: notwithstanding this, it was completely
interwoven into the Lacedæmonian mythology. For it can be shown that the
pretended daughter of Agamemnon, Iphigenia, is no other than the Taurian
goddess, who was actually worshipped in several cities of Greece under the
name of Ἰφιγένεια. Considered as a heroine, indeed, she became first,
instead of the goddess thirsting for human sacrifice, the virgin
sacrificed to her; and, secondly, her sacrificing priestess.(1590)
According to the Cyprian poems (for Homer knew nothing of her) Iphigenia
was sacrificed to Artemis; but was by her brought to Tauria, and made
immortal, a deer (or, according to others, a bear, and also a bull) having
been left in her place;(1591) Hesiod also represented her as immortal,
viz., as Hecate.(1592) The sacrifice was supposed to have taken place at
Aulis, because there was a temple (probably of the Orthosian Artemis) near
the port, to whom sacrifices were made at the passage.(1593)

This worship probably came to Laconia from Lemnos,(1594) one of its
principal seats. In early tradition Lemnos was probably identical with
Tauria,(1595) and the latter country derived its poetical name from the
symbol of the bull, in the same manner as Lycia in later times took its
name from the symbol of the wolf. In Lemnos also a great goddess was
anciently worshipped with sacrifices of virgins; to which place the wooden
image is said to have been brought from Brauron. This opinion becomes more
evident by a comparison with the worship of Chryse. Agamemnon is said to
have been the father of Chryse as well as of Iphigenia,(1596) and also,
according to others, of a son Chryses, who went to Tauria with
Orestes.(1597) Now it is certain that Chryse was a goddess, who had from
early times been worshipped both at Lemnos and Samothrace. The Argonauts
under Hercules and Jason were said to have sacrificed to her; and her
ancient wooden image, raised over an hearth of unhewn stones, is often
represented on ancient vases.(1598) Philoctetes is said to have been
bitten by the viper(1599) when he discovered this altar.(1600) This
goddess Chryse, who is also called Athene, was probably only a different
form of her sister Iphigenia.

The worship of both these goddesses spread to other places, to the north
of the Ægean sea. Thus on the coast of Byzantium there was an altar of
Artemis Orthosia;(1601) and opposite to it, at Chrysopolis, was the tomb
of Chryses, the son of Agamemnon, who, in his search after Iphigenia, was
said to have died there.(1602) It is evident that this system of religious
names was arbitrarily transferred to the genealogy of the Lacedæmonian
kings, and most curiously interwoven with the Trojan mythology. The Greeks
first became acquainted with Tauria by their voyages to Miletus; and they
gave it a name already celebrated in their mythology. They found there
some sanguinary rites of a goddess, which, by partly softening the name,
they called _Oreiloche_;(1603) they also found human sacrifices, which
they supposed to be offered to Iphigenia;(1604) their own worship of that
deity bore so many marks of ancient barbarism, that they were willing to
consider the northern barbarians as its authors. Yet it is certain that
the Tauric Artemis was no more derived from the Taurians, than the
Æthiopian Artemis from the Æthiopians,(1605) &c. In Asia Minor(1606) also
there were modes of worship, which the Greeks compared with the rites of
the Orthosian Artemis, of the similarity of which we shall presently
treat.

7. Hitherto we have merely collected the fabulous narrations of the
ancients, and attempted to show their connexion; we shall next speak of
the ceremonies which attended the worship of this goddess or goddesses.

In the first place we will treat of the meaning and character of this
truly mystical worship.(1607) We have a goddess adored with frantic and
enthusiastic orgies, certain signs of an elementary religion, as well as
with human sacrifices, which the character of the Greeks endeavoured only
to moderate and to ennoble; it appears to have originally resembled the
Arcadian worship of Callisto; but that it acquired at Lemnos, from the
proximity of the Asiatic religion, a wilder and more extravagant form,
which it retained after its return to Attica and Laconia. It cannot be a
matter of doubt that Artemis Tauropolus is nearly identical with the
Taurian goddess; this name of the goddess was established in Samos (where
cakes of sesamy and honey were offered to her on solemn festivals),(1608)
in the neighbouring island of Icarus,(1609) and at Amphipolis.(1610) The
ceremonies were undoubtedly enthusiastic, as the goddess herself was
considered as striking the mind with madness;(1611) and bloody, because
the worship at Aricia was considered like it.(1612)

8. We are now to consider those temples of Artemis which had a purely
Asiatic, and not a Grecian origin, and are wholly distinct, not only from
the Doric, but also from the Arcadian worship of Artemis.

The Ephesian Artemis was doubtless found by the Ionians, when they settled
on that coast, as already an object of worship, in her temple,(1613)
situated in a marshy valley of the Cayster.(1614) From some real or
accidental resemblance in the attributes of the Munychian and Ephesian
goddesses, they called the latter “Artemis;” yet, wherever her worship
spread, she was always distinguished by the additional title of
“Ephesian.”(1615) Every thing that is related of the worship of this deity
is singular and foreign to the Greeks. Her constant symbol is the bee,
which is not otherwise attributed to Artemis; the other attributes, which
adorned her statues in later times, are too far-fetched to admit of any
conclusion being drawn from them. The bee, however, appears originally to
have been the symbol of nourishment;(1616) the chief priest himself was
called ἐσσὴν, or the king-bee: some of the other sacerdotal names are of
barbarous, and not Greek derivation.(1617) The gods, by whom this great
goddess(1618) was surrounded, must also have been of a peculiar
description. It is not probable that Latona was _originally_ called her
mother,(1619) as Apollo is never joined with her.(1620) Her nurse appears
to have been called _Ammas_.(1621) Hercules is said to have proclaimed her
birth from mount Ceryceum.(1622) This Hercules may perhaps be some native
demigod, possibly one of the Idæan Dactyli, whose names were, according to
some, contained in Ephesian incantations, which were inscribed at the foot
of her statues.(1623)

9. Thus much concerns the character of this worship, which appears, like
an isolated point, projecting from a religious system, otherwise confined
to the western parts of Greece.

As to its origin, the unanimous tradition of antiquity is that it was
founded by the Amazons, This legend had probably been mentioned in some of
the ancient epic poems before it was alluded to by Pindar;(1624) and that
it was also preserved on the spot appears from the celebrated contest of
Phidias, Polycleitus, and other artists, to make statues of Amazons for
the Ephesian temple: lately also a sarcophagus was found near Ephesus
representing the battle of the Amazons.(1625) The traditions respecting
the foundation of the cities of Smyrna, Cume, Myrlea, Myrina, Æolis,
Priene, Mytilene, and Pitane also make mention of the Amazons.(1626) With
respect to the meaning of Amazons, it has rightly (in my opinion) been
supposed that the idea of them was suggested by the sight of the
innumerable female slaves (ἱερόδουλοι) who were employed about the temples
of Asia Minor.(1627) According to Callimachus also the Amazons danced to
the sound of the pipe round the statue which had been newly raised on the
trunk of an elm-tree. It is also stated as an historical fact, that, even
in the times of the Ionians, women of the Amazon race dwelt round the
temple;(1628) although virgins only were permitted to enter the sanctuary
itself.(1629) It appears therefore that the goddess upon whom these
Amazons attended, being represented as a beneficent and nourishing deity,
was likewise supposed to have the attributes of war and destruction; a
double and opposite character, which we have traced in other branches of
the worship of Artemis. As to the native country of the Amazons, who were
supposed to have founded this worship, it does not seem to have been
Phrygia, as they are stated in the Iliad to have come from the east of the
Sangarius, and to have fought with the Phrygians.(1630) The Syrians,
however, bordered on that people: and Pindar, who says that the Amazons
led the Syrian army,(1631) fully coincides with those who fix their origin
on the banks of the Thermodon, Chadesius and Lycastus along the coast of
Themiscyra.(1632) The striking agreement of several authors in this
statement, and its singular precision, render it of double importance. And
what country could have been more probably the native place of the
Ephesian Artemis, as well as of the warlike Hierodulæ, than Cappadocia;
where there were, in the historical age, large numbers of sacred slaves,
both male and female; where also there was an elementary religion, with
frantic rites, and the principal divinity was at the same time a _Bellona_
and a _Magna Mater_?

This same oriental worship had also been in other places adopted by the
Greeks of Asia Minor. Among these are _Leucophryne_, who was worshipped in
Phrygia, near a warm spring,(1633) and thence particularly honoured along
the banks of the Mæander in Magnesia; and therefore also by
Themistocles.(1634) She was represented in the same form as the Ephesian
goddess.(1635) Her sacred animal was the buffalo.(1636) The Artemis of
_Sipylus_ was worshipped with wanton games, from which she was also called
at Olympia (according to Pausanias) Cordaca.(1637) The _Pergæan_ Artemis
known all over Greece by her itinerant priests,(1638) and of the same form
as the Artemis Leucophryne;(1639) with many others.(1640) It was in the
true spirit of this worship that the musician Timotheus called Artemis
“the raging and foaming, like a Bacchanalian;”(1641) and the tragic poet
Diogenes in a beautiful though not a very accurate passage of his Semele
speaks of the Lydian and Bactrian virgins, who with soft strains
worshipped the Tmolian Artemis on the banks of the Halys.(1642)

I have now endeavoured to give the reader a general view of the different
branches and forms of the worship of Artemis; in which some difficult and
doubtful questions have of necessity been passed over: but I have
preferred rather to reckon on the acquiescence of the reader in some
uncertain propositions than to weary his patience by a detailed
examination of all the debatable points.




Chapter X.


    § 1. On the worship of deities other than Apollo and Artemis in
    Doric states. Worship of Zeus and Here. § 2. Of Athene. § 3 and 4.
    Of Demeter. § 5. Of Poseidon. § 6. Of Dionysus. § 7. Of Aphrodite,
    Hermes, Hephæstus, Ares, and Æsculapius. § 8. Of the Charites,
    Eros, and the Dioscuri. § 9. General character of the Doric
    religion.


1. Having considered the worship of those deities which either wholly or
partially owed their origin to the Dorians, we must now, in order to
complete our account of the religion of that race, point out the various
worships which they adopted from other nations.

This inquiry will be of value in two other respects than the plain and
immediate result to which it leads; viz., from the light it throws on the
history of the Doric colonies, and likewise on the Doric character upon
which the mode of worship had a most powerful influence.

But since the subject embraced in its full extent would be almost endless
(there being no part of ancient history on which there are such ample
accounts as on the local worships), we must give up all attempt at
completeness, and rest satisfied with a narrower view.

To begin then with ZEUS. It is remarkable that there was no great
establishment of the worship of this god (except the Phrygian in Crete) in
any Doric country, but wherever it occurred was connected with and
subordinate to that of some other deity. The worship at Olympia(1643)
appears to have been established by the Achæans, who in other places
(_e.g._, at Ægium) consecrated temples to Zeus alone: the worship of Zeus
Hellanius at Ægina was introduced by the Hellenes of Thessaly. But the
whole of Argolis and also Corinth were, from early times, under the
protection of HERE, the character of whose worship resembled that of Zeus,
although it was more pronounced. The chief temple was twelve stadia from
Mycenæ, and forty from Argos, beyond the district of Prosymna;(1644) its
service was performed by the most distinguished priestesses, and
celebrated by the first festivals and games, being also one of the
earliest nurseries of the art of sculpture. It appears that Argos was the
original seat of the worship of Here, and that there it first received its
peculiar form and character: for the worship of the Samian Here, as well
as that at Sparta,(1645) was supposed to have been derived from Argos,
which statement is confirmed by the resemblance in the ceremonies; and the
same is true of the worship of the same goddess at Epidaurus,(1646) Ægina,
and Byzantium. In the early mythology of Argos her name constantly occurs;
and the traditions concerning Io, so far as they were native, are only
fabulous expressions for the ideas and feelings excited by this religion.
Thus also the Corinthian fables of Medea refer to the indigenous worship
of Here Acræa.(1647) Hence the Corinthians introduced into their colony of
Corcyra, together with the religion of Here,(1648) the mythology and
worship of Medea.(1649) The peculiarities of the worship of Here must
partly be looked for in the symbolical traditions respecting Io and Medea,
and other mythological personages of the same description, and partly in
the various rites of the Samian festival. It was doubtless founded on some
elementary religion, as may be plainly seen from the tradition that Zeus
had on mount Thornax in southern Argolis seduced Here in the shape of a
cuckoo (whose song was considered in Greece as the prognostic of fertile
rains in the spring). The marriage with Zeus (called ἱερὸς γάμος) is
always a prominent feature in the worship of Here; she was represented
veiled, like a bride; and was carried, like a bride, on a car, with other
similar allusions.(1650) At Samos it was related that the statue of the
goddess had been once entirely covered with branches; and this, as it
appears, was also represented at festivals.(1651) The Argive festival of
Λέχερνα, _i.e._, of the “bed of twigs,” had the same meaning.(1652)

2. In Argolis also the worship of ATHENE was of great antiquity, and
enjoyed almost equal honours with that of Here; her temple was on the
height of Larissa: and doubtless she had the same character and origin as
the Athene Chalciœcus of Sparta.(1653) Their names were in both places
nearly the same, as at Sparta she was called Ὀπτιλέτις,(1654) and in
Argolis Ὀξυδέρκης, _the quick-sighted_;(1655) and though in both places
the names were explained from historical events, it seems more accurate to
compare them with the title of Athene at Athens and Sigeum, Γλαυκῶπις, and
others of the same kind. At Argos a large part of the heroic mythology is
associated with the worship of Athene: for Acrisius was fabled to have
been buried in her temple on the citadel;(1656) and since Ἀκρία was a
title of the goddess herself,(1657) it appears to me that the name
Ἀκρίσιος may be satisfactorily explained in this manner: especially as it
is plain from an analysis of the mythology of Acrisius, Perseus, and the
Gorgons, that it is entirely founded on symbols of Athene. Corinth also
had a part in these fables, as is clearly shown by the figures of Pegasus,
of the head of Medusa and Athene herself upon the coins of this state and
of its colonies Leucadia, Anactorium, and Amphilochian Argos.(1658)

There is also another branch of the worship of Athene in the Doric states,
viz., that which extended from Lindus in Rhodes to Gela in Sicily, and
from thence to Agrigentum and Camarina.(1659) In all these places Athene
was the protectress of the citadel and the town, and was associated with
Zeus Polieus (also with Zeus Atabyrius.(1660)) As to the ceremonies with
which she was honoured, we only know from Pindar that at Rhodes they
offered fireless sacrifices to her, and that the ancient sculpture of
Rhodes was connected with her worship. That of Hierapytna in Crete (the
coins of which city have the Athenian symbols of Athene) more resembled
the Rhodian worship, if what the envoys from Præsus stated at Rhodes was
correct, viz., that at Hierapytna the Corybantes were called the offspring
of the sun and of Athene.(1661)

3. Although the worship of these deities, and of Here in particular, had
probably been more prevalent before than after the Doric invasion, the
religion of DEMETER was still more depressed. This worship was nearly
extirpated by the Dorians, a fact which we know from Herodotus, who, in
speaking of some rites of Demeter Thesmophoria which were supposed to have
been founded by the daughters of Danaus, states that when the
Peloponnesians were driven out by the Dorians, these rites were
discontinued, and were only kept up by those Peloponnesians who remained
behind, and by the Arcadians.(1662) Consequently we meet with few traces
of the worship of Demeter in the chief cities of the Doric name.(1663)
Thus it appears that in Argos the ceremonies in honour of this goddess
were on one side driven into the marshes of Lerna, and on the other to the
eastern extremity of the peninsula, inhabited by the Dryopes. In the
former of these two places some mystical rites were long performed, and in
the latter the chief worship was that of the deities of the earth and the
infernal regions (χθόνιοι θεοί). Some inscriptions found at Hermione,
which besides Demeter and Cora mention the name of Clymenus,(1664) an
epithet of Pluto, agree well with the beginning of the hymn which Lasus
the Hermionean addressed to the deities of his native city: “I sing of
Demeter and the Melibœan Cora, the wife of Clymenus, sounding the
deep-toned Æolic harmony of hymns.”(1665) And that the Hermioneans
considered the temple of the earthly Demeter (which was connected with the
entrance of the infernal regions supposed to be at Hermione) as the first
in the city, is also evident from the fact that the Asinæans, expelled
from Argolis and resident in Messenia, sent sacrifices and sacred missions
from thence to their national goddess at Hermione.(1666)

In ancient times also a worship was prevalent at Argos which we will
designate by the name of the Triopian Demeter.(1667) All the fables
concerning Triopas and his son Erysichthon (from ἐρυσίβη, _robigo_) belong
to an agricultural religion, which at the same time refers to the infernal
regions. The places where this religion existed in ancient times are the
Thessalian plains of Dotium, Argos, and likewise Attica;(1668) and from
the first-mentioned place it was transmitted to the south-western coast of
Asia Minor by an early national connexion which is indicated in the
account of an ancient Pelasgic colony from Dotium to Cnidos, Rhodes, and
Syme;(1669) and here it formed the basis of the Triopian worship, on which
were afterwards founded the federative festivals of the six Doric cities.
In front of Triopium is the small island of Telos, whence a single family
joined the Lindian colony that founded Gela in Sicily, and earned with it
the _sacra Triopia_. A member of this family named Telines advanced this
private worship of the infernal gods so greatly that it was incorporated
in the national religion, and he was appointed to administer it as
Hierophant; it was from this person that Hiero the king of Syracuse was
descended.(1670)

4. By this history of the colonial connexions, well attested from without,
and having great internal probability, we have ascertained the origin of
one of the branches of the worship of Demeter in Sicily. Another was
probably introduced by the clan of the Emmenidæ,(1671) which being
originally of Theban origin came into Sicily with the colony of Gela: for
it was probably owing to the traditions of this family alone that
Agrigentum, as well as ancient Thebes, was called “a gift from Zeus to
Persephone at their nuptial festival.”(1672)

But from neither of these two sources can the celebrated worship of
Demeter at Syracuse and its colony Enna (which in the eyes both of the
inhabitants and of the Romans had made Sicily the native country of Ceres)
be derived, since it differed in certain respects from both the
above-named worships.(1673) From its importance we may infer that it was
one of the most ancient religions of Syracuse, and established at the
first foundation of that town; and since of these some came from
Olympia,(1674) but the larger part from Corinth, and there is no reason
for supposing that it was derived from the former place, it must have been
brought over from the parent state. Now it is true that there was at
Corinth a temple of Demeter and Cora, the priestesses of which also
prophesied by means of dreams;(1675) but the worship of those goddesses
was there of far less importance than in Sicily, where its preponderance
may perhaps be accounted for by the fertility of the soil, which enabled
it to produce wheat, while the Greeks had in their own country been
accustomed to eat barley, and therefore stimulated the colonists to be
especially thankful to the goddess of corn. When, however, it is
remembered that Megara also had a large share in the colonising of
Syracuse, it will hardly be doubted that this state was the real source
from which the worship in question originated, since Demeter was there an
ancient national deity, and was not disturbed in her sanctuary on the
citadel of Caria even by the Doric invaders.(1676)

In Laconia also the worship of Demeter had been preserved from ancient
times, although it could not have been much respected by the Dorians in
Sparta. For the Eleusinia of that country were chiefly celebrated by the
inhabitants of the ancient town of Helos, who on certain days carried a
wooden statue of Cora to the Eleusinium on the heights of Taygetus.(1677)
The Lacedæmonians had also adopted the worship of Demeter under the title
of χθονία, or earthly, from the Hermioneans, some of whose kinsmen had
settled in Messenia.(1678)

5. POSEIDON was not originally a god of the Doric race, but was suited
rather to the character of the Ionians, who, from dwelling near the sea,
had acquired a love for foreign communication and a great spirit of
enterprise. We therefore find it only in a few places, for example, at
Tænarum(1679) (whence it was carried to Tarentum), at Cyrene,(1680) in
Ægina,(1681) and particularly on the Corinthian isthmus; also at Trœzen
and Calauria, which places (as has been already shown) were among the
ancient settlements of the Ionians on the Saronic gulf,(1682) to which the
legends concerning Theseus chiefly refer.(1683) From Trœzen the worship of
Poseidon was transmitted to Posidonia in Magna Græcia, and also to
Halicarnassus, chiefly by the family of the Antheadæ.

6. The worship of DIONYSUS did not enjoy equal honours among all the
Dorians. It had indeed penetrated as far as Sparta, where it had driven
even the Lacedæmonian women to phrensy;(1684) and the Delphic oracle
itself had ordered the institution of a race of Bacchanalian
virgins.(1685) But nothing is known of any sumptuous or regular ceremonies
in honour of Dionysus; and we might indeed have supposed _à priori_ that
the austere and rigid notions of the Spartans would have been very averse
to that deity. The same is probably true of Argos, which had for a long
time wholly abstained from the worship of Dionysus, but afterwards
dedicated to him a festival called τύρβη (_turba_).(1686) The conduct of
Corinth and Sicyon was in this respect altogether different. The former
city had received from Phlius(1687) the worship of this god under the
title of βακχεῖος, _i.e._, “_exciting to phrensy_;” and also under that of
λύσιος, the “_appeasing_” or “_soothing_,” from Thebes, whence it was said
to have come at the time of the Doric invasion,(1688) and where it was
celebrated with festivals, of which we have very ample accounts.(1689) In
early times some rude beginnings of tragedy had been formed from the
dithyrambic choruses(1690) there performed, as the tradition of Epigenes
informs us; though these were not regular dramas; there were likewise the
tragic choruses transferred from Bacchus to some of the heroes, and
Adrastus had been made the subject of these songs before the tyranny of
Cleisthenes.(1691) The worship of this god had also produced a native kind
of comic and ludicrous entertainment, the Phallophori.(1692) In the
neighbouring city of Corinth, the same worship, with its musical and
poetical accompaniments, prevailed;(1693) and it was in this town that,
according to Pindar,(1694) the dithyramb was first established, although
indeed under the direction of a foreigner (Arion). In the Doric colonies
of Magna Græcia this worship preserved the same character of irregularity
and excess; the whole town of Tarentum was (as Plato says) drunk at the
festival of Bacchus. The painted vases give a perfect representation of
the antics and masques of this ancient carnival.

7. In Corinth, however, and Sicyon, the worship of APHRODITE as well as of
Dionysus was established. It seems probable that the worship of that deity
had indeed a native origin in Greece, but that it had been extended and
modified by Phœnician settlers in some of the maritime towns. The
institution of the “hospitable damsels,”(1695) whom the goddess their
mistress herself ordered to be at the disposal of strangers,(1696) was
undoubtedly of Asiatic origin, and unknown to the ancient Greeks.(1697)
Sicyon, however, appears to have derived the worship of these two deities
from Corinth, the coins of which city generally have a dove,(1698) and
frequently also a head of Aphrodite of ancient workmanship; and the native
poetess Praxilla (452 B.C.) addressed Aphrodite as the mother of
Dionysus,(1699) and sang of the joys and woes of the Phœnician
Adonis.(1700) While again the Dorians of these maritime cities had a
certain susceptibility, flexibleness, and softness of character, the very
contrary of all these qualities distinguished the Spartans. For although
that state came into connexion with a Phœnician establishment of the
worship of Aphrodite in the island of Cythera, they transformed it while
they adopted it, and had their own armed Aphrodite, and the chained and
veiled goddess of marriage.(1701) From the same island also they received
the god Adonis under the name of Ciris.(1702) Aphrodite, however, enjoyed
greater honours in the Spartan colony of Cnidos, whence she went to
Halicarnassus under the title of Acræa, and from thence to the mother city
Trœzen.(1703) The worship of Aphrodite at Selinus in the west of
Sicily(1704) was doubtless derived from the neighbouring town of Eryx, and
was consequently also Phœnician; and the temple was probably one of the
wealthiest of that once flourishing city.(1705)

The worship of HERMES does not appear to have prevailed in any Doric
state; in one respect he was superseded by Apollo Agyieus. The same may
nearly be said of HEPHÆSTUS and ARES, the latter of whom was worshipped by
the Spartans under the names of Theritas and Enyalius. Of the worship of
ÆSCULAPIUS it has been already(1706) mentioned that it was derived to Cos,
Cnidos, and Rhodes, from Epidaurus, which state again had in ancient times
received it through the Phlegyans from Tricca.(1707) From Epidaurus,
according to Pausanias,(1708) also came the worship of Sicyon, and the
Cyrenæan at Balagræ,(1709) with which, as at Cos, an ancient school of
physicians was connected.(1710)

8. We will just notice the worship of the CHARITES established in Crete
and Sparta; first, as a fresh proof of the early religious connexion
between those two countries,(1711) and as a sign of that hilarity and
gladness which was the most beautiful feature of the religion of the
Greeks. These goddesses were at Sparta called Cleta and Phaënna; their
temple was on the road from the city to Amyclæ, on the river Tiasa.(1712)
Allied to this was the worship of EROS, as practised by the Cretans and
Spartans, with whom, before every battle, the most beautiful men assembled
and sacrificed to that god:(1713) not as the great uniter of heaven and
earth, but as awaking mutual esteem and affection, which produce that fear
of the disapprobation of friends which is the noblest source of
valour.(1714)

The most obscure, perhaps, of all the branches of religion whose origin we
have to investigate is the worship of the DIOSCURI, or the sons of Zeus.
It appears probable that it had a double source, viz., the heroic honours
of the human Tyndaridæ, and the ancient Peloponnesian worship of the great
gods or Cabiri; and in process of time the attributes of the latter seem
by poetry and tradition to have been transferred to the former, viz., the
name of the sons of Zeus, the birth from an egg, and the egg-shaped caps,
the alternation of life and death, the dominion over the winds and the
waves. As belonging to their worship at Sparta I may mention the ancient
images called δόκανα, two upright beams with two others laid across them
transversely;(1715) the custom in military expeditions of taking either
one or both of the statues of the Dioscuri according as one or both kings
went with the army;(1716) which places the Tyndaridæ in the light of gods
of war; and the belief that they often appeared as assistants in time of
need, or even merely as friendly guests,(1717) which distinguishes them
from most other heroes. Upon the whole we know that the Dorians found the
worship and mythology of the Tyndaridæ established at Amyclæ, Therapne,
Pephnos, and other places; and they adopted it, without caring to preserve
its original form and meaning; rather, indeed, attempting to give to the
worship of the sons of Tyndareus a _military_ and _political_ reference.

9. Before we proceed to consider the heroic mythology of the Dorians,
which is chiefly confined to Hercules, we will first attempt to sketch the
principal features of the religious character of the Dorians, as seen in
the several worships already enumerated. Both in the development of modes
of religion peculiar to that race, and in the adoption and alteration of
those of other nations, an ideal tendency may be perceived, which
considered the deity not so much in reference to the works or objects of
nature, as of the actions and thoughts of men. Consequently their religion
had little of mysticism, which belongs rather to elementary worships; but
the gods assume a more human and heroic form, although not so much as in
the epic poetry. Hence the piety of the Doric race had a peculiarly
energetic character, as their notions of the gods were clear, distinct,
and personal; and it was probably connected with a certain degree of
cheerfulness and confidence, equally removed from the exuberance of
enthusiasm and the gloominess of superstition. Funeral ceremonies and
festivals with violent lamentations, as well as enthusiastic orgies, were
not suited to the character of the Dorians; although their reverence for
antiquity often induced them to adopt such rites when already established.
On the other hand, we see displayed in their festivals and religious
usages a brightness and hilarity, which made them think that the most
pleasing sacrifice which they could offer to their gods was to rejoice in
their sight, and use the various methods which the arts afforded them of
expressing their joy. With all this, their worship bears the stamp of the
greatest simplicity, and at the same time of warmth of heart. The Spartans
prayed the gods “to give them what was honourable and good;”(1718) and
although they did not lead out any splendid processions, and were even
accused of offering scanty sacrifices, still Zeus Ammon declared that the
“calm solemnity of the prayers of the Spartans was dearer to him than all
the sacrifices of the Greeks.”(1719) They likewise showed the most
faithful adherence to the usages handed down to them from their ancestors,
and hence they were little inclined to the adoption of foreign
ceremonies;(1720) although in commercial towns, as, for instance, at
Corinth, such rites were willingly admitted, from a regard for strangers
of other races and nations.(1721)




Chapter XI.


    § 1. Legends respecting Hercules in the earliest settlements of
    the Dorians. § 2. Servitude of Hercules. § 3. Legends respecting
    Hercules in the second settlements of the Dorians. § 4. Legends
    respecting Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Phidippus. § 5. Legend of
    Geryoneus. § 6. Legends respecting Hercules in the neighbourhood
    of Thermopylæ. § 7, 8, and 9. Bœotian legends respecting Hercules.
    § 10. Attic legends respecting Hercules.


1. In the following attempt to unravel the complicated mythology of
Hercules, we will begin with those fables in which this hero appears
evidently as the progenitor of the Doric Heraclidæ,(1722) as
representative of the heroes of the Hyllean tribe, the highest order in
the Doric nation.

We will first direct our attention to the locality described in the
beginning of the first book, the ancient country of the Dorians in the
most mountainous part of Thessaly, where this nation was continually at
enmity with its immediate neighbours, the Lapithæ. In this war Hercules
appears as the hero of the Hyllean tribe, according to the epic poem
Ægimius, and gained for them a third part of the conquered territory. With
this contest is, as it appears, also connected the celebrated conquest of
Œchalia, the subject of an epic poem called Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις, which was
ascribed to Homer or Creophylus.(1723) In this poem it was related how
Eurytus of Œchalia, the skilful archer, who was said to have surpassed
Hercules himself in this mode of fighting, and who dared to engage with
Apollo,(1724) promised his daughter Iole as a prize to the person who
should excel himself and his sons in archery; but Hercules having accepted
the challenge, Eurytus refused to perform his engagement: upon which
Hercules collected an army, conquered Œchalia, killed Eurytus and his
sons, carried away Iole prisoner, and gave her in marriage to his son
Hyllus.(1725)

The situation of this “well-fortified”(1726) Œchalia is an ancient subject
of controversy. There were three places of this name; one on the banks of
the Peneus in Thessaly, in the ancient country of the Lapithæ, between
Pelinna to the east and Tricca to the west, not far from Ithome:(1727)
another in the island of Eubœa, in the district of Eretria.(1728) The
third was a town in Messenia, which in latter times was called Carnasium,
upon the boundary of Arcadia;(1729) in which region there was also a town
named Ithome; and, as it is stated, another named Tricca; so that we must
suppose that there was some early connexion between the inhabitants of
this district and the tribes near the Peneus. Now it may be presumed that
each of these Œchalias was considered by the respective inhabitants as the
celebrated town of the great Eurytus; whence among the early poets there
was a difference of statement on the subject. For the Messenian Œchalia is
called the city of Eurytus in the Homeric catalogue,(1730) and in the
Odyssey,(1731) which statement was followed by Pherecydes;(1732) the
Eubœan city was selected by the writer of the poem called the Taking of
Œchalia;(1733) as also probably in the Ægimius,(1734) and afterwards by
Hecatæus of Miletus;(1735) the Thessalian, in another passage in the
catalogue of the ships, apparently of considerable antiquity.(1736) Since,
then, this question cannot be settled by authority, we can only infer (but
with great probability) from the connexion of the traditions that the
last-mentioned Œchalia was the city of the original fable. The contest for
this city is evidently closely connected with the war with the Lapithæ;
Eurytus, as well as the Lapithæ, was hated by Apollo. If Œchalia is placed
on the banks of the Peneus, the conquest of it naturally falls in with the
other tradition; if not, it stands isolated and unconnected. Again;
Hercules, according to all traditions, conquers Iole for his son Hyllus;
now Hyllus never occurs in mythology except in connexion with the Dorians;
consequently the place of the battle must be looked for in the vicinity of
the Doric territory.

Even before the time of this war (according to the common narration)
Hercules had embroiled himself with the Œchalians by killing Iphitus, the
son of Eurytus, who demanded of him the restitution of some plundered
cattle or horses. In the common version of this story, Peloponnesus was
the scene of the encounter; for Hercules is said to have hurled him from
the walls of Tiryns.(1737) But to expiate this murder, and the violation
of the rights of hospitality, Hercules became a slave; and, in order to
release himself from the guilt, he was compelled to pay to the father of
Iphitus his own ransom.

2. The meaning of this servitude cannot be rightly explained without
observing the remarkable coincidence between some parts of the mythology
of Hercules and Apollo, which we will here shortly elucidate. As Eurytus
is represented sometimes as killed by Apollo, sometimes by Hercules, so in
the poem of the Shield of Hercules(1738) this hero punishes Cycnus for
profaning the Pagasæan temple; thus, in another tradition, he slays Phylas
and Laogoras, princes of the Dryopes, for violating the shrine of Delphi
and other temples;(1739) and consecrates the whole nation to the Pythian
Apollo.(1740) Nor do I believe that Euripides invented the fable of the
restoration of Alcestis, and the contest between Hercules and death.(1741)
It is also perhaps fair to infer, from the legends of epic poets, in which
Hercules is represented as a hero in brazen armour, who defended the
sacred roads with his sword, and overthrew the violent sons of Ares that
waylaid the sacrificial processions in the narrow passes and defiles, that
in ancient fables he was considered not only as the defender of the Doric
race, but also of the Doric worship.

We may now proceed to consider the sale and servitude of Hercules; a point
of primary importance in the various forms which the legends concerning
this hero assume. In the present instance this degradation originated from
the killing of Iphitus. Here also the parallel with the servitude of
Apollo at Pheræ cannot fail to strike every one. The god and the hero were
chosen, as examples, to impress the people in early times with a strong
sense of the sacred character, and necessity of expiation for
homicide.(1742) By whom Hercules was supposed to have been purchased in
the original legend of northern Thessaly we know not; at a later period
Omphale was called his mistress, who (according to Pherecydes)(1743)
bought him for three talents.

3. We will now proceed to the second settlements of the Dorians, which
comprehend the towns between the ridges of Œta and Parnassus; viz.,
Erineus, Cytinium, Bœum, and Pindus.(1744)

The neighbours of the Dorians in these settlements were, as has been
already stated, the Dryopes, the Melians of Trachis, and the Ætolians. The
first were hostile to the Dorians; the other two were for the most part
friendly to them. These facts again are expressed with much clearness in
the mythology of Hercules. Of the relation between the Dorians and
Dryopians, and the manner in which it is expressed in the fables of
Hercules, we have already given an account.(1745) Ceyx, the Trachinian,
was a faithful friend of Hercules, and of his descendants; in one account,
indeed, he is called the nephew of Hercules,(1746) who is said to have
founded for him his town of Trachis.(1747) In this place was shown a grave
of Deianira,(1748) the daughter of Œneus, whose marriage with Hercules is
evidently a mythological expression for the league which existed between
the Ætolian and Dorian nations before the invasion of Peloponnesus.(1749)
For Deianira was an inhabitant of Calydon;(1750) and the Calydonians had
the principal share in this expedition. To this marriage is annexed a
series of connected Ætolian fables concerning Hercules. For the
peculiarity of this part of the heroic mythology is, that they readily
passed from one nation to another; and wherever they obtained a firm
ground, formed a large mass of traditions. Among these is the conquest of
the bull Achelous,(1751) and the adventure at the ford of the
Euenus,(1752) which afterwards occasioned the death of Hercules. It is
also probable that the residence of Hercules at Olenus, in the house of
Dexamenus, was connected with the Ætolian adventures; although even Hesiod
does not in this legend mention the ancient Ætolian town Olenus in the
neighbourhood of Calydon, but the Achæan city of the same name on the
banks of the Pirus.(1753) Now Dexamenus is frequently placed in connexion
with the Calydonian family of Œneus;(1754) the wife of Œneus came from
Olenus, and was of the same family. The ancient legend represented him as
a hospitable hero: which quality is also expressed in his name (Δεξαμενὸς,
from δεξάμενος); in return for which, Hercules released him from his
brutal guests, the Centaurs;(1755) to which fable the ancient battle of
the Centaurs in the mythology of Hercules probably annexed itself. Lastly,
Hercules is said to have led the Ætolians against the Thesprotians of
Ephyra. This expedition was perhaps as much celebrated in ancient lays as
the taking of Œchalia. Ephyra, which is here spoken of, is an ancient city
of Thesprotia,(1756) situated on the spot where the Acherusian lake flows
into the sea through the river Selleeis (Acheron). In later times the name
of this city was Cichyrus; but even at the present day remains of the
original Cyclopian style of building, not unlike those of Tiryns, are
extant.(1757) The whole district is celebrated in fables as the
dwelling-place of Aidoneus: as the seat of an oracle where departed
spirits were questioned, it was always regarded by the inhabitants with an
awe, which was further increased by a belief that the natives were very
skilful in the preparation of poison.(1758) This city Hercules is said to
have attacked as an ally of the Ætolians; whence it appears probable that
this circumstance gave occasion for introducing his contest with Hades,
and his adventures in the infernal regions, such as the carrying away of
Cerberus, the liberation of other heroes,(1759) &c. It must not, however,
be thought, that in the style of Euhemerus, I suppose a king Aidoneus to
have really once reigned in this district, who had a dog, or rather a
general, named Cerberus, whom Hercules overcame in a battle, &c. The
following appears to be a more probable method of accounting for the
origin of this fable. The gloomy religious rites on the banks of the
Acheron, which had always deterred the neighbouring nations from a
participation in them, were at an early period contrasted with the free
and active habits of the heroic tribes; the awe inspired by the presence
of the unearthly spectres with the proud spirit and bold thoughts of a
military life. If now the people themselves came into collision with each
other, their gods necessarily did the same; the result of which was
traditions of contest and war between themselves. On the other hand, it
must not be thought that the fable has a purely symbolical meaning; and
that Hercules was worshipped, together with Hades, merely as an enemy of
Death, as a deity alleviating and removing the terrors of the infernal
regions.

4. The rest of this fable, however, entirely loses its symbolical
character; viz., the manner in which the birth of several Doric heroes is
connected with the taking of Ephyra; who, though out of the confines of
history, are nevertheless to be considered as real individuals. In the
first place, Hercules is stated to have begotten Tlepolemus on Astyocheia,
whom, according to Homer, he carried away from Ephyra, on the river
Sellecis, after having destroyed many cities;(1760) Antiphus and
Pheidippus also were said to have come from Ephyra in Thesprotia, the sons
of Thessalus, and grandsons of Hercules, to whom the noblest families of
Thessaly, as well as the Heraclidæ of Cos, referred their origin;(1761)
the latter, however, according to another and later tradition, sprang from
the union of Hercules and the daughter of Eurypylus in Cos itself.(1762)
The origin of this intricate fable appears to be as follows: There were in
the ancient country of the Dorians some noble families which referred
their origin to the conquest of Ephyra; and these were designated by the
names of Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Pheidippus; those families went with
the other Dorians to Peloponnesus, and passed through Argos and Epidaurus
to Rhodes and Cos, where they partly new-modelled their original family
legends. Now it was always admitted that the Thessalian people came also
from Ephyra and Thesprotia; and when it settled among the Greeks, and
sought to participate in their traditions, it was natural that Hercules,
the conqueror of Ephyra, should be placed at the head of its genealogies.

5. To the combat of Hercules and Pluto at Ephyra we will now annex the
legend of Geryoneus. The cattle of Geryoneus and Pluto grazed together in
the island of Erytheia;(1763) but they were supposed to belong to the
Sun,(1764) and therefore were of a bright red colour. Now Erytheia was
anciently believed to be near the kingdom of Hades. For the statement of
Hecatæus, that Erytheia and Geryoneus belonged to Epirus and the region of
Ambracia,(1765) could not have been owing to an attempt to give to
mythology an appearance of reality: but he seems to have availed himself
of some real tradition. This is certain, from the datum of Scylax, who
would never have laid down Erytheia in his Periplus(1766) on the authority
of a logographer. According to this writer it is situated between the
territory of the Atintanes and the Ceraunian mountains, north of Epirus,
on the borders of Greece, at no great distance from the earliest seats of
the Dorians. Now it is a remarkable fact, that, even in historical times,
there were in the same country, viz., near the Aous, a river running from
mount Lacmon, herds sacred to the Sun, which were guarded in the daytime
on the banks of that river, and in the night in a cave of the mountain, by
men whom the inhabitants of the Greek city of Apollonia intrusted with
this office as a particular honour.(1767) It is not probable that the
Corinthians, who founded Apollonia, should have been the first to
introduce this usage, although there are traces of an ancient worship of
the Sun in the territory of Corinth;(1768) but we may fairly assume that
the colonists merely retained a native custom. This hypothesis clears away
all difficulty. The empire of Hades on this earth was conterminous with a
district in which the worship of the Sun prevailed, and which contained
innumerable herds of cattle, under the protection of the god; but the
Greek hero, little caring for their sanctity, had driven them away, and
devoted them to _his own_ gods. Epirus was always distinguished for its
excellent breed of cattle, which were said to have sprung from the herds
of Geryoneus, which Hercules offered to the Dodonæan Zeus.(1769)

6. We were led to these considerations by the Ætolian legends respecting
Hercules, from which we will now return to the Dorians, who possessed the
mountainous tract along mount Œta towards Thermopylæ. There was perhaps no
region in the whole of Greece which abounded more in local fables of
Hercules. It was in the pass of Thermopylæ that he caught those strange
monsters the Cercopes;(1770) here it was that Athene caused a hot spring
to issue for him from the ground;(1771) on the top of mount Œta, on the
Phrygian rock,(1772) was raised the fatal pile, which the brook of Dyras
in vain strove to extinguish;(1773) and many adjacent cities claimed a
connexion with his exploits:(1774) even the Ænianes (who at a later period
settled in this district) attempted to appropriate to themselves these
traditions;(1775) and Heraclea Trachinia, not founded till the
Peloponnesian war, and the neighbouring Cylicrani, were referred to the
mythology of Hercules.(1776) It is certain that local traditions of this
kind must have originated with the inhabitants of this district. Is it at
least probable that the natives of Argos would have placed the death of
their deified hero in a foreign region, if they had been the original
inventors of this fiction? The career of the Doric hero doubtless closed
on the funeral pile of Œta; and this adventure ended a series of fables,
of which there are now extant only some fragments. In this point of view
we may perceive a connexion between many of the legends detailed above.

The general tendency and spirit of these legends may be described in the
following proposition: The national hero is represented as everywhere
preparing the way for his people and their worship; and as protecting them
from other races. Thus he opens a communication between Tempe and Delphi,
between the fabulous worshippers of Apollo, the Hyperboreans, and the
worshippers of his own age. At the same time his own person is an outward
symbol of the national worship; he complies with its rites of expiation
for homicide, being himself both the victim and the sacrificer.

7. We will next consider the Theban legends of Hercules; and will, for the
sake of clearness, first state the propositions which the following
discussion is intended to establish.

Hercules at Thebes is not to be considered as a Cadmean; and has no
connexion with the ancient gods, and traditions of the Cadmeans; but his
mythology was introduced into Bœotia partly by the Doric Heraclidæ, and
partly from Delphi, together with the worship of Apollo.

To prove that Hercules has no connexion with the Cadmean gods, temples,
and princes, it is only necessary to refer to a genealogical table of the
Theban mythology, and a plan of Thebes sketched after Pausanias. From the
former we perceive that Hercules (whose father is represented as having
arrived as a fugitive from Mycenæ) is not made the relation either by
blood or marriage of the Cadmeans, Creon (κρέων, the ruler), his supposed
father-in-law, being only a fictitious personage, invented to fill up a
chasm in the pedigree;(1777) from the latter, that the temples of Hercules
were not only not in the citadel (like those of Cadmus, Harmonia, and
Semele), or within the walls of the city, but were all without the gates.
This fact is of great importance as to the antiquity of any worship in a
city. The ancient and original deities, which enjoyed the honours of
founders, possessed the citadel as their birthright; while all gods
afterwards introduced enjoyed a less honourable abode in the suburbs of
the town. Now it is known that the house of Amphitryon and the Gymnasium
of Hercules stood in front of the gate of Electra, opposite the
Ismenium;(1778) and to this we may add the account of Pherecydes(1779)
respecting a village near that same gate, which the Heraclidæ had founded
before their invasion of Peloponnesus, and where there was a statue of
Hercules in the market-place. What can be clearer than that these
Heraclidæ established the worship of their hero at Thebes? Near this place
(it should be observed) was the Ismenian sanctuary of Apollo. Opposite to
this temple Hercules was said to have been educated; and at a festival of
Apollo to have carried the laurel before the chorus of virgins; and
afterwards to have consecrated a tripod in the temple, as was the general
custom in later times. This tripod is represented on the famous relief of
the Argive apotheosis of Hercules, with the inscription Ἀμφιτρύων ὑπὲρ
Ἀλκαίου τριπόδ Ἀπόλλωνι.(1780)

With this is evidently connected the story of the robbery of the Delphian
tripod, of which the common version is as follows: Hercules was visited
with a severe illness, as a punishment for the murder of Iphitus; and, in
consequence, he had recourse for relief to Delphi; but as the Pythian
priestess refused to answer the questions of one guilty of homicide, he
threatened to plunder the temple, and carry off the tripod. Apollo
accordingly pursued him, till Zeus separated the combat of his two sons by
lightning.(1781) The fable went on to say that a new consecration of the
Delphian tripod took place, and a reconciliation of the god and hero: of
this part we are only informed by works of art, these being indeed of
tolerable antiquity.(1782) But it is manifest that this is not the
genuine, ancient, and sacred tradition. How could this hero, who in other
respects was entirely dependent on the mandates of the oracle, and who in
so many ways protected and promoted the worship of Apollo,(1783) suddenly
become a sacrilegious violator of his most holy and ancient temple? This
carrying away of the tripod appears from other traditions to signify
nothing else than a propagation of the worship of Apollo.(1784) Whither,
then, is this tripod stated to have been first moved? By the Arcadians
Hercules was said to have brought it to Pheneus, but was compelled again
to restore it to Apollo.(1785) The hero, on his journey to Elis, is said
to have built a temple to the Pythian Apollo;(1786) which, however, can
scarcely be more ancient than the Doric migration. The foundation of this
temple, as dependent on the Delphic oracle, was therefore by the tradition
expressed under this image of the transportation of the tripod, the bearer
of it being Hercules. But it is more important to our present purpose
that, according to the Bœotian account,(1787) Hercules was supposed to
have brought the tripod to Thebes, that is probably to the Ismenium. This
fable therefore shows the connexion between the Ismenium and the great
sanctuary of Apollo; and represents Hercules as the intermediate link
between these two temples.

8. Several other traditions current in Bœotia are connected with the above
explanation of this tradition. The Cretan colony, which, setting out from
Cirrha, established the Tilphosian temple at Ocalea in Bœotia, was
represented under the person of Rhadamanthus.(1788) Rhadamanthus is said
to have there dwelt with Alcmene, and to have instructed the youthful hero
in the Cretan art of archery.(1789) For this reason also Zeus raised
Alcmene from the dead, and conducted her to the islands of the blest as
the wife of Rhadamanthus. A stone remained in her tomb, which was set up
in her sacred grove at Thebes.(1790)

9. The Theban traditions of Hercules are not all equally significant; but
some, such as those just mentioned, had a religious, some a
political(1791) import, and others only express the bodily strength of
that hero. The education of Hercules is confided to certain fabulous
personages, most of whom were supposed to reside in Bœotia.(1792) His most
remarkable instructor is the minstrel Linus, whom (probably in execution
of the will of Apollo) he put to death,(1793) justifying himself by the
law of Rhadamanthus. The destruction of the lion of Cithæron is an
imitation of the legend of Nemea, of which we shall speak hereafter.(1794)
After this adventure he went to Thespiæ, to the house of Thestius, where
he deflowers in one or in fifty-seven nights the fifty daughters of his
host, a fable which has perhaps an astronomical reference.(1795)

With respect to the singular legend of Hercules murdering his children by
Megara by throwing them into the fire,(1796) it cannot be denied that this
had some symbolical meaning, derived from an ancient elementary religion.
In general, however, this temporary fury is merely an exaggerated picture
of that heroic mind whose courage and endurance had carried Hercules
through so many dangers and difficulties for the good of mankind.(1797)
According to the Bœotian version, it was a melancholy madness, in which
Hercules, regardless even of all that was most dear to him, murdered his
children, and was even on the point of slaying his father.(1798) Upon this
the hero, oppressed with a deep melancholy, turned for relief to the
atoning Apollo; and either to the god of the Ismenium(1799) or of
Pytho.(1800) The oracle commands him to serve as a slave, in the same
manner as Apollo himself had served after the destruction of the Python.
In the broken narrative of Apollodorus a remarkable trace has been
preserved as to the time during which, according to the Bœotian tradition,
the slavery of Hercules lasted, viz., eight years and one month.(1801)
This cannot be considered as an accidental number; but it is probable that
the Ennaëteris is signified, which was a period of eight years and three
intercalary months; of which only the last month is here mentioned,
because the two inserted in the middle were less conspicuous. Hercules,
therefore, like Apollo at Pheræ, was supposed to have served for an ἀΐδιος
ἐνιαυτὸς, for the octennial period of mythology and ancient
astronomy.(1802)

10. We will here add some observations on the Attic worship of Hercules,
which was celebrated chiefly at Marathon in the Tetrapolis,(1803) in the
three villages of Melite, Diomea, and Collytus,(1804) which lay close to
one another in the vicinity of Athens; at Cynosarges(1805) in particular,
which belonged to the demus of Diomea; at Acharnæ(1806) and
Hephæstia,(1807) and in the city itself; and likewise near the sea in the
Tetracomæ, or “Four Hamlets.”(1808) The circumstance that those temples
which were not situated in the vicinity of the city were all in the
northern part of Attica, seems to prove that the worship was derived from
the northern frontiers; and it was attributed to the presence of the
Heraclidæ in Attica, though the fable of the great assistance which Athens
lent to the Heraclidæ was peculiar to the Athenians.(1809) It is probable,
however, that at some early period a division of the Doric people passed
through Attica, and there founded that worship which, by the supremacy of
the Dorians and their various connexions with other nations, increased in
character and importance. If the Lacedæmonians really spared the
Tetrapolis in the Peloponnesian war,(1810) their forbearance must be
attributed to the respect which they showed to their national hero. There
is a tradition worthy of notice, that Theseus consecrated to Hercules all
the temples which had been dedicated to himself;(1811) whence it may be
inferred that the worship of the former demigod was thus transferred at
some early period; only not, it should be observed, at the time of Theseus
himself. That the worship of Hercules was only half-nationalized may (as
it appears) be inferred from the custom of the Parasiti of that hero at
Cynosarges being always Athenians, of whose parents one only was a
citizen; a symbolical allusion to the half-foreign origin of their
worship.

Of the same description are the traditions which were peculiar to the
villages of Aphidna, Decelea, and Titacidæ (likewise situated in the north
of Attica), respecting the expedition of the Tyndaridæ; who were said to
have conquered Aphidna with the aid of Decelus and Titacus.(1812) From
this plunder, according to a Spartan legend, the very ancient temple of
Pallas Chalciœcus at Sparta was built. In this instance, likewise, the
tradition was recognised as real history; for the Lacedæmonians always
kept up a friendly intercourse with Decelea; nor was it, we may be
assured, without some particular reason that in the Messenian war at the
command of the oracle they called to their aid Tyrtæus, the man of
Aphidna. But as the Tyndaridæ, _i.e._, their images (as was mentioned
above),(1813) accompanied every Spartan army on its marches, it is
probable that these stories originated in some Doric expedition into the
northern parts of Attica, which left behind it these permanent traces and
recollections.




Chapter XII.


    § 1. Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules. Adventures of Hercules:
    his combats with wild beasts. § 2. His martial exploits. § 3. His
    establishment of the Olympic games. § 4. Complexity of the
    mythology of Hercules. § 5. Worship of Hercules carried from
    Sparta to Tarentum and Croton. § 6. Coan fable of Hercules. § 7.
    Hercules and Hylas. § 8. Identification of Hercules and Melcart. §
    9. Human character of Hercules. § 10. His joviality and love of
    mirth.


1. We must now entreat the indulgence of our readers when we enter upon an
obscure and difficult part of our subject, and one lying beyond the limits
of historical record. We allude to the Peloponnesian mythology of
Hercules; a collection of legends doubtless for the most part invented
subsequently to the Doric invasion, and intended by that nation in great
measure to justify their conquest of the peninsula, and to make their
expedition appear, not as an act of wrongful aggression, but as a
re-assertion of ancient right. Some hero (perhaps even of the same name)
must have existed in the Argive traditions in the time of the Persidæ, and
the resemblance may have been sufficiently striking to identify him with
the father of the Doric Hyllus. We shall therefore consider the destroyer
of the Nemean lion as a native Argive hero; but the delay experienced at
his birth, and his consequent exposure to want and toil, evidently belong
to the Doric tradition, as well as the enmity of Here; fables which were
partly borrowed from the worship of Apollo, and may partly have been
intended to indicate the contrast between the ancient worship of Argos and
that of the invading race.(1814)

We shall now proceed without further preface to consider the different
adventures of Hercules, which may be divided into two classes; the first
consisting of his warlike exploits, the second of his combats with wild
beasts. We shall commence with the examination of the latter.(1815)

Nemea was separated from the Argive temple of Here, the most ancient one
in the country, by a chain of mountains and a long rocky ravine. It cannot
be denied that the moon was often invoked in this worship, although it
would not be safe to consider Here as the goddess of the moon. Now Nemea
is called the daughter of the moon,(1816) from which deity the Nemean lion
is also said to have sprung; the antiquity of which fable may be inferred
from the circumstance that Anaxagoras availed himself of it, as being
generally received, to account for the physical hypothesis of the
Antichthon.(1817) Connected with this is Hesiod’s tradition that the
goddess Here had herself brought up the lion, which she is by that poet
represented as having done out of enmity to Hercules. Hence we detect the
symbolical character of the fable, which resembles that of Perseus and
Gorgo, &c.; although we can scarcely attempt to explain the whole legend
in a similar manner. The combat with the Lernæan hydra may also be thus
explained. Hercules is represented as employing in this contest the same
sickle with which Perseus beheaded Medusa.(1818)

Whatever meaning we may attach to these combats, whether we consider them
as symbolical, or as memorials of a remote antiquity, in which it was the
hero’s principal occupation to free Greece from monsters and wild beasts,
it is nevertheless evident that they are as little adapted to the time
assigned to them (shortly previous to the Pelopidæ) as to the character of
the other parts of the fable. A mere consideration of Hercules’ costume
will sufficiently convince us of this fact. It is certain that the
Hercules of the early poets was either a hero armed with a spear and
buckler, as in the poem attributed to Hesiod,(1819) or with a bow and
sword, as in the Odyssey.(1820) The latter description occurs particularly
in the battle of the giants; the former is founded on all the traditions
which represent Hercules as the first of warriors and conquerors. Pisander
and Stesichorus were the first who introduced him as a half-naked savage,
with the lion’s skin round his loins, the jaws covering his head instead
of a helmet, and merely a club in his hand.(1821) There were extant so
late as the time of Strabo some ancient wooden statues of Hercules very
different from this description. Pisander, too, was (as far as we know)
the first who represented in detail the combats of Hercules with wild
beasts, collected from scattered accounts in the Theogony, and who
composed the “Labours of Hercules;” for which he perhaps availed himself
of different local traditions.

2. We now come to the martial exploits of Hercules, which, as it appears,
were intended to represent the conquests of the Dorians in Peloponnesus.
We have only to direct our attention to the account that Hercules, towards
the close of his life, being prince of Mycenæ,(1822) delivered Sparta from
the Hippocontidæ into the hands of Tyndareus, and, after conquering Pylos
from Neleus, transferred, it to Nestor,(1823) in order to perceive the
coincidence of tradition and history. The circumstances which have chiefly
contributed to the formation of these traditions may best be traced in the
combat at Pylos. The share which Hades had in this adventure, when that
god was himself wounded by the bold son of Zeus,(1824) may be considered,
according to the connexion established above, as having been transferred
from Ephyra, where Hades had a greater inducement to the protection of
oppressed cities than at Pylos.(1825) But Hercules is said to have
destroyed Pylos because Neleus would not purify him from the murder of
Iphitus;(1826) an act which Deiphobus afterwards performed in the temple
of Apollo at Amyclæ.(1827) Here it seems to be assumed that Œchalia, the
native city of Iphitus, was situated in Messenia, which, as we have shown
above,(1828) was not the original tradition.

3. The influence of historical facts upon mythology is most clearly
perceivable in the legend of Hercules having founded the Olympic games
when he returned victorious from his expedition against Augeas of
Elis.(1829) Afterwards the same hero celebrates the first Olympiad as a
festival of all Peloponnesus, with various combats, in which heroes from
Tiryns, Tegea, Mantinea, and Sparta were victorious.(1830) It was also
Hercules who fixed the quinquennial period, and established the sacred
armistice.(1831) His bringing the wild olive-tree from the Hyperboreans,
and planting it in the grove of Altis, was probably derived from the
traditions of Northern Greece;(1832) in which Hercules was represented as
more closely connected with Apollo than in the common Peloponnesian
legends. It should, moreover, be remarked that Hercules in his expedition
against Elis is reported to have founded or visited several temples of
Apollo at Pheneus and Thelpusa;(1833) both lying on the road which
connected the isthmus and the north of Greece with Olympia.(1834) It
would, however, involve us in no slight difficulties to date the tradition
of Hercules founding the Olympic games later than the Olympiad of Iphitus;
for as since that period the Eleans conducted the festival, and therefore
showed a particular veneration for Hercules, it is scarcely probable that
a war _against Elis_ should have been considered as the cause of the
establishment of this festival, had not the report been handed down from
an earlier period. The continual claim of Pisa, that the presidency of the
games should be restored to her as an ancient right, is, however, one of
several circumstances which render it probable that she had once enjoyed
this privilege before the festival had acquired its subsequent celebrity;
and that Hercules, to whom a very ancient wooden statue had been erected
at Pisa,(1835) was, even at this early period, regarded as the founder: to
which facts the story of a war against Elis was easily subjoined. The
combat with Augeas, a son of Helius, seems to have been in great part
borrowed from some Epirotan fable respecting Geryon.

4. In tracing the various steps which led to the formation of the
Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules, it has by no means been our aim to
enter minutely into the details of the subject, which would carry us far
beyond the limits of the present inquiry; the distinction between the
ancient and recent parts of the tradition being so undefined that an
accurate separation of the two is almost impossible. Enough has been said
to show how frequently the same legend reappears in different shapes; and
consequently that some original version was variously modified in
different places. We shall once for all remind those who imagine the
northern legend of Hercules to have been of later date than the
Peloponnesian because the latter is mentioned by the early epic poets,
that some higher source must be sought for than a few passages of those
poets which have been accidentally preserved: that it should be looked for
(if anywhere) in some connected mythological tradition, to which the
particular fables owed their rise and development.

The task is comparatively easy to examine the history of fables, the scene
of which lies in colonies or countries with which the Greeks did not
become acquainted till a late period, as the events on which they are
founded took place within the era of our historical knowledge. At the same
time the analogy of these facts, sufficiently ascertained, enables us to
conjecture as to those which are enveloped in fabulous obscurity; we can
reason from what we know to what we do not know.

5. From Sparta the worship of Hercules spread to her colonies,
particularly Tarentum(1836) and Croton. In the latter city Hercules
enjoyed the honours of a founder,(1837) being reported to have established
it on his return from Erythea.(1838) Afterwards the tradition of his
purification and atonement was transferred from Amyclæ in Laconia to
Croton, an event to which the high reputation enjoyed by the worship of
Apollo in the latter town greatly contributed. Hence we perceive on the
coins of this place the youthful hero sitting with a bow, quiver, and
arrows before a blazing altar, on which he scorches a branch of
laurel.(1839) Connected with the above is the tradition of Philoctetes
having deposited the arrows of Hercules in the temple of Apollo Alæus at
Croton, from whence they were said to have been brought by the Crotoniats
into the temple of Apollo within the precincts of their town.(1840) On the
coins of that city Hercules is frequently seen with a goblet in his hand,
either in a recumbent or erect posture. The allusion is explained by the
following story: Hercules, who was always thirsty, had asked for some wine
at Croton; but the woman of the house dissuaded her husband from tapping
the cask for a stranger; on which account the women of that country never
drank wine.(1841)

6. Our readers are, we take for granted, well acquainted with the fable of
Hercules in the island of Cos, as related by Homer.(1842) The events which
contributed to its formation are, in the first place, the existence of
several noble families of Heraclide descent, whose origin, according to
ancient traditions, was connected with the conquest of Ephyra, though they
were afterwards said to have sprung from the supposed residence of
Hercules in the island itself, where the ancestor of these families sprang
from his connexion with a daughter of the king of the Meropians. This
fiction of his abode in Cos took its rise in a mistaken view of certain
ceremonies there practised: for the peculiarity of the worship in
question, in which the priest at the festival ἀντιμαχία, celebrated in the
spring, put on a female dress (as Hercules is said to have disguised
himself in woman’s clothes,)(1843) betrays an Asiatic origin; which
induced the poets of ancient times to consider Hercules of Cos as
identified with the Idæan Dactyli.(1844) This dress was also probably worn
in the Lydian worship of Sandon(1845) (who was called Hercules by the
Greeks); for Omphale is said to have attired the effeminate hero in a
transparent garment dyed with sandyx, a custom which evidently originated
in the practice of some festival. The man described as the slave of a
lascivious woman was a symbolical representation of a soft and voluptuous
elementary religion; while the same allegory was by the Greeks referred to
the servitude of Hercules in the house of Eurystheus. This legend is first
mentioned by Pherecydes, then by Hellanicus of Lesbos (who refers to the
traditions current in the city of Acele),(1846) and also in Herodotus,
whose genealogy of the ancient kings of Lydia—Hercules, Alcæus (from the
Greek mythology, Belus, the god of Babylon), Ninus (Nineveh), Agron, &c.,
refers to the Assyrian origin of the ancient Lydian kings, and agrees
remarkably with the statement that Hercules-Sandon or Sandes, was
originally an Assyrian deity belonging to the same religious system as
Belus.(1847)

7. We now come to a fable of kindred origin, the fable of Hylas. Hylas was
invoked during midsummer at the sides of fountains by the aboriginal
inhabitants of Bithynia,(1848) long before the Greeks founded their city
of Cios; but the latter adopted the story of the boy falling into the
water, connecting it (as they worshipped Hercules as their founder)(1849)
with the fable of that hero. Indeed a legend very similar had previously
existed, the minion of Hercules being (according to Hellanicus)
Theiomenes, the son of Theiodamas the king of the Dryopes.(1850) The death
of Lityerses was in Phrygia the subject of an ancient song; and who else
should have slain him, according to the tradition of the Greeks, than he
whose power was dreaded throughout the countries of the barbarians?(1851)
The Greeks introduced such heterogeneous matter without hesitation into
their mythology. Hercules, even in the spot where his worship originated,
was represented as a hero of great power abroad: he was the protector of
boundaries and (if I may be allowed the expression) of marches:
afterwards, when his worship was adopted by the whole of Greece, he was
considered as the general guardian of the Grecian colonists. Thus he is
represented as contending for the territory of Heraclea on the Pontus,
against the aboriginal Bebryces, and in defence of Cyrene against the
native Libyans. For it seems very probable that the combat with
Antæus,(1852) who derived new vigour from touching the earth, was merely
emblematical of the contests sustained by the Greek colonists against the
Libyan hordes, which, though often conquered, always sallied forth from
the deserts in increased numbers. Thus the fable of Hercules and Busiris
was invented at a time when the Greeks first became known in Egypt, and
had as yet only an imperfect acquaintance with that country; for which
reason Herodotus ridicules it as a silly invention of the Ionians. Busiris
appears to me to have been the name of the principal deity with the
addition of the article. In this story he is described as a ferocious
tyrant, who orders Hercules to be sacrificed, until the latter, recovering
himself suddenly, slays the tyrant and his cowardly retinue.

8. While attempting to reconcile these discordant traditions, and mould
them into one connected story, it was natural that the Greeks should find
some affinity of character between Hercules and the Phœnician god Melcart,
the son of Baal and Astarte (Ἀστερία). It was to the existence of a temple
of Hercules at Gadira that the fable of this hero having there terminated
his voyage after the battle of Geryon, owed its origin; and the
neighbouring pillars of Hercules or Briareus(1853) were originally
considered as the work of Melcart. The Hercules of the Carthaginians was
also represented as a wanderer and conqueror;(1854) his particular
province was the island of Sardinia;(1855) which island became also
included in the Grecian mythology: he is likewise said to have passed
through Spain.(1856) The discoverer of the purple dye, in the Tyrian
tradition, is the same personage;(1857) the quail was sacred to him, the
smell of that bird having resuscitated him from death.(1858) Great as the
confusion soon became between the Doric and Phœnician traditions
respecting Hercules, they may still be easily distinguished from each
other; and the first effect of their union may perhaps be traced in the
wish of Dorieus, the son of Anaxandridas, to found a kingdom near mount
Eryx, because Hercules had formerly conquered that country;(1859) now the
worship and name of the Phœnician Aphrodite (Astarte) existed on mount
Eryx, and probably also that of her son Melcart.

9. Notwithstanding the long digression into which the examination of our
subject has led us, we are afraid that the following positions, attempted
to be established as the result of the preceding investigation, will by no
means carry with them conviction to all readers. We may, however, rest
assured, that whatever traces of an elementary religion can be discovered
in this fable, they were additions totally at variance with its original
structure. The fundamental idea of all the heroic mythology may be
pronounced to be a proud consciousness of power innate in man, by which he
endeavours to place himself on a level with the gods, not through the
influence of a mild and benign destiny, but by labour, misery, and
combats. The highest degree of human suffering and courage is attributed
to Hercules: his character is as noble as could be conceived in those rude
and early times; but he is by no means represented as free from the
blemishes of human nature; on the contrary, he is frequently subject to
wild, ungovernable passions, when the noble indignation and anger of the
suffering hero degenerate into phrensy.(1860) Every crime, however, is
atoned for by some new suffering; but nothing breaks his invincible
courage, until, purified from earthly corruption, he ascends mount
Olympus, and there receives the beauteous Hebe for his bride, while his
shade threatens the frightened ghosts in Hades.(1861) As in the fable of
Apollo, the godhead descends into the circle of human life, so in Hercules
a purely human power is elevated to the gods. Hercules also corresponds to
the last-mentioned deity, in his divine attributes, as an averter of evil
(ἀλεξίκακος and σωτὴρ);(1862) which the Œtæans carried so far as to
worship him as the destroyer of grasshoppers (κορνοπίων), and the
Erythræans as the killer of the vine-worm (ἰποκτόνος).(1863) We cannot,
however, agree with Herodotus, who derives the deification of Hercules
from a combination of the Phœnician or Idæan god, and the hero of Thebes,
since Hercules also enjoyed divine honours at places (as Messene and
Marathon(1864)) where such an amalgamation can scarcely be imagined. But
he is a deity representing the highest perfection of humanity, and
therefore the model and aim of human imitation; and the summit of heroic
energy was seen where the human passed into the divine nature. His life
and actions on earth are in ancient mythology perfectly human; and those
fables, which raise him above humanity, for instance, those alluding to
the combat with the giants,(1865) betray a later origin.

10. How little the ancient mythology was desirous of divesting Hercules of
any feelings of humanity may be collected from various features in his
character. Hercules, whether invited or not invited, is a jovial guest,
and not backward in enjoying himself. This explains the frequent allusions
to him as a great eater (βουθοίνας) and tippler, and also the Herculean
goblets and couches. The original source of all these fictions was the
ancient tradition of the residence of Hercules with Ceyx and Dexamenus:
nay, they may be traced to the ceremonies observed at his worship and
festivals.(1866) The Doric,(1867) like the Athenian comic poets and
satirists, merely adopted the general outline of the story, filling up the
details to suit their own fancy and humour: the latter adding some jokes
upon the gluttony of their Bœotian neighbours.(1868) It was Hercules,
above all other heroes, whom mythology endeavoured to place in ludicrous
situations; and sometimes made the butt of the buffoonery of others. This
was the case in the fable of the Cercopes (treated of in a ludicrous epic
poem ascribed to Homer),(1869) who are represented as alternately amusing
and annoying the hero. In works of art they are often represented as
satyrs, who rob the hero of his quiver, bow, and club.(1870) Hercules,
annoyed at their insults, binds two of them to a pole, in the manner
represented on the bas-relief of Selinus,(1871) and marches off with his
prize. Happily for the offenders, the hinder parts of Hercules had become
tanned by continued labours and exposure to the atmosphere: which reminded
them of an old prophecy, warning them to beware of a person of this
complexion;(1872) and the coincidence caused them to burst out into an
immoderate fit of laughter. This surprised Hercules, who inquired the
reason, and was himself so diverted by it, that he set both his prisoners
at liberty. And in general no company better agrees with the character of
Hercules, even in his deified state, than that of satyrs and other
followers of Bacchus, as might easily be proved by many works of Grecian
art. It also seems that mirth and buffoonery were often combined with the
festivals of Hercules: thus there was at Athens a society of sixty men,
who, on the festival of the Diomean Hercules, attacked and amused
themselves and others with sallies of wit.(1873) We shall hereafter show
how these exhibitions originated in the propensity of the Doric race to
the burlesque and comic.(1874)





APPENDIX I.


_On the settlements, origin, and early history of the Macedonian nation._

_General outline of the country._(1875)

1. In the Thermaic bay, the modern _gulf of Salonichi_, three rivers of
considerable size fall into the sea at very short distances from one
another, but which meet in this place in very different directions. The
largest of the three comes from the north-west, and is now called (as
indeed it was in the time of Tzetzes and Anna Comnena) the _Bardares_ (or
_Vardar_), and was in ancient days celebrated under the name of Axius. Its
stream is increased by large tributary branches on both sides, and chiefly
by the Erigon, which flows from the mountains of Illyria.(1876) The river
next in order runs from the west; it is now called in the interior of the
country _Potova_, and on the coast _Carasmac_: its ancient name, as is
evident from passages in Herodotus and Strabo, was Lydias, or
Ludias.(1877) And, lastly, after many turnings and windings, the
Haliacmon, now called _Bichlista_, flows from the south-west; in the time
of Herodotus it fell into the sea through the same mouth as the Lydias,
probably being widened by marshes; and in modern maps the interval between
the two rivers is represented as very small.(1878) It may be easily
conceived that this whole maritime district must have been low and marshy;
and by this means Pella, as Livy remarks, was of all towns in the country
best fitted for being the fortress of the Macedonian kings, and the place
of deposit for their treasure, since it lay, like an island, in the
morasses and swamps formed by the neighbouring lakes and rivers. These
marshes were called by the expressive name of βόρβορος, or _mud_.(1879)

2. Although the mouths of these rivers were so near together, the extent
of mountains, valleys, and plains which they encompassed in their course
was very considerable, amounting, according to modern maps, to 140
geographical miles from north and south, and more than 60 from east to
west. The Axius, together with its minor branches, runs from the great
Scardian chain, which further on receives the names of Orbelus, Scomius,
and Hæmus; while the course of the Haliacmon is close to the heights of
mount Olympus (part of which ridge in later times was called the Cambunian
mountains), and therefore to the borders of Thessaly. Both ridges run at
right angles from the great mountain-chain which cuts the upper part of
Greece in a direction from north-west to south-east, its southern parts
bearing the name of Pindus, the ridge towards Thessaly and Epirus of
Lacmon,(1880) and further to the north-west it is called the Candavian
chain(1881) and mount Barnus.(1882) It stretches behind the whole of the
district just named, and forms, as it were, the spine, to which the
mountains of Illyria, Epirus, Macedonia, and Thessaly are attached like
ribs. From this chain the two lines of mountains proceed, which separate
the valleys of the Haliacmon and the Axius. The name of the ridge between
the Haliacmon and the Lydias is known by the mention of mount Bermius
above Berœa;(1883) and Berœa is certainly the modern Veria, or Cara
Veria,(1884) near the northern bank of the Haliacmon. It will be shown
presently that Dysorum was the name of the mountain which divided the
Lydias and the Axius.(1885) And the ridge, which, stretching southward
from the Scardian chain, parted the valley of the Axius from the plains to
the east, was called (in one point at least), as we know from
Thucydides’(1886) account of the Odrysian king’s march, Cercine.

3. The valleys beyond the last-mentioned ridge are those of the Strymon
and the Angites. As the Axius falls into the sea in a gulf to the west, so
does the Strymon join the sea to the east of the Chalcidian peninsula. Not
far from its mouth the Strymon forms a lake, into which the Angites runs;
a stream of considerable size, its course lying westward of the Strymon.
For that the eastern stream is the ancient Strymon (notwithstanding the
opinion of most modern geographers) is, in the first place, evident from
its size; secondly, from the name _Struma_, which it now bears; and,
thirdly, from the statement of Herodotus,(1887) that the district of
Phyllis reached southwards to the Strymon, and westward to the Angites; it
lay, therefore, above the confluence of the two rivers and the lake which
they formed by their junction. The ridge which lies to the east of the
Strymon was called, at least where it widens along the coast,
Pangæum.(1888)

Thus much is sufficient to give a general notion of the geographical
structure of the region, the ancient inhabitants of which form the subject
of the present inquiry.

_Ancient names of the several districts._

4. We will now chiefly follow the full and accurate accounts of Herodotus
respecting the districts situated near the mouths of the three rivers just
mentioned. First, MYGDONIA, on the Thermaic bay, and round the ancient
city of Therma, extended, according to Herodotus, to the Axius, which
divided this district from Bottiaïs;(1889) and it agrees with this
statement that the small river Echeidorus (probably the modern _Gallico_),
which fell into the sea at the marshes near the Axius, in the lower part
of its course passed through Mygdonia.(1890) To the east this district
extended still further; lake Bolbe, beyond Chalcidice, was either in or
near Mygdonia.(1891) Thucydides, indeed, makes Mygdonia reach as far as
the Strymon;(1892) but this cannot be reconciled with the account of
Herodotus (who appears to have possessed a very accurate knowledge of this
region), that both the maritime district, west from the Strymon, in which
was the Greek city of Argilus, and the land further to the interior, was
called BISALTIA.(1893) On the other side, above Mygdonia, was situated
(according to Herodotus) the district of CRESTONICA, from which the river
Echeidorus flowed down to the coast.(1894)

5. Beyond the Axius, to the west of the stream, immediately after
Mygdonia, came BOTTIAIS, which district was on the other side bounded by
the united mouth of the Haliacmon and the Lydias;(1895) and thus towards
the sea it terminated in a narrow wedge-shaped strip. On this tongue of
land were the cities of Ichnæ and Pella,(1896) the first of which was
celebrated for an ancient temple;(1897) while Pella became afterwards the
royal residence, situated on the lake of the Lydias, at the distance of
120 stadia from the river’s mouth,(1898) and may now be recognised by
these marks of its position and some ruins. According to Strabo,(1899)
also, the river Axius made the boundary of Bottiæa, and divided it from
the district of Amphaxitis, which was the name of the opposite and more
elevated side of the Axius.(1900) Thucydides also calls this tract of
country Bottiæa;(1901) and distinguishes it from the more recent
settlements of the Bottiæans, near Olynthus, in Chalcidice,(1902) which he
calls _Bottica_.(1903)

6. The united mouth of the Lydias and Haliacmon, according to
Herodotus,(1904) divided Bottiaïs from MACEDONIS; for he can only mean
this common mouth when he says that “the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon
divide the districts of Bottiaïs and Macedonis, uniting their waters in
the same channel.” Further on in the interior the Lydias alone must have
been the boundary of Bottiaïs, since otherwise this district would not end
in a narrow strip of land; Macedonis, therefore, began on the western bank
of the Lydias. In this place nothing more can be said as to the meaning of
the word _Macedonis_, before the precise signification of some other names
has been determined.

7. Proceeding along the coast, PIERIA borders upon Macedonis, the district
under Mount Olympus,(1905) which ridge, where it approaches this coast,
splits into two branches, the one stretching towards the mouth of the
Peneus, the other towards those of the three rivers. Herodotus cannot make
Pieria reach as far as the Haliacmon,(1906) as they are here separated by
Macedonis Proper;(1907) he probably supposes it to begin just at the rise
of mount Olympus, and divides the narrow plain on the sea-coast from the
tracts to the interior. The southern boundary of Pieria is stated by
Strabo(1908) and Livy(1909) to have been the district of Dium;(1910) so
that these writers leave a narrow and mountainous strip of land,
stretching towards Tempe, which belonged neither to Pieria nor Thessaly.
The chief place in Pieria was Pydna, also called Cydna (according to
Stephanus Byz.), and in later times Citron (according to the epitomizer of
Strabo),(1911) which name still remains in the same place.

8. Now that we proceed from the divisions of the coast to the interior, we
are deserted, indeed, by the excellent account of Herodotus; but there are
nevertheless statements sufficiently accurate to determine the ancient
name of each district. The high and mountainous valley of the Haliacmon
was, according to Livy,(1912) called ELIMEIA; the inhabitants Elimiots,
who are included by Thucydides(1913) among the Macedonians: the district
is also called after their name Elimiotis.(1914) From thence proceeds the
road to Thessaly over the Cambunian mountains;(1915) and another almost
impracticable road to Ætolia over the mountainous country to the south of
Elimeia.(1916) To Elimeia succeeded PARAUÆA, a fertile district, near the
sources of the river called Aous, Æas, or Auus;(1917) and to the south
again lay PARORÆA, which was crossed by the river Arachthus at the
beginning of its course from under mount Stympha:(1918) the country near
this mountain was called STYMPHÆA (or Tymphæa), extending to the sources
of the Peneus and the land of the Æthicians.(1919) The ATINTANIANS reached
beyond the country of the Parauæans, and within that of the Chaonians as
far as Illyria.(1920) All these districts are indeed divided from Elimeia
by the great chain of Pindus; but, from their connexion with that region,
some account of them in this place was indispensable.

9. A small valley in the district of Elimeia, which lay to the north
towards the Illyrian Dassaretians,(1921) was inhabited by the Orestian
Macedonians,(1922) who doubtless were so called from the _mountains_ (ὄρη)
in which they dwelt, and not from _Orestes_, the son of Agamemnon. The
valley of Orestis(1923) contained a lake, in which was the town Celetrum,
situated on a peninsula.(1924) Its position coincides with that of the
modern Castoria;(1925) and it cannot be doubted that the wild
mountain-valley near the source of the Haliacmon was the ancient Orestis.
Another valley in Elimeia was called ALMOPIA, or Almonia, an ancient
settlement of the Minyans, situated on the confines of Macedonia and
Thessaly, apparently not far from Pieria.(1926)

10. Elimeia, together with the surrounding highlands, was cold and rugged,
and difficult of cultivation.(1927) The same was the case with the
neighbouring district of LYNCESTIS, the country of the Lyncestæ, who had
received their name, according to a Macedonian inflexion,(1928) from
Lyncus.(1929) Lyncus was the name of the whole district, and not of any
one city, as in early times there were only unfortified villages in this
part.(1930) It was surrounded on all sides by mountains; a narrow pass
between two heights being the chief road to the coast.(1931) The position
of Lyncus is accurately determined by the course of the Egnatian Roman
road from Dyrrachium, which, after crossing the Illyrian mountains at
Pylon (or the gateway), led by Heraclea Lyncestis, and through the country
of the Lyncestæ and Eordians, to Edessa and Pella;(1932) as well as by the
fact that the _mons Bora_ of Livy, _i.e._ the Bermius, lay to the south of
it.(1933) Consequently the Lyncestæ must have inhabited the mountains
south of the Erigon, and a part of the valley in which that river flowed;
which is confirmed by other accounts of ancient writers.(1934) The country
of the EORDIANS is also determined by the direction of the Egnatian way;
viz., to the east of Lyncus and west of Edessa, and therefore in the
valley of the Lydias, to the north of Elimea(1935) and the Bermius.(1936)
In order to go from the valley of the Erigon to Thessaly, the way passed
first through Eordæa and then through Elimiotis.(1937)

11. DEURIOPUS (ἡ Δευρίοπος) was the name of a tract of country along the
Erigon,(1938) which was considered as belonging to Pæonia,(1939) and
probably lay to the east of Lyncestis and north of Eordæa.(1940) In Pæonia
also was situated the rugged district of PELAGONIA, to the north of
Lyncestis,(1941) having on its northern frontiers narrow passes, which
protected it from the incursions of the Dardanians.(1942) As to other
parts of the extensive territory of PÆONIA (in comparison with which
Macedonia was originally very inconsiderable in size), it is only
necessary to observe, that, beginning near the source of the Axius, the
banks of which river had from early times been occupied by Pæonian tribes,
a narrow strip of land extended down to Pella and the coast;(1943) though,
according to Herodotus, it could not have actually reached the edge of the
sea, as the frontiers of Bottiaïs and Mygdonia at this point came into
contact with one another.(1944) Immediately to the north of Lower
Macedonia, _i.e._, to the north of Macedonian Pæonia, Bottiaïs, and
Mygdonia, but without the confines of these provinces, was situated, as we
learn from Thucydides,(1945) the Pæonian city of DOBERUS.(1946) The king
of the Odrysians arrived, according to the same writer,(1947) at this
place after having come from his dominions, which were bounded by the
Strymon, over mount Cercine; in which passage he left the Pæonians to the
right, and to the left the Sintes and Mædi (Thracian races, supposed by
Gatterer to have penetrated hither when the Siropæonians and others
crossed over to Asia).(1948) From which notices I have ventured to set
down the mountain, the city, and nations just mentioned, as may be seen in
the accompanying map.(1949)

_Early history of the kingdom of Macedonia._

12. The subject of this dissertation made it necessary for us to enter
into the above detail as to the several provinces and divisions of Upper
and Lower Macedonia. We must now proceed to inquire into the gradual
extension of the kingdom of Macedon; an investigation in which we are
fortunately assisted by the clear and accurate account of Thucydides, who
lived at no great distance from the country which he describes; and whose
words I now transcribe as follows (II. 99.):

“Accordingly, the subjects of Sitalces mustered at Doberus, and prepared
for a descent into Lower Macedonia, which country was under the rule of
Perdiccas. For to the Macedonians belong(1950) the Lyncestæ and the
Elimiots, and other nations in the upper parts of the country, which are
the allies and subjects(1951) of these Macedonians,(1952) but have
nevertheless princes of their own. The present kingdom of Macedonia,
extending along the sea,(1953) was first occupied by Alexander the father
of Perdiccas, and his ancestors of the family of Temenus, who came
originally from Argos; and ruled over it, having by force of arms expelled
the Pierians from Pieria,(1954) and the Bottiæans from the district called
Bottiæa. They also obtained in Pæonia a narrow tongue of land, extending
along the river Axius down to Pella and the sea: and on the further side
of the Axius they possess the district called Mygdonia, as far as the
Strymon, of which they dispossessed the Edones. They also dislodged the
Eordians from the country still called Eordia, and from Almopia the
Almopians. These Macedonians also subdued those other nations which they
now possess; viz., Anthemus, together with Crestonia and Bisaltia, and a
large part of the Macedonians themselves. The whole of this country
together is called Macedonia; and Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was
king of it when Sitalces made his invasion.”

13. This chapter has not by any means been exhausted by those who have
written on the growth and size of Macedonia; and therefore it will be
convenient to set down some of the chief inferences which may be drawn
from it.

In the first place, it is plain that the Macedonians, who made the
conquest, and founded the kingdom of Macedon, were _not the whole
Macedonian nation_, but only a part of it. There were in the mountainous
districts Macedonian tribes, which had their own kings, and originally
were not subject to the Temenidæ. These are the Macedonian highlanders of
Herodotus,(1955) from whose district the road passed over mount Olympus
(the Cambunian chain) into the country of the Perrhæbians;(1956) and it
began, as has been already remarked, in Elimeia.(1957) The Elimiots were,
according to Thucydides, one portion of these Macedonians, the Lyncestæ
another; both which appellations were merely local, and the full title was
“_the Macedonians in Lyncus_,” or “the Macedonian Lyncestæ.”(1958) Of the
_remaining_ Macedonian nations in the mountain-districts we only know the
name of the Orestæ;(1959) at least there are no others who can with any
certainty be considered as Macedonians.

14. The name of Macedonia was not therefore, as some have supposed,
confined to the royal dynasty of Edessa, but was a _national appellation_;
so much so, that it is even stated that those very kings subdued, among
other nations, a large portion of the Macedonians. The tribes of Upper
Macedonia were long governed by their own princes; thus Antiochus was king
of the Orestæ at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war;(1960) the
Lyncestæ were under the rule of Arrhibæus, the son of Bromerus,(1961) the
great grandfather, by the mother’s side, of Philip of Macedon, who derived
his descent (not altogether without probability) from the Bacchiadæ, the
ancient rulers of Corinth;(1962) and these kings, though properly
recognising the supremacy of the Temenidæ, were nevertheless at times
their nearest, and therefore most dangerous, enemies.(1963)

15. The Macedonian kingdom of the Temenidæ, on the other hand, began from
a single point of the Macedonian territory, concerning the position of
which there are various traditions. According to Herodotus, three brothers
of the family of Temenus, Gauanes, Aëropus, and Perdiccas, fled from Argos
to Illyria, from thence passed on to _Lebæa_ in Upper Macedonia, and
served the king of the country (who was therefore a Macedonian) as
shepherds. From this place they again fled, and dwelt in another part of
Macedonia, near the gardens of Midas, in mount Bermius (near _Berœa_),
from which place they subdued the neighbouring country.(1964) Thucydides
so far recognises this tradition, that he likewise considers Perdiccas as
the founder of the kingdom, reckoning eight kings down to Archelaus.(1965)
The other account, however, that there were three kings before Perdiccas,
is unquestionably not the mere invention of later historians, but was
derived, as well as the other, from some local tradition. According to
this account the Macedonian kingdom began at _Edessa_,(1966) which had
been taken by Caranus, of the family of the Temenidæ, and by him named
after a goatherd, who rendered him assistance, Ægæ (or Ægeæ).(1967) Both
narrations have equally a traditional character, and were doubtless of
Macedonian origin, only that the latter appears to have been combined with
an Argive legend of a brother of the powerful Phido having gone to the
north. The claim of Edessa is also confirmed by the fact, that, even when
it had long ceased to be the royal residence, it still continued the
burial-place of the kings of Temenus’ race, and, as Diodorus says, the
_hearth_ of their empire.(1968)

16. Edessa and the gardens of Midas were both situated between the Lydias
and the Haliacmon, in the original and proper country of Macedonia,
according to the account of Herodotus.(1969) The manner in which the
dominions of the Temenidæ were extended along the sea-coast, and towards
the interior, we learn from Thucydides, who comprises in one general view
all the conquests of these princes until the reign of Alexander. For to
suppose that Alexander, the son of Amyntas, made _all_ these conquests, is
an error which is even refuted by the words of Thucydides; although it is
very possible that this prince, who began his reign about 488 B.C., at the
time of the Persian power, and was the brother-in-law of a Persian
general,(1970) added considerably to the territory which he had
inherited.(1971) But when Xerxes undertook his great expedition against
Greece, the power of Macedon was as great as it is described by
Thucydides; nor was its territory much enlarged during the interval
between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.(1972) For at the time of the
Persian war (481 B.C.) the Pierians were already settled in New Pieria,
especially in the fortified towns of Phagres and Pergamus, at the foot of
mount Pangæum,(1973) whither they retired, after having been driven out of
Old Pieria by the Macedonian kings;(1974) in fact, this extension of the
territory of Macedon must have taken place at an early period.(1975)
Moreover, Olynthus was, according to Herodotus,(1976) at least _before_
480 B.C., in the hands of the Bottiæans, who had, as we learn from both
Herodotus and Thucydides, expelled the Macedonians from the ancient
Bottiaïs; consequently this district had been under the rule of the
Macedonians _before_ the expedition of Xerxes. Thirdly, Amyntas the
Macedonian, in 510 B.C., offered Anthemus in Chalcidice to the
Pisistratidæ;(1977) the same argument therefore applies in this case also.
Anthemus, however, could hardly have been obtained without Mygdonia: and
that this district was then a part of the Macedonian dominions is probable
also from the following reasons.(1978) According to Thucydides, the
Macedonians drove out the nation of the Edonians(1979) from Mygdonia,
between the rivers Axius and Strymon; and accordingly we find the Edonians
always mentioned as dwelling to the east of the Strymon, at the foot of
mount Pangæum. Now Ennea Hodoi, situated on the eastern bank of the
Strymon, was, according to Herodotus,(1980) in the possession of the
Edonians in the year 481 B.C.; and Myrcinus, in the same region, was found
by Histiæus, when he visited it, to be an Edonian district,(1981) as it
was at a later period by Brasidas.(1982) The latter argument is not indeed
of itself decisive, as it might be said that the Edonians were only driven
together by the conquests of the Macedonians, and had _previously_ been in
possession of the further side of the Strymon; but when combined with the
former facts, it offers an almost certain proof that the whole country,
from lake Bolbè to within a short distance from the Peneus, was subject to
the Macedonians before the expedition of Xerxes.(1983) Methone(1984) was
on this coast the only interruption to the series of Macedonian
possessions; this Eretrian colony had been, about 746 B.C.,(1985) together
with the numerous Eubœan settlements in Chalcidice,(1986) at a period when
the power of the Macedonians on this line of coast was very insignificant;
and it preserved its independence until the reign of Philip the son of
Amyntas.(1987)

17. From the facts now ascertained, we may deduce a result of some
importance with regard to the language of Herodotus. This historian
clearly and precisely distinguishes between Bottiaïs and Macedonia in the
time of Xerxes,(1988) although it is certain that Bottiaïs was then in the
power of the Macedonians;(1989) Macedonia he classes as a district with
Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, and Pieria. He uses the word, therefore, not in a
_political_, but in a _national_ sense; _i.e._, he restricts it to the
territory originally possessed by the Macedonian nation, not applying it
to countries which had been obtained by conquest or political
preponderance. The Macedonia of Herodotus is consequently the territory of
the Macedonians _before_ all the conquests of the Temenidæ. It extended,
according to Herodotus, in a narrow tongue down to the sea;(1990) a fact
disregarded by Thucydides, when he states that the coast of Lower
Macedonia was first reduced by the Temenidæ.(1991) Further from the sea,
however, the ancient Macedonia had a much wider extent, and included the
districts of Edessa and Berœa, Lyncestis, Orestis, and Elimeia: for
Macedonia is stated by Herodotus to have been on the one side bounded by
mount Olympus (which ridge, where it borders on Pieria,(1992) was called
the Macedonian mountains),(1993) and on the other by mount Dysorum. This
last fact is evident from the statement of the same writer, that a very
short way led from the Prasian lake to Macedonia, passing first to the
mine from which Alexander obtained an immense supply of precious metal;
and then, that having crossed mount Dysorum, you were in Macedonia;(1994)
_i.e._, evidently in the _original_ Macedonia, since he expressly excludes
from it the mine which had been a subsequent accession. The Prasian lake
was in Pæonia;(1995) but in what district of it is not known;(1996) mount
Dysorum, however, can only be looked for to the north of Edessa and to the
west of the Axius, Macedonia Proper not extending so far as that river. In
this manner it is placed in the accompanying map; in which also the
ancient boundaries of the Macedonian race are laid down according to the
results obtained by these researches.

18. On the other conquests of the Macedonians little need be said. The
occupation of Bisaltia and Crestonica was subsequent to the expedition of
Xerxes. The Thracian king of these districts fled away,(1997) and left his
kingdom a prey to the ambition of Alexander, who thus extended his empire
to the mouth of the Strymon, which was the boundary of Macedonia in the
days of Thucydides and of Scylax, and remained so until the time of
Philip. At what time the Macedonian kings reduced that part of Pæonia
which stretched along the Axius, Eordæa, Almopia, and a large part of the
Macedonians themselves, we are nowhere informed; and to infer from
Thucydides that these conquests succeeded that of Mygdonia and preceded
that of Anthemus, would be laying too much weight upon the order in which
he arranges the events; in which, although he doubtless paid some regard
to chronology, the context required that the conquests on the coast should
be mentioned before those of the interior. Eordæa was probably subjugated
at a very early period, since it lay, as it were, in a bay of the
Macedonian territory; and a very credible tradition has been preserved by
Dexippus,(1998) that Caranus had in early times made an alliance with the
Orestæ against the Eordians, and founded his kingdom by the subjugation of
that nation. In fact, the first nation with whom the king of Edessa had to
contend was these Eordians. They were, according to Thucydides, nearly
annihilated by a war of extermination; a small number of them escaped to
Physca in Mygdonia;(1999) which district therefore was not as yet under
the power of the Macedonians.

19. Among those parts of Macedonia Proper which were reduced by the
Temenidæ, Elimeia may be particularly mentioned, as is evident from the
following circumstances. Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was at war with
his brother Philip, with whom he was to have divided his kingdom,(2000)
and also with Derdas.(2001) The brothers of Derdas, before the beginning
of the Peloponnesian war, in alliance with the Athenians, made a descent
from the highlands, that is, from one of the districts Elimeia, Orestis,
or Lyncus, into the dominions of Perdiccas.(2002) Now Derdas(2003) was the
son of Arrhibæus, and cousin of Perdiccas; and it is plain that the
Temenidæ reduced Elimeia; and a branch of the same family received this
district as their peculiar possession.(2004) A separate king of Elimeia
also existed in the time of Archelaus,(2005) who doubtless belonged to the
same family. For a later Derdas occurs as prince of the Elimiots in the
time of Agesilaus,(2006) who perhaps was the same as, or rather was the
father of, the Derdas, whose sister Phila Philip married.(2007) In like
manner, there was a separate sovereignty in Stymphæa and the neighbouring
Æthicia, which was held by the family of Polysperchon, the general and
guardian of the kingdom.(2008) Although in later times all these separate
sovereignties, both of the Temenidæ and of other princes, were suppressed,
and Upper and Lower Macedonia were equally ruled from the city of Pella;
yet the tribes of the highlands still remained to a certain degree
distinct. Even at the battle of Arbela, the Elimiots, Lyncestæ, Orestæ,
and Tymphæans fought in separate bodies;(2009) and several persons are
denoted in the history of Macedon by the surname of Lyncestes. Perdiccas
came from Orestis, Ptolemy from Eordæa.(2010) Those in the lowlands, on
the other hand, were known by the general name of Macedonians; and it
should be observed, that there were also Macedonians dwelling in Pieria,
Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, Eordæa, and Almopia,(2011) who had, according to
Thucydides, driven out the native inhabitants; while Pæonia and Bisaltia,
together with Anthemus and Crestonica, remained in the possession of those
tribes which had been settled there before the conquest of
Macedonia.(2012)

_On the national affinity of the original Macedonians._

20. From what has been already said it is plain that there was,
independently of the extension of the empire of the Temenidæ, a Macedonian
nation possessing from early times a territory of considerable size, viz.,
the Macedonia of Herodotus; the area of which in the accompanying map
amounts to 2400 geographical square miles.

We now proceed to the most important question to be considered in this
treatise, viz., to what national family these Macedonians belonged.

21. The ancient writers distinguish in these regions the following
nations; and in so marked a manner that it is evident that they differed
from one another in their costume, language, and mode of living.(2013)

First, the THRACIANS. This great nation extended to the north as far as
the Danube, where it included the Getæ;(2014) to the east beyond the sea,
since the Thynians and Bithynians were Thracians;(2015) to the west within
mount Hæmus as far as the Strymon, where it bordered on the Pæonians,
widening still more as it receded from the coast, since it also included
the Triballians.(2016) On the west bank of the Strymon the Sintians and
Mædians were of Thracian origin;(2017) to which nation the Bisaltæ and
Edones must also be referred.(2018) Thrace is often represented as having
in early times extended to Thessaly and Bœotia(2019) but merely in
reference to the settlements of the Pierians at the foot of Olympus and
Helicon; and there are many reasons against considering these Pierians as
of the same race as the _other_ Thracians,(2020) although they were called
Thracians at an early period.(2021) Homer at least distinguishes between
these two nations when he makes Here go from Olympus to Pieria, then to
Emathia, and afterwards to the snowy mountains of the Thracians;(2022) by
which he must mean the mountains of the Bisaltæ to the north of Edessa,
since the goddess next rests her foot on mount Athos and the island of
Lemnos.

Secondly, the PÆONIANS. A numerous race divided into several small
nations,(2023) inhabiting the districts on the rivers Strymon and Axius
and the countries to the north of Macedonia,(2024) together with Pannonia,
according to the Greeks.(2025) This race, according to _their own
tradition_ (if Herodotus’s account is correct),(2026) derived their origin
from the ancient Teucrians in the Troad; in their passage from which
country they had been accompanied, according to Herodotus, by the Mysians,
the same people that afterwards gave their name of Mœsians to a great
province.(2027)

Thirdly, the ILLYRIANS extended southward as far as the Acroceraunian
mountains, eastward to the mountain-chain known in its southern parts by
the name of Pindus, and northward as far as the Save and the Alps, if
Herodotus is correct in considering the Venetians as of Illyrian
origin.(2028)

Fourthly, _Nations of Grecian descent_.

22. Since the Macedonians evidently belonged to some one of these four
races, our present object is to ascertain _which_. Now in the first place
the _Greeks_ may be excluded, since, although it is certain that a large
portion of the Macedonian nation was of Grecian origin, the Macedonians
were always considered by the Greeks as barbarians.—Alexander the
Philhellene,(2029) the father of Perdiccas, represented himself to the
Persians (according to Herodotus)(2030) as a Greek, and satrap over
Macedonians; the same person who was driven off the course at Olympia for
being a barbarian, until he proved his Argive descent.(2031) The mouth of
the Peneus, or the Magnesian mountain of Homolè, was on the eastern side
considered as the boundary of Greece,(2032) unless Magnesia also was
excluded. Fabulous genealogies, representing Macedon as the son of Zeus
and Thyia the daughter of Deucalion, or of a descendant of Æolus, are of
no weight against the prevailing opinion of the Greeks; nor are they
necessarily of greater antiquity than the fortieth Olympiad (620
B.C.),(2033) at which time Danaus and Ægyptus, and other races equally
unconnected, were made the members of the same family, when the Scythians
were derived from Hercules,(2034) and even the whole known world was
comprised in extensive genealogies. It would be unreasonable to suppose,
on the credit of these genealogies, that there was any other migration of
Greeks into Macedonia except that of the Temenidæ.

23. Secondly, with regard to the PÆONIANS: it may be shown that the
Macedonians did not belong to that nation.(2035) The possessions of the
Macedonians in Pæonia are accurately described by ancient writers; these
were, until the time of Perdiccas, only a narrow strip of land;(2036)
Pelagonia and Pæonia on the Axius were subdued at a later date. As the
Pæonian race was not aboriginal in this district, its peculiarities were
probably easy to be recognised in the time of Thucydides, and hence this
national name occurs more frequently than those of the separate provinces.
For this reason great importance should be attached to the circumstance
that the ancients never refer the Macedonians themselves to the Pæonian
race; and it should perhaps be considered as decisive. On the other hand,
with aboriginal races having a large territory and numerous connexions,
such a separation hardly warrants this inference, since otherwise the
Macedonians, whom both Herodotus and Thucydides mention _together with_
Thracians and Illyrians,(2037) could not have belonged to either of those
two tribes, and therefore to no great national division of the human race.
It is, however, plain that the ancients frequently used the national name
in a limited sense, merely for the chief mass of the people, and did not
apply it to particular _portions of it_ which had acquired a character
different from that of the rest of their nation,(2038) without by this
meaning to express a diversity of origin. We have therefore now only to
ascertain whether the Macedonians were of _Thracian_ or _Illyrian_
descent.

24. We shall gain one step towards a conclusion by inquiring in what
region were the original settlements of the Macedonians; a question which
should carefully be distinguished from the former investigation as to the
first station of the Temenidæ. Now in pursuing this inquiry, we soon
perceive that even of Macedonia Proper, from which Bottiæa, Pieria, and
Eordæa were conquered, a large part was not always in the possession of
the Macedonians. Homer, for example, places Emathia, not Macedonia,
between Pieria and Chalcidice.(2039) Several writers state in general that
Macedonia had anciently been called Emathia;(2040) but, as will be
presently shown, they do not so much mean the highlands as the country
about the mouths of the three rivers and near Edessa.(2041) The fabulous
name was renewed in later times; and Ptolemy(2042) even mentions the
district of Emathia, in which were the towns of Cyrrhus,(2043) Eidomenæ,
Gordynia, Edessa, Berrhœa, and Pella. According to Thucydides(2044) and
others, Eidomenæ and Gordynia must have been situated in the region near
the Axius, in the early subdued country of Pæonia;(2045) whence it may be
understood how Polybius(2046) could say that Emathia, at a distance from
the coast, had in early times been called Pæonia. For the ancient name of
Emathia had evidently been extended to a tract of land belonging to
Pæonia, which had, perhaps, previously to the Pæonian conquests, once
borne the name of Emathia.

25. Now although the country round Edessa, and nearer to the sea, was not
originally called Macedonia, yet we find traces of the existence of the
name of the Macedonians under its ancient forms of Μακέται and Μακεδνοὶ,
in the hill-country near the ridge of Pindus. Herodotus says that the
Doric race, having been driven from Hestiæotis, and dwelling under mount
Pindus, was called the _Macedonian nation_.(2047) By this statement he
plainly means that the Dorians were first known by that name in
Peloponnesus;(2048) and indeed his other notions on the progress of this
people are only suited to the childhood of history. But notwithstanding
the erroneous conclusions of the narrator, it is allowable to infer from
his statement that the Macedonians had once dwelt at the foot of
Pindus—_i.e._, probably in one of the districts of Upper Macedonia; of
which provinces Orestis may be considered (on the faith of a conjectural
emendation) as the ancient Maceta.(2049) For it cannot be a Thessalian
district that is alluded to, since Maceta was, as we know from certain
testimony, in fact a part of Macedonia. This hypothesis is also supported
by the ancient patronymic surname of the Macedonian kings, “Argeadæ;” if
it is rightly derived by Appian from Argos in Orestis.(2050)

The fact that the ancient country of the Macedonians was near the ridge of
mountains on the confines of Illyria, and was at a considerable distance
from Thrace, renders it probable that the Macetæ were of Illyrian blood;
but this probability would yield to arguments drawn from the language,
costume, and manners of the three nations. The question therefore is, whom
did the Macedonians in the points most resemble, the _Illyrians_ or the
_Thracians_?

26. There is a passage in Strabo(2051) which, on account of its
importance, I will give nearly at full length, omitting only those parts
which are not necessary to the context. It contains an account of the
population of Epirus.

“Of the nations of Epirus the Chaonians and Thesprotians inhabit the coast
from the Ceraunian mountains to the Ambracian gulf; behind Ambracia is
Amphilochian Argos. The Amphilochians also are Epirots, together with the
tribes lying more in the interior, and joining the mountains of
Illyria—viz., the Molotti, the Athamanes, the Æthices, the Tymphæi, the
Orestæ, the Paroræi, and the Atintanes, some dwelling nearer to the
Macedonians, and others to the Ionian sea. With these the Illyrian nations
were mixed which dwelt to the south of the hill-country, as well as those
beyond the Ionian sea. For between Epidamnus and Apollonia and the
Ceraunian mountains there are the Bylliones,(2052) the Taulantii,(2053)
the Parthini,(2054) and the Brygi,(2055) and at a short distance, about
the silver mines(2056) of Damastium,(2057) the Perisadies have established
their dominion; the Enchelii(2058) and Sesarasii(2059) are also named as
dwelling in these parts; and besides these, the Lyncestæ, the land of
Deuriopus, the Pelagonian Tripolis,(2060) the Eordi, Elimea, and
Eratyra.(2061) Now in early times these tribes had severally rulers of
their own; the Enchelians were governed by the descendants of Cadmus, the
Lyncestæ were under Arrhibæus, and of the Epirots the Molotti were ruled
by Pyrrhus and his descendants, while all the other nations of that tribe
were governed by native princes. In process of time, however, as one
nation obtained the dominion over others, the whole fell into the
Macedonian empire, except a small tract beyond the Ionian sea. Also the
country about Lyncestus, Pelagonia, Orestias and Elimea was once called
Upper Macedonia, and at a later period the Independent. Some persons,
moreover, give to the whole country as far as Corcyra the name of
Macedonia, assigning, as their reason, that the inhabitants nearly
resemble one another in the mode of wearing the hair, in their dialect, in
the use of the chlamys, and in other points of this kind: some of them
likewise speak two languages.”

27. Now, although the historical accounts of Strabo, collected at a time
when these regions had been ravaged by conquest, and had undergone
manifold changes, have not the value which the statements of Herodotus and
Thucydides possess, yet it is possible to extract from them much
information. In the first place it should be observed that the Epirots and
the Illyrians are not considered as two wholly distinct nations. The
Epirots, although in early times allied by blood with the Greeks, were
always considered as barbarians,(2062) and Ambracia as the last city in
Greece;(2063) which fact, since the original inhabitants were the same as
in Arcadia, that is, Pelasgians, can only be explained by supposing that
there had been a mixture of Illyrians. Hence it might be at that late time
difficult to distinguish between the Epirots and the Illyrians; and thus
Strabo includes the Atintanes, who according to Scylax(2064) and
Appian(2065) were Illyrians, among the Epirot nations. It is more singular
that he should consider the Orestæ, whom Polybius(2066) recognises as a
Macedonian people, as Epirots; but it may be probably accounted for by the
circumstance of their separation from the cause of the Macedonian kings,
which procured them their independence in the year of the city 556.(2067)
But the other inhabitants of Upper Macedonia, the genuine Macedonians,
such as the Lyncestæ and Elimiots (who probably, from being mountaineers,
had preserved their national distinctions more than the civilised tribes
of the lowlands), were considered by Strabo, as the context plainly shows,
as original Illyrians; and it can hardly be doubted that they still bore
the characteristic marks of that nation.

28. “Some again,” as Strabo says, “give to the whole country as far as
Corcyra the name of Macedonia.” What country this is, is accurately known
both from the testimony of other writers, and even of Strabo himself. The
Romans called the whole region which opened to them the way to
Macedonia(2068) by the name of Macedonia; and made it reach from Lissus
(now _Alessio_) on the river Drilon (now the _Drin_) either to the
Egnatian road,(2069) which begins between Dyrrhachium (or Epidamnus) and
Apollonia, or, as Strabo states in the passage quoted in the text, for a
short distance beyond.(2070) The inhabitants of this tract of country were
beyond all question Illyrians (Taulantii, Parthini, Dassaretii,
&c.(2071)); and it is of _their_ dress and language that Strabo here
speaks. The importance of these points for the discovery of national
affinity is easily perceived. Indeed, many Grecian tribes might be
distinguished merely by their mode of wearing the hair.(2072) The chlamys
had come to the Greeks from the Thessalians, and Sappho was the first
Grecian writer who mentioned it:(2073) afterwards it became a military
dress, and supplanted the ἱμάτιον, as in Italy the _sagum_ took the place
of the _toga_, which was originally girt up for military use.(2074) From
this passage of Strabo we learn that it was the national habit of the
Illyrian tribes above Epirus. In like manner the broad-brimmed, low, flat
fur-cap, known by the name of _causia_, which was equally unlike the
conical(2075) κυνέη of the Bœotians and the low, tapering(2076) πέτασος,
was worn by these northern nations; it was the ancient dress of state
among the Macedonians, and worn by their kings;(2077) and it was likewise
the dress of the Ætolians(2078) and Molossians.(2079) But the most
remarkable circumstance is, that the same cap which is borne by the riders
on the tetradrachms of the first Alexander also adorns the head of the
Illyrian king Gentius.(2080) Lastly, the similarity of dialect is a
decisive proof. Now that all these things should have been introduced by
the Macedonian kings seems highly improbable, when it is remembered that
their rule did not even extend over the whole of this tract, that it was
also often interrupted, and in general not of a nature to alter the
character, language, and costume of the natives.(2081)

From these facts it may, I think, be safely inferred that the Macedonians,
viz., the people originally and properly so called, belonged to the
ILLYRIAN race.

_On the mixture of the Macedonians with other, particularly Greek, races._

29. It is, however, certain, notwithstanding the result which has been
established, that the Macedonians in their advance from the highlands
dislodged, and partly incorporated other, and particularly Grecian,
tribes.

The first to fall in their hands was the ancient Emathia, near Edessa, and
downwards to the sea, which Herodotus includes in _his_ Macedonia. The
name of the country appears to be Grecian;(2082) and since Justin(2083)
distinctly affirms that the ancient inhabitants of Emathia were
Pelasgians, and as Æschylus, a poet greatly versed in traditional lore,
also makes the kingdom of the Pelasgians extend through Macedonia as far
as the Strymon,(2084) it must be considered that, according to ancient
tradition, the early inhabitants of this country were of the Pelasgic
race. It is likewise fair, by the guidance of several parallel cases in
the Greek mythology, to interpret the legend that Lycaon the Arcadian hero
had once ruled in Emathia, and was the father of Macedon,(2085) as
signifying merely the succession, _according to order of time_, of the
Pelasgians and Macedonians in the occupation of this country; which the
language of mythology expressed by placing the respective races in a
_genealogical_ connexion. So Thessalus is called a son of Jason, although
the Thessalians belonged to a different race from the early rulers of the
country, the Minyæ of Iolcus, of whom Jason was one. Hence it is highly
probable that at the first conquest of this tract of land, viz., of
Macedonia Proper, nations akin to the Greeks were mixed with the
Illyrians.

30. One of the earliest conquests of the Macedonians was the country of
their neighbours(2086) the Phrygians; _i.e._, according to the most exact
statements, the district about mount Bermius, where in the ancient gardens
of king Midas, the son of Gordias (in which Silenus had been once taken
prisoner), the hundred-leaved rose still flourished at the time of
Herodotus.(2087) It is exceedingly probable that, as Herodotus states,
this district had been occupied by the Macedonians before the arrival of
the Temenidæ;(2088) with which the tradition of an ancient migration of
the Phrygians coincides:(2089) yet it is also stated that Caranus the
Temenid expelled Midas.(2090) That the Phrygians or Brygians were entirely
incorporated in the Macedonian nation cannot be supposed, as we hear quite
in late times of a tribe of Brygians (Βρύγοι) in these regions, who then
dwelt near the Illyrian mountains beyond Lychnidus, not far from the
Erigon, together with the Dassaretians.(2091) The tribe of Mygdonians,
which was allied to the Phrygians,(2092) must have been lost in other
nations at an early period, since their territory had been occupied by the
Edones before it became a part of the Macedonian empire.

31. In their further extension the Macedonians fell in with Grecian, with
Pæonian, and with Thracian tribes, which they either subdued or dislodged;
but no expulsion was probably so complete that some part of the former
population was not left behind. Among the tribes thus driven out were the
Bottiæans, who were reported to have come from Athens and Crete;(2093) a
tradition which could hardly have arisen, if they had not been a Grecian
people. Notice should also be taken of the Grecian and Pelasgic names of
the cities on the Axius, viz., Ichnæ, Eidomenæ, Gortynia, Atalante, and
Europus,(2094) which cannot have been given by the Pæonians, and therefore
must be referred to the ancient Greek population of this region. Beyond
the Axius, according to Herodotus,(2095) was Creston, a settlement of
Thessalian Pelasgians, whence they do not appear to have been expelled by
the victorious Macedonians; which fate befell the Almopians, an ancient
branch of the Minyæ.(2096) It has been already shown that the common
population of Leibethrum and Pieria was at least nearly related to the
Greeks: the names of Λείβηθρα, for a well-watered valley, Πίμπλη for a
full fountain, and of Ἑλικὼν for a winding stream, are evidently
Grecian.(2097)

As to the Eordians, the ancient foes of Macedon, it is uncertain whether
they should be considered as belonging to the Illyrian or the Pæonian
race;(2098) of this latter tribe, in earlier times, a small, and, in
later, a considerable portion obeyed the Macedonian kings. And, lastly,
the subjection of the Bisaltæ, who even in the time of Perseus formed one
of the chief parts of the kingdom of Macedon,(2099) joined to that nation
a people of purely Thracian descent; and the Macedonians, in the political
meaning of the word, ceased more and more to be a regular nation, or a
body of men of the same origin and language.(2100)

_On the customs and language of the Macedonians._

32. In order to trace the national character and origin of the
Macedonians, it is necessary to distinguish three things; first, their
Illyrian descent; secondly, their extension over other, for the most part
Grecian countries; and thirdly, the introduction by the ruling family, of
the civilisation and refinements of the Greeks; which must have gained
great ground when Alexander the Philhellene offered himself as a combatant
at the Olympic games, and honoured the poetry of Pindar;(2101) and when
Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas,—the same person who first established
many fortresses and roads in his dominions, and formed a Macedonian
army,(2102) nay, even had it in view to procure a navy,(2103)—had
tragedies of Euripides acted at his court under the direction of that
poet. These changes must have chiefly affected the regions near the sea;
for they could not have equally extended to the Macedonians of Lyncus,
&c., who, even in the time of Strabo, had the greatest resemblance to the
Dassaretians, Taulantians, &c., and, until the overthrow of the Macedonian
monarchy, preserved their ancient savage habits; which Livy only partially
accounts for by their intercourse with neighbouring barbarians.(2104)

33. Since the Illyrian tribes were never distinguished for that original
invention which imagined new gods and established new modes of worship;
while, on the other hand, they readily adopted strange deities;(2105) we
find among the Macedonians more traces of foreign than native religion.
Certain deities which the Greeks compared with the Sileni they called
Sauadæ,(2106) as the Illyrians called them Deuadæ;(2107) a native
Macedonian god of health was named Darrhon;(2108) there was also a god
called Deipatyrus among the neighbouring Stymphæans.(2109) The wide
extension of the worship of Bacchus must be ascribed to the vicinity of,
and early intercourse with Pieria: the Macetian women were celebrated as
wild and raging Bacchantes.(2110) The worship of Zeus appears to have been
early introduced among the Macedonians from mount Olympus.(2111) Hercules,
the heroic progenitor of the royal family, was worshipped in their first
residence at Edessa:(2112) he was called in Macedonia Aretus.(2113) The
worship of Apollo, which was prevalent in Macedonia at an early
period,(2114) probably was introduced from Pythium on mount Olympus:(2115)
that of Pan, at Pella, was perhaps derived from the Pelasgians.(2116)

34. Many barbarous customs of the northern nations, as, for example, that
of tattooing, which prevailed among the Illyrians and Thracians,(2117)
must have fallen into disuse in Macedonia at a very early date: for the
Greeks would not have forgotten to mention such evident proofs of
barbarian descent. Even the usage of the ancient Macedonians, that every
person who had not killed an enemy should wear some disgraceful badge, had
been discontinued in the time of Aristotle.(2118) Yet at a very late date
no one was permitted to lie down at table who had not slain a wild boar
without the nets.(2119) It is greatly to be lamented that we know much
less of the ancient customs of the Illyrians than of the Thracians, of
whose singular and almost Asiatic usages we are sufficiently well
informed. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul in the worship of
Zalmoxis, the lamentations of the Trausi at the birth of a man,(2120) and
the slaughter of the dearest wife on the grave of her husband among the
Sintes and Mædi,(2121) point to a particular view of human life, foreign
to the Grecian character, but familiar to many eastern nations.(2122) The
prevailing custom of polygamy,(2123) the buying and inheriting of women,
the selling of children as slaves,(2124) and the delight in
intoxication,(2125) are traces of a genuine barbarian character; no one of
which, as far as I am aware, can be discovered among the Macedonians: with
whom, moreover, the Thracian names (_e.g._, Cotys, and those ending in
_cetes_ and _sades_) never occur.

35. On the other hand, a military disposition, which still distinguished
the Macedonians in the time of Polybius, personal valour, and a certain
freedom of spirit, were the national characteristics of this people. Long
before Philip organised his phalanx, the cavalry of Macedon was greatly
celebrated, especially that of the highlands, as is shown by the
tetradrachms of Alexander the First. In smaller numbers they attacked the
close array of the Thracians of Sitalces, relying on their skill in
horsemanship and on their defensive armour.(2126) Teleutias the Spartan
also admired the cavalry of Elimea;(2127) and in the days of the conquest
of Asia the custom still remained that the king could not condemn any
person without having first taken the voice of the people or of the
army.(2128)

36. It is difficult to treat of the Macedonian language, as not only the
_ancient_ period of the native dialect must be distinguished from the
_second_, in which the Grecian language was partially introduced, after
Archelaus, Philip, and Alexander made their people acquainted with
Athenian civilisation, but also from a _third_, in which many barbarous
words were adopted from the mixture of the Macedonians with Indians,
Persians, and Egyptians.(2129) Nevertheless it is possible to form a
well-grounded opinion as to the form of the Macedonian language in the
first period. In the first place, they had many barbarous words for very
simple and common objects,(2130) which may be certainly considered as
Illyrian, since among the _very scanty_ relics of the Illyrian and
Athamanian dialects(2131) there are some words which are also mentioned as
Macedonian.(2132) Indeed, without supposing some barbarous foundation of
this kind, we could hardly account for the Macedonian language being still
unintelligible to the Greeks in the time of Alexander the Great.(2133) Yet
it cannot be doubted that the Greek had passed into the Illyrian dialect
_before_ the introduction of Athenian literature, and that their
combination produced the mongrel language which was afterwards called
Macedonian. The nominatives in α, such as ἱππότα, πολῖτα, &c., could not
have been derived from the Athenians; but the Thessalians, the Dryopians,
and probably all the Pelasgians, used that form.(2134) That some mixture
of Greek had taken place at an early period seems also to be proved by the
great and almost inexplicable change which the Grecian words experienced
in the mouth of the Macedonians, who appear to have been unable to
pronounce the letters Φ and Θ, and hence they always substituted Β for the
former, and Δ for the latter,(2135) perhaps from a peculiarity of the
Illyrian nation. On the other hand, the Macedonian language had a
consonant ΟΥ or V, as _Volustana_, the name of the country round
Olympus,(2136) the _Candavian_ mountains,(2137) &c., prove; and thus both
in this and the former respect it approximated to the vocal system of the
Latin.

_Note on the Map of Macedonia._

Since the annexed Map is entirely copied from that of Barbié du Bocage, as
far as the country is concerned, I will only remark some important points
in which Arrowsmith’s great Map of Turkey, which is in part founded on
quite different authorities, differs from it. In this Map the small lake
to the east of Lychnis, or Lychnitis (the lake of Ochrida), is not
connected with any river running to the coast, and the mountains to the
west of it stretch uninterruptedly to the south. (Perhaps this is correct:
see p. 453, note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”]) The Haliacmon rises rather more
to the north than in Barbié du Bocage’s Map. The Cara-Sou, which is
certainly the Erigon, runs into the lake of the Lydias. (Incorrect,
according to Strabo, quoted in p. 451, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “mountains of Illyria,” starting “Its rise in these
mountains.”]) The Lydias has a longer course, and rises in the Illyrian
mountains. The modern river Gallico, which I make the Echeidorus, flows at
some distance from the sea through a lake into the Axius. The tributary
branch of the Achelous, called by the ancients the Inachus, rises further
to the south, under the Pindus-chain (contrary to the authors quoted in p.
452, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Epirus of
Lacmon,” starting “Or Lacmus.”]). Upon the whole, Barbié du Bocage’s Map
is without doubt the more accurate.





APPENDIX II. GENEALOGY OF HELLEN.


There is a particular tendency which may be traced throughout all the
accounts that have come down to us of early Grecian history, viz., of
reducing everything to a _genealogical_ form. It was much encouraged by
the opinion of the later historians, that every town and valley had
received its name from some ancient prince or hero; thus even Pausanias
meets with persons who explained everything by means of genealogies;(2138)
who, for example, out of the Pythian temple at Delphi made a son of
Delphus Pythis, a prince of early times. This tendency, however, is
manifestly founded on the genuine ancient language of mythology. With the
inventors of these fabulous narratives, nations, cities, mountains,
rivers, and gods became real _persons_, who stood to one another in the
relation of human beings, were arranged in families, and joined to one
another in marriage. Now although such fictions are in many cases easily
seen through, and the meaning of the connexion may be readily deciphered,
yet these genealogies, as there was nothing of arbitrary and fanciful
invention in them, in after-times passed for real history; and were, both
by early and late historians, with full confidence in their general
accuracy, made use of for the establishment of a sort of chronology. On
these principles, then, the genealogies which were formed in the age of
the later epic poets, and perhaps even of the early historians, cannot be
considered as pure invention; these too must have been founded on certain
arguments and facts, which were generally believed at that time. We will
endeavour to point this out in the famous genealogy of the chief races of
the Greeks, which was taken from the Ἠοῖαι of Hesiod.(2139)

[Transcriber’s Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

Prometheus and Pandora had Deucalion.

Deucalion and Pyrrha had Hellen.

Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus.

Xuthus had Achæus and Ion.]

Now the passage of Hesiod only mentions the three brothers, Dorus, Xuthus,
and Æolus, without naming the sons of Xuthus; but it is evident that in
this series Xuthus must also represent some race or races; and since no
tribe ever bore the title of _Xuthi_, this name must have been used by
Hesiod to signify the Ionians and Achaæns, as in Apollodorus, and other
writers.(2140) According to another tradition, perhaps of equal antiquity,
Zeus, the father of gods and men, was, instead of Deucalion, the husband
of Pyrrha.(2141)

It is evident that the above genealogy was intended to represent the chief
races of the Hellenes, or Greeks, as belonging to one nation; and
consequently could not have been made before the name Hellenes was applied
to the whole nation; which in the Iliad(2142) is only the name of a small
tribe in Phthia.(2143) The more extended use of the name falls in the
period of the poems which went under the name of Hesiod:(2144) it is first
thus used in the “Works and Days” of the real Hesiod,(2145) before which
time, therefore, the above genealogy cannot have been formed. But that the
author of it did not make an arbitrary fiction is evident from the
circumstance that he put Xuthus instead of Achæus and Ion; by which he
greatly deranged the symmetry of his genealogy. It is clear that he
thought himself bound to respect the tradition, that Achæus and Ion were
the sons of Xuthus; which prevented him from making Hellen their father.
As yet, therefore, the other brothers were not recognised in tradition as
having any fathers; and some obscure legends, such as that of Dorus, the
son of Apollo,(2146) had not obtained a general belief. There can be no
doubt that Hellen was recognised in the most ancient tradition. Now in the
fictions of mythology the invention was bound by a sort of fanciful
regularity; and in a fabulous genealogy the part was deduced from the
whole, the species from the genus, as an inferior and subordinate being:
thus in the Theogony the hills are the children of the earth, and the sun
and the moon of light.(2147) Accordingly the poet (or whoever was his
authority) sang of Æolus, Dorus, and Xuthus, the progenitors of nations,
being the sons of Hellen, the son of Zeus, or grandson of Prometheus. It
is possible that before this entire genealogy others had been invented,
_e.g._, that _Dorus_ was a son of Hellen; since, as early as the time of
Lycurgus, the Spartans were commanded by the Pythian oracle to worship
Zeus Hellanius and Athene Hellania;(2148) and since both the judges in the
Spartan army(2149) and the judges of the Olympic games were called
Hellanodicæ. And when I consider the celebrated oracle just quoted, and
the close connexion of Sparta and Olympia with Delphi, the sacred families
of the Delphians (the ὅσιοι), who referred their origin to
Deucalion,(2150) and on the other hand remember that a Bœotian poem,
composed in the neighbourhood of the Pythian oracle, first uses the word
“Hellenes” in this extended sense; I cannot help conjecturing that this
national sanctuary of the Hellenic name had a large share in the formation
of that really beautiful legend; by which all the different races of
Greece, separated for so many centuries by violent and unceasing
contention, were united into the peaceable fellowship of brotherly
affection and concord.





APPENDIX III. THE MIGRATION OF THE DORIANS TO CRETE.


Cnosus,(2151) the Minoian Cnosus, was, even so late as the time of Plato,
the first city in Crete, and the chief domicile of the Cretan laws and
customs: and Plato, in his Treatise on Laws, takes a Cnosian as the
representative and defender of the Cretan laws in general;(2152) although
Cnosus about his time had declined from internal corruption, and the fame
of having preserved the good laws of ancient Crete soon passed from her to
Gortyna and Lyctus.(2153) In earlier times, however, the Cretan laws
(Κρητικοὶ νόμοι), which Archilochus even mentions as being of a distinct
character,(2154) were preserved in the greatest purity at Cnosus. Now when
modern writers admit indeed that the Cretan laws were founded upon the
customs of the Doric race, but affirm that this race did not penetrate
into Crete before the expedition of the Heraclidæ, and that migrations
subsequently took place from Peloponnesus; it is necessary for them first
of all to show that _Cnosus_ received its Doric inhabitants from that
country, that is, probably either from Argos or Sparta. But had such been
the case, the memory of these migrations would assuredly never have been
lost: Argos and Sparta would have been too proud to possess such a colony.
Cnosus must therefore have received its Doric inhabitants at an earlier
date, in the dark ages of mythology; and the subsequent colonies from
Peloponnesus to Lyctus, Gortyna, and other places, helped to increase the
Doric population, which in Homer’s time(2155) was confined to a _part_ of
the island, over the _whole_ of Crete; as was the case in late ages. And
at the time which Homer describes, not only the language, but the customs
and laws were probably also different; whereas Archilochus appears to
mention the Cretan laws as prevalent over the whole island. Upon the
whole, the Dorians in Crete—and this is a fact of great importance—never
seem to stand, with regard to the Dorians of Peloponnesus, in the relation
of a colony to its mother country. In Greece, the parent state—so great
was the pride of higher antiquity—never condescended to take the
institutions of a colony as models for its own, as was the case with
Sparta and Crete; nor did the mother country ever procure priests from its
colony, as was the case when the Pythian Apollo sent Cretan priests to
Sparta.(2156) In short, everything seems to prove that the Doric
institutions were of great antiquity in Crete, and that the distinction
which has lately been taken between the laws of Minos and the Doric
institutions and customs of Crete—a distinction directly opposed to the
unanimous testimony of antiquity—is false and untenable.

But in retaining his conviction respecting a Doric settlement in Crete
before the migration of the Heraclidæ, and in viewing it as the only means
of explaining many facts in the religious and political history of the
Greeks, the Author does not imply that this Doric colony was exactly
similar to a later migration of Dorians from Argos and Sparta. The
condition of the Dorians in Hestiæotis must have been very different from
that to which the same race attained in Peloponnesus. The mixture with
other races, which had gone so far, that the head of the mythical
settlement bears a Pelasgic name (Teutamus), does not agree with the
character of the later Dorians. At that time no line of princes, calling
themselves Heraclidæ, could have stood at the head of the Dorians; for in
Crete, Heraclidæ only occur in cities which were colonised from
Peloponnesus; for example, they do not occur in Cnosus. Moreover, a
maritime, and especially a piratical life (upon which the maritime
supremacy of Minos was founded) does not agree with the principles
followed by the Dorians in Peloponnesus, where they relied upon a tranquil
and secure possession of land. These principles, however, could not be
developed so long as the Dorians were excluded from the rich plain of
Thessaly, and were forced to eke out their scanty means by hunting and
piracy. How different was the rough and perilous life of the ancient
sea-kings of the Normans from the proud and secure existence of the barons
in Normandy! Yet the eye of the observant historian can trace a unity of
national character even in the most different circumstances. By a similar
analogy, this remarkable expedition of Doric adventurers from Hestiæotis
to Crete will explain the zeal of the Cretans for the worship of Apollo,
the ancient connexion of Crete and Delphi, and the early existence in
Crete of notions respecting a strict regulation of public life (κόσμος).





APPENDIX IV. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CONGRESS OR SYNEDRION DURING THE PERSIAN
WAR.


1. In the present article it will be my object to trace the foreign
influence which Sparta possessed at the time of the Persian war, and for
what length of time her supremacy in Greece remained uncontested and
unshaken. This is chiefly seen in the proceedings of the congress of the
allied Greek states: to ascertain which with precision, it will be first
necessary to fix the chronology of the successive stages of the Persian
war.

In the course of the year 481 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 3/4) Xerxes set out from
his residence at Susa (Herod. VII. 20), found the great army assembled in
Cappadocia, and marched to Sardis, from which town he sent ambassadors to
the Greek cities (ib. 32). Having wintered here, the army marched in the
spring of 480 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 4) to Abydos;(2157) when it had reached the
passes of Pieria, the Persian envoys returned (ib. 131). Soon after this
they met at Thermopylæ the Greek forces, which had set out before the 75th
Olympiad and the Carnean games, about June 480 B.C. Battles of Thermopylæ
and Artemisium in μέσον θέρος (VIII. 12.) both perhaps a short time before
the Olympic festival (VIII. 26). Conquest of Attica, four months after the
beginning of the διάβασις τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου (VIII. 51). Battle of Salamis, a
little after the time of the Ιακχος, after the εἰκὰς of Boëdromion Olymp.
75. 1., as the Etesian winds were either blowing or had ceased to blow
(they last from the summer solstice to the rising of the dog-star), VII.
168. Mardonius winters in Thessaly and Macedonia, the Persian fleet at
Cume and Samos. Battle of Platæa on the 26th or 27th of Panemus
(Metagitnion), Olymp. 75. 2. 479 B.C. at the same time as that of Mycale.
The year ends with the taking of Sestos.

2. The Greeks certainly received early intelligence of the preparations in
Persia (VII. 138), even if the story related by Herodotus (VII. 239.)
about the secret message of Demaratus is not true. They either refused or
gave earth and water to the envoys late in the year 481 B.C. (VII. 138.).
The states which refused to submit held a congress;(2158) and they are now
called by Herodotus, “the Greeks allied against the Persians,” (οἱ
συνωμόται Ἑλλήνων ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ, VII. 148.). This assembly of course was
formed by deputies from the different cities: the manner of its formation
may be inferred from the place at which it sat; and it will be shown
presently that it first assembled at Corinth, which city belonged to the
Peloponnesian confederacy. It appears therefore that Sparta must have
convened an assembly at Corinth, to which the extra-Peloponnesian states,
which had refused earth and water, sent envoys. This congress first put an
end to the internal dissensions of Greece (VII. 145.), in which good
service Chileus of Tegea and Themistocles are said to have earned the
gratitude of their countrymen (Plutarch Themist. 6.). Secondly, when they
heard that Xerxes was at Sardis, they despatched spies thither, and at the
same time envoys to Argos, Sicily, Corcyra, and Crete. (VII. 145. 199.)
The envoys are stated by Herodotus to have been sent by the Lacedæmonians
and their allies.(2159) They also made a vow to decimate to the Delphian
God all those Greeks who had unnecessarily given earth and water to the
Persians (VII. 132.); the persons who made this vow are called by Diodorus
XI. 3. “the Greeks assembled in congress at the Isthmus,” οἱ ἐν Ἰσθμῷ
συνεδρεύοντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

3. In this narrative taken from Herodotus there still remains one
contradiction, viz., that if the Greeks did not assemble till after they
had refused earth and water (as appears from VII. 138. cf. 145.), the
Argives had no longer any option whether they would join the league or
not. Likewise the dismission of the Greek envoys would fall too late in
the unfavourable season for sailing, and there would scarcely be time for
the messages to the oracles (c. 148, 169.), and the other proceedings. It
is therefore probable that this congress was formed _before_ the arrival
of the Persian envoys, which was late in 481 B.C.: and Diodorus seems to
be correct in stating that of the nations some gave earth and water, while
the Persian army was in the valley of Tempe, and others after its
departure (XI. 3.); and therefore none till early in 480 B.C.: previously
the ambassadors were probably in the north; Herodotus in VII. 138. appears
to mean only the ambassadors of Darius. With this the following statements
agree, which he adds in VII. 172. “_As soon as_ the Thessalians had heard
that the Persians wished to invade Europe”—which they must have known in
the winter of 481-80 B.C.—“they sent envoys to the Isthmus.” Ἐν δὲ τῷ
Ἰσθμῷ (_i.e._, in the village which had grown up about the temple of
Neptune), ἔσαν ἁλισμένοι πρόβουλοι (plenipotentiaries, VI. 7.) τῆς
Ἑλλάδος, ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν
Ἑλλάδα. Now this assembly, while the Persian king was at Abydos, and
therefore very early in 480 B.C., sent the army to Tempe, which soon
returned (VII. 173.), and indeed returned to the Isthmus, which must
therefore have been the head-quarters of the allied army. When it
returned, the congress was still sitting at the Isthmus.(2160) This
synedrion or assembly (which is again mentioned in this place by Diodorus
XI. 4.) now resolved to defend the passes of Thermopylæ and Artemisium:
and when the intelligence arrived that the Persians were in Pieria,
διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ (_i.e._, departing from the Isthmus)
ἐστρατεύοντο αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν ἐς Θερμοπύλας πεζῇ, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπ᾽
Ἀρτεμίσιον. But that the Isthmus was still the place in which the congress
sat, is evident from the fact, that Sandoces, Aridolis, and Penthylus, who
fell into the hands of the Greeks before the battle of Artemisium, were
sent thither (VII. 195.). At this time indeed the Peloponnesians were
celebrating the Olympiad, and the Spartans the Carnea, at their respective
homes,(2161) after which, as had been previously arranged, they were to
take the field with all their forces (πανδημεὶ, VII. 206. VIII. 26.).
Nevertheless, the decree that the ships which came too late for Artemisium
should assemble in the Trœzenian Pogon (VIII. 42.), as well as the other,
that the Isthmus should be fortified (VIII. 40, 71.), which measure was
not thought of before the battle of Thermopylæ, must have been passed in
this interval. Diodorus (XI. 16.) mentions the synedrion in connexion with
this decree. The fortification began after the Carnea (VIII. 72.). The
fleet was commanded (as is evident from VIII. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, 111.
IX. 90.) by the Spartan admiral and a council, a συνέδριον of the
στρατηγοὶ or ἐν τέλει ὄντες (IX. 106.), in which the admiral τὸν λόγον
προετίθει (VIII. 59.) put the question to the vote (ἐπεψήφιζε, c. 61.),
and gave out the decree. This commander was armed with very large powers,
and Leotychidas concluded an alliance with the Samians (IX. 92.), and even
the captains of the fleet debated on the projected migration of the
Ionians (IX. 106.). Nor is it ever mentioned that the fleet received
orders from the Isthmus. But the circumstance of the fleet’s sailing to
the Isthmus, after the battle of Salamis, for the decree on the ἀριστεῖα
(VIII. 123.), is a proof that the Isthmus was still the seat of the
confederate assembly. Diodorus likewise represents this decree as
proceeding from the συνέδριον (XI. 55.); probably the “Greeks,” who
refused to confirm the vote of the commanders (VIII. 124.), were the
members of the league. The ships which had been engaged in the battle
returned home without any decision. Late in the year, after the eclipse of
the sun on the 2nd of October, Cleombrotus had led the great allied army
from the Isthmus, and soon afterwards died (IX. 10.). The decree for the
following year, that the fleet should go to Ægina (VIII. 131.), may have
proceeded either from the synedrium of the preceding year, or from
_Sparta_. For that there were no longer any deputies assembled at Corinth
is evident from the circumstance that the Ionian envoys only went to
Sparta and Ægina (VIII. 132.); nor is the Isthmus afterwards mentioned as
the seat of an assembly, although it was fortified until the middle of
summer, till the time of the Hyacinthia (IX. 7.). After this time, Athens,
Platæa, and Megara sent their envoys to Sparta, where there were also
Peloponnesian envoys, as for instance Chileus of Tegea (IX. 9.), who was
mentioned above among the πρόβουλοι; and all these, together with the
ambassadors of the three states just mentioned, are, as it appears, called
by Herodotus οἱ ἄγγελοι οἱ ἀπιγμένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, IX. 10. There must
probably have been some joint act of the allies,(2162) by virtue of which
Pausanias was able to collect the great Peloponnesian army. After the
battle of Platæa there was in the army a kind of council of war, doubtless
a συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων, which regulated the number of the sacred
offerings, divided the booty (IX. 81, 85.), and determined on the
expedition against Thebes (c. 86.): the persons who were given up,
Pausanias seems at Corinth to have ordered to execution on his own
authority (c. 88.).

4. Such is the substance of the narrative of Herodotus; in which we can
only be surprised, that of the most remarkable event, viz., the treaty of
Pausanias, he should say not a word: a silence which can only be explained
by supposing that he had intended to mention it in another passage of his
unfinished work. When Pausanias, with the assistance of the allies, had
won the battle of Platæa, he sacrificed in the market-place of Platæa to
Zeus Eleutherius, and convened an assembly of all the Greeks, in which the
Platæans (who annually performed certain honorary rites to those who had
fallen in the battle, Thuc. III. 58.) were promised that their country and
city should remain independent, and that no one should attack them without
lawful reason, or with intention to reduce them to subjection: and that,
in case these conditions were not observed, all the allies then present
would protect them (Thuc. VI. 71. cf. III. 56, 59.); an engagement which
the Spartans themselves afterwards broke, on the ground that the Platæans
had first unjustly given up τὸ ξυνώμοτον (II. 74.). For in “the ancient
treaty of Pausanias after the Persian war,” it was ordered that the allies
in general, and the Platæans among them, should remain at peace with each
other (Thuc. III. 68. cf. II. 72.). The further conditions of this treaty
may be collected from Thucyd. I. 67, (for it is evidently this treaty
which is in question,) where the Æginetans complain that they are not
independent, “according to the treaty;” for the thirty years’ truce (I.
115.) cannot be meant, as it was not concluded till after the subjection
of Ægina (the former in Olymp. 83. 3. the latter in Olymp. 80. 4.); whence
it is likewise evident that the treaty, which was violated by the siege of
Potidæa, and the exclusion of the Megarians from the market of Attica, (I.
67, 87. cf. c. 144.) was the same ancient act, only renewed by later
treaties. Thus Plutarch states that the latter prohibition was “contrary
to the common principles of justice, and the solemn oaths of _the
Greeks_.”(2163) And in another place he mentions that, in a general
assembly of the Greeks after the battle of Platæa, Aristides proposed a
decree that the Greeks should annually send deputies and sacred messengers
to Platæa, and that the Eleutheria should be solemnised every five
years.(2164) Also, that it was agreed that an allied Greek armament should
be organised against the Persians, consisting of 10,000 heavy-armed
infantry, 1000 cavalry, and 100 ships: and that the Platæans should be
considered sacred and inviolable. From what has been stated above, it is
clear how much of this account is true, and how much added by Athenian
partiality.

5. In the following years, when Sparta still continued the war against the
Persians and their allies by means of Pausanias and Leotychidas, there
must have been a congress, though not constantly sitting; since the
Spartans would not have determined the amount of “the war
contribution”(2165) on their own authority; and there is much probability
in the account of Diodorus (XI. 55.), that the Spartans summoned
Themistocles for his share in the treason of Pausanias before the
common-council of the Greeks, which used at this time to assemble at
Sparta. At least it is not contradicted by Thucydides; indeed his
narrative (I. 135.) perfectly agrees in this point with that of Diodorus.
The words ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, which are omitted in some MSS. of Diodorus, and
suspected by Wesseling (yet, it should be observed, _only_ these words),
cannot be well spared; and, even if they were expunged, the whole chapter
would show that the congress was sitting at Sparta; for it was evidently
under Lacedæmonian influence, and therefore met in the Peloponnese; and,
since the instance mentioned above, it does not appear that any of its
meetings were held at the Isthmus.

This account likewise proves that, after Pausanias had occasioned the
defection of the Ionians and Æolians from Sparta, who were now considered
as the separate allies of Athens, a confederate council, which included
other states besides the Peloponnesians, continued to sit at Sparta; and
affords fresh grounds for supposing that this abandonment of the Spartan
alliance was not considered as a transfer of the chief command to Athens,
but that Sparta only intrusted the Athenians, together with those Greeks
who dwelt in the territory of the Persian king, with the continuation of
the war in Asia, and the management of all affairs connected with it; and
still considered Athens as under her command, until that state revolted in
Olymp. 79. At last the internal wars of Peloponnesus, Olymp. 79-81,
subverted all the relations of Athens and Sparta.

End Of Vol. I.





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FOOTNOTES


    1 The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of the
      Peloponnese had been engraved; and being intended by the author for
      circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the names are given
      in Latin. This must serve as an apology for this want of uniformity
      in the two maps.

    2 See particularly Pouqueville’s list of Albanian words. Compare
      Thunmann’s Geschichte der Europäischen Völker, p. 250. Concerning
      the Illyrians, see App. 1, § 21, 28.

    3 Strabo VII. p. 321 A.

    4 Illyrian words in use among the Macedonians: σαυάδαι (_Sileni_) in
      Macedonian, δευάδαι in Illyrian; δράμις, _bread_, in Macedonian,
      δράμικης among the Athamanes. _Orchomenos_, p. 254. Compare
      Hesychius in βατάρα. See the copious collection in Sturz de Dialecto
      Macedonica.

    5 As this expression is often used in the following pages, I take this
      opportunity of stating, that by _an aboriginal people_, I mean one
      which, as far as our knowledge extends, first dwelt in a country,
      _before_ which we know of no other inhabitants of that country.

    6 Justin, VII. 1. Compare Æsch. Suppl. 261.

    7 Herod. I. 57. See _Orchomenos_, p. 444.

    8 Compare, for example, δαίνειν _to kill_, δάνος _death_, with θανεῖν,
      θάνατος; ἐέλδω (ἐέλδωρ in Homer) with ἐθέλω; ἀδραία for αἰδρία, in
      which θ loses its aspiration, as φ does in κεφαλὴ (so in German
      _haubet_ for _haupt_), ἀφροῦτις for ὀφρὺς (_brow_), Βίλιππος,
      Βερενίκη, βαλακρὸς, &c. The aspirate is also frequently lost;
      ἐνδομενία or ἐνδυμενία, _furniture_ (in Polybius), with a change of
      υ and ο.

_    9 E.g._ the nominatives ἵπποτα, &c., which are also called
      Æolico-Bœotic, Doric, and Thessalian. Sturz _ut sup._ p. 28.

_   10 E.g._ ζέρεθρα for βάραθρα.

_   11 E.g._ ταγῶν ἀγὰ, _the leading of the Tagus_, as in Thessaly;
      ματτύα, _dainties_, a Thessalian, Macedonian, and also Spartan word.

_   12 E.g._ βίρροξ, _hirsutus_, _hirtus_; γάρκαν, _virgam_; ἴλεξ, _ilex_.
      The want of aspirates also forms a point of comparison.

   13 Apollodorus, III. 8, 1.

   14 Ap. Constant. Porph. de Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz Hellan. Fragm.
      p. 79. The passage of Hesiod is probably from the Ἠοῖαι, and there
      is no reason for supposing it spurious. The second verse should be
      read, υἶε δύω Μάγνητα Μάκεδνόν θ᾽ ἱππιοχάρμην.

   15 Concerning the Macedonians, see Appendix I.

   16 I allude here particularly to the ending of the genitive case of the
      second declension in οιο, which the grammarians quote as Thessalian.

   17 See Appendix I. § 28. The ancient Macedonian coins represent
      precisely the same dress as the Thessalian.

   18 Compare Θετταλικὰ πτερὰ in several grammarians, with Didymus in
      Ammonius in χλαμύς. More will be found on this subject in book IV.
      c. 2, § 4.

   19 Compare Theocritus XII. 14, with Alcman quoted in the Scholia, and
      b. IV. c. 4, § 6.

   20 Hesychius in δεσποίνας. See book IV. c. 4, § 4.

   21 According to Ælian, V. H. III. 15, the women of Illyria were present
      at banquets and wine-parties; Herod. V. 18, says the contrary of the
      Macedonians.

   22 Strabo, V. p. 221.

   23 See particularly Stephan. Byzant. in Ἔφυρα.

   24 Alexander Ephesius ap. Stephan. Byz. in Χαονία.

   25 Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. Hence
      many names were the same in both countries; as, _e.g._, Pandosia
      (Justin, XII. 2), Acheron, Acherontia, &c.

   26 Herodotus also says, that the Ionians and Æolians had formerly been
      Pelasgians, having, as it were, swallowed up that nation; he must
      however assume that they changed their language (μετέμαθον τὴν
      γλῶσσαν), as the language of the Pelasgi who dwelt near Creston and
      Placia (which was probably nothing more than an ancient dialect)
      appeared to him barbarous. Æschylus (Suppl. 911) opposes them, as
      genuine Greeks, to the καρβανοι, or barbarians.

   27 Thus, _e.g._, the Amphilochians and Chaonians, according to Thucyd.
      II. 68, 80. The following ancient Greek forms occur in the Epirot
      dialect: γδοῦποσ for δοῦποσ (Maittaire, p. 141), γνώσκω, nosco,
      Orion p. 42, 17. Ἄσπετος Achilles, Plut. Pyrrh. 1. (α-ἕπομαι.)—The
      account in Strabo VII. p. 327, of two languages being spoken in some
      districts, doubtless refers to the coexistence of Grecian and
      Illyrian dialects.

   28 Polyb. XVII. 5, 8.

_   29 Orchomenos_, p. 253.

   30 According to Hesychius, Βρέκυς (Βερεκύντιος) is the same word as
      Βρύξ. _Bruges_ was also used by Ennius, and, as it appears, by
      Marcus Brutus (Plutarch, Brut. 45).

   31 See the Chrestomathia of Proclus. _Briges_, or _Phryges_, in the
      region of Dyrrachium, Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39.

   32 Creuzer Fragment. Histor. p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. Compare Conon
      in Photius I.

   33 Concerning this point, see Hoeck’s History of Crete, vol. I. p. 109,
      sqq.

   34 According to the opinion of their colonists, Herod. VII. 73. Eudoxus
      ap. Steph. in Ἀρμενία. Compare Heeren _De Linguarum Asiaticarum in
      Persarum Imperio Cognatione_, Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII.

   35 The Armenians frequently occur in the ancient traditional history of
      the oriental kingdoms; _e.g._, in Diod. II. 1 as conquered by Ninus.
      They are likewise represented as the original inhabitants in the
      native legends collected by Moses of Chorene.

   36 Plato, Cratyl. p. 410 A. It is remarkable that these words are also
      in the German language. Πῦρ (see Grimm’s Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I.
      p. 584, 2d ed.) in ancient High German was _viuri_, in Low German
      _für_. Κύων, _canis_, _hund_ (_d_ added as in μὴν, μὰν—Phrygian for
      _moon_—and _mahnd_, _mond_). Ὕδωρ, in High German _wazar_, in Low
      German _water_; the digamma is present the genuine Phrygian form
      βéδυ, which, on account of ancient vicinity, was also a Macedonian
      and _Orphic_ word (see Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. Alexand. Strom. V.
      p. 673. Jablonsky de Lingua Phrygia, p. 76), and is sometimes
      translated _water_, and sometimes _air_.

      Lastly, the Phrygian inscription in Walpole’s Memoirs, especially
      the words ΜΙΔΑΙ ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, prove that it had a great
      resemblance, both in radical forms and inflexion, with the Greek.

   37 Thus the verb _sum_ keeps in the Armenian or Haicanian the same
      fundamental form which it has in all the languages allied to the
      Greek (_yem_, _yes_, _e_—_sum_, _es_, _est_). And it is remarkable,
      that the three Phrygian Greek words noticed in the text have been
      likewise preserved in the Haicanian: πῦρ is _hur_ (as πατὴρ _hair_,
      πéντε _hink_); ὕδωρ, _tschur_ (as θερμὸς tscherm); κύων is _shun_.
      See Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 99.

   38 See Jablonsky de Lingua Lycaon. Opusc. vol. III. p. 119.

   39 That is, if the epic poet Chœrilus spoke of Lyctian Solymi in the
      well-known passage preserved in Josephus cont. Apion. vol. II. p.
      454, ed. Haverc. &c. See Naeke’s Chœrilus, p. 130, sq.

_   40 E.g._ ἀδαγοὺς, an androgynous deity (Hesych. in v.), from _Dagon_;
      the name _Adon_ (Athen. XIV. p. 624); βαλλὴν _king_, (Hesych. in v.
      Eustath. ad Od. τ. p. 680. Bas.) from _Baal_, &c. See Blomf. ad
      Æsch. Pers. 663.

   41 See _Orchomenos_, p. 379-390.

   42 Herod. VII. 111.

   43 All their words with which we are acquainted are very unlike the
      Greek; _e.g._ the word βρία and βρέα for _city_, which frequently
      occurs, ζίλα _wine_, πιτῦγες _treasure_, Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I.
      933, &c.

   44 Herod. V. 13. VII, 20, 75. Compare Hellanicus _ut sup._; where read,
      ἐφ᾽ οὖ νῦν Μακεδόνες καλοῦνται μόνοι μετὰ Μυσῶν τότε οἰκοῦντες. This
      at the same time probably refers to the tradition, that the Mysians
      (as well as the Thynians and others) came from Thrace to Asia,
      according to Strabo, and Pliny H. N. V. 32, 41. VII. 57.

   45 Homer, Hymn. Ven. 113.

   46 Æginetica, pp. 12, 155. Compare also Phavorinus in Ἀχαιοὺς ἄρξωσιν.
      In the later times they were probably still in the territory of the
      Molossians, who were considered as Greeks, Herod. VI. 127.

   47 Il. XVI. 233.

   48 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 139, 248, sqq. Buttmann, indeed, in his Memoir
      on the Minyæ (Berlin Transactions for 1820, p. 13), denies the
      existence of these places; but several of the passages which I have
      quoted are decisive.

   49 According to the genealogy from the Ἠοῖαι—Dorus, Xuthus (from whom
      Achæus and Ion), and Æolus; see Appendix II. The genealogy in
      Euripides, Ion 1608. viz. Xuthus, father of Ion, Dorus, and Achæus,
      is distorted to suit the national feelings of the Athenians. The
      passage from the Ἠοῖαι, however, although in a poetical garb, is
      more credible than the testimony of Herodotus, who considers the
      Ionians as _aborigines_.

   50 Concerning what follows, see Apollonius Rhod. IV. 521, sqq. Schol.
      ad 1. et ad IV. 1125, 1149. Apollodorus ap. Stephan. Byzant. in
      Ὑλλεῖς (p. 434, ed. Heyn.) Scylax, p. 7. ed. Voss. Scymnus Chius
      404, from Timæus (Fragm. 121. ed. Goeller) and Eratosthenes. Dionys.
      Perieg. 386, with Eustathius and the Scholia. Etymol. Magn. p. 776.
      39, where they are called a Celtic nation (ἔθνος Κελτικον). Compare
      Schoenemann Geograph. Argonaut. p. 53, and book III. c. 5.

   51 Apollon. Rh. IV. 538, and others. Panyasis appears from the
      Scholiast to Apollonius Rhod. IV. 1149, to have mentioned two
      Hylluses, viz. the son of Melite and the son of Deianira. Compare
      Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53. Vales, ad Harpocrat. p. 126. In the
      Scholiast to Pindar Pyth. I. 120, Ὕλλος, ὄς ἑβασίλευσε τῶν περὶ τὴν
      Ἰταλίαν οἱκησάντων, where Hemsterhuis reads Οἰχαλίαν, Raoul-Rochette
      (Histoire de l’Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 280)
      proposes, not without some probability, Ἰλλυρίαν.

   52 Apollon. Rh. IV. 528.

   53 Thucyd. III. 81.

   54 Especially the connected chain of Ætolians, Epeans, Locrians
      (concerning whose affinity see Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. IX. 61. p.
      191), and Lelegians (Hesiod ap. Strab. VII. p. 322); and if these,
      as some say, are the same as the Carian nation, to which the Lydians
      and a part of the Mysians belonged, they would seem to compose a
      very numerous race.

   55 See book II. ch. 7.

   56 The ancients frequently say, that the Ionians in Asia ἐλυμήναντο τῆς
      διαλέκτου τὸ πάτριον. Photius in v. φαρμακός.

   57 Concerning the Doric dialect, see Appendix VI.

   58 Herod. I. 56; concerning which passage see Salmasius, de Lingua
      Hellenica, p. 276, and Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom.
      XXV. p. 11-28. Compare VIII. 43. Ἐόντες Δωρικόν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν
      ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες.

   59 See, on the subject of this genealogy, Appendix II.

   60 Apollod. I. 7, 2.

   61 Thus Pindar, Olymp. VIII. 30, calls the Myrmidons Δωριεὺς λαὸς, in
      order, as I conceive, to oppose them as genuine Greeks to nations of
      a different origin.

   62 From the circumstance that, in Homer, Achilles the Æacides is
      represented as chief of the Hellenes, and that the Æacidæ were also
      ancient princes of Ægina, the author has in a former work
      (Æginetica, p. 18) explained the name of the temple of Zeus in
      Ægina, Ἑλλάνιον, in later times called Πανελλήνιον. For this temple
      is assuredly more ancient than the time when all the Greeks were
      called Hellenes; and it must therefore be considered as a sanctuary
      of the original Hellenes, who also dwelt in Phthia, as an ancient
      national temple of the Myrmidons.

   63 Appendix I., last note.

   64 The height of mount Olympus, according to Bernouille, is 1017
      toises, or 6501 English feet; of Ossa, according to Dodwell, about
      5000 feet.

   65 A more accurate description of this valley than those of Ælian and
      Barthélemy is given by Bartholdy, Bruchstücke zur Kentniss
      Griechenlands, p. 112; Clarke, Travels, part II. sect. iii. p. 273;
      Hawkins, in Walpole’s Memoirs relating to European Turkey, p. 528;
      Holland, Albania, p. 291; Dodwell, Travels, vol. I. p. 103; and
      Pouqueville, tom. III. c. 73. Among the ancients, Theopompus, in his
      Φιλιππικὰ, gave an accurate description of Tempe. See Theo. Sophist.
      Progymn. II. p. 19; Frommel, in Creuzer’s Meletemata, III. p. 141,
      6.

   66 XX. _m. p. in ipsis faucibus saltus_, Livy from Polyb. XVIII. 10, 2,
      on the side of Olympus. Meletius mentions here a place called
      Goniga.

   67 Liv. XXXIX. 25.

   68 Il. B. 753.

   69 Herod. VII. 128, 173.

   70 Liv. XLIV. 6. Polyb. XXVIII. 11. 1. Ἀζορίου μεταξὺ καὶ Δολιχῆς.

   71 See, besides Herodotus, Liv. XLIV. 2, and Plutarch, Æmil. 9.

   72 Concerning the situation of this place see Liv. XLIV. 2 and 6.

   73 Πυθίου Ἀπολλωνος ἱερὸν, τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὴν Πέτραν Plutarch. Æmil. 15.
      _Pythoum_ (Πυθῷον) _et Petra_ Liv. XLIV. 2, 32, 35. XLII. 53. That
      there was only _one_ Pythium in this district is evident from an
      accurate examination of the marches. Mannert (vol. VII. p. 520, 563)
      has placed Pythium on the pass through the Cambunian mountains
      (above the modern Alesson and Sarviza), of which it lay far to the
      right. His opinion is contradicted by Liv. XLIV. 2. and Plutarch,
      ubi sup. Compare Stephanus in Πύθιον, Πυθιεῖς οἱ τὸ Πύθιον
      οἰκοῦντες, ἐν ῷ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερον ἐστι, and in Βάλλα.

   74 960 toises. See above.

   75 See Plutarch ubi sup. Liv. ubi sup. and XLIV. 7. comp. Polyb.
      XXVIII. 11.

   76 Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXVI. 10, 13. XLII. 67. XLIV. 2.

   77 Ptolemy includes it in Pelasgiotis. Unfortunately we have not the
      Greek original of the passage in Livy concerning the Tripolis, XLII.
      53.

_   78 Orchomenos_, p. 126.

   79 Liv. XXXII. 15. Strabo IX. p. 438, 440.

   80 Concerning Pelinna, see, besides Cellarius, Spanheim de Usu Numm.
      IX. p. 902. Salmasius ad Solin. p. 687. Wesseling ad Diodor. XVIII.
      11. and Boeckh Comment. ad Pind. Pyth. X. p. 335.

   81 Besides Strabo, see Diodorus XVIII. 56. In Polyænus IV. 2, 18,
      should be written, Φίλιππος ἐπολιόρκει Φαρκηδόνα πóλιν Θεσσαλικήν.

   82 Concerning Tricca (Tricala 12-3/4 leagues from Larissa, according to
      Pouqueville) see Mannert, p. 569, and also Eustathius, vol. II. p.
      250. ed. Basil. Tzetzes Chil. IX. 28.

   83 See II. B. 370, with the Scholia, and Eustathius. Pelinnus, a son of
      Œchalieus, Steph. Byzant. in Πέλιννα.

   84 Thus Pouqueville: according to Holland twelve miles, according to
      Vaudoncourt four hours.

   85 See Meletius, Pouqueville, Holland, Cockerell in Hughes’ Travels,
      vol. I. p. 504.

   86 The latter according to Arrian I. 7; the former according to Liv.
      XXXI. 41. XXXII. 15. XXXVIII. 2. Compare Cæsar B.C. III. 80.

   87 Tempe was about 500 stadia from Gomphi, Plin. H. N. IV. 8, which
      distance should be thus divided: the length of Tempe 40 stadia, then
      to Larissa 160, to Tricca about 240, and to Gomphi 60.

   88 Strabo IX. p. 437. II. B. 729. Pausan. IV. 9, 1. Meteora cannot be
      Ithome; more probably the ruins of Kastraki. But the passage
      concerning Curalius and the temple of the Itonian Minerva, is a
      confusion of the geographer. Otherwise de la Porte du Theil
      Eclaircissemens sur Strabon I. 76, p. 248.

   89 Athen. XIV. p. 639, 640.

   90 Pouqueville, p. 37.

_   91 Orchomenos_, p. 126. Here also Acrisius of Argos dwelt. That it is
      this Larissa is plain from Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 40, compare
      Hellanicus fragm. 116. Pausan. II. 16. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 836.

   92 Strabo, IX. p. 439.

   93 According to modern travellers. The ancients frequently
      misinterpreted Homer. In later times Eurotas, or Europus, as in the
      Excerpta of Strabo, _i.e._ the _dark-coloured_.

   94 Pouqueville.

   95 Thus the writers in Strabo VII. p. 328. Steph. Byzant. in Δωδώνη.
      See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

   96 Hieronymus, ap. Strab. IX. p. 443.

   97 Steph. Byzant. in Γόννος Liv. XXXII. 15.

_   98 Orchomenos_, pp. 248 sqq.

   99 If _Oloosson_ is the modern _Alassona_ on the road from Larissa to
      Macedonia, according to the opinion of the bishop of Thessalonica on
      Il. B. p. 333. ed. Rom. δοκεῖ δὲ φυλάσσειν καὶ νῦν τὴν κλῆσιν
      παραφθειρομένην βαρβαρικῶς, ἴσως γὰρ αὔτη ἐστὶν ἡ ἄρτι λεγομένη
      Ἐλασσών.

  100 See above, § 1. Andron ap. Strab. X. p. 475 E. τῆς Δωρίδος πρότερον,
      νῦν δὲ Ἑστιαιώτιδος λεγομένης. The Dorians also dwelt in Hestiæotis
      to the west of Pindus, according to Charax ap. Steph. Byzant. in
      Δώριον. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 124, and Schol. Aristoph.
      Plut. 385 (as emended by Hemsterhuis, p. 115), they dwelt in
      Perrhæbia; and Perrhæbia nearly coincides with Hestiæotis.

  101 See book II. ch. I, § 2.

  102 There was a hero named Azorus, Hesychius in Ἄζωρος.

  103 Hemsterhuis incorrectly considers them as identical, ubi sup. p.
      116.

  104 Athen. XI. p. 503 D. καὶ ὁ τὸν Αἰγίμιον ποιήσας, εἴθ᾽ Ἡσιοδός ἐστιν
      ἢ Κέρκωψ ὁ Μιλήσιος. The confusion of the names of Hesiod and
      Cercops may, as it appears to me, be accounted for as follows. A
      verse concerning the desertion of Ariadne by Theseus for the sake of
      Ægle, is ascribed by Plutarch (vit. Thes. 20) to Hesiod, and by
      Athenæus (XIII. p. 557 A.) to Cercops; it is evidently from the
      Ægimius which was attributed to both these names. This verse was
      expunged from the poem by Pisistratus, as we learn from Hereas,
      quoted by Plutarch. The Ægimius therefore was at that time arranged
      and set down in writing, together with other epic poems.
      Consequently Cercops, an Orphic Pythagorean, who lived about the
      time of Pisistratus, cannot have been the author of it, though he
      might have been the διασκευαστὴς who arranged it in the same manner
      that Onomacritus did the other poems. Now it might easily happen,
      especially if his interpolations could be now and then discerned,
      that the _whole_ poem should be attributed to him.

  105 Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 37, p. 282.

  106 See Valckenaer ad Eurip. Phœn. p. 735.

  107 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. III. 584. IV. 816. The character of the ancient
      epic poetry, which never admitted of history arranged in a
      chronological order, cannot allow us to suppose that the Ægimius
      contained an account of the expedition of the Dorians, and of their
      colonies, down to the founding of Cyrene.

  108 This is the meaning of the passage in Steph. Byzant. Ἀβαντίς,—ὡς
      Ἡσίοδος ἐν Αἰγιμίου δευτέρῳ περὶ Ἰοῦς;

      —Νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀβαντίδι δίῃ,
      τὴν πρὶν Ἀβαντίδα κίκλησκον Θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες
      τήν ποτ᾽ ἐπώνυμον Εὔβοιαν βοὸς ὠνόμασε Ζεύς.

      These are followed by the four verses concerning Argos and Io quoted
      by Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, alludes to this
      passage. Also what he mentions from this poem in II. 1, 5, belongs
      to the Eubœan fables. Apollodorus, in both passages, quotes the
      Ægimius under the name of Cercops. Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. vol.
      I. p. 592. ed. Harles.

  109 See Ephorus ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δυμᾶνες (p. 96. ed. Marx.),
      followed by Strabo IX. p. 427.

  110 Book III. ch. 1, § 7.

  111 Etymol. Magn. Τριχάϊκες.—Ἠσίοδος διὰ τὸ τριχῇ αὐτοὺς οἰκῆσαι, οἷον;
      Πάντες γὰρ τριχάϊκες καλέοντο Οὔνεκα τρισσὴν γαῖαν ἑκὰς πάτρης
      ἐδάσαντο. Τρία γὰρ Ἑλληνικὰ ἔθνη τῇ Κρήτῃ ἐπῴκησαν, Πελασγοὶ,
      Ἀχαιοὶ, Δωριεῖς. The last words must be considered as a mere
      ignorant addition; for the Dorians did not divide _their_ territory
      into three parts, _because_ two _other_ Greek races went to Crete.
      It is, indeed, evident that a threefold division of the land
      conquered by the Dorians is here spoken of, which, as is plain from
      the fables concerning Ægimius and Hercules, took place according to
      the three tribes. According to the present reading, this division
      took place at a distance from the native country of the Dorians.
      There might seem some difficulty in this, since Hercules is said to
      have given Ægimius the third part of the territory as a παρακαταθήκη
      in Hestiæotis, the most ancient habitation of the Dorians (Diod. IV.
      37, compare Apollodorus II. 7, 3). Hence πάτρῃς for πάτρης might be
      read in this sense: “The Dorians divided their territory into three
      parts _for the families_ (of which the φυλαὶ or tribes consisted),”
      so that they then dwelt separately from one another (similarly
      Pindar Olym. p. VII. 74). This alteration, however, appears to be
      unnecessary; and the old reading is defended by the following
      explanation, viz., that according to the ancient fable Hyllus and
      his descendants did not _dwell_ either near mount Œta, or in
      Hestiæotis _together_ with the Dorians, but that they first received
      in the Peloponnese the third part of the territory, whither they
      came as colonists at a distance from their more ancient abodes (ἔκας
      πάτρης).

  112 Below, ch. 3, § 1.

  113 Hom. Od. XIX. 174.

  114 Ap. Strab. X. p. 475 D. and Stephan. Byzant. in Δώριον. Diodorus IV.
      60. V. 80, gives nearly the same account, on the authority of Cretan
      historians, whom he mentions in V. 80.

  115 This may be collected from the passage of Dicæarchus (which, indeed,
      is much mutilated) cited in Steph. Byz. in Δώριον. It is given most
      faithfully in Montfaucon’s Biblioth. Coislin. p. 286, 59.

  116 Τεύταμος appears to be the correct name, the same as that of an
      ancient prince of Larissa, on which the ancient Dorians bordered.
      The princes of the allied nations were doubtless confounded in
      tradition. See the author’s _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 94.

  117 The settlements which here come into consideration are, 1. the
      immigration, after the death of Minos (in the third generation
      before the siege of Troy), of various races, chiefly Hellenes,
      according to Herod. VII. 170; this is a mere tradition of the towns
      of Polichna and Præsus, and not a very credible one. 2. The colony
      of Althæmenes after the expedition of the Heraclidæ from Argos and
      Megara, and in connexion with Rhodes. 3. Dorians from Peloponnesus,
      Lyctus, Lampe, and other places settled from Sparta; Pharæ a colony
      of the Messenians; Gortyna of Amyclæans (Minyans); Phæstus colonized
      from Sicyon; other towns from Argos (Scylax, p. 18, Diod. V. 80). 4.
      Æginetans in Cydonia.

  118 Strabo X. p. 475 C.

  119 The Cretan cities were generally considered as Doric; Menander de
      Encom. XXXII. 1, p. 81, ed. Heeren. and others.

  120 Od. XIX. 175. ἄλλη δ᾽ ἄλλων γλῶσσα μεμιγμένη.

  121 On this migration of the Dorians from their early settlements in the
      north of Greece to Crete, see Appendix III.

_  122 Orchomenos_, pp. 233, 234. According to Andron (Strabo X. p. 475)
      they came directly from Hestiæotis under mount Parnassus. According
      to Diodorus IV. 67, the Cadmeans drove out the Dorians, who then
      _returned_ to Doris (Erineus, Cytinium, Boeum). Lycophron v. 1388,
      might be quoted in confirmation of Herodotus, since he calls the
      Dorians Λακμώνιοι (Λάκμων ὄρος Περραιβίας ἔνθα ῴκουν Δωριεῖς),
      Lacmon being the name of the ridge of Pindus and the Cambunian
      mountains. But Lycophron only alludes to their settlements in
      Hestiæotis.

  123 Il. II. 849, XXI. 159. It is to this that Herodotus alludes, when he
      says that the Teucrians, to which race he refers the Pæonians, had
      penetrated as far as the Peneus (see the Introduction, and Appendix
      I. § 4).

  124 See Appendix I. § 17.

  125 Introduction, § 3; Appendix I. § 25.

  126 Amphicæa near Dadja. See Leake in Walpole’s Travels, p. 509. Clarke,
      p. 227. Gell, Itinerary, p. 210.

  127 I here chiefly follow Dodwell, vol. II. p. 133, and Gell: compare
      _Orchomenos_, p. 41. Pouqueville is completely in error. According
      to him the Cephisus rises 11-1/2 hours N.E. of Artotina, which he
      supposes to be Erineus, and flows from the north into the Pindus,
      which river (he says) runs into the Gulph of Corinth, contrary to
      all accounts of ancient writers.

  128 The old maps are all incorrect; see now Gell’s map to his Itinerary.
      According to Strabo the Tetrapolis lay chiefly to the east of
      Parnassus, but it extended also round to the west, IX. p. 417. The
      river Pindus is now, according to Dodwell, the _Aniani_.

  129 See p. 40, note i. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote below
      to “the Locrians,” that starts with “Thucyd. III. 95”.]

  130 See Strabo IX. p. 427. X. p. 476 A. Strabo distinguishes Erineus in
      Phthiotis from this town, IX. p. 434. Etymol. Mag. p. 373, 56, ὁ
      Ἐρινεὸς is the correct form. Mela however, and the scholiasts to
      Pindar and Aristophanes quoted below, call it _Erineum_.

  131 Strabo IX. p. 427 B. p. 434. Steph. Byz. Ἀκύφας μία τῆς Δωρικῆς
      τετραπόλεως.—Ὁ Ἀκύφας, Gen. Ἀκύφα, _Dorice_, see Bekker’s Anecdota,
      vol. III. p. 1313.

  132 Scymnus Chius v. 591. Δωριεῖς Ἐρινεὸν, Βοιὸν, Κυτίνιον ἀρχαιοτάτας
      ἔχουσι, Πίνδον τ᾽ ἐχομένην. Comp. Conon. hist. 27. In answer to
      those who deny that Pindus was situated in this Tetrapolis, it is
      sufficient to quote Herod. VIII. 43. Comp. du Theil Eclairc. sur
      Strabon IX. tom. III. p. 118. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 252, IV.
      p. 392.

  133 Strabo IX. p. 427 C. arranges them in this manner: Ætolians, Locri
      Hesperii, Dorians, Ænianes, Locri Epicnemidii; compare pp. 425, 430
      B.

  134 Thucyd. III. 95, 102. It is the Kakiscala between Stagni and Salona.
      Dodwell, vol. I. p. 149, and Gell, p. 206.

  135 See Philochorus ap. Dionys. ad Ammæum c. 11. Philoch. Fragm. ed.
      Siebelis p. 76.

  136 Pausan. X. 33, 2.

  137 This road through Camara, Palæochori, and Neuropoli, is described by
      Dodwell, vol. II. p. 126. Gell, p. 241.

  138 Holland went over this road near Eleutherochori, p. 383, comp.
      Dodwell, p. 74. It is also the way alluded to by Procopius de Ædif.
      IV. 2.

  139 Liv. XXXVI. 15. For a description of Thermopylæ see _Orchomenos_, p.
      486. Clarke, ch. 8, p. 240. Holland, ch. 18, p. 315. Gell,
      Itinerary, p. 239.

  140 See Stephan. Byz. in Ἀμφαναὶ from Theopompus. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 386.

  141 Strabo IX. p. 428. Liv. XXXVI. 16.

  142 Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον, and Hellanicus, ibid.

  143 Strabo ubi sup.

  144 See Lycophron, Hecatæus, Rhianus quoted by Stephanus.

  145 Thus Andron in Strabo X. p. 476. Thucyd. I. 107.

  146 Æschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 43, 24, τὸν ἤκοντα ἐκ Δωρίου καὶ Κυτινίου.
      [Dr. Cramer, Description of Ancient Greece, vol. II. p. 103,
      corrects Δωρικοῦ Κυτίνου in Æschines, after Thucydides, who in III.
      95, speaks of Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν. Transl.]

  147 Theopompus ap. Steph. Ἀκύφας. Scymnus Chius ubi sup.

  148 Strabo VIII. p. 383. Conon. 27. Scymnus. To this also refers the
      statement in Apollodorus I. 7, 3. that Dorus the son of Hellen τὴν
      πέραν χώραν Πελοποννήσου ἔλαβεν. Vitruvius IV. 1, however, gives a
      different account, _Achaia Peloponnesoque tota Dorus Hellenis et
      Orseidis nymphæ_ (a mountain nymph) _filius regnavit_.

  149 Hecatæus ap. Stephan.

  150 In the scholia to Pindar, Pyth. I. 121, in which, however, there is
      some transposition and confusion. There is nowhere else any mention
      of a city in Perrhæbia named Pindus. In Pindar Πινδόθεν is used
      generally for the earlier settlements; for Hestiæotis and Doris both
      touch on the chain of Pindus. See Boeckh. Explic. p. 235. These
      scholia are probably followed by the scholiast on Aristoph. Plut.
      385, and by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 980. comp. v. 741; but without
      separating the erroneous parts.

  151 Tarphe was near the Doric Tetrapolis between Œta and Parnassus. It
      is mentioned in Iliad II. 533, as a Locrian town; according to
      Strabo IX. p. 426, it was afterwards called Pharygæ, which Plutarch,
      Phocion 33, includes in Phocis, and names near it a hill called
      Acrurion. Tarphe and Carphæa may be considered as different forms of
      the same name, _t_ and _k_ being often interchanged. Thus the
      mythological hero Talaus is sometimes Calaus. (Schol. Soph. Œd. Col.
      1320.)

  152 Herod. VIII. 31, comp. Plutarch. Themistocl. 9.

  153 P. 24. Διμοδωριεῖς.

  154 Herod. VIII. 31 and 43. ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος ἐξ
      Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες. According
      to this passage, therefore, Cytinium and Boeum may both have been
      inhabited by the Dryopians.

  155 According to Strabo IX. p. 434, there was a Dryopian Tetrapolis as
      well as a Dorian.

  156 Ap. Strab. p. 373. The scholia to Apollon. Rhod. I. 1283, furnish a
      genealogy, viz. Lycaon, Dia, Dryops. Followed by Tzetzes ad Lyc.
      480, and Etymol. Mag. p. 288, 32. Pherecydes, however, quoted in the
      scholia to Apollonius, gives a different account.

  157 See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

  158 In the neighbourhood of the Malians and Myrmidonian Achæans,
      Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1823, pp. 93, 107, ed. Sturz.
      Aristotle ubi sup. At the foot of Mount Parnassus, Aristotle and
      Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Λυκωρείταις ὅμοροι. The μετοίκησις from the
      Spercheus to Trachis is merely a confusion of the scholiast to
      Apollonius. Callimachus had only mentioned the migration to
      Peloponnesus, Schol. Paris. Clavier’s remarks (ad Apollod. p. 323)
      are very inaccurate. Dryops, the son of Spercheus, dwelt at the foot
      of mount Œta, according to Antoninus Liberalis, 32.

  159 Ibid. 4. Κραγαλεὺς ὁ Δρύοπος ᾢκει γῆς τῆς Δρυοπίδος παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ
      τὰ Ἡρακλέους. In this strange account Melaneus, the son of Apollo, a
      king of the Dryopes, is represented as taking Epirus and Ambracia.
      It is a part of the same history as the migration of the Ænianes and
      Neoptolemus to Molossis, _Æginetica_, p. 18.

  160 Book II. ch. 3, § 3.

  161 Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. 37.
      Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Servius ad Æn. IV. 146. Πράξεις Ἡρακλέους, p.
      152. Marini Ville Albani. comp. _Æginetica_, p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad
      Æn. IV. 2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, tom. I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43,
      οἱ δὲ Ἑρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέος τε καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς νῦν
      Δωρίδος καλεομένης χώρης ἐξαναστάντες. A peculiar application of the
      tradition in Suidas in Δρύοπες, Κάρπος. The verse of Callimachus
      preserved in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, should apparently be thus
      written, Δειλαίοις Ἀσινεῦσιν ἐπιτριπτῆρας ὀπάσσας, the explanation
      is given by the etymologist himself. See above, p. 45, note k.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Parnassus,” starting
      “In the neighbourhood of the Malians.”]

  162 Herodot. VIII. 46. Diodor. IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, however,
      considers the Styrians as Ionians.

  163 Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. ubi sup. The fabulous war of Amphitryon
      against Cythnus is probably connected with it.

  164 Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Stephan. Byz.
      Also in Cyzicus, according to Strabo XIII. p. 586.

  165 See _Orchomenos_, p. 496. In Æschines adv. Ctesiph. p. 68, 40,
      according to Didymus and Xenagoras in Harpocration, Κραυγαλλίδαι
      should be written.

  166 Antonin. Liberal. 4.

  167 Book II. ch. 3, § 3.

  168 Παράλιοι, Ἱερῆς, Τραχίνιοι Thucyd. III. 92. comp. Dodwell, II. p.
      71. I may also remark that Scylax and Diodorus, XVIII. 11, appear to
      make a distinction between Melians and Malians; but in both places
      ΛΑΜΙΕΙΣ should be written for Μαλιεῖς and Μαλεῖς. Wesseling’s
      opinion concerning the last passage is untenable, since there never
      was a town of the name of Malea. Diodorus is not quite accurate.

  169 Diodor. XII. 59.

  170 Aristot. Polit. IV. 13.

  171 Thucyd. IV. 100.

  172 See Tittmann’s Amphiktyonenbund, p. 41.

  173 Strabo IX. p. 434.

_  174 Æginetica_, p. 17.

_  175 Orchomenos_, p. 253.

  176 Book II. ch. 3, § 12.

  177 Thucyd. III. 92.

  178 Strab. IX. p. 442.

  179 Thucyd. VIII. 3. Concerning the founding of Heraclea, see also
      Stephan. Byz. in v. Δώριον, after the hiatus.

  180 Book II. ch. 1. § 8, ch. 3. § 5.

_  181 Orchomenos_, p. 238. Compare in general with this chapter,
      Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 249.

  182 ἡ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάϑοδος. Thucydides I. 12, says Δωριεῖς ξὺν
      Ἡρακλεíδαις. Isocrates Archidam. p. 119 C. mentions an oracle
      enjoining them ἐπì τὴν πατρῴαν ἰέναι χώραν.

  183 XIX. 105.

  184 See Pausan. VII. 25. 3.

  185 Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων, καλλιστεφάνου πόσις Ἥρης,
      Ζεὺς Ἡρακλείδαις τήνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.
      Οἷσιν ἅμα προλιπόντες Ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα,
      Εὐρεῖαν Πέλοπος νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα.

      τήνδε πόλιν is Laconia. _We_ mean the Dorians: Erineus the
      Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. 362 has not correctly understood and
      applied these verses. (See below, note to ch. 7. § 10.) Tyrtæus also
      calls the Dorians generally Ἡρακλῆος γένος—whence Plutarch de Nobil.
      2. p. 388.

  186 Herodot. V. 72. According to VI. 53, he might also have said, “I am
      an Egyptian.”

  187 A similar idea is entertained by Plato in his Laws, III. p.
      682—viz., that the Dorians were properly Achæans, expelled from
      their own country after the Trojan war, and afterwards collected and
      brought back by one Dorieus.

  188 Pind. Pyth. V. 70. In Pyth. I. 61, he calls them descendants of
      Pamphylus and the Heraclidæ, not mentioning Dymas. Compare the
      fragment of the Isthmians, Ὕλλου στρατὸς Δωριεύς.

  189 See Pausan. IV. 2. 1. There are two other passages of Hesiod
      referring to the expedition of the Heraclidæ. Schol. Apollon I. 824.

      Θεσσάμενος γενεὴν Κλεαδαίου κυδαλίμοιο,

      the connexion of which is very obscure (see Bentley ad Callim. Cer.
      Calath. 48); and Schol. Pind. Olymp. XI. 79. _e cod. Vratisl_.

      Τιμάνδην Ἔχεμος θαλερὴν ποιήσατ᾽ ἄκοιτιν.

      From this passage Apollod. III. 10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw
      their materials. This, however, might also occur among the actions
      of Hercules, particularly at the first Olympian festival, as may be
      seen from Pindar.

  190 VI. 52.

  191 Compare Pausan. IV. 2. 1. with V. 17. 4. and Valckenar. Diatrib.
      Eurip. pp. 58, 59.

  192 Herod. ubi sup. et c. 51. Wesseling misinterprets the first passage;
      its purport is, “_The Lacedæmonians give a different account from
      all the poets, who make Eurysthenes and Procles first come to
      Sparta._” Schweighæuser does not see the exact meaning of the
      second; the sense is, “_So far is the national tradition of the
      Lacedæmonians; in what follows, I relate the common tradition of
      Greece._”

  193 Herodot. IX. 26.

  194 IX. 26.

  195 In general the tragic poets successively descend, according to their
      age, to a later date of mythological history.

  196 Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

  197 I take this opportunity of renewing the memory of one of these
      Doric-Heraclide leaders, who has been so far forgotten, that in the
      passage of Pausanias IV. 30. 1. his name has been driven from the
      text. It should be thus written from the MSS.: Ὕλλου δὲ καὶ Δωριέων
      μάχῃ κρατηθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν, ἐνταῦθα Ἀβίαν Γλήνου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους
      τροφὸν ἀποχωρῆσαι λέγουσι, &c. This Glenus occurs as the son of
      Deianira in Apollod. II. 7. 8. and Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53.
      Diodorus IV. 37. calls him Gleneus. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Pind.
      Isth. IV. 104. reckons him among the children of Megara by Hercules.

  198 Ap. Longin. 27. Creuzer. Fragment. p. 54. Apollodorus II. 8. 1.
      almost makes it appear that the Heraclidæ had been entertained by
      Eurystheus; but this does not agree with what precedes. Euripides
      Heraclid. 13. 195. represents them as flying first from Argos to
      Trachis, and to Achaia in Thessaly, and then to Athens.

  199 Thus Pherecydes in Antonin. Liber. 33. Sturz (Fragm. 50. p. 196.)
      does not quite understand this passage.

  200 At Marathon, according to most authors. Diodorus IV. 57. mentions
      Tricorythus; Compare XII. 45.

  201 The outline of the narrative is furnished by Pherecydes and Herod.
      IX. 27. the details by Euripides in the Heraclidæ, whose account was
      influenced by the circumstances of the time (Boeckh. trag. Gr.
      princ. p. 190). Whether the Heraclidæ of Pamphilus (Aristoph. Plut.
      385. Schol. ad I. p. 112, Hemsterh.) was a _tragedy_ or a _picture_,
      was frequently contested by the ancients. The latter appears to be
      most probable: see Winckelmann and Meyer Kunstgeschichte, p. 166.
      Pamphilus painted the battle of Phlius, one of those which took
      place in the 102nd or 103rd Olympiad; and it may be fairly supposed
      that he flourished about Olymp. 97, 4, the year in which the second
      edition of the Plutus was brought forward, and he might have lived
      to be the master of Apelles, who had obtained great celebrity in the
      reign of Philip.—Concerning the battle, see Elmsley ad Eur.
      Heraclid. 860; concerning the death of Eurystheus, Wesseling. ad
      Diod. IV. 57. and Staveren. Misc. Obs. vol. X. p. 383. Pallene is
      between Marathon and Athens;—according to Strabo VIII. p. 377. the
      tomb was at Gargettus on the western coast; according to Pausanias
      I. 40. in Megaris. Concerning Macaria, see Pausan. I. 32. Schol.
      Aristoph. Eq. 1148. Zenob II. 61. and other grammarians in v. βάλλ᾽
      εἰς Μακαρíαν. A totally different tradition is preserved by Duris
      ap. Schol. Plat. p. 134, Ruhnk. In the above quoted passage of
      Strabo, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν χωρὶσ ἐν ΤΗΙ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΩΙ, ἀποκόπσαντος αὐτὴν
      Ἰολάου περὶ τὴν κρὴνην τὴν Μακαρίαν should probably be written ἐν
      ΤΡΙΚΟΡΥΘΩΙ; thus in VIII. p. 383. one MS. has Τρικόρινθος. (In this
      correction I now find that I was anticipated by Elmsley ad Eurip.
      Heracl. 103.) Heyne indeed (_ad Apollod._ II. 8. 1.) explains ἐν τῇ
      Κορίνθῳ of the tomb of Eurystheus in Pausan. I. 44. 14.; but this
      was in Megaris, and there never was any change in the boundaries of
      Corinth and Megaris. Heyne also considers the tomb near the temple
      of the Pallenian Minerva and that at Gargettus as identical; but
      this is not possible, on account of the situation of the two
      places.—Concerning Gargettus see the article _Attika_ in Ersch’s
      Encyclopædia, p. 222.

  202 Demosth. de Corona, p. 147.

  203 It does not follow from Pindar Pyth. IX. 82. that Iolaus was
      restored to life, which must have been alluded to elsewhere. I
      follow the second Scholiast, ηὔξατο δὲ τῷ Διὶ ἐπὶ μίαν ὤραν ἡβῆσαι,
      &c. Compare Ovid. Met. IX. 408.

  204 See book II. ch. 11. § 10.

  205 Ap. Antonin. Lib. 33.—There is also a trace of another tradition in
      Apostolius XVIII. 7.

  206 See book II. ch. 11. § 7.

  207 Thus also Thucyd. I. 9. Plat. Leg. III. p. 686. In Schol. Eurip.
      Orest. 5. write αὐτοὺς μὲν (the Atridæ) ἀποστῆσαι Λακεδοίμονες, τοὺς
      δὲ Περοείδας βασιλεῦσαι. Polyænus I. 10. is singular in mentioning
      Eurysthidæ in Sparta at the time of the migration; but by Eurysthidæ
      must be meant “_descendants_ of Eurysthenes,” not “Eurysthenes and
      his party.” See Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 333.

  208 See particularly Plato ubi sup.

  209 Apollod. II. 8. 2. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀντεῖπε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὑτοὺς αἰτίους
      εἶναι. τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ
      γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξίαν κατὰ τὸν
      Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. With the word εὐρυγάστωρ compare κύτους
      κοιλογάστορος, Æschyl. Theb. 478. and 1026. In later times, however,
      these oracles were put into an epic form, as may be seen from
      Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.

  210 See Herod. IX. 26. Pausan. I. 41. 3. I. 44. VIII. 5. 1. VIII. 45. 2.
      Diod. IV. 58. Schol. Pind. Olymp. N. 80. Van Staveren Misc. Observ.
      X. 3. p. 385.

  211 Pausan. VIII. 5. Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 58. Strabo IV. p. 427
      C. Isocrat. Archidam. p. 119 B. τελευτήσαντος Εὐρυσθέως.

  212 Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 61.

  213 Apollod. II. 8. 3. In Pausan. II. 28. 3. Orsobia, a daughter of
      Deiphontes of Epidaurus, is the wife of Pamphylus.

  214 He was mentioned by Hesiod; see above, p. 55. note k. [Transcriber’s
      Note: No such note on that page, nor any reference to Cleodæus.] A
      different genealogy is given by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 804, viz., that
      Cleodæus was the son of Hyllus, the brother of Lichas and Ceyx, the
      husband of a certain Peridea, and the father of Temenus.

  215 See Crates ap. Tatian. cont. Græcos, p. 107. ed. Oxf. Interpret. ad
      Vellei. I. 1.

  216 See particularly Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.; and concerning
      the second see Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7.

  217 Isocrates Archidam, p. 119, only supposes one expedition.

  218 Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi sup. Polyæn. I. 9. Compare Heyne ad
      Apollod. p. 208.

  219 See Strab. IX. p. 427. Ephorus, p. 105. ed. Marx. Compare Stephanus
      and Suidas in Naύpaktoς.

  220 Bekk. Anecd. Græc. p. 305. 31. στεμματιαῖον. μίμημα τῶν σχεδιῶν αἷς
      ἔπλευσαν οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι τὸν μεταξὺ τῶν Ῥίων τόπον. Hesychius,
      στεμματιαῖον. δίκηλόν τι ἐν ἑορτῇ πομπέων δαιμόνων (as should be
      read for δαίμονος, rather than πομπέως for πομπέων with Siebelis ad
      Pausan. III. 20. 9). Δίκηλον is explained by Hesychius to be a
      Lacedæmonian word for “statue.” These πομπεῖς δαίμονες, the
      “conducting deities,” were probably Zeus Agetor (book III. ch. 12. §
      5.) and the Carnean Apollo: and their festival doubtless was
      connected with the Carnea. At this solemnity then (as it seems) a
      boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the Carnean Apollo
      (Ἀπόλλων στεμματίας), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called
      δίκηλον στεμματιαῖον, in allusion to the passage from Naupactus.
      Compare book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 15.

  221 Paus. III. 20. 9.

  222 See _Orchomenos_, p. 333. To the passages there quoted may be added
      Etymol. in v. Ἀλήτης. And see book II. ch. 8. § 15.

  223 There were in later times Acarnanian soothsayers at Thermopylæ,
      Herod. VIII. 221. in the case of Pisistratus, and elsewhere.

  224 Thucyd. I. 103. The city was afterwards Ætolian: Boeckh. Corp.
      Inscript. Gr. No. 1756.

  225 Polyb. Excerpt. lib. XII. ap. Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II.
      p. 386.

  226 And of Pleuron with Xanthippe the daughter of Dorus, Apollod. I. 7.
      7, although Ætolus is also represented as killing Dorus the son of
      Apollo.

  227 Perhaps the Ætolians had from early times worshipped the three-eyed
      Zeus (Ζεὺς τριόφθαλμος), which Sthenelus the Ætolian brought from
      Troy, according to Pausanias II. 24. 5.

  228 Oxylus is said to have contracted an alliance with the Heraclidæ in
      the island of Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); but this story is
      probably founded merely on the etymology of the name Sphacteria.

  229 As also Pausanias, V. 1. says.

  230 Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. p. 463. Compare Il. ψ. 630.

  231 This is the representation given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ἐπὶ ἀναδασμῷ
      τῆς χώρας.

  232 Pausan. V. 15. 7. Concerning the Tyrrhenians who accompanied them,
      see _Orchomenos_, p. 443. note 3, together with Pausan. II. 31. 3.
      Of the Thebans, who are said to have joined under Autesion, see a
      detailed account in the same place.

  233 As, _e.g._, Apollodorus evidently.

  234 The name of Tisamenus, as an epithet of his father (τισάμενος),
      corresponds to Eurysaces the son of Ajax, Telemachus and
      Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus the
      youngest son of Menelaus according to Hesiod, Gorgophone the
      daughter of Perseus, Metanastes the son of Archander, Aletes of
      Hippotes; but it cannot be inferred from this that it was mere
      fiction, since this method of giving names existed in historic times
      (Polyæn. VI. 1, 6) even in the royal family of Macedon. See also
      what Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. 39, says on the names of the
      children of Adeimantus the Corinthian. Names derived from a
      characteristic of the parent (an example of which occurs in Iliad
      IX. 562) were called φερώνυμα, according to Schol. Steph. in Dionys.
      Gramm. ap. Bekker Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 868.

  235 Pausan. V. 4, 1. See below, ch. 7, § 6, note.

  236 Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It is related as a stratagem of Cypselus by
      Polyænus I. 7. Perhaps _Cypsela_, a fort in Parrhasia, near Sciritis
      in Laconia, is the same as Basilis, Thucyd. V. 33. It would not
      however be very accurate to say of Basilis that it lies ἐπὶ τῇ
      Σκιρίτιδι. An oracle referring to the amity with the Arcadians is
      preserved in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. 191, ed. Steph.; p. 33,
      ed. Frommel.

  237 See _Æginetica_, p. 39, note e, and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. p.
      366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. (comp. Suidas in v. δραπέτης), Hesychius in
      ἀνανομὴν and καταβολή.—Plato Leg. III. p. 686. Apollodorus, Polyæn.
      I. 6. The vase in Tischbein I. 7, represents an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς,
      and not this casting of lots, as Italinsky supposes. The same group
      indeed sometimes occurs on gems _armed_ (Gemmæ Florentinæ, tom. II.
      tab. 29; compare Winckelmann Monum. ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his
      works, p. xxvii.); but I believe that an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς is equally
      meant, as, _e.g._, that of the Argonauts in Apollon. Rhod. IV. 1767,
      since the expedition of the Heraclidæ, early as it was, was not one
      of the usual subjects of art.

  238 See below, ch. 5.

  239 Boeckh Inscr. I. p. 81, 82.

  240 In an oracle preserved by Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. 289, the
      Spartans are called ὀφιοβόροι. The word of the oracle itself
      doubtless was ὀφιόδειροι (ὀπφιόδειροι), as in Aristot. Mirab.
      Auscult. 23, which however might have been explained to have the
      same meaning as the former word, viz. “_drawing back the skin of
      serpents in order to eat them_.” The frog was the emblem of the
      Argives, as never coming out of their hole; compare ch. 8, § 7.

  241 Isocrates, Panath. p. 286 A., says far too generally, μάχῃ δὲ
      νικὴσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἡττηθέντας ἔκ τε τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας
      ἐξέβαλον, which he afterwards modifies considerably.

  242 V. 4, 2. An _Achæan_ from Helice occurs as the cotemporary of
      Hercules in Theocrit. XXV. 165; a greater inconsistency with the
      received chronology than poets usually permit themselves.

  243 Pausan. VII. 1.

_  244 Orchomenos_, pp. 398, 477.

  245 Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according to the most probable reading.

  246 Pind. Nem. XI. 32.

  247 Peloponnesus is called the ἀκρόπολις γῆς in Phlegon de Olymp. p.
      129, in Meurs. Op. vol. VII.

  248 As Pouqueville several times remarks. The mountain-chains are more
      connected by the Œnean promontory, and the mountains running
      westward from Sicyon and joining mount Cyllene.

  249 Ap. Gemin. Elem. Astron. XIV. p. 55, in Petavius Uranolog. The
      passage is from the work of Dicæarchus, entitled Καταμετρήσεις τῶν
      ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ὀρῶν, concerning which see Pliny N. H. II. 65, and
      Suidas in Δικαίαρχος.

  250 Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz. (p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. ad Hom. p.
      1951, 15. According to Capt. Peytier Cyllene is 7266 Paris feet in
      height, Taygetus 7434, Parthenion (Zagura) 6095. These measurements
      make Taygetus somewhat higher than Cyllene.

  251 Holland in Walpole’s Travels, p. 426.

  252 Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13.

  253 See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who particularly mentions Cynætha. Close by
      was the cold spring of Λοῦσοι, or Λοῦσσα; and Sprengel in his
      translation of Theophrastus, vol. II. p. 383, well corrects in
      Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, τὸ δὲ κώνειον ἄριστον περὶ Λοῦσα καὶ ἐν τοῖς
      ψυχροτάτοις τόποις.

  254 From the Journal of Fourmont the younger.

  255 Polyb. V. 22.

  256 According to the interpretation of the Venetian Scholiast and
      others.

  257 Abaris is said to have appeased a pestilence, which had been
      occasioned by this heat; Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. Compare
      Apollon. Dyscol. Hist. Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs.

  258 Theophrastus calls Laconia ῥοώδης, ἔπομβρος, καὶ ἔλειος (de causis
      pluviæ III. 3, 4).

  259 ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 294, 10, p. 1478,
      43, ed. Rom.

  260 See Des Monceaux in Corneille le Bruyn, tom. V. p. 465.

  261 Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. Bekker.

  262 Book III. ch. 2, § 3. Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, book IV. ch. 19.

  263 Ἀλιμενότης, Xenoph. Hell. IV. 8, 7.

  264 In Strabo VIII. p. 366. See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. Dindorf.

  265 It has been beautifully said of this district that ὀφρυᾷ τε καὶ
      κοιλαίνεται, Strabo VIII. p. 381.

  266 Polybius XVI. 16. 4. places it about west-south-west from Corinth.
      Comp. Athenæus II. p. 43 E. Pindar Olymp. XI. 30. means the same
      place.

  267 Aristot. Meteor. I. 14. p. 755 C, and Aristides, Ægypt. vol. II. p.
      351, ed. Jebb.

  268 Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lucian. Icaromenipp. 18. Nav. 20. Liv. XXVII.
      31. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius III. 57.

  269 According to Fourmont’s Journal and Gell’s Argolis.

  270 See Schol. Pind. Olymp. VII. 152. Boeckh Comment. Pind. p. 175.
      Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 25, 6.

  271 Elis in general is a χώρα ὕπαμμος, according to Theophrastus, Hist.
      Plant. I. 6.

  272 I here follow the Journal of the younger Fourmont, which appears
      deserving of credit: he also states that he saw iron rings on the
      blocks of stone.

  273 Compare with this _Orchomenos_, chap. 2.

  274 See Schol. Eurip. Orest. 626. comp. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 11.

  275 Strabo VIII. p. 363 A.

  276 Polyb. V. 22. 6.

  277 Thucyd. I. 120. κατακομιδὴ τῶν ὡραίων.

  278 See book III. ch. 10. § 2, 5.

  279 Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, says, that in the most ancient times
      there were only 2000 Dorians in Sparta; but his statement is too
      uncertain to found any calculation upon.

  280 See Boeckh on the four ancient tribes of Attica, Museum Criticum,
      vol. II. p. 608.

  281 Pausan. VII. 1. 6, 7.

  282 Pausan. VII. 18. 3, book III. ch. 4, § 8.

  283 Clarke’s Travels, II. 2. p. 646, &c.

  284 Below, ch. 5. § 1 and 8.

  285 See Thucyd. I. 122. III. 85, and the example of Decelea.

  286 Εὐρυσθέος Κυκλώπια πρόθυρα, Pindar. Fragment. Incert. 48, ed.
      Boeckh.

  287 πολυχρυσοῖο Μυκήνης, Homer. Compare book IV. ch. 1.

  288 Fourmont supposes that he has recognised Temenium in a citadel to
      the south of Lerna, but it must lie to the north.

  289 See Callimach. Fragm. 108. ed. Bentl. from Schol. Pind. Nem. X. 1.
      Concerning the taking of Argos see Polyæn. II. 12.

  290 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. 404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37.

  291 Pausan. II. 28. 3. The names given by Apollodorus II. 7. 6., viz.
      Agelaus, Euryphylus, and Callias, are probably from the Temenidæ of
      Euripides. Ceisus and Phalces are mentioned by Ephorus ap. Strab.
      VIII. p. 389. Scymn. Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. 4. II. 12. 6.
      II. 13. 1. Ceisus is also mentioned by Hyginus, Fab. 124 (where read
      _Cisus_ Temeni filius); but his account is very confused. See
      _Æginetica_, p. 40.

  292 Pausan. II. 6. 3. Eustath. ad Il. V. p. 520. Stephanus Byzant. says
      Φαῖστος Ῥοπάλου, Ἡρακλέους παιδός.

  293 Νύμφης Συλλίδος; I conjecture Ὑλλίδος.

  294 Fourmont’s Journal contains a detailed and accurate account of this
      river.

  295 Pausan. II. 11. 2.

  296 Pausan. II. 13. 1. ἐπ᾽ ἀναδασμῷ γῆs.

  297 Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. 3. 5.

  298 Pausan. III. 16. 5. Θερσάνδρου τοῦ Ἀγαμηδίδα, βασιλεύοντος μὲν
      ΚΛΕΕΣΤΩΝΑΙΩΝ, τετάρτου δὲ ἀπογόνου Κτησίππου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. Since
      some Doric state must be here meant, ΚΛΕΩΝΑΙΩΝ, the conjecture of
      Kühn, seems most probable; and all doubt is removed by a comparison
      of Ælian N.A. XII. 31., where, however, Thersander is called the son
      of Cleonymus, not of Agamedidas. Perhaps Pausanias means
      “Thersander, the son of the son of Agamedes.”

  299 Sophocl. Acris. ap. Hesych. in ἀκτίης. Scymnus Chius 526. from
      Ephorus, Polyb. V. 91. 8. Conon. 7. Diodor. XII. 43. XV. 32. XVIII.
      11. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Ælian. V. H. VI. 1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25.
      Pausan. II. 8. 4. Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, ὁι τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἀκτὴν
      ἔχοντες. It is different from the Ἀργολικὸς κόλπος, which is the
      south coast.

  300 Concerning these doubtful names (Ἀγαῖος, Ἀγραῖος), see _Æginet_. p.
      40. The name was common in Macedonia in later times; see Harpocrat.
      in Ἀργαῖος.

  301 This is stated by Pausanias. See also Jamblichus Pythagor. 2.
      concerning the Epidaurian colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. Strab.
      VIII. p. 314, states that the Ionians came _together with_ the
      Heraclidæ from the Attic Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The former account
      is by far the most probable.

_  302 Æginet_. p. 43.

  303 Pausan. II. 30. 9.

  304 Book II. ch. 2, § 8. According to Pausanias II. 30. 9. Anaphlystus
      and Sphettus, the sons of Trœzen, passed over to Attica, and gave
      their names to the two boroughs so called. See Appendix II.

  305 Pausan. II. 33. 1.

  306 Pyth. IV. 49.

  307 Strab. VIII. p. 312. 377.

  308 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. p. 620. Paus. X. 18. 4.

  309 See book III. ch. 4, § 2.

  310 This is evident from Thucyd. V. 53. Κυριώτατοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἦσαν
      Ἀργεῖοι.

  311 Ibid. According to Diodorus XII. 18. the Lacedæmonians were bound to
      send sacrifices to Apollo Pythaëus (Πύθιος); but his account is
      confused.

  312 Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 4.

  313 Above, ch. 2, § 4.

  314 Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6.

  315 Steph. Byz. in Νέμεα, where, from the context, τῆσ Ἀργολίδος should
      be written for Ἠλίδος.

  316 II. 8.

  317 Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in Ἀλήτης.

  318 Compare p. 72, note f.

  319 Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. IV. 4. Μηλιακὸν πλοῖον. Compare
      Apostol. XIX. 89, and Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, explains it
      differently.

  320 Δέχεται καὶ βῶλον Ἀλήτης. See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. Alex. 48. p.
      593. Diogenian IV. 27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in δέχεται, Schol.
      Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Perhaps Suidas in ἀδηλώσας refers to this
      story.

_  321 Orchomenos_, p. 352. See also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The delivery of
      a clod of earth (a common symbol of transfer of possession of land,
      Grimm Rechtsalterthümer, p. 110-21) also occurs in the history of
      the Ionic colony, Lycophron 1378. and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. 468. v.
      112.

  322 Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare Polyæn. I. 39.

  323 Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 56.

  324 Didymus Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 17. Conon ubi sup. Compare
      Diodorus in Euseb. Chronic. p. 35. (Fragment. 6. p. 635. Wessel.)
      Ephorus in Strab. VIII. p. 389 D, and Scymnus Chius, 526.

  325 According to Velleius Paterc.

  326 IV. 42.

_  327 Orchomenos_, p. 140. According to Conon ubi sup. Aletes found
      Sisyphidæ and Ionians mixed with them.

_  328 Orchomenos_, p. 257.

  329 II. 4. 3.

  330 Pindar. Olymp. XIII. 11. Compare Boeckh’s Commentary, p. 213.
      Callimachus ap. Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. 213. Ἀλητιάδαι παρ᾽
      Αἰγαιῶνι θεῷ Θήσουσιν νίκης σύμβολον Ἰσθμιάδος Ζήλῳ τῶν Νεμέηθε.

  331 Herodot. V. 92. 2. This perhaps may afford some explanation of the
      ancient affinity between the Cypselidæ and Philaidae (see Herodot.
      VI. 128.), by a comparison of the table, _Orchomenos_, p. 465.

  332 II. 4. 4. compare V. 18. 2.

  333 See Blanchard Recherches sur la ville de Mégare, Mém. de l’Acad. des
      Inscr. tom. XVI. p. 121.

  334 Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. p. 293. XIV.
      p. 653. Conon 26. Scymnus Chius, 503.

  335 See Raoul-Rochette III p. 56. who has omitted the remarkable passage
      of Pausan. VII. 25. according to which the Lacedæmonians had partly
      taken Athens. There was at Athens a Delphian _gens_ named
      Cleomantidæ, whose ancestor was said to have communicated to the
      Athenians the prophecy concerning the king’s death, Lycurgus in
      Leocrat. p. 196.

  336 Lycophr. 1388. and Tzetzes’ note.

  337 See particularly Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aristoph. Ran.
      440. Pausan. I. 39. 4.

  338 Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. ubi sup. According to Zenobius V. 8. the
      Megarians mourned for a daughter of their own king Clytius, and of
      Bacchius the Corinthian.

  339 This event is always narrated in explanation of the proverb; see
      Schol. Pind. ubi sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken.
      and Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (from Demon). Compare Aristoph.
      Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Apostolius VII.
      17. XIV. 97. Suidas, Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi sup. It is
      probably of this victory of the Megarians that Pausanias (VI. 19.
      9.) had read in some document that it took place before the
      commencement of the Olympiads, when Phorbas was archon for life at
      Athens; but in my opinion he is incorrect in referring it to a
      treasury of Dontas the Lacedæmonian (Olymp. 60.), the inscription of
      which spoke indefinitely of a victory of the Megarians over the
      Corinthians, in which the Argives were supposed to have had a share.
      Phorbas was archon from the 173rd to the 148th year before the first
      Olympiad, according to Eusebius.

  340 Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. 79. Plutarch Cimon. 17. It was probably in
      some war of this kind that Orsippus of Megara enlarged the territory
      of his native city, according to Etymol. M. p. 242; he was conqueror
      in the 15th Olympiad, see book IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. 1.
      and the epigram in Anthol. Pal. II. App. 272. See Siebelis ad
      Pausan. ubi sup.

  341 See the account in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387.

  342 Above, ch. 3. § 11.

  343 See above, ch. 3. § 3.

  344 Called in the Doric dialect Προκλέας, Kühn ad Pausan. III. 1.
      According to Polyænus I. 10. Procles and Temenus together conquered
      Lacedæmon.

  345 Herod. VI. 52. and it is followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. Plutarch.
      Agesil. 19. [The same is preserved in a fragment of Alcæus (Mus.
      Crit. I. p. 432) ὡς γὰρ δή ποτε φασίν Ἀριστόδαμον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον
      οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον εἰπεῖν, as Niebuhr has remarked. History of Rome, vol.
      I. note 94. ed. 2.]

  346 The words of the oracle, which Herodotus paraphrases, probably were
      μᾶλλον δὲ γεραίτερον ἔστι γεραίρειν.

  347 V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. III. p. 683. Megillus the Spartan, to the
      question καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν—Λακεδαίμονος Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης;
      answers, πῶς γὰρ οὐ, against his national tradition.

  348 Pindar Pyth. I. 65. says that the Dorians, “coming down from Pindus,
      immediately took Amyclæ.” Compare Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This is
      equally fallacious with his other statement, that Pylos fell at the
      invasion, see below, § 15. According to Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 364
      D., Philonomus the Achæan, who had betrayed Lacedæmon to the
      Dorians, received Amyclæ from them as a reward for his treachery,
      and held the νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος (to which his name seems to allude) as
      a vassal. Compare Conon Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. 445. Vales.

  349 Servius ad Æn. X. 564. and Lucilius, ibid, compare Heyne Excurs. II.
      ad Æn. X. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.

  350 Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. ib. 19. 5. The temple was still
      standing in his time. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 313-321.

  351 Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where Preugenes, their leader, is stated to have
      been descended from Amyclas.

  352 Polyb. V. 19. 2.

  353 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 46. Simonides fragm. 177. ed. Gaisford.

  354 Εὔπυργος Θεράπια, ap. Priscian. p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. Welcker.

  355 Isthm. I. 31.

  356 Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας Pindar Nem. X. 55. The δόκανα were, according to
      some, tombs of this description.

  357 See Dissen’s Commentary to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.—Concerning Helen
      at Therapne, see Euripid. Hel. 211. and Tryphiod. 520. Schol.
      Lycophr. 143. Isocrat. Encom. Hel. p. 218 D. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν ἐν
      Θεράπναις (Μενελάῳ καὶ Ἑλένῃ) θυσίας ἁγίας καὶ πατρίους ἐπιτελοῦσιν
      οὐχ ὡς ἤρωσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὡσ θεοῖς. Concerning the Menelaia, see
      Athenagoras Leg. p. 14. A. Θεραπναῖος Ἀπόλλων Apollon. Rhod. II.
      162. Therapne, according to some, was ἐν Σπάρτῃ, Schol. Apollon. et
      Pind. ubi sup.; according to other authors, referred to by Steph.
      Byz., it was Sparta itself. Both are in the wrong.

  358 It was first discovered by Gropius.

  359 Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. § 3.

  360 Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. N. 412. 414. The passage in Od. A. 10. is
      also to be explained in this manner.

  361 Pausan. III. 2. 6.

  362 Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 130.
      According to Strabo VIII. p. 365 A. however it was conquered by
      Agis. Concerning a war between Sparta and its periœci in the time of
      Lycurgus, see Nicol. Damas. fragm.

  363 Pausan. III. 22. 9.

  364 See above, ch. 3. § 4.

  365 This is now evident from the restoration of the fragment of Ephorus
      in Strabo VIII. p. 364 D. Χρῆσθαι δὲ ΛΑΙ ΜΕΝ ὀ[χυρώματι, Ἐπιδαύρῳ
      (or Γυθείῳ) δὲ ἐμπορίῳ διὰ τὸ] εὐλίμενον, ΑΙΓΥΙ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς
      πολεμίους [ἐπιτειχισμῷ, ταύτην] γὰρ ὁμορεῖν τοῖς κύκλῳ [πολεμίοις],
      ΦΑΡΙΔΙ δὲ [εἰς συνόδους] ἀπὸ τῶν ἐντος ἀσφάλειαν ἐχούσῃ. Polybius
      II. 54. 3. calls Αἰγῦτις a boundary-district of Sparta, where no
      alteration is required. See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831.

  366 The νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος according to Nicol. Damasc.

  367 See Steph. Byz. and Pausanias. The Διοσκοῦροι Λαπέρσαι are derived
      from this town.

  368 Ὑαμεία πόλις Μεσσηνίων τῶν πέντε, Stephanus Byz. Compare Pausan. IV.
      14. 3. Μεσόλα πόλις Μεσσήνης μία τῶν πέντε. Νικόλαος τετάρτῳ,
      Stephanus. From this Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. should be
      thus restored, ὤστε τὴν Στενύκλαρον μὲν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς χώρας παύτης
      κειμένην ἀποδεῖξαι βασίλειον αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας, πέμψαι δὲ ἐς Πύλον
      τε καὶ Ῥίον [καὶ Μεσόλαν καὶ] Ὑαμῖτιν ποιήσοντας ἰσονόμους πάντας
      τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. Compare Μεσόλα καθήκουσα εἰς τὸν
      μεταξὺ κόλπον τοῦ Ταυγέτου καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, Strab. VIII. p. 360;
      Ῥίον ἀπεναντίον Ταινάρου, ibid.

  369 The same termination may be observed in the name of the ancient
      Laconian city Ἱππό-λα, Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz.; and in the
      ancient gentile name of Argos, Ἀργό-λας.

  370 See Herodotus, Pausanias, Cicero de Divin. II. 43.

  371 Cicero ut sup.

  372 See above, p. 90. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “Epidaurus,” starting “Pausan. III. 16. 5.]”

  373 See Valckenaer. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 266.

  374 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2, 3.

  375 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 234.

  376 From what is not clear, though probably from the Μέσση of the
      Homeric Catalogue, the position of which is however quite uncertain,
      since it is not connected with the _city_ of Messene.

_  377 Orchomenos_, p. 366. The territory of Pylos had, according to the
      tradition in Pausan. IV. 15. 4. once extended as far as Καπροῦ σῆμα,
      near Stenyclarus.

  378 Cresphontes, as well as Aristomenes, were names in Messenia in late
      days, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1291.

  379 Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He was one of the Colophonians who had settled
      in Smyrna.

  380 Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausanias IV. 3. 3. and others speak too generally
      of the expulsion of the Nestoridæ.

  381 Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. 1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not so
      accurate; Λακεδαίμονι ἀν Ἄργει τε καὶ ζαθέᾳ Πύλῳ ἔνασσεν ἀλκᾶντας
      Ἡρακλέος ἐκγόνους Ἀἰγιμιοῦ τε (Ἀπόλλων).

  382 Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates Archidam. p.
      120. represents the Lacedæmonians as having long governed Messenia,
      which had been given them by the sons of Cresphontes. Euripides in
      the Merope told the story as follows:—viz. that Polyphontes killed
      Cresphontes, and obtained possession of his queen Merope and of his
      empire: that on this her son Telephon, whom Merope had sent to a
      friend in Ætolia, returned, and, after various tragic scenes, slew
      the usurper by stratagem. See the fragments of the Merope, and
      Hyginus, Fab. 137, with the continuation in Fab. 184. The narrative
      of Apollodorus is made to coincide more with the national tradition.

  383 The pedigree is, Æpytus—Cypselus—Merope—Æpytus—Æpytidæ.

  384 As it is evident from several passages in the 4th book of Pausanias.

  385 II. 171.

  386 Pausan. IV. 20. 2. 26. 5, 6. 27. 4. 33. 5. It is to this time
      probably that Methapus the Athenian belongs, who restored the
      ancient worship of Andania, with some few changes, Pausan. IV. 1. 5.

  387 Leg. III. p. 684.

  388 In the following discussion, although beginning somewhat in advance,
      I still take for granted what is stated in my _Æginetica_, p. 42.
      The ancient expression Λιμοδωριεῖς was referred to this migration.
      See Hesychius, Plutarch, Prov. 34. p. 590. Yet Didymus in Hesychius
      calls the Dorians who dwelt under mount Œta Λιμοδωριεῖς. See above,
      page 44. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “Dorians as inhabitants of the sea-coast.”]

  389 The Rhodians came from Argos, according to Thucyd. VII. 57. The
      Coans were also of Argive origin, according to Tacit. Ann. XII. 61.

  390 The Eratidæ refer to Argos, according to the note of Boeckh, Explic.
      ad Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165. Cleobulus also was a Heraclide,
      according to Diog. Laert. I. 6. § 89.

  391 There were different ways of making the 100 towns of Crete mentioned
      in the Iliad agree with the 90 in the Odyssey, as may be seen from
      Schol. Venet. Catal. 156.—According to Ephorus, Althæmenes founded
      10 cities in Crete, so that in the time of Ulysses there were only
      90, but in Homer’s time 100. Strabo X. p. 479. This was the manner
      in which Ephorus wrote history. “Pylæmenes the Lacedæmonian” in the
      Venetian Scholiast is probably only a corruption of the name. Conon
      47. derives the Tripolis of Rhodes from Althæmenes.

  392 VII. 99.

  393 We find in both the worship of serpents, incubation, the custom of
      votive tablets, &c.

  394 Pausan. III. 23. 4.

  395 Sprengel’s Geschichte der Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. new edit.

  396 Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396.—Concerning the Asclepiadæ in Cnidos, see
      particularly Theopompus in Phot. cod. 176.

  397 Sprengel, ibid. p. 554.

  398 Vitruvius II. 8. 12. _Cum Melas et Areuanius ab Argis et Trœzene
      coloniam communem eo loco induxerunt, barbaros Caras et Lelegas
      ejecerunt_.—The 1200 years, mentioned by Tacitus, from the time of
      its founding to Tiberius, must be taken as a round number.

  399 The religious ceremonies of Halicarnassus, as shown on its coins,
      can be completely traced up to their origin. The head of Medusa, and
      of Athene, the trident, and head of Hephæstus, belong to the worship
      of Athene and Hephæstus at Trœzen and Athens: the tripod, lyre, and
      heads of Apollo and Demeter to the _sacra Triopia_. At _Cos_ the
      insignia of Æsculapius predominated, besides those of Hercules as
      father of Pheidippus.

  400 Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. Ἁλικάρνασσος. compare _Æginetica_, p.
      140.

  401 Vitruvius, ubi sup.

  402 See book II. ch. 3. § 5.

  403 Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. IV. 25. probably ascribes to it too much
      influence.

  404 Herodot. I. 144.

  405 According to the account of Gelon’s ancestors in Herodot. VII. 153.

  406 Compare Herodotus with Diod. V. 54.

  407 Diod. ubi sup.

  408 Scymnus Chius, 549. Probably with the colony of Althæmenes.

_  409 E.g._ ε [δοξε] ταυ βουλαι και τωι δαμωι φιλ ... θενευς επεστατει
      γνωμα πρυ [τανιων], &c. from Villoison’s papers.

  410 See the quotations in Villoison in the Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr.
      tom. XLVII. p. 287. An inscription among his papers refers to the
      building of the temple of Apollo and Aphrodite at that place. The
      worship of Aphrodite appears to indicate a Laconian colony.

  411 Concerning Pholegandrus, see Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XLVII. p. 307.
      339.

  412 Paus. II. 30. 8. Raoul-Rochette is wrong in stating that Scylax
      declares Caryanda to have been Doric.

  413 Herodot. V. 121. Ἡρακλείδης Ἰβανωλίος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεὺς as leader of
      the Carians.

  414 Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. 4. Polyæn. VIII. 56. According to
      Lycophron, v. 1388. the Doric colony also possessed Thingrus and
      Satnium, which were places in Caria, according to Tzetzes, in whose
      notes Ἰκαρίας should be twice altered into Καρίας.

  415 Concerning Noricum, see below, § 11. The coins of Synnada have
      ΣΥΝΝΑΔΕΩΝ ΔΩΡΙΕΩΝ; also ΣΥΝΝ. ΙΩΝΩΝ, and both together; also the
      expression Καστολοῦ (better Καστωλοῦ) πεδίον Δωριεών, Stephan. Byz.
      Xenophon mentions it twice in the Anabasis, without precisely
      stating its position.

  416 Compare Steph. Byz. in Ἀραὶ, Ἰωνίας (this is false. They were
      situated between Syme and Cnidos, Athenæus VI. p. 262.) νῆσοι τρεῖς
      οὅτω λεγομέναι διὰ τὰς ἀρὰς, ἅς Δωριεῖς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς
      Πενταπολίτας, ὡς Ἀριστείδης. According to Dieuchidas in Athenæus,
      the curse was in the time of Triopas and Phorbas.

  417 Polyb. XVI. 12. 1.

  418 See the decree of the Jasians, which includes that of the
      Calymnians, in the Doric dialect: Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2671.

  419 Strabo VIII. p. 374, endeavours to give the tradition an historical
      colouring by supposing that Pelops drove away _Anthes_. compare XIV.
      p. 656. Apollod. ap. Steph. in Ἁλικάρνασσος.

  420 Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette also perceives this, tom. III. p. 31.

  421 II. 30. 8.

  422 Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Hence Athens is called the son of Poseidon,
      Paus. II. 30, &c. Concerning the Antheadæ as priests of Poseidon see
      an Halicarnassian inscription in Corp. Inscript. No. 2655, and
      Boeckh’s Commentary. It is well known that Posidonia in the south of
      Italy received the worship of Poseidon and also its name, from a
      Trœzenian colony.

  423 Indeed Pindar appears to represent him as dwelling at Argos, the
      native place of the descendants of Hercules, at a time when all the
      Heraclidæ were there living together undisturbed; and from Argos he
      sails to Rhodes.

  424 Olymp. VII. 24. Concerning the mother of Tlepolemus, see the
      epigram, quoted below, p. 121 note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is
      the footnote to “epigram of Aristotle,” starting “Peplus Troj.”.]

  425 In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there is no necessity for assuming that the
      poet intended to represent Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. In the
      catalogue, indeed, four insular Greeks are mentioned, Nireus of
      Syme, Antiphus and Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepolemus of Rhodes (Il.
      B. 653-680). But of these the three first are not elsewhere
      mentioned. Tlepolemus therefore remains the only Greek, of the
      Asiatic colonies, on the Achæan side, in the Iliad; and the
      connexion of the catalogue with the other parts of the poem does not
      seem to intimate as to prove this exception to have been intended by
      the writer of the fifth book. Tlepolemus must therefore be
      considered as a Grecian of the mother country. I feel convinced,
      that, according to Homer, no enemy of Troy comes from the eastern
      side of the Ægæan sea. Concerning the numerous differences between
      the catalogue and the genuine Homeric traditions, see the author’s
      History of the Literature of ancient Greece, ch. 2, § 9.

  426 Il. B. 668. When Strabo XIV. p. 653, states that Tlepolemus did not
      lead out Dorians, but Achæans and Bœotians (as a Heraclide of
      Thebes), he does not follow any ancient tradition, but the
      chronological system of his times. The ancestors of Theron of Rhodes
      (Schol. Pind. Olymp. II. 14.) have no reference to this: and
      Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 272, mixes various accounts.

  427 See book II. ch. 12. § 6.

  428 Peplus Troj. Her. Epig. 27.

  429 Book II. ch. 11. § 4.

  430 See particularly Etymol. Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul-Rochette, tom.
      III. p. 157.

  431 Hecatæus ap. Stephan. Byz.

  432 As Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 251. clearly shews from Herodotus
      and Aristænetus περὶ Φασηλίδος ap. Steph. Byz. in Γέλα and other
      words.

  433 Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. According to Strab. XIV. p. 671 D. Ῥοδίων
      καὶ Ἀχαιῶν, which Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 379, proposes to
      refer to Achæa in Rhodes, and leave out καὶ, but the Gentile name
      would be rather Ἀχαιεὺς than Ἀχαῖος. Solon, the Lindian, of Rhodes,
      is called the founder of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita Arati, vol. I.
      p. 3. vol. II. p. 444. Buhle.

  434 Both names in Etymol. Magn. in v. Γέλα.

  435 Herodot. VII. 153. The coins of Telos have the head of Jupiter and
      the _Crab_, like those of Agrigentum; the last symbol is also on
      those of Cos and Lindus.

  436 Thucyd. VI. 4.

  437 According to the spurious letters, which are correctly treated of by
      Bentley in several passages of his Dissertation (without, however,
      noticing the historical connexion), and also by Lennep in the notes.

  438 According to Hippostratus ad Pind. Pyth. VI. 4.

  439 Compare, besides Meursius, Heyne, Nov. Comment. Gotting. II. cl.
      philol. p. 40 sqq. That Lyons was a Rhodian colony, has, though
      without any grounds, been lately maintained, after Father Colonia,
      by count Wilgrin de Tailefer, Antiquités de Vésone.

  440 See Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 124. who also believes in the
      victory of Perseus over Sardanapalus.

  441 See particularly Dio Chrysost. Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, 406, 408.
      Hercules was called ἀρχηγὸς, and on the day of his festival a
      funeral pile was built to his honour; compare Athenæus V. p. 215 B.
      on the Stephanephorus or priest of Hercules at Tarsus.

  442 Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 403 sqq.

  443 Steph. Byz. in Ἰώνη.

  444 The arrival of Diomede the Argive among the Daunians may likewise
      refer to the founding of Elpiæ. He is said to have come with
      _Dorians_. Antonin. Liber. 37.

  445 Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. Il. Liv. XXXVII. 56.

  446 Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676.

  447 Steph. Byz. in Γέλα. Compare Athen. VII. p. 297, from the Ὦροι
      Κολοφωνίων of Heropythus, and Philostephanus περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ
      πόλεων.

  448 Book II. ch. 2, § 7.

  449 Pompon. Mela I. 14. The tradition is very ancient. Strab. XIV. p.
      668. from Callinus. τοὺς λαοὺς μετὰ Μόψου τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερθέντας τοὺς
      μὲν ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ μεῖναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ μερισθῆναι καὶ Συρίᾳ,
      μέχοι καὶ Φοινίκης. Concerning Mopsus in Pamphylia, see also Clem.
      Alex. Strom. I. p. 334.

  450 Strab. XIV. p. 675, and others.

  451 Philosteph. ubi sup.

  452 Rhodia, near Phaselis, is also without doubt a Rhodian colony; and
      Mopsus (Theopompus ap. Phot. cod. 176) was the founder merely in the
      above sense. In the same manner probably Lyrnessus; compare
      Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, has not
      perceived any thing of all this.

  453 De Div. I. 40.

  454 Book II. ch. 2. § 7.

  455 Thucyd. III. 102.

  456 See § 10.

  457 For what Plutarch. Amator. and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. 548. Wess.
      relate of the expulsion of Archias, is stated by the Scholiast to
      Apollonius IV. 1211, of the family of the Bacchiadæ. The former
      affirm the accidental murder of the son of Melissus to have been the
      cause of the founding of Syracuse, the latter of that of Corcyra.
      Yet this is contradicted by the Parian Marble, I. 47. Archias
      δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου, since the Bacchiadæ derived themselves from
      Aletes, not Temenus. In either case Archias is an Heraclide. See
      Boeckh. Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Compare Göller de situ
      Syracusarum, p. 5. sq.

  458 Strab. VII. p. 380 D.

  459 Strab. VI. p. 269. Compare Scymnus Chius, v. 274.

  460 See Boeckh’s Introduction to the sixth Olympiad.

  461 Book II. ch. 9. § 4. ch. 10. § 1.

  462 Athen. IV. p. 167. from Demetrius Scepsius. Archilochus made mention
      of this Æthiops (Siebel. Fragm. p. 233).

  463 Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 298. His προσόδιον was composed before the
      Messenian wars, about the same time.

  464 Adoniaz. 53. compare Thucyd. VI. 77. ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε εἰσὶν,—ἀλλὰ
      Δωριεῖς, ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ᾽ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὴν Σικελίαν
      οἰκοῦντες.

  465 Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. 4.

  466 According to Thucyd. VI. 5. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 319. supports
      the contrary opinion.

  467 Thucyd. I. 108. where this Chalcis is evidently intended.

  468 Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. The coins of Alyzia do not necessarily
      prove it to be of Corinthian origin, since barbarous towns
      frequently adopted the devices of the neighbouring Greek cities.
      Herodotus IX. 28. does not afford any reason for supposing that Pale
      was a Corinthian colony; yet both here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it
      appears as closely united with Corinth.

  469 This I believe, because it was founded by Heraclidæ, _i.e._ by
      Bacchiadæ, according to Anton. Lib. 4; hence also the worship of
      Hercules existed there. Compare also concerning the Doric migration
      to Ambracia, the Epigram of Damagetus in the Palat. Anthol. VII.
      231.

  470 Γόργος is probably the most correct form of those in Plut. Conv.
      VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. Scymn. Ch. 427.
      Antonin. Lib. I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone considers him as the
      brother of Cypselus. See book III. ch. 9. § 6. note. The form ΓΟΡΓΟΣ
      is also confirmed by a coin of Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, Annali
      dell’ Instituto di corrisp. archeol. 1829, p. 316.

  471 Thucyd. II. 68.

  472 See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 43.

  473 Plutarch. Themist. 24.; but the whole history is inaccurately
      related.

  474 Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. 1212., and from Timæus at V. 1216.

  475 Yet Timæus ubi sup. places Chersicrates 600 years after the Trojan
      war, the date of which he fixed (according to Censorinus de Die Nat.
      21.) 417 years before the first Olympiad; consequently the date
      which he gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. 46. 3. 594. B.C. in the
      time of the Cypselidæ. But since it is scarcely credible that Timæus
      could place the foundation of Corcyra so low down, it is probable
      that he fixed an earlier date for the Trojan war, according to
      Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 135. ω. III. p. 490. Compare Mustoxidi
      Illustrazioni Corciresi, I. 5. p. 65.

  476 Thucyd. I. 47.

  477 Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. Ch. 620.

  478 Scymn. Ch. 412. According to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. 86. it was
      founded at the same time that Dionysius founded Lissus.

_  479 Orchomenos_, p. 297.

  480 Thucyd. I. 13.

  481 μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα, the words of the Corinthians in
      Thucyd. I. 38. compare I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3.

  482 I. 56. See book III. ch. 8. § 5.

  483 According to Eusebius. See Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 233.

  484 According to Hesychius Milesius de Constant, p. 48. the founder’s
      name was Dineus.

  485 The situation of Byzantium, in a political and commercial point of
      view, is well described by Polybius IV. 44.

  486 Dionys. Byzant. de Thracio Bosporo in Hudson’s Geogr. Min. vol. III.
      sacrifices were offered to her on the first day of the year. Heyne
      Comment. Rec. Gotting. tom. I. p. 62. has treated of the fables of
      Io at Byzantium with sufficient fulness, but without tracing the
      origin of the traditions.

  487 Ibid.

  488 See, besides others, Palat. Anthol. VII. 169. Why does not
      Raoul-Rochette admit here as elsewhere, the supposition of an
      ancient colony under the guidance of Io, an Argive princess?

  489 See Dionysius. There is something on this head also in Hesychius.
      Besides the names in the text, there are Athene Ecbasia—Artemis
      Dictynna (also _Lucifera in piscinis_), Ajax Telamonius, and
      Achilles—Rhea—Hecate and Fortune—The Dioscuri—Amphiaraus ἐν συκαῖς,
      Aphrodite the preserver of peace, and Aphrodite Πάνδημος.

  490 With whom there were at times dissensions. See Aristot. Pol. V. 2.
      10.

  491 See, besides the decrees in Demosthenes, Constantin. Porph. Them. I.
      p. 1452. in Meursii Opp.

  492 Μεταμβριανων and Μεσαμβριανων on coins.

  493 According to Scymnus Chius, v. 714.

  494 Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. _Æginetica_, p. 67. It is probable that Perinthus
      also at that time received a party of Doric colonists, as it is
      called an allied town by the Byzantians (Demosth. de Corona, p.
      255), and the worship of Hercules was prevalent there. Compare
      Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, where, however, several passages are
      incorrectly applied.

  495 Arrian, Periplus of the Pontus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. Compare
      Orelli Heracleot. p. 115. Raoul-Rochette places it as far back as
      the 30th Olympiad, but according to Scymnus Chius, 231, the founding
      took place in the time of Cyrus.

  496 Megara was founded in the same year as Naxus, Olymp. 11. 3,
      according to Ephorus (in Strabo and Scymnus); according to the more
      exact Thucydides some time after, 245 years before its destruction
      by Gelon. Gelon reigned from Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from Olymp. 73.
      4, till 75. 3, in Syracuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. I. Explic. p.
      100). From the narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, it appears that he
      conquered Megara in the interval of Olymp. 74. 1-3; in which case
      the foundation would fall about Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. According
      then to the account of Thucydides, the arrival of Lamis the Megarean
      must have been some years before. This event was contemporary with
      the founding of Leontini, which was five years after that of
      Syracuse: this cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the account of
      Eusebius, who dates the building of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. (Hieron.
      Scal.) The statement of the Parian Marble agrees better, viz. Olymp.
      5. 3. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons on false suppositions.
      Compare Heyne Opusc. Academ. tom. II. pp. 259. sq.

  497 See Passow ad Theogn. 773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 85, adds Schol.
      Platon. p. 220. See also Welcker’s Theognis, p. 14. In literary
      history many instances occur of the same persons being called
      citizens of the mother-state, and of the colony; _e.g._, Archilochus
      was a Parian and Thasian; Protagoras and Hecatæus the younger were
      citizens both of Teos and Abdera; Terpander belonged to Arne in
      Bœotia and Lesbos at the same time; Mimnermus was both a Colophonian
      and citizen of Smyrna, &c.

  498 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 313-359. Thrige’s _Res Cyrenensium_ (1828),
      pp. 23-35. Concerning a family of the Heraclidæ, see the interesting
      passages of Synesius, Καταστ. (p. 10. Morell.) and of Theodorus
      Metochita in the Supplem. ad Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The account of
      the latter is very confused.

  499 Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid, 121 sq.

  500 Δωρικοὶ τάφοι, Synesius, ubi sup.

  501 Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus V. 53. speaks of an Argive-Lacedæmonian
      colony in this district.

  502 V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1388, calls him Ἱππότης ὁ Ἀλήτης, but
      I can hardly think that he is the same as the ancestor of the
      Corinthian Heraclidæ.

  503 Diodor. V. 53.

  504 Also at Nisyrus, according to its coins.

  505 I here speak on the authority of some beautiful drawings by M.
      Huyot, amongst which is a plan of Cnidos; an accurate plan of the
      harbour was shown me by Captain Beaufort. Compare Clarke, part II. §
      1, plate 13.

  506 It is stated by Diodorus V. 9, that the Cnidians in the 50th
      Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a colony to Lipara under the guidance of
      three descendants of their countryman Hippotes, Gorgus, Thestor, and
      Epithersidas, who, in conjunction with 500 of the former
      inhabitants, founded a state. Now it was natural to call Æolus the
      god of the winds, who was supposed to reside on these islands, a son
      of the new national hero, Hippotes; and hence he became Αἴολος
      Ἱπποτάδης. If this is true, then the name Ἱπποτάδης in the Odyssey
      (K. 2. 36.) is certainly _later_ than the Homeric age; which might
      be almost supposed from the statement of the learned Asclepiades,
      that the Æolus of Homer was the son of Poseidon (not of Hippotes),
      which he could hardly have said, if all the copies of the Odyssey
      had Ἱπποτάδης.

  507 See particularly Pausan. X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and Diodorus V.
      9, probably from the same author.

  508 Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 321.

  509 See Strab. XII. p. 570. The inscription on their coins is Σελγέων
      Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμόνοια. Compare Mionnet Descript. III. p. 525.
      Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 427, with whom I do not entirely agree.
      See also Nicephorus Blemmidas, ed. Spohn. p. 13.

  510 Dionys. Perieg. 860, where I consider that “the Amyclæans” is not a
      mere poetical ornament, although the testimony is not to be much
      depended upon. Compare Eustathius ad 1.

  511 See Raoul-Rochette’s argument, tom. II. p. 428.

  512 Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. Strab. XIV. p. 682. Λακεδαίμων ἐν Κύπρῳ
      Eustath. ad Homer. p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in Cyprus was founded
      by _Sicyonians_ (Steph. Byz. in Γόλγοι), and it was the _only_
      colony sent out by that state, with the exception of Phæstus in
      Crete, whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is said to have gone; see ch.
      5. § 2.

_  513 Ut fertur, octavus ab Hercule_, Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. Carm. II. 6.
      12; and so likewise Servius ad Virgil. Georg. IV. 125. Æn. III. 551.
      Compare, concerning the Phalantiadæ, Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι.
      Callimachus is referred to in a verse quoted by Schol. ined. ad
      Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) πάντες ἀφ᾽
      Ἡρακλῆος ἐτήτυμον ἔστε Λάκωνες according to Goettling’s conjecture.

  514 Ὑακίνθου or Ἁπόλλωνος Ὑακίνθου τάφος, Polyb. VIII. 30. 2.

  515 Ib. VIII. 35. 8.

  516 Scymn. Ch. 330.

  517 Strabo VI. p. 264, from Antiochus.

  518 Herodot. III. 138. IV. 164.

  519 Strabo VIII. p. 387.

  520 Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul-Rochette, III.
      p. 187.

  521 See book II. ch. 3.

  522 Metam. XV. 15. _Grates agit ille parenti Amphitryoniadæ._

  523 See Pausan. ubi sup. The newly discovered fragments of Polybius
      confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, p.
      384. Mai, inasmuch as they mention the sending of Locrian
      auxiliaries to the Spartans as the cause of the foundation of Locri
      in Italy.

  524 Justin XX. 2.

  525 Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul-Rochette, p. 194, derives it from Dorians, who
      had previously settled at Cape Zephyrium: but even if there were
      Dorians there, they must have been Megareans.

  526 It would lead us too far from our subject to explain the tradition
      concerning the Lacedæmonians among the Sabines and Samnites. It is
      remarkable that, according to Silius Italicus, these Lacedæmonians
      came from Amyclæ and Therapne, the ancient settlements of the
      Achæans. I must also pass over the Cretan colonies, for many
      reasons.

  527 Paus. III. 2. 7.

  528 A war with Cnosus is very improbable and almost impossible; Paus.
      II. 21. III. 11. Vell. Paterc. I. 4. (_Lacedæmonii in Asia
      Magnesiam_), had probably some account of the share of the Spartans
      in these Cretan colonies, which will be discussed book II. ch. 3.

  529 Pausan. V. 20. I, according to Clavier, Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

  530 Λυκοῦργος ὑπὸ πάντων συμφώνως ἱστορεῖται μετὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τοῦ Ἠλείου
      τὴν πρώτην ἀριθμηθεῖσαν τῶν Ὀλυμπίων θέσιν διαθεῖναι, Athen. XIV. p.
      635 F.

  531 Pausan. V. 8. 3. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ τὸ συνεχὲς ταῖς μνήμαις ἐπὶ ταῖς
      Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐστί—

  532 γράμματα Ἡλείων ἐς τοὺς Ὀλυμπιονίκας, Pausan. V. 21. 5. VI. 2. 1.

  533 See Aristodemus ap. Syncell. Chron. p. 196 C. Compare Goeller de
      Situ Syracusarum, p. 198.

  534 Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. ἐν Μεγάροισίν τ᾽ οὐχ ἔτερον λιθίνα ψᾶφος ἔχει
      λόγον. Compare Boeckh Explic.

  535 Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8.

  536 Sturz. Hellanici fragment. p. 79 sqq. ed. 2.

  537 Agesil. 19.

  538 In Colot. 17. p. 268. Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν περὶ Λυκούργου χρησμὸν ἐν
      ταῖς παλαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς ἔχοντες. Concerning this oracle see
      Theodoret Græc. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The
      oracle in Œnomaus (Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. p. 113.) is evidently a
      modern forgery.

  539 Above ch. 5. § 14. Eurysthenes, according to Eusebius, reigned 42
      years.

  540 Suidas in Χάρων.

  541 Athen. XI. p. 475 B. concerning the καρχήσιον.

  542 XII. 12. 1.

  543 Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. I. 5. who calls the ἀναγραφὴ of the kings
      a παράπηγμα. Eusebius says that at the beginning of the Olympiads
      _Lacedæmoniorum reges defecerunt_, which error arose from the lists
      ending here, which had been made for computing the preceding
      periods.

  544 Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I.
      p. 336. ed. Colon. Compare Tatian. adv. Græcos, p. 174. Censorinus
      de Die Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. 23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who
      also followed the Χρονικὰ of Apollodorus.

  545 I do not contend that the chronological statements in the Spartan
      lists form an _authentic document_, more than those in the
      catalogues of the priestesses of Here and in the list of
      Halicarnassian priests (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2655). The
      chronological statements in the Spartan lists may have been formed
      from imperfect memorials; but the Alexandrine chronologists must
      have found such tables in existence, since they could not have been
      produced by mere computation; and yet the date of 328 years before
      the 1st Olympiad was entirely founded upon them.

  546 Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales.

  547 P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. from Tatian and Clemens I. p. 327. comp. p.
      309. Pausan. III. 2. 4. Eusebius’s quotation of Apollodorus at the
      18th year of Alcamenes is incorrect, as may be seen from Plutarch.
      Lycurg. I.

  548 I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3.

  549 Ælian. V. H. IX. 41.

  550 Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 2. and compare Schol. Plat. Rep. X. p.
      474. 21 Bekker. The latter, also, according to Aristot. Polit. II.
      7. 1. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Compare Dieuchidas, ap.
      Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p.
      390 Potter). cf. Strab. X. p. 481. He took Lycurgus for a son of
      Polydectes and a younger brother of Eunomus, and placed him 290
      years after the taking of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. Rom. II. 49.
      calls Lycurgus the uncle of Eunomus, whom he probably places with
      Herodotus (VIII. 131.) _after_ Polydectes. Thucydides I. 18. places
      Lycurgus not long before 800 B.C. Timæus escaped the difficulty by
      supposing that there were two Lycurguses. Xenophon disagrees the
      most (Rep. Lac. 10. quoted by Plutarch. Lyc. I.), as he says that
      Lycurgus lived κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, _i.e._ κατὰ τὴν Ἡρακλειδῶν
      κάθοδον.

  551 VIII. 131.

  552 See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. p. 144. The same explanation also
      diminishes the difficulty about the relationship of Lycurgus; yet
      there still remains the great discrepancy between Herodotus (where
      the emendation proposed by Marsham does not suit the context) and
      Xenophon.

  553 The dates of these are given, doubtless from Alexandrine
      chronologists, by Diodorus, fragm. 6 p. 635, where (with Wesseling
      after Didymus) 30 years must be assumed from the return of the
      Heraclidæ to the reign of Aletes, by which the computation comes out
      right. This has been overlooked by Eusehius, since he makes Aletes
      contemporary with Eurysthenes. See the Armenian Eusebius, p. 16.
      Mai.

  554 See above, p. 136. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “district of Laconia.”]

_  555 Æginetica_, p. 62. Comp. Theocritus XVII. 27.

  556 As may fairly be inferred from V. 4. 3.

  557 V. 4. 4 In an inscription at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. p. 193.) he
      was called the son of Hæmon; according to common tradition, he was
      the son of Praxonides. In Eusebius (Hieronym.) should be written,
      _Iphitus Praxonidis vel Æmonis f_.

  558 I. 66, 67.

  559 Concerning this word see Boissonade, Classical Journal, vol. XX. p.
      289.

  560 Boeckh Inscript. No. 11.

_  561 E.g._ by Wolf Proleg. Homer. p. 67.

  562 Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 308.

  563 For the date of Terpander, see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note.

  564 Scymnus Chius, v. 313. Strabo VI. p. 259.

  565 Plutarch. Lyc. 13. whose words should be thus understood, “_Lycurgus
      did not enact any written laws, but merely sanctioned existing
      customs._” The ῥῆτραι however were evidently not mere ἔθη, but
      oracular dicta, expressed in definite words, which had been
      preserved from ancient times. Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them Αἰ
      καλούμεναι τρεῖς ῥῆτραι, and also de Esu Carn. II. 1. ὁ θεῖος
      Λυκοῦργος ἐν ταῖς τρίσι ῥήτραις; consequently this was in a certain
      degree a fixed number.—One of these very regulations was μὴ χρῆσθαι
      νόμοις ἐγγράφοις.

  566 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 19. αἱ ῥῆτραι, δι᾽ ὧν ἐκόσμησε τὴν
      Λακεδαιμονίων, πολιτείαν Λυκοῦργος, ἐδόθησαν αὑτῷ καταλογάδην.

  567 The Delphian Inscription in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1711. The
      Cretan in Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian and Prienian in
      Chandler Inscript. p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. Oxon. p. 25.

  568 I agree with Creuzer Histor. Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is
      unnecessary _always_ to alter writers concerning ὄροι into
      ὡρόγραφοι, _i.e._ chronologists. The above Samian inscriptions
      expressly refer to historical works; and are we then to alter in
      Herodian p. 7. (where see the passages quoted), and in p. 39. ἐν
      Σαμίων ὄροις?

_  569 Monumenta saxis sculpta et ære prisco_, Tacitus Annal. IV. 44.

  570 I mention Eumelus in this place, as being a Lyric poet in the modern
      sense of the word, on account of his ᾆσμα προσόδιον for the
      Messenian Theoria to Delos, Pausan. IV. 4. 1.

  571 Περὶ νομοθετῶν. He must however have either invented himself, or
      adopted the inventions of others, if he mentioned the _names_ of the
      twenty assistants and friends of Lycurgus, Plutarch. Lyc. 5.

  572 Plutarch. Lyc. 31. and 11.

  573 See book II. ch. 10. § 2.

  574 He was anciently celebrated for his mildness. Plutarch in the Life
      of Lycurgus, and de Adul. 16. On the other hand, Heraclides Ponticus
      2. καὶ τὸν Χάριλλον (ΧΑΡΙΛΑΟΝ) τυραννικῶς ἄρχοντα μετέστησε.

  575 Plutarch. Lyc.

  576 Book III. ch. 1. The names of _Eunomus_ as the father and of
      _Eucosmus_ as the son of Lycurgus (Pausan. III. 16. 5.) belong to
      the class pointed out above, p. 69. note g. [Transcriber’s Note:
      This is the footnote to “capture of Ægialea,” starting “The name of
      Tisamenus.”]

  577 Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. and Heraclid. Pont. 2. καὶ κοινὸν ἀγαθὸν
      τὰς ἐκεχείρας (the Pythian are probably meant) κατέστησε. The
      account of Hermippus is evidently, in part at least, invented.

  578 This Cleosthenes is mentioned in Phlegon Trallianus ap. Meurs.
      Opera, vol. VII. p. 128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246, 7. Bekker.

  579 Συνχώρημα Ἑλλήνων ἱερὰν καὶ ἀπόρθητον εἶναι Ἠλείαν, Polyb. IV. 73.
      who calls the peaceable existence of the Eleans in early times a
      ἱερὸς βίος; Strab. VIII. p. 357. Diod. Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel.,
      where very absurd motives are attributed to the Lacedæmonians.

  580 Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Explic. p. 494. Schneider Lexicon in v. et ad
      Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

  581 The determination of this time was somewhat ambiguous. See Thuc. V.
      49. ἐπαλλέλλειν is the proper word for the announcement.

  582 Herod. VI. 19. see also V. 77.

  583 Thucyd. V. 49. comp. Pausan. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3.

  584 As in the well-known treaty between the Eleans and Heræans, αἰ δὲ μά
      συνέαν, τάλαντόν κ᾽ ἀργύρω ἀποτίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ Ολυμπίῳ.

  585 Thuc. V. 31.

  586 Thuc. III. 8, 14.

  587 Pausan. IV. 4.

  588 Book II. ch. 3, § 2.

  589 Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

  590 Plutarch Romul. 25. Sympos. Qu. IV. 1. 1. Sept. Sap. Conviv. 16.
      Polyæn. II. 31. 2. Plin. H. N. XI. 70.

  591 See Fulgentius in Staveren Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. _Si quis enim
      centum hostes interfecisset, Marti de homine sacrificabat apud
      insulam Lemnum, quod sacrificatum est a duobus, Aristomene
      Gortynensi et Theoclo Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scribit._ Apollodorus
      ap. Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. Meursius, Misc. Lac.
      II. 14.) says that the Lacedæmonians also had sacrificed a man to
      Mars.

  592 Paus. IV. 15. 5.

  593 Polyæn. II. 31. 3. Plin. XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. ext., 15.

  594 Stephanus Byz., who quotes Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plutarch.
      Herodotus, however, does not mention the subject. What Stephanus
      says is taken from Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. 2. p. 291. where
      however for φησὶν αὐτὸς should probably be written φασὶν αὐτόν.

  595 Isocrates (Archidam. 11.) connects the Messenian war with the
      assassination of Cresphontes; and relates that the Spartans were
      much encouraged by the oracle: the narrative evidently had not at
      this time received the form in which it was afterwards represented.
      Yet he mentions the twenty years’ siege (on the authority of
      Tyrtæus), § 66.

  596 See Antip. Sidon. VII. 161. Anthol. Palat.

  597 Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. 5. IX. 39. 5.

  598 Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archidam. 10.

  599 Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

  600 Also Æschylus of Alexandria wrote Messeniaca, Athen. XIII. p. 599 E.

  601 See Athen. XIV. p. 857 D. Diodorus probably follows him, since he
      represents Cleonnis in the first war and Aristomenes as fighting
      together, Fragm. N. p. 637, Wessel. In XV. 66. he means him among
      the ἔνιοι. Boivin and Wesseling endeavour in vain to reconcile the
      contradictions. The genuineness of the fragment of Diodorus is
      however doubtful.

  602 IV. 15. 1.

  603 Concerning Rhianus see Jacobs in the Index Auctorum to the
      Anthology.

  604 See Strabo, VIII. p. 362.

_  605 E.g._ it was a _Messenian_ account which Myron followed (Pausan.
      IV. 6. 2), that Aristomenes killed the king Theopompus (contrary to
      Tyrtæus, as may be seen from Plutarch Agid. 21.).

  606 I will now point out some instances of modern fiction in the
      narrative of Pausanias. The account of Polychares and Euæphnus
      supposes a greater power in the Areopagus than it ever possessed;
      nor did the quarrel come at all within the province of the Argive
      Amphictyons. Besides Pausanias, see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, who
      generally follows the same authorities. The Cretan bowmen must have
      been introduced by Rhianus from his own country; it is certain that
      there were no mercenaries at so early a period. How could the
      Corinthians have gone to Laconia without passing through an enemy’s
      country, and who would have allowed them a free passage? The flight
      of the initiated to Eleusis is contrary to all probability; and this
      the more, as in the second war they were quiet spectators, Pausan.
      IV. 16. 1. Yet we are told the sacred torchbearers (δᾳδοῦχοι) fought
      at Athens in military array. The disposition of the light-armed
      troops in separate bodies (IV. 7. 2.) is contrary to the account of
      Tyrtæus and to ancient usage, compare IV. 8. 4. Οἱ Μεσσήνιοι δρόμῳ
      ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο (IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to Herodotus
      (VI. 112). Many events are attributed to very improbable causes,
      _e.g._ that they left the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) from want of
      money. There is absolutely no reason given for the subjection of
      Messenia. That the Argives came in a private capacity, and not at
      the command of the state, appears from Herodot. VI. 92. The oracle
      in IV. 9. 2. in iambic verses is of a late date, but nevertheless
      _more_ ancient than the corresponding one in hexameters preserved by
      Eusebius Præp. Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. The verse in Pausan.
      IV. 12. 1. ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαὸς, refers to the
      fraud of Cresphontes at the original division. In the oracle in
      Pausan. IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius ubi sup. should be written, ἦ γὰρ
      Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τείχη, Καὶ τειχέων στεφάνωμα πικροὺς οἰκήτορας
      ἕξει. Whence these oracles were derived does not appear: nor is it
      easy to decide concerning the date of such short pieces. (The above
      oracle is differently, and perhaps more correctly, emended by Lobeck
      ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.)

  607 See the Fragments as arranged by Frank, _Callinus_, p. 168.

  608 Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.

  609 By Pausauias and Diodorus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.

  610 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

  611 Justin. III. 5. says eighty years. Thirty-nine years are probably
      too short a period; for, as the Spartans did not marry before the
      age of thirty (book IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference between
      grandfathers and grandchildren must have been on an average sixty
      years. If the interval had been only thirty-nine years, most of
      those engaged in the second war would have been the _sons_ of the
      conquerors of Ithome.

  612 The same date is in the Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But Pausanias IV. 15.
      1. proves _only from Tyrtæus_ that Rhianus was incorrect in calling
      Leotychides a contemporary of the _second_ war; consequently the
      numbers cannot have much authority. Pausanias had however various
      means of judging: _e.g._ after the expulsion and subjugation of the
      inhabitants no Messenian occurred in the Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI.
      2. 5. Different writers however vary remarkably. Dinarchus in
      Demosth. p. 99. 29. places the subjection of the Messenians 400
      years before their restoration (370 B.C.); Lycurgus in Leocrat. p.
      155. 500; Isocrates Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; but Bekker reads
      400 from a manuscript, which agrees better with the early date of
      Isocrates for the subjection of the Messenians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph.
      p. 126. only 230 years before the liberation by Epaminondas.

  613 It has been proved by the succession of the excerpts of Diodorus
      that he placed the second Messenian war at the same time as
      Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. Now Eusebius places
      the beginning of the second war at Olymp. 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and
      Tyrtæus at Ol. 36. 3. (636).

  614 Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. Frank, _Callinus_, pp. 172, 196. who
      proposes Polydôrô without any reason); see Polyæn. I. 15.

  615 See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13.

  616 Strabo VIII. p. 360.

  617 In the time of Augustus it was in Messenia. The name Nedon was only
      preserved in that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.

  618 IV. 4. 2.

  619 Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly the same account as that of the
      _Lacedæmonians_ in Pausanias; and so also Heraclides Ponticus, and
      Justin. III. 4.

_  620 Annalium memoria vatumque carminibus_, Tacit. Annal. IV. 43.

  621 Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See above, ch. 5. § 13.

  622 Probably tradition had preserved some report of a sacrifice to
      Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), concerning which see book II. ch. 9.

  623 Plutarch also mentions the same expedition, de Superstit. 7. p. 71,
      Hutten.

  624 Fragm. 25.

  625 Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. p. 257.

  626 IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.

  627 Hence Hercules Manticlus was worshipped at Messana, Pausan. IV. 23.
      5. IV. 26. 3.

  628 See particularly Thucyd. VI. 5.

  629 Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini considered the Messenians of Naupactus
      as kinsmen, Pausan. IV. 26. We may pass over the often corrected
      error of Pausanias concerning Anaxilas (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I.
      p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).

  630 Yet it should be observed that Dionysius Perieg. 376. mentions
      Amyclæans as colonists in Tarentum, which is probably not a mere
      poetical embellishment.

  631 Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. The words οὕτω
      γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ
      Κρεσφόντου καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. contain two errors; comp. Pausan.
      IV. 26. 5.

  632 The whole of the following passage is evidently taken from Tyrtæus,
      VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ
      δευτέραν, καθ᾽ ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ
      Ἀρχάδας addendum] καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην
      τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ Πανταλέοντα
      τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. that at the ἐσχάτη
      κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted the Spartans. They must
      therefore have espoused the cause of the latter out of hatred
      towards Pisa. With Strabo agrees the article of Phavorinus in v.
      Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that “the Lacedæmonians deprived the Pisatans
      of this privilege for siding with Messenia, and gave it to the
      Eleans, who took their part.” But if Elis was friendly and Pisa
      hostile to the Spartans, Pantaleon can hardly have obtained the
      agonothesia, when Sparta had overcome all her enemies, and had ended
      the war victoriously. Accordingly, the 34th Olympiad, which
      Pantaleon celebrated without the Eleans, probably fell in the period
      of the second war.

  633 According to Pausanias also the _Sicyonians_.

  634 Pausan. VI. 22. 2.

  635 Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with Pausanias, and
      states that the war lasted for more than twenty years.

  636 Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:—

      πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,
      εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην
      ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον.
      χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.

  637 See _Æginetica_, p. 65.

  638 Which city was still governed by kings in the Peloponnesian war,
      Plutarch Parallel. 32. p. 430. In this strange composition,
      arbitrary fictions are curiously mixed with learned notices.

  639 See the genealogy of the Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and Corinthian
      princes below, ch. 8. § 3. note.

  640 The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. 33. Pausan.
      IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), in which Aristocrates is supposed to have
      betrayed the Messenians, was also mentioned by Tyrtæus; but the
      account which he gave of it quite differs from that in Pausanias,
      viz. that the Spartans were intentionally posted in front of a
      trench, that they might not be able to run away. Eustratius ad
      Aristot. Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν
      τοιούτων παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην
      γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ
      Τυρταῖος μνημονεύει.

  641 According to Pausanias.

  642 Pausan. IV 15. 4. What he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, however,
      agree well with this.

  643 Herod. III. 41. That the Lacedæmonians, at the beginning of the
      second war, dedicated a statue of Jupiter, twelve feet in height, at
      Olympia, with the inscription in Pausan. V. 24. 1. is merely a
      conjecture of the ἐξηγηταί.

  644 The passage of Strabo VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus:
      “Tyrtæus says that the second conquest of Messenia took place,”
      ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ
      γὰρ εἶναί φησιν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν;
      Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα
      (for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ
      ἀπιστητέον καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν
      καὶ Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. p. 52. n. d., and Porson’s Adversaria,
      p. 39. But there is nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, who lived among
      the Dorians, speaking of the whole nation in the first person
      plural, without mentioning his own different origin. In the same
      manner Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation as of a whole, Μεσσήνην
      εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. 6. 2. Compare the verses of Mimnermus
      in Strab. XIV. p. 634. The Laconian town of Aphidnæ, from which the
      Leucippidæ are supposed to have come, has probably arisen from some
      misunderstanding. (Steph. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, the father
      of Tyrtæus (Suidas in v.), looks like an etymological invention;
      Ἀρχίμβροτος, “the ruler of men.”

  645 Concerning a defeat of the Spartans by the Argives, see below, § 13.

  646 Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. Aristomenes, according to Pausan.
      IV. 24. married his sister and daughters to persons at Phigalea,
      Lepreum, and Heræa. This is alluded to in a verse from the fifth
      book of Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽
      ἄκοιτιν ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. Tharyx.

  647 This circumstance was narrated by Rhianus in the sixth (probably the
      last) book, in which Atabyrum, a town in Rhodes, was mentioned,
      Steph. Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.

  648 Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, and
      Messenia, before the time of Lycurgus; but probably he is incorrect.
      According to Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans took king Theopompus
      prisoner (provided the _king_ is meant): and the same authority
      states II. 13. that Mantinea was taken by Eurypon.

  649 Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.

  650 Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, compare III. 7.
      3.

  651 Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. XVII. p.
      251. C. the speech of the Tegeatans in Herodotus IX. 26. Polyænus I.
      11.

  652 At this time probably the oracle was delivered, which held out such
      deceitful promises to the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον
      ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, Herod. I. 66.
      The ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, which may be derived from
      ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι signifies the condition of a Helot, or a
      Clarotes, who receives a measured-out piece of land to cultivate.

  653 See the stratagem of king Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in Polyæn. I. 8.

  654 See below, ch. 9. § 1.

  655 Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5.

  656 Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The Amphictyons decided concerning Thyrea,
      Plutarch Parallel. Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.

  657 Herod. VI. 92. sqq.

  658 Concerning these Amphictyons, see Ste Croix _Governemens fédératifs
      anciens_, p. 100. who, however, treats the subject with his usual
      carelessness. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. cf. n. 1124.
      Maffei in Muratori, 561.

  659 I should not now venture to make such positive assertions as those
      made in my _Æginetica_, p. 54.

  660 III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.

  661 Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.

  662 III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 133.
      Steph.

  663 II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.

  664 Thus, according to Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ
      Λακωνικῇ, which then probably was the nearest place of importance,
      belonged to the Dryopians; comp. Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.

  665 See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 1193.

  666 Æginetica, pp. 51-63.

  667 With regard to the dominion of his brother in Macedonia, the
      relation of this narrative to that in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears
      to me to be as follows. Both describe the same event; but the latter
      is the rude native tradition of Macedon, formed among a people which
      had few historical memorials; the former is derived from an Argive
      tradition, and, though as well as the other not purely historical,
      is yet connected together in a more probable manner. Κάρανος is
      perhaps only another form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius in Κόραννος.
      The account of Euripides, that Archelaus, the son of Temenus, took
      the city of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither he had come as a goatherd in
      great distress (Hyginus Fab. 219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is the most
      unfounded. Whether Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) was acquainted
      with the tradition concerning Caranus, or followed the account of
      Herodotus, does not appear. There is also a discrepancy in the
      account of Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. p. 1453. See Appendix I. §
      15.

  668 Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.

  669 And _only_ silver (not τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo says),
      since copper was not coined till a much later period, and gold was
      first coined in Asia. In the Etymologicum Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it
      is stated inaccurately that Phido reduced the measures.

  670 See book III. c. 10. § 12. The ancient Macedonian coins were struck
      according to the same standard.

  671 Polyb. II. 37. 10.

  672 See in general Julian. Epist. ad Arg. 35. p. 407.

  673 According to Eusebius, p. 1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias places τὸν περὶ
      τῆς Θυρεάτιδος ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of Theopompus, at the
      same date; Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth year of Romulus.

  674 Otherwise Herodotus could not have said of the Cynurians,
      ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare
      Æginetica, p. 47.

  675 Pausan. II. 24. 8.

  676 In addition to the passages in Æginetica ubi sup. see the Epigrams
      of Simonides VIII. 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. Damagetus 432.
      Nicander 526. Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. in the Palatine
      Anthology. According to Isocrates Archid. p. 136. D. 300 Spartans
      destroyed all the Argives. It is a remarkable continuation of the
      legend, that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, who went away too soon
      (Herod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the Nemean games, slew Othryadas,
      Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings of the Argives for the battle of
      Thyrea, as well as those of the Tegeatans for a victory over Sparta,
      at Delphi (Pausan. X. 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates of the
      artificers, have been made before the 100th Olympiad (380 B.C.).

  677 Hence their institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. 27. 3. 678
      B.C.) is derived from that event. See Athen. XIV. p. 631. Ruhnken ad
      Tim. p. 54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ στέφανοι. Apostolius VI.
      56.—Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 211.

  678 Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. calls Cynuria, taking indeed a bird’s-eye
      view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, “not wider
      than a bean.”

  679 Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35. 2.

  680 According to Eusebius in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. Corsini
      Dissert. Agon. p. 51.

  681 As Dissen has shown, ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.

  682 From this I have explained Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, p. 47,
      where however the σύνοικοι after the Persian war are not different
      from the former Periœci.

  683 I. 18. and compare I. 76. and I. 122. See also Herodotus V. 92. 1.
      ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ
      γενέσθαι, Sosicles the Corinthian says to the Spartans, “Heaven and
      earth will be changed, before you abolish free governments
      (ἰσοκρατίαι) in order to introduce tyrannies.” See also Dionys.
      Halicarn. Lys. 30. p. 523. The Syracusans also overthrew many
      tyrants, before they had one of their own, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 18.

  684 Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. Gaisford.

  685 Libanius in Sever, vol. III. p. 251. Reisk.

  686 Polit. V. 9. 21.

  687 The series is not, however, quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 126.
      only goes down as far as Andreas. Aristotle merely says, Ὀρθαγόρου
      παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7 (see
      Wyttenbach. p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ
      Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta of Diodorus, VII-X. 14. Script.
      Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears that Andreas and
      Orthagoras are probably the same person: for Andreas is stated also
      to have been a cook, by whom the dynasty was first raised.

  688 Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.

  689 Herod. I. 163. and others.

  690 Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει καὶ εἰς
      τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος εἰς τὴν
      Κλεισθένους, implies that the tyranny did not pass quietly from
      Myron to Cleisthenes, but that the latter re-acquired it by force.

  691 Book III. ch. 4. § 3.

  692 Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας.

  693 See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling’s
      Notes.

  694 Herodotus, followed by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would now in
      this passage of Herodotus (V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, where Casaubon
      proposed ληιστῆρα; not, however, in a passive sense, but according
      to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, _i.e._ a γύμνης or
      ψιλοὸς, the great mass of light-armed soldiers being furnished with
      slings. Compare _e.g._ Thuc. I. 106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—“Adrastus
      is king of the Argives, but thou art a common bond-slave,” says the
      oracle to Cleisthenes.

  695 Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. Polyæn. III.
      5. It is remarkable that Sparta took no part in this war.

  696 See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206.

  697 Pausan. II. 9. 6.

  698 Pausan. X. 7. 5.

  699 For the tyranny lasted, according to Aristotle and Diodorus, p. 11.
      Mai, 100 years, _i.e._ from about the 26th to the 51st Olympiad,
      676-576 B.C.

  700 Herod. V. 68.

  701 Herod. VI. 128.

  702 Strab. p. 378. About 200 men according to Diodorus ap. Syncell.
      Cronograph. p. 178. Par.

  703 Herod. V. 92. 2.

  704 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22.

  705 Ælian. V. II. I. 19.

  706 Concerning a stratagem of Cypselus on this occasion, see Polyænus V.
      31. 1. That a Bacchiad, Demaratus, should have gone at this time to
      Italy, is very probable; but that the Tarquins were descended from
      him is a fiction. See Niebuhr’s History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.

  707 According to Eusebius, which agrees with the 447 years in Diodorus
      (Fragm. 6. p. 635. Wessel.), from the return of the Heraclidæ until
      Cypselus. It is not easy to see what were Strabo’s grounds for
      reckoning the dominion of the Bacchiadæ at 200 years, VIII. p. 378.
      According to Diodorus they were Prytanes for only 90 years.

  708 Aristot. ubi sup.

  709 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 361.

  710 Herod. V. 92. 6. according to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 135 Ruhnk.
      he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, as should be read in Apostol. XX. 47.

  711 Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.

  712 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.

  713 Nicolaus Damascenus.

  714 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.

  715 Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. Compare Aristot. Pol. V. 6.
      γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια,
      ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ
      τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν ἔτερον.

  716 Ibid.

  717 Book III. ch. 3. § 3.

  718 Heraclides. Perhaps for προαγωγοὶ should be written προσαγωγοὶ (like
      the ποταγωγίδες of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. § 7. note).

  719 See Book II. ch. 10. § 7.

  720 Concerning the Colossi and offerings of the Cypselidæ, see Aristot.
      Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα. Ephorus
      ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Plato Phædr. p. 236 et
      Schol. p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de
      Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. ch. 10. § 12.

  721 Herodotus. Compare Antenor and Dionysius of Chalcedon, in Plutarch,
      de Malign. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant legend in Pliny H. N.
      IX. 41.

  722 See above, ch. 6. § 8. Besides Gorgus, there was also at Ambracia a
      tyrant named Periander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Plutarch. Amator.
      23. p. 60. perhaps the son of Gorgus.

  723 Either to this person, or to Periander, or to Cypselus, the
      beautiful Rhadina of Samos was, according to Stesichorus (ap. Strab.
      VIII. p. 347.) sent as a bride, but she was killed out of jealousy.
      That it was the Ionic Samos is proved against Strabo by Pausan. VII.
      5. 6.

  724 There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the
      following is a genealogical table:—

      [Transcriber’s Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

      Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea.

      Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa.

      Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who
      married Melissa.

      Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.]

      There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is
      known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1.
      (Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44
      years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact
      mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp.
      Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he
      decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon
      of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on
      this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the
      time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod.
      Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch.
      Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged _entirely_ in
      a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according
      to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes
      (Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan
      boys, in the third generation (_i.e._ in the 16th Olympiad), before
      the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka
      (_Res Samiorum_, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48.
      (γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus,
      according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended
      the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2
      years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22);
      Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad;
      Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.

  725 Æginetica, p. 64.

  726 Who himself had aimed at the tyranny of Athens so early as the 42d
      Olympiad. Thucyd. I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, p. 83.

  727 Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. V. 4. 4.

  728 Like the Enneacrunus of the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. 1. I. 41.
      2. Theognis v. 894. ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος cannot well
      refer to a _factio Cypselidarum_, especially if it has any connexion
      with what precedes, concerning the Persian war; but κυψελλίζειν must
      mean “to be deaf,” “to have the ears closed,” from κυψέλη.

  729 I will only mention the tyrants in Doric states.—Cleobulus at
      Lindos, who was similar to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 3. p. 118.
      comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ however still
      continued at Ialysus). Cadmus in the island of Cos, whose history
      must, from Herod. VI. 23. and VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, the
      tyrant of Zancle, being driven out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 4. 497
      B.C.), fled to the king of Persia, and remained chiefly at his
      court. To Scythes’ son, Cadmus, the king of Persia probably gave the
      island of Cos. For though it might be objected that Cadmus could not
      have been the son of Scythes _of Zancle_, since the latter,
      according to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus
      inherited the tyranny from his father (παρὰ πατρός); it may be
      answered that Scythes, _notwithstanding_ that the king had given him
      the government of Cos, yet did not reside there, but at the Persian
      court, as we know to have been the case with Histiæus. Afterwards,
      however, before the 75th Olympiad (480 B.C.), having made a treaty
      with the Samians, he returned to his ancient country. He was
      followed by Epicharmus the comic poet, Suidas, in v. Ἐπίχαρμος. At
      his departure from Cos he gave the state its liberty, and instituted
      a senate (βουλή). He was a contemporary of Hippolochus the
      Asclepiad, and the ancestor by the mother’s side of Thessalus. See
      the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. In Sicily, Oleander and the family
      of Hippocrates, Gelon and Hieron, at Gela and then at Syracuse;
      Phalaris, and afterwards Theron, and Thrasidæus at Agrigentum;
      Anaxilas at Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at
      Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also
      Aristophilidas of Tarentum (Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. Tyrants
      also existed in Italy, in Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.

  730 Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare Manso, Sparta,
      I. 2. p. 308.

  731 Although they were the guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα
      ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph.
      Lysist. 1150, &c.

  732 See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus VIII.
      p. 348. According to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis was established in
      his government by Pisistratus, about the 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.).
      Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.

  733 See above, § 2. Sicyon gave ships to Cleomenes about the 65th
      Olympiad, or 520 B.C.

  734 Before the time of Histiæus.

  735 Lycurg. 30.

  736 Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. de Herod. Malign. 21.

  737 This follows from Plutarch ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. VI. 12.
      Pausan. III. 7, 8.

  738 Herod. VII. 159.

  739 According to Pausan. III. 4. 1. Therefore _before_ Olymp. 65. 1. or
      520 B.C. for Cleomenes was then king, as is evident from a
      comparison of Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. III. 68. He was in that
      year in the neighbourhood of Platæa. According to Plutarch. Lacon.
      Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes was regent in the 63rd Olympiad (525 B.
      C), when the Samians came to Sparta: this however would give too
      great a length to his reign, (which Herodotus states to have been of
      _short_ duration,) viz., from about 525 to 491 B.C.

  740 It appears that this wood was near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns.
      Apostolius IV. 27. states that the battle took place on the Ἄργους
      λόφος. The stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated after Herodotus by
      Polyænus I. 14.

  741 The marvellous narrative of Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also
      unconnected, from there being no explanation of the two first verses
      of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια, which however must have referred
      to some real event. Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια to Juno?
      Pausanias II. 20. doubts whether Herodotus understands it. But the
      story of Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.
      and Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. The festival Ὕβριστικὰ
      could not have had this historical origin, but must have belonged to
      the mystical rites of some elementary deities. The number of the
      Argives who were slain is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus to have
      been 7777; by others 6000 (also a tradition of a seven days’
      armistice in Plut. Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is the battle ἐν τῇ
      ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, but of _what_ month we are ignorant, Pol. V. 2. 8.
      Plut. Mul. Virt. ubi sup. Others placed it at the νουμηνία of the
      fourth month, anciently Hermæus, but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ were
      then celebrated. See Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. Sylb. Suidas
      in v. Τελέσιλλα.

  742 Concerning these slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.

  743 Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch confounds bond-slaves and Periœci.

  744 See Schol. Ven. ad Il. B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets (islands)
      near Argos.

  745 Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.

  746 Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας from the
      city near Sicyon, as also in the same place a κώμη named Asine, p.
      373 B.

  747 Diod. XI. 65.

  748 Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ soon occurs again as a friendly state.

  749 Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war with Corinth,
      Plutarch. Cimon. 17.

  750 Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable how
      rapidly Mycenæ fell into oblivion among the Athenians. Æschylus does
      not once mention it; succeeding poets frequently confound it with
      Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles there is throughout the play the
      most confused notion of the locality; compare Elmsley ad Eurip.
      Heraclid. 188. Concerning the destruction of Mycenæ, see Brunck
      Analect. tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.

  751 Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning the
      emigration, see Strabo VIII. p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. ap.
      Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In
      Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well as in Strabo ubi sup. the
      Hermioneans in Halieis are spoken of. There is much that is very
      singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ τὺ
      οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. See App. V. § 11.

  752 Herod. VIII. 43. The Hermioneans however maintained their ancient
      connexions at a later period; see above, ch. 7. § 13.

  753 Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo adds the destruction of Asine; but this
      took place at a much earlier period. The statement of Strabo (p. 373
      D.) that the Mycenæans used Eiones as their ναύσταθμον, must, if it
      is correct, refer to some time before the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.

  754 Pausan. II. 25. 1.

  755 Diod. XII. 75.

  756 Herod. VII. 148.

  757 Herod. I. 30. where the ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, not the
      Eleusinians.

  758 Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. c. 28.
      Polyæn. Strateg. I. 20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. Quinctil. V. 11.

  759 Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et Public. 4.

  760 Pausan. I. 40. 4.

  761 Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. 19. There
      was at Delphi a statue of Apollo armed with a lance, mentioned by
      Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was
      offered up by the Megarians after a victory over Athens, _i.e._
      after that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see book III. ch. 9, § 10.

  762 Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare _Æginetica_, p. 126.

  763 They occur in the following order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and
      Epidaurus, at a later period, after the destruction of Ægina.

  764 Herod. VIII. 72.

  765 Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. Concerning the
      fidelity of Phlius towards Sparta, see Theodoret. Græc. Affin. IX.
      16.

  766 Thuc. II. 9.

  767 Thuc. V. 29.

  768 Herod. IX. 77.

  769 Herod. VIII. 72.

  770 Herod. VII. 202.

  771 παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.

  772 Thuc. V. 29. 33.

  773 Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning this internal war, see below, § 9.

  774 Thuc. V. 29. See book III. ch. 4, § 7.

  775 Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. I. 71. The Corinthian orator says to
      the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι (_ad
      finem_) ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.

  776 Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

  777 Likewise ships, implements for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. VII. 18.

  778 For expeditious without Peloponnesus τὰ δύο μέρη, _i.e._ two thirds
      of the whole, appear to have been the common proportion, Thuc. III.
      15. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1379.

  779 Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. 7.

  780 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. It is probably of the time of Lysander.

  781 Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. (Ἀρχίδαμος
      ὁ παλαιὸς, _i.e._ the second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ
      πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth.
      p. 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 202. Hutten. In this passage the
      apophthegm is incorrectly attributed to Archidamus the Third,
      although the Peloponnesian war is mentioned in connexion with it.

  782 Thuc. I. 141.

  783 Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the real object;
      but the army is soon separated.

  784 Thuc. ubi sup.

  785 See book III. ch. 12. The army of the 10,000, although composed
      entirely of mercenaries, was in many respects like an allied army,
      and was under Spartan discipline.

  786 Thucyd. II. 10.

  787 I. 141.

  788 Ibid.

  789 Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν
      τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V.
      17. the Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, and Bœotians are outvoted.
      But, according to I. 40, 41, the vote of the Corinthians _alone_
      prevented the Peloponnesians from succouring the Samians, _i.e._
      they gave the preponderance to the party opposed to war.

  790 Besides Herodotus V. 93. see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. p. 459. 15.

  791 Thucyd. I. 67.

  792 Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.

  793 Herod. IX. 9. where however he is distinguished from the ἄγγελοι.
      Compare Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 41. Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch
      Themistocl. 6.

  794 See the treaty in Thucyd. V. 77, 79.

  795 Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.

  796 V. 31.

  797 V. 7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The
      expression καττὰ πάτρια does not at all refer to ancient treaties of
      the Dorians. The πατρῷοι σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. 8. probably
      refer to the tradition mentioned above, ch. 5. § 16.

  798 Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.

  799 Herod. VI. 84.

  800 VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς.

  801 V. 70.

  802 V. 49. 70.

  803 According to Justin XIX. 1. the Sicilian states also applied to
      Leonidas for assistance against Carthage. How general the respect
      for Sparta was at that time in Greece, is shown by several passages
      in Pindar, which are not otherwise intelligible, _e.g._ Pyth. V. 73.

  804 See Appendix IV.

  805 Pers. 819.

  806 Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.

  807 Herod. IX. 106.—These σπονδαὶ are also probably the ζυνθῆκαι,
      according to which the Athenians wished δίκας δοῦναι at the
      beginning of the war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.

  808 Thuc. I. 95.

  809 Diod. XI. 50.

  810 Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμονες
      καταστάντες.

  811 Of this Eichstädt has treated in his Notes to the translation of
      Mitford’s History of Greece; also Mosche in a Dissertation _De eo
      quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum restat_. Francof. 1802; and lastly,
      Dahlmann in his _Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte_, vol. I.
      p. 1-148. with great clearness and accuracy.

  812 Herod. VI. 42. See my Review of a work of Kortüm’s, _Göttingische
      Anzeigen_, 1822. p. 117.

  813 Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, an
      official expression of frequent occurrence.

  814 Plutarch. Themist. 29. Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. His sons also
      appear to have possessed them, according to Pausan. I. 26. 4.

  815 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. To this family Procles also belongs, who
      married the daughter of Aristotle (when the latter was at Atarneus),
      and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, Sextus Empiricus
      adv. Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.

  816 Xenoph. ubi sup.

  817 Thucyd. V. 1.

  818 Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 A. Hence
      also Leotychides in 469 B.C. went to _Tegea_ in exile, Herod. VI.
      72. Herodotus IX. 37. also mentions a dissension between Tegea and
      Sparta before the Persian war.

  819 Fragm. 21. Gaisford.

  820 At that time also Tegea assisted Argos against Mycenæ; above, ch. 8.
      § 7.

  821 Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds Archidamus III. and II. Plato Leg. III.
      p. 692. has not an accurate idea of the time of this war, of which
      Diodorus XI. 64, has given altogether an incorrect and inconsistent
      representation.

  822 Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.

  823 The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. VI. 7. Suidas
      in Ταινάριον κακόν. Apostolius XVIII. 92. Prov. Vat. IV. 12.
      Plutarch. Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 2. who mentions
      Lacedæmonians instead of Helots.

  824 Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

  825 Herod. IX. 64.

  826 If in Herod. IX. 35. the alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be ventured. The
      expression of Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην
      ἀποστήσαντας is compounded of the passage of Herodotus, which he
      reads as we now have it, and Thucyd. I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην
      απεστησαν.

  827 Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56.

  828 Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.

  829 Thucyd. III. 54.

  830 Aristoph. Lysistr. 1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned by
      Aristophanes, were about the third part of the disposable forces of
      Athens (Thuc. II. 13); and since the Platæans likewise sent τὸ
      τρίτον μέρος of their numbers to the assistance of the Spartans (ib.
      III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to the rest of Bœotia), this was probably a
      contingent fixed for such cases. Platæa, it should be observed, had
      been on friendly terms with Sparta after the time of Pausanias, and
      been connected with that state by προξενίαι, to which the son of the
      Platæan general Arimnestus owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. III. 52,
      where we should read Ἀριμνήστου, or _vice versâ_ in Plutarch
      Aristid. 11. and 19. Ἀείμνηστος should be read for Ἀρίμνηστος.

  831 Thucyd. Compare Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They must also at
      that time have been angry with the Athenians on account of Thasos.

  832 These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, be safely referred to this time; from
      which Aristotle, quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 52. p. 343. and Qu.
      Gr. 5. p. 380. cites the passages in the text on account of the
      expression χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for “to kill.” Compare Hesychius: χρηστοὶ
      οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. That the Arcadians in a certain manner carried
      on war for the Helots is also implied in Zenobius Prov. I. 59.

  833 Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι.

  834 Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ Παυσανίου still, however, remained in
      force (the συνθῆκαι in cap. 144).

  835 Æginetica, p. 179. and see Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. Dissen ad
      Nem. VIII. 15.

  836 See the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. VI. p. 532.

  837 On the oligarchical troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 B.C.) and the
      probable share of Cimon in them, see the accurate discussion in
      Meier’s Historia Juris Attici de Bonis damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.

  838 Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.

  839 See Boeckh’s Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, note.

  840 Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; for in
      this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the
      district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not _belong_
      to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties
      as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see
      Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the
      Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account
      in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.

  841 Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This
      is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]

  842 The meaning of the article in the thirty years’ truce, Thucyd. I.
      35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join
      whichever side they please, by which means they come within the
      treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state
      already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is
      assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the
      confederacy of the assisting state.

  843 Thucyd. II. 54.

  844 The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric
      spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.

  845 Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.

  846 Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.

  847 Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.

  848 The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in
      particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.

  849 Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.

  850 I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς
      Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.

  851 See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.

  852 Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter
      coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the
      Melian conference.

  853 According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and
      ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were;
      but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.

  854 Ubi sup.

  855 Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful
      expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.

  856 Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.

  857 In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian
      states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the
      commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31.
      cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of
      Peloponnesus.

  858 Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably
      deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see _Orchomenos_, p.
      455).

  859 The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in
      connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed.
      Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and
      Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo
      Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules
      after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot.
      Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the
      temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53.
      1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at
      the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5.
      Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus.
      VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian
      inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be
      called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium,
      probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.

  860 Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand.
      vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The _sacra_ of the Falisci on
      mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian,
      Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel.
      Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo,
      Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. _Aplu_ upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster
      Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.

  861 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

  862 Book I. ch. 1.

  863 The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus
      Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his
      historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of
      Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the
      fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On
      account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo
      was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his
      symbols frequently occur.

  864 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near
      the ancient Atrax (_Turnovo_) may be thus written in the common
      dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε
      ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No.
      1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.

  865 Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p.
      1040. ed. Alberti. _Laurus Penei filius_, Fulgent. 13.

  866 Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.

  867 Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.

  868 A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.

  869 Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The
      connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering
      mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with
      its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis,
      both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX.
      p. 435.

  870 Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place
      of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus
      Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from
      this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on
      the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.

  871 Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ
      παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the
      Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and
      Embasius at Pagasæ.

  872 Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common
      corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See
      Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.

  873 Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 251.
      Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap.
      Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il.
      Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ
      ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469).
      Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also
      Schellenberg’s Antimachus, p. 67.

  874 Scut. Herc. ad fin.

  875 It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as
      to make Cycnus build _Apollo_ a temple of sculls; and it is not
      necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See
      also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.

  876 Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.

  877 Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of
      Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus
      (Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos
      at Delphi, but _both_ belong to the worship of Zeus.

  878 Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger’s
      Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in
      the neighbourhood.

  879 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is
      partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.

  880 Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.

  881 See book I. ch. 5. § 2.

  882 The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια,
      Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.

  883 Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An
      oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.)
      calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to
      make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.

  884 Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.

  885 Alexander’s Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp.
      Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.

  886 Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.

  887 Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a
      she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.

  888 Tarrha is the parent state of _Zappa_, the coins of which city have
      therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this
      worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342.
      There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete,
      _e.g._ the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus
      was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the
      ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a
      ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the
      left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a
      youth with a goat’s head in the right, and a bow in the left hand;
      which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of
      Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.

  889 According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X.
      p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount
      Ida).

  890 The statement of the _Theologi_ in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p.
      616. ed. Creuzer.

  891 Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.

  892 Ch. 2. § 14.

  893 Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of
      Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74.
      ed Sturz.

  894 ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ
      ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.

  895 See _Orchomenos_, p. 493.

  896 This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus
      ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. _In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus
      erat_ (Cretæ,) _subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse_.

  897 In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other
      passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the
      territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”

  898 It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning
      the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII.
      There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the
      time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.

  899 Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.

  900 Below, ch. 3. § 3.

  901 Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν
      ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.

  902 Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v.
      1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.

  903 Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν
      Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by
      Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.

  904 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.

  905 Pausan. X. 6. 2.

  906 Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus
      ap. Steph. Byz.

  907 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. I. p. 189.

  908 Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo
      Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα
      Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.

  909 See Appendix V. ad fin.

  910 Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav.
      81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies
      Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed
      discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης _Dorice_) is Cretan,
      Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης
      (otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo
      Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a
      sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2.
      4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.

  911 Pausan. X. 7. 2.

  912 ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, Thes. 16.

  913 Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.

  914 According to the Cyclic poets, see _Orchomenos_, pp. 188. sqq.

  915 Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.

  916 Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.

  917 As Raoul-Rochette supposes, although his work contains very valuable
      materials for this inquiry, Histoire de l’Etabl. des col. Grecques,
      tom. II. p. 137-173.

  918 On the connexion of Crete and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad Æn. III.
      102.

  919 I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According to Herodotus, Europa also came to
      Lycia (IV. 45.), _i.e._ the tradition.

  920 Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. Pont.
      15.

  921 See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. Herod. I. 176.

  922 Augustinus de Civ. Dei XVIII. 12.

  923 Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.

  924 II. XVI. 666.

  925 Transplanted to Cilicia, Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. Phot. Biblioth.
      cod. 244. p. 377. ed. Bekker.

  926 On the former see Strabo XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the latter
      Diod. V. 56.

  927 Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. Antonin. Liber, c. 35.

  928 Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης τὴν
      Λητώ. Steph. Byz.

  929 Both the derivations of the name _Patara_, the one from a son of
      Apollo (Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad Dionys.
      Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 920.), and the other from πατάρα,
      κιστὶς, refer to the worship of Apollo.

  930 Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and Spanheim’s note. Herodotus says
      indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. 143.

  931 Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the temple, see
      the inscriptions in Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. and Beaufort’s
      Caramania.

  932 Pausan. VII. 21.3.

  933 Herod. I. 78. Apostolius XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν κτίσεσιν,
      Herodian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 860.

  934 The coins of Patara, Phaselis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, Apollonia,
      Corydalla, Limyra, and Olympus, have a head of Apollo, the tripod,
      lyre, the deer, and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ.
      Apollo Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is a
      corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as Apollo was called in Rhodes, Strabo
      XIII. p. 613. See below, ch. 5. § 4.

  935 See Strabo XIV. p. 683. from Hedylus, or some other poet. On the
      sacred deer of Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. Nat. Anim. XI. 7.

  936 Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, p. 26. Compare the obscure gloss of
      Hesychius in Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.

  937 On this temple, see Heyne ad Il. A. 39. According to Strabo XIII. p.
      604. there were Sminthea near Hamaxitus in Æolis, near Parium, at
      Lindus in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A certain Philodemus, or
      Philomnestus, wrote a treatise on the Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen.
      III. p. 74 F. 445 A.

  938 The inhabitants of Tenea, a village near Corinth, were said to have
      been transplanted by Agamemnon from Tenedos. That they really
      worshipped Apollo _in the same manner_ as the Tenedians, is
      testified by Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. Paus. II. 5. 3. And the
      worship of Apollo was carried by means of Archias from Tenea to
      Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See book I. ch. 6. § 7.

  939 A. 37-39.

  940 Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. 430. Servius
      ad Æn. III. 85. compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom.
      III. to pl. 25. Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 609. The fable of Pan, the son
      of Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo in divination (Apollodor. I. 4.
      1.), has also reference to this story.

  941 Il. V. 446. VII. 83.

  942 Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. with the Schol. Min.

  943 Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There are likewise many other signs of the
      worship of Apollo on this coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in Priapus,
      Schol. Lycophr. 29; Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium and Pergamum (Hesych.
      in v.); on the coins of Gargara, Germe, Lampsacus, Atarneus,
      Neandria, Abydos, and New Troy.

  944 The Æolians built a temple to the _Cillæan_ Apollo at Colonæ, Strabo
      XIII. p. 613. from Daes of Colonæ.

  945 Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Τεύκροις, οὓς
      πρῶτος παρέδωκε Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear that this can, with
      Frank, Callinus, p. 31, he understood only of a mention of the
      _name_ of the Teucrians.

  946 The latter fact is supported by the ancient name of Cephalion, an
      inhabitant of the Teucrian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. Byz. in
      Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ was the forgery of
      an Alexandrine writer named Hegesianax (Athen. IX. p. 393 B).
      Lycophron, v. 1302. calls Teucer, Scamander, and Arisbe, Cretans.

  947 In the fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.

  948 Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. which passages do not agree. Hesiod in
      Her. Geneal. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus ap. Schol. Il. XX.
      145. Coluthus v. 309.

  949 Inscription in Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 104.

  950 Æneid. II. 318. 430.

  951 Iliad. XV. 522.

  952 Achilles was slain by Apollo, according to Homer; Aretinus and
      Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία (Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. Tychsen ad
      Quint. Smyrn. Comment. p. 61); Neoptolemus was killed at Pytho. For
      the same reason Achilles slays Tennes, the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad
      Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple it was forbidden to pronounce the
      name of the Phthian hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. p. 933).

  953 Iliad. V. 446.

  954 Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. It was situated in the territory of
      Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. VI. p. 256
      C.), opposite Dardanus (Herod.); the village of Mermessus, 240
      stadia from Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 12. 2), was a κώμη
      Γεργιθία, Suidas in v. Also in Schol. Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken.
      p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην Γέργιθα
      or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ and Γεργετίωνα.

  955 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.

  956 Iliad. XX. 307. Compare the remarks of A. W. Schlegel on this point
      in his celebrated Review of Niebuhr’s Roman History.

  957 Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from Phlegon.

  958 This may be collected from the confused account of Clearchus of Soli
      ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. 524 A. Strab. XIII.
      p. 589 D.

  959 Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.

  960 Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. The rock was called Ζωστηρία κλιτὺς
      (Lycoph. 1278), as the Attic promontory with the temple of Apollo.

  961 See the _tabula Iliaca_, ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.

  962 Od. IX. 197.

  963 Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 160.

  964 Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 445.

  965 Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634 D.

  966 Callimachus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. IX. p. 421.
      Conon Narr. c 33, 44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner Comment. Soc.
      Gotting. vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, vol. II. new ed.

  967 Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. 3. p. 305. Bipont. _Est interim et
      longus et plenus et clarus salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ
      intentionis, idemque tremulus. Id_ βράνχον _Græci vocant_. This is
      exactly the voice of enthusiastic priests and prophets.

  968 There was likewise a family of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, Conon
      Narr. c. 44.

  969 Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, p. 151.

  970 Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.

  971 On this see D’Orville ad Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus Smyrnæus I.
      283.

  972 Herod. II. 159.

  973 Pythius and Comæus. Athen. IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin XXIII. 6.

  974 Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians in
      the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In the character of
      Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo has on coins his foot resting on a _fish_.

  975 A coin of Parium, in the cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, shows
      the statue of Apollo on the seashore, with the circumscription,
      ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing with Strabo XIII. p. 588.

  976 Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias
      (Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. Plin.
      Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably Milesian: also Apollo Φιλήσιος at
      Trapezus on the Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.

  977 Collected in Raoul-Rochette’s Antiquités Grecques du Bosphore
      Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.

  978 The Cyclic Thebaid in Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. Apollod. III. 7. 4.
      Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 33. 1.

  979 He was called both Ῥάκιος and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan dialect
      ῥάκος and λάκος were exchangeable forms, Schneider ad Nicand.
      Alexipharm. 11. p. 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. § 5.

  980 Proclus Chrestomath.

  981 Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. On the temple
      see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. Peerlkamp.

  982 Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.

  983 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. Hermeias of
      Methymna wrote a treatise on the Grynean Apollo, Athen. IV. p. 149.
      E. Hence the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος,
      on the coins of Myrina, which city also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi,
      Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273.

  984 Malus the son of Manto, Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud Steph. Byz. in
      Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, Apollo Ναπαῖος
      (Hellanicus ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in
      Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. coins of Nape with the image of Apollo
      in Mionnet’s work), Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. 17. and Ἐρέσιος,
      Hesych. in v. In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος
      write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.

  985 Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the worship of
      Apollo came to Tarsus, Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. 141.

  986 Book I. ch. 5. § 4.

  987 Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις σώτειρα, brought from Crete to Trœzen,
      ib. 31. 1.

  988 Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The temple of Apollo Thearius at Trœzen was,
      according to Pausan. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient in Greece. Apollo
      joined with Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. 18.

  989 Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like the institutions in Thesprotia, at
      Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6.

  990 Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in τέττιγος
      ἔδρανον.

  991 Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. the name being derived from Delos. Also
      called Ἐπιδήλιον.

  992 Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. Brunck.
      Analect. Meziriac ad Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, Megareus the
      son of Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. comp. Dieuchidas of Megara
      in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 517.

  993 V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος
      παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.

  994 Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, _i.e._ here, “he who _receives_ it,”
      Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. Compare an Argive inscription (Boeckh No. 1142.
      Δεξιστρατος Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) Apollo was likewise worshipped
      at Megara under the titles of Pythius (Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 84.
      Philostrat. Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, Prostaterius, Carnius
      and Agræus. The tripod and the Delphine on the coins of Megara see
      Pouqueville, tom. IV. p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. sect II. p.
      768.

  995 From Megara _Calchedon_ (see the coins) derived its worship and
      oracle of Apollo (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far off was Demonesus;
      and an Apollo of Demonesian brass is mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. de
      Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad Poll. V. 5. 39. _Byzantium_ likewise, a
      Megarian colony, had a temple of Apollo on the promontory of
      Metopon, according to Dionysius de Bosp. Thrac. Byzantium, moreover,
      had evidently derived from its parent city, but in an exaggerated
      form, the tradition of the foundation of the city by Apollo, and
      that this god placed his lyre upon a tower. Hence the seven
      resounding towers (Hesych. Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. Byz.
      p. 6. Dio Cass. LXXIV. 14): also the fable of the dolphin charmed by
      the sound of the lyre (Dionysius pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop.
      pag. 285.) evidently belongs to the Megarian worship.

  996 Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.

  997 See Pherecydes ap. Schol. Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. Observ. ad
      Apollod. p. 333.

  998 Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, Hesychius.

  999 Paus. I. 37. 4.

 1000 See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin.
      Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. I. p.
      402. has a Leucadian inscription, Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.

 1001 Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. Pont.
      17 and 37. ed. Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 7.

 1002 Apollod. III. 15. 1. According to the ancient Charon of Lampsacus,
      Phobus of Phocæa was the first who took this leap, Plutarch. Virt.
      Mul. p. 289.

 1003 Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia
      _Leucadio_ sacra peracta _modo_. Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς τῆς
      ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.

 1004 Photius in Τευμησία, from the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.

 1005 Stesichorus apud Athen. XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. Compare Hardion.
      _Sur le sault de Leucade_, Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. VII.
      p. 245.

 1006 See Hesych. in θόρικος. Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.

 1007 Fragment of the Παρθένια, p. 595. ed. Boeckh.

 1008 See below, ch. 11. § 8.

 1009 Od. VII. 322.

 1010 Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5.

 1011 According to the emendation Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in fragm. incert.
      14. Boeckh.

 1012 See _Orchomenos_, p. 220. Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions on the
      Oration against Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4.

 1013 Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley ad Æsch. Eum. 21.

 1014 Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus ap.
      Schol. ad 1.

 1015 Hesych. in v. Also the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according to
      the same grammarian, φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare Boeckh Explic.
      Pind. Ol. VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. Am. 20. To this custom
      likewise refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name
      of the ancient priest of the Delphic oracle πύρκεων. See the
      Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.

 1016 The stone of Manto in front of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. μαντίων
      θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. XI. 6.

 1017 The serpent of Cadmus is also by later writers called Castalius and
      Δελφίνιος, Creuzer ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. I. p. 93.

 1018 Apollo Polius was also without the gates at Thebes, Paus. IX. 12. 1.
      Apollo was likewise worshipped in the village of Calydna near
      Thebes, Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.

 1019 Below, ch. 11. § 7.

 1020 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 234, 393.

 1021 See the author’s work _De Minerva Poliade_, p. 2.

 1022 Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. VIII. 44.

 1023 Hence Ion is called the πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the Athenians,
      Herod. VIII. 44. Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 1. 2. &c. hence
      also Euripides says (Ion 1319) that “the shield and spear was the
      whole patrimony of Xuthus.”

 1024 Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.

 1025 See Phanodemus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. præp. ev.
      II. p. 99. fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. Canon. 497. comp.
      Paus. I. 18. 5. Legends of this kind were greatly amplified by Attic
      orators, who, like Hyperides before the Amphictyons, had to defend
      the claims of Athens upon Delos.

 1026 Μηδὲν προσήκων Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.

 1027 Ξοῦθος is the “bright” “shining” god, another form of ξανθός. See
      below, ch. 6. § 7. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, “the waves of the sea” is
      equivalent to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.

 1028 Plutarch Thes. 5.

 1029 Strabo IX. p. 392. after Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. Schol.
      Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.

 1030 Philochorus apud Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.

 1031 Compare Barbié du Bocage’s _Histoire de la bourgade d’Œnoë la
      sacrée_ at the end of Stanhope’s Plan of Platæa.

 1032 Hence Sophocles ubi sup, calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας ἀκτάς.
      The Scholiast confounds the Œnoë of the tribe Hippothoontis with
      that of the tribe Aiantis. The situation of the Pythium is correctly
      treated by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. 134.

 1033 In the passage of Philochorus ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθιάδα
      καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.

 1034 The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. p. 234 E.
      the Πυθαϊσταὶ are mentioned in Steph. Byz. in Πυθώ.

 1035 Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, see Thuc. II.
      15. VI. 54. Isæus p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. Suidas, Hesychius,
      Prov. ἐν Πυθίῳ.

 1036 Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. β’ 499.
      Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.

 1037 Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 170.

 1038 See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν μέγα
      κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422
      D. Aristid. Panath. vol. I. p. 329. _Orchomenos_ p. 36. 188.

 1039 This rare tradition is preserved in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. 13. Schol.
      Aristid. p. 107. ed. Frommel.

 1040 This explains Herod. VI. 34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ
      Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται
      ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.

 1041 There is a trace of the correct tradition in Diod. IV. 60. cf. Serv.
      ad Æn. VI. 14. The funeral games of Laius were made by the poets the
      motive for this journey.

 1042 Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 35. Conon.
      Narr. c. 25.

 1043 Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 171.

 1044 The chief passage on the septenary number of the boys and girls sent
      to Crete is Servius ad. Æn. VI. 21. _Septena quotannis_ (κατ᾽
      ἐνιαυτὸν) _quidam septem pueros et septem puellas accipi volunt,
      quod et Plato dixit in Phædone_ (p. 58.) _et Sappho in Lyricis_ (p.
      255. in Wolf’s Poetr. Gr.) _et Bacchylides in Dithyramhis_ (p. 17.
      ed. Neue.) _et Euripides in Hercule_ (v. 1331.), _quos liberavit
      secum Theseus_.

 1045 The visit to Naxos originally signified a transmission of the
      worship of Dionysus and Ariadne to that island, which rites had been
      kept up at the festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though confounded with the
      laurel-bearing procession of Apollo.

 1046 Boeckh Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is said to
      have sent the ξόανον with theorias to Delos, Plutarch Fragm. 10. p.
      291. ed. Hutten.

 1047 This confirms a fact which we collected from other sources, viz.,
      that the Thargelian Apollo was the same god as that worshipped at
      Delos and Crete.—There was an ancient writing on this subject
      preserved in the Daphnephoreum at Phyle in Attica, Theophrastus ap.
      Athen. X. p. 424 F. The origin of the Thargelia is also referred to
      Crete by a tradition, that this festival arose from the expiatory
      rites for the murder of Androgeus, Helladius ap. Phot. in Gronov.
      Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. p. 978.

 1048 Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See above, ch. 1.
      § 5.

 1049 Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, vol. I. p. 532.

 1050 Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return Theseus
      sacrifices to Apollo and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes ap.
      Macrob. Sat. I. 17. frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim ad Callim.
      Hymn. Apoll. 40. 46.

 1051 See Pollux VIII. 10. 119.

 1052 Demosth de Coron. p. 274. cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in Ἀπόλλων
      πατρῷος. The Achenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi, Demosth. Epist.
      p. 1481. Apollo’s Attic title of πατρῷος is explained from his being
      the πατὴρ of Ion; it is possible, however, that he was so called as
      being the god of the πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo was also called
      λεσχηνόριος at Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. Suidas in v.); perhaps
      as being the titular deity of the 360 Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at
      Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus ap
      Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius ad Lycophr. 543.

 1053 γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. adv. Eubulid.
      p. 1315. 15. Pollux VIII. 85.

 1054 As appears from Plato, Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et Heindorf. p.
      404.

 1055 Pollux VIII. 122.

 1056 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. with the Schol. and Spanheim. Harpocrat. in
      Βοηδρόμια. Suidas and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. Hence the archon
      Polemarchus administered justice in the Lyceum, the temple of Apollo
      Lyceus, near the statue of a wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker Anecd.
      vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of the
      polemarch, according to Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And in general all
      the courts at Athens were under the protection of the wolf, viz.,
      Apollo, Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, Lexic. and Parœmiogr.
      in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in δεκασαι.

 1057 In Colot. p. 31.

 1058 Thes. 25. According to Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo is the πάτριος
      ἐξηγητὴς of the Athenians.

 1059 Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν
      (not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) πατρίοις treated of the purification of
      suppliants.

 1060 Below, ch. 8. § 6.

 1061 By representing the notion that Xuthus was the father of Ion as a
      mere deceit of Xuthus.

 1062 For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, Ἢ θάνατον
      εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ ἐμήν.

 1063 V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ ἐπείσακτον
      γένος, &c.

 1064 The view taken in the text on the Ion of Euripides has been
      approved, since the first publication of this work, by Hermann, in
      the preface to his edition of that tragedy, p. 32.

 1065 Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. § 15.

 1066 Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also called
      Δειραδιώτης, from the height. There was likewise divination there,
      Telesilla ap. Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are
      Doric forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot be separated from the god.
      Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, were the deities of the city of Argos,
      Liv. XXXII. 33.

 1067 Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, Sophocles,
      Hesych. in v. The Argive coins with the wolf refer to this statue,
      comp. Pausan. VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31.
      31. where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos also
      stood the statue of Apollo Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple of
      Latona, Pausan. II. 21.

 1068 Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. Bast. ad
      Gregor. Corinth, p. 187. At Sparta, according to Hesychius, Λυκιάδες
      κόραι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a
      kind of Hydrophoria).

 1069 Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting the ancient temple of Apollo there, and
      a brass statue, see Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 59. Pausan.
      II. 11. 2. Polyb. XVII. 16. 2. The tradition respecting its
      foundation by Epopeus is not worth notice. Cleisthenes was the
      person who instituted the Pythian games, Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49,
      76. comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. p. 451. Apollo had there an ἱερὰ
      χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. Liv. XXXII. 40.

 1070 Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The Messenians at Naupactus had also a temple of
      Apollo (Thucyd. II. 91.); and the coins of the Messenians of Sicily
      afford proof of the same worship. Concerning the ancient temple at
      Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.

 1071 Herod. VI. 57.

 1072 Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo Pythaëus,
      III. 11. 2. Hesych. in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo Maleates,
      Pausan. III. 12. 8. Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, Steph. Byz.
      Suid. in v. comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo at Geronthræ, Boeckh
      Inscript. No. 1334.

 1073 Herod. II. 32. Plutarch Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. Hesych. in
      Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου
      πρύτανις, Simonides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 212. On the temple of
      Apollo at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, Ampel. Liber. Memor.
      8.

 1074 Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. the inscriptions of the temple of
      Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple of Apollo
      Ægyptius belongs to the time of the Antonines.

 1075 In this island a temple of Apollo was connected with the Thearion
      (see Dissen ad Pind. Nem. III. p. 376.), with the worship of Apollo
      Δελφίνιος, Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and the festival of the
      Hydrophoria. Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.

 1076 Above, ch. 2. § 8. The Pythian games, according to Pausan. II. 32.
      2. founded by Diomed, are probably of a later date.

 1077 ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς (Æginetica, p. 150, note k); for, as
      Callimachus says (Hymn. Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ
      Κτιζομένῃς.

 1078 Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. V. 25. 1.

 1079 Thucyd. V. 18. IV. 118.

 1080 Among the Achæans of Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of Ægira. id. VII.
      26. 3. comp. the tradition respecting Bolina, id. VII. 23. 3.

 1081 Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.

 1082 ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis of Megara, v. 777.

 1083 Pausan. V. 4. 2.

 1084 On this enmity, to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. V. 2. 4.
      VI. 16. 2.

 1085 That Zeus was the chief god of the Eleans is evident from the
      confederate temple at Ægium and elsewhere.

 1086 Hesychius in v.

 1087 Pausan. V. 15. 4.—τὸν μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ αὐτῷ μοι
      παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; for the last
      θέρμιον Buttmann corrects θέσμιον; and it is evident that θέρμα was
      Elean for θέσμα, “sacred ordinance or armistice.” See Appendix V. §
      2. Also Therma, the place of the Panætolia, derived its name from
      this word, which is probably of Ætolian-Elean origin. On its temple
      of Apollo, see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.

 1088 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

 1089 Perhaps this was the beginning of the connexion with Crete, to which
      the name of the Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. Olymp. V. 42.
      Demetrius ἐν νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. Boeckh ad Schol. and
      Explic. p. 150.), and the tradition that Clymenus, a descendant of
      the Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa soon after the flood of Deucalion,
      and there founded a temple, refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. VI. 21. 5.
      V. 14. 6.

 1090 Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes ad Lycophr.
      41. does not speak of this event with the same exactness as the
      Schol. Pind. Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90.
      p. 174.

 1091 See particularly Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. Cic. de
      Divin. I. 41. concerning the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. VIII. 27.
      These diviners are called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι at the altar
      of Olympia in the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in Meursii Op. vol. VII.

 1092 Pausan. VI. 17. 4.

 1093 Pausan. V. 8. 1.

 1094 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1711.

 1095 As appears from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.

 1096 See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and the story
      of Æsop; also the proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽
      ἀπόλωλεν.

 1097 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.

 1098 The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. Androm. 1092.

 1099 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. The Thessalians vowed at least
      every year a hecatomb of men to Apollo Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn.
      1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν σόφισμα.

 1100 Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. VII.
      37. Prov. Vat. App. II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων πόλις, with
      which he mentions the ἱερόδουλοι. We may probably discern a similar
      servitude in the gift of the golden tripods which the Θηβαγένεις
      were bound to bring at certain times to the Ismenian temple of
      Apollo, _Orchomenos_, p. 397. Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in Bœotia
      also possessed Hieroduli, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. The Delian
      Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) were of the same
      description as the chorus in the Phœnissæ. In the Didymæum
      (Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 582) there were οἱ περι το
      μαντειον παντες και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και οἱ προσχωροι, boys
      sent thither as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. c. 44.

 1101 ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο.

      Eurip. Ion. 322.

      ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν.

      Ver. 1299.

 1102 Boeckh in Hirt _Ueber die Hierodulen_, p. 48.

 1103 See book III. ch. 4.

 1104 Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7.

 1105 Apostol. VII. 34. where for Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas in δόρυ
      κηρυκεῖον. _Orchomenos_, p. 118.

 1106 Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι τὸ
      πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. Not the land, but the people themselves
      were to be decimated.

 1107 See above, p. 46, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “the Dorians or Malians,” starting “Aristot. ap. Strab.”] Etymol.
      M. p. 154. 7.

 1108 Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. IV. 37.

 1109 Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo was also worshipped under the titles of
      Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. Concerning the Dryopes as worshippers of
      Apollo see Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad
      Virgil. Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32.
      Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to Pausanias
      they also retained this worship in the Messenian settlements.
      According to Conon, c. 29. upon the occasion of the return from Troy
      they sent a tithe (δεκάτη).

 1110 See above, b. I. ch. 2. § 4.

_ 1111 Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. quæcunque vere proximo nata essent
      immolaturos_, Festus in v. Mamertin. _Trecenta millia hominum, velut
      ver sacrum, miserunt_, Justin. XXIV. 4.

 1112 According to the remarkable account of Parthen. Erot. 5. they were
      δεκατευθέντες ἐκ Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were conducted by Leucippus
      a Lycian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν
      ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη (near Pheræ, _Orchomenos_, p. 192.) ἐν
      Θετταλίᾳ.

 1113 Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. comp. Boeckh In Minoem et Leges, pag. 68.
      Magnesia, re-established according to Plato’s fiction, consecrates
      to Apollo and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον, three men as an
      ἀκροθίνιον, ibid. XII. p. 945. See also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386.
      Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. VI.
      Cretans in the Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. p. 636. Schol. Apollon.
      Rhod. I. 584.

 1114 Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον and Leucophryne instead of Magnesia.

 1115 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 2910; and see particularly Conon ubi sup.

 1116 Aristot. and Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.

 1117 Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. Athen. ubi sup.

 1118 It is to this that the Homeric hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 1.
      refers; also the coins of Magnesia (_Apollo supra Mæandrum stans_).
      There was also a place near Magnesia called Apollonia.

 1119 X. 32. 4.

 1120 Hence the name of Apollo Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where Tzetzes is
      confused. Apollo Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, Steph. Byz. in v.
      In Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether Hiera. Come,
      Liv. XXXVIII. 12, 13. is the same place? Magnesia on the Sipylus
      also worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.

 1121 See Frank Callinus, p. 89. Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning the
      founding of Magnesia see Ruhnken on Velleius I. 4. Kanne on Conon,
      c. 29. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.

 1122 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.

 1123 A Rhegian in Timæus (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. 1), ἱεροὺς
      εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε
      ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. p. 373. cf. p.
      178.

 1124 Respecting the ablutions in the seven rivers, the sacred
      laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and
      compare Hermann’s excellent dissertation on the Glauci of Æschylus,
      Opuscula, vol. II. p. 59.

 1125 Pausan. V. 25. 1. The coins of Rhegium have the head of Apollo, a
      lyre, a tripod, and cortina.

 1126 See particularly Tacit. Annal. IV. 14.

 1127 Founded, according to Callim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius the
      Pelasgian, to whom the establishment of the Amphictyonic council was
      _for that reason_ attributed.

 1128 Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch de Def. Orac.
      14.

 1129 On the towns included in the league see above, book I. ch. 6. § 2.
      On the games at the festival, Herod. I. 144.

 1130 Neptune and the nymphs were also of the number of the Triopian
      deities, Schol. Theocr. XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth.
      II. 27. p. 314. Concerning the worship of Apollo at Halicarnassus,
      see Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at
      Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος.
      Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, p. 170. note
      a; comp. above, p. 116. note z.

 1131 I have adopted the opinion of Ste. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs,
      p. 156. that the federal festival of the twelve Æolian cities was at
      Gryneum, chiefly on account of the altars of the twelve gods, and
      the Ἀχαιῶν λιμὴν at that place, and the statements of Scylax.

 1132 According to Strabo X. p. 487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, as at
      Delos, for the assembly; and in a Tenian inscription (Boeckh Corp.
      Ins. Gr. No. 2329), a citizen is eulogized for having undertaken a
      θεαροδοκία for the Delians, the office of receiving the θεωροὶ, a
      species of λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 325.

 1133 Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.

 1134 Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. 141. The coins like those of Delos: the
      name also reminds us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut.
      p. 311.)

 1135 An Apollonia in this island, Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.

 1136 Particularly at Carthæa, Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. p. 456 E.
      Probably a Δήλιον, according to Dissen. Explic. p. 484. Πύθια at the
      same place, Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning the choruses of Apollo at
      Carthæa see Boeckh Corp. Insc. Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum at
      Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo X. p. 486.

 1137 Apollo Tragius, Steph. in Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, Macr. Sat. I.
      17. Hipponax ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. A Δήλιον at Naxos.
      Aristot. Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9.
      comp. Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. Besides these, there were
      many other Ionic temples of Apollo, in Samos, Eubœa, &c.

 1138 See above, book I. ch. 6. § 12.

 1139 Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling corrects
      Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol.
      II. p. 178. with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 200. The bird on the coins
      is not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet Descr. planche 60), the _comes
      iripodum_.

 1140 One hundred and twenty stadia from Croton, Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p.
      1098 C. Justin. XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.

 1141 Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.

 1142 On the statue of Aristeas in the market-place of Metapontum, by the
      side of the statue of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. and on a brass
      laurel-tree in the same place, Athen. XIII. p. 605 C. In the temple
      of Apollo, Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.

_ 1143 Caulonia_ in Italy is also remarkable for this worship, the ancient
      coins of which town exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, or a bow, with
      a stag.

 1144 Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of Tauromenium and
      Enna. As to _Sicily_, there was a temple of Apollo Temenites Pythius
      at Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. comp.
      Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne Topographie de Syracuse, p. 26. Göller
      de Situ Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38.
      At Gela there was a colossal statue of Apollo in front of the town,
      Timæus apud Diod. XIII. 107. Apollinarian rites of the Erbitæans and
      their colony Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. ap. Castelli, p. 109
      sqq. At Lilybæum, according to the coins, Apollo Libyrtius near
      Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. The month Dalius in Sicily, Castelli
      Prol. 73.

 1145 Inscription at Olympia, ap. Pausan. V. 22. 2.

 1146 Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch.
      2. § 7.

_ 1147 Orchomenos_, p. 327 sqq.

 1148 A similar tradition in Sinope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh.
      II. 953. Diod. IV. 71.

 1149 Herod. IV. 32. See also Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.

 1150 X. 5. 4.

 1151 See above, ch. 1. § 3.

 1152 Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, ib. X. 23.
      3. on account of the _Laodice_ of Herodotus. Herodotus VIII. 39.
      mentions, on a similar occasion, the native heroes Phylacus and
      Autonous.

 1153 Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 16, is
      right in correcting Κελτοὺς for Δελφούς.

 1154 See the beautiful fragment in prose in Himerius Orat. XIV. 10. with
      which Cicero de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see Heindorf’s note. It is to
      this ode, perhaps, that the words of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14.
      δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ θεῷ,
      καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.

 1155 In this part occurred what Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from the
      προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of Alcæus, that the water of Castalia came
      from the Cephisus.

 1156 Diod. II. 47. where the period is alone falsely stated. That the
      harvest begins at the rising of the Pleiades, is stated by Hesiod.
      Op. et D. 381. Compare the story in Eratosth. Catast. 29.

 1157 Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the correct explanation of Italinsky. As in
      the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented as standing
      beside the figure, which is a certain proof that Apollo is in
      question.—Nevertheless, some very distinguished antiquarians are
      still of opinion that the figure is _Triptolemus_, and not Apollo;
      indeed the _Instituto di corrispondenza Archeologica_ at Rome has
      lately published a painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), in which
      Τριπτολεμος is written by this figure in the same position, and with
      the same accompaniments; whence it seems to me probable that, in
      antiquity, the ideas attached to this composition were not fixed. A
      vase in Millin I. 46. represents Apollo Daphnephorus attended by a
      Hyperborean in the Arimaspian costume.

 1158 Paus. X. 5. 5.

 1159 XXI. 3.

 1160 Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes from a
      supposed oracle of a prophetess named Asteria, that the inhabitants
      and priests of Delos came from the Hyperboreans.

 1161 Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. Beckmann.
      Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

 1162 Herod. IV. 35. Opis and Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato Axioch.
      pag. 371. A. Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The circumstance of the θήκη of
      these virgins being turned to the east shows that it was of the
      Cretan time, since the Dorians laid their dead to the east, the
      Ionians to the west. See book IV. ch. 1. § 2.

 1163 περφέρεες, also ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de Abstin.
      II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 283.

 1164 Dodona was Hyperborean, according to Etymol. M. in Δωδωναῖος.

 1165 Plutarch de Musica 14.

 1166 According to Herodotus and Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. H. N. IV.
      26. Mela III. 5. Salmasius considers the gifts as θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ,
      _prosiciæ hostiarum_, with Mela; but they were doubtless _primitiæ
      frugum_, Exerc. Plin. p. 147.

 1167 No weight can be laid on the particular road, as Pausanias I. 31. 2.
      mentions one which touches Attica, where also there were rites or
      sanctuaries, τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol.
      XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. See below, § 6.

 1168 Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. 2. He also comes to Delos in the spring.

 1169 Tischbein II. 12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. Valliant. et
      Theupoli. A commentary is furnished by the beginning of Callimachus’
      hymn to Apollo.

 1170 Above, ch. 1. § 2.

 1171 Herod. IV. 13. The statement of Herodotus is exactly confirmed by a
      fragment of Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. VII. 144. which may be
      genuine. In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς ανθρωπους should be written καὶ
      φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).

 1172 Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones were first mentioned by Alcman, who
      called them Ἀσσέδονες, Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. He also mentioned
      the Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1312.

 1173 Ap. Steph. Byz. in Ὕπερβόρεοι.

 1174 The two last points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus ap. Clem.
      Alex. Strom. I. p. 305. Later authorities on this point I pass over.

 1175 Herod. IV. 25.

 1176 Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. V. 22.

 1177 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 284.

 1178 This is considered by Voss as the original notion, who supposes the
      whole fable of the happy Hyperboreans to be an invention of Spanish
      sailors, Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. _Weltkunde_, Jena Journal
      Quart. II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins ib. Quart. IV. His
      opinions have been implicitly followed by Uckert, Géographie, vol.
      II. p. 237.

 1179 See particularly Apollon. Rh. IV. 284. who, according to the
      Scholia, follows Æschylus.

 1180 Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried
      Orithyia.

      Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,
      Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,
      Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.

 1181 Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. p. 1038 B.
      Æschyl. Choëph. 371.

 1182 Pyth. X. 56.

 1183 Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων
      κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. Hesych. in v.
      Bekker. Anecd. p. 355. 30. Classical Journal vol. VI. p. 369.

 1184 Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. fragm. p. 85.
      This Hecatæus still believed in the real existence of the
      Hyperboreans, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. in Καραμβύκαι.

 1185 Comp. Callim. fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι ap. Anton.
      Liber, c. 20. Tzet. zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. (compare Brunck
      Anal. vol. II. p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. II. p.
      33.

 1186 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1688. lin. 14.

 1187 Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable that
      this custom of leaping from high rocks occurs, in precisely the same
      manner as among the Hyperboreans, in Scandinavian legends. See
      Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, p. 486.

 1188 De Nat. Deor. III. 23.

 1189 So also Etymol. M. in νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to _music_ (from
      νόμος, a strain) by Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. Chrestom. p.
      282. 13. in Gaisford’s Hephæstion.

 1190 Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. p. 324.

_ 1191 Orchomenos_, p. 348.

 1192 The Parrhasian Apollo on mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. 38. 2.) was
      originally the Apollo Nomius.

 1193 Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. from Heraclides Ponticus.

 1194 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes
      fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.

 1195 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. cf. Schol. II. α. 766.

 1196 Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. Cyrill.
      adv. Julian, p. 542.

 1197 The statement that Pythagoras placed at Delphi on a grave an
      inscription of these words, “Apollo the son of Silenus,” is a
      confused and fabulous story of late times, Porphr. ubi sup. The wild
      olive was sacred to Apollo Nomius, according to Theocritus XXV. 20;
      and he was considered the author of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat.
      de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.

 1198 Below, ch. 8. § 15.

 1199 Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.

 1200 Paus. VIII. 30.

 1201 Apollo is represented with a crown of ears on his head, in a gem in
      Lippert’s Dactyliothek I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes also on coins
      there is only a grain of corn with symbols of Apollo, _e.g._, on
      those of Hephæstia and Abdera.

 1202 Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.

 1203 Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. ad
      Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears a mouse in his hand on a coin of Hadrian,
      belonging to Alexandria Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. 644. A painted
      vase in Tischbein II. 17. probably refers to the sacred mice of a
      Smintheum; concerning which see Heraclid. Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup.
      According to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the Argives had a mouse on their
      coins (as an emblem of Apollo); Eckhel has none of this kind; Mr.
      Payne Knight’s collection contains a very small ancient gold coin
      with this type. See Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology,
      § 128. note.

 1204 Strabo XIII. p. 613.

 1205 Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 258.

 1206 Plutarch Dion. 23.

 1207 Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. Quæst.
      III. 10.

 1208 Æginetica, p. 27. The Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. VIII. 46. 2.) is
      hardly a Ἤλιος.

 1209 The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. II. 30. 6.) was probably a god of the
      seasons, and afterwards the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian Horus
      cannot surely have any etymological connexion.

 1210 Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. Æsch. Pers. 206.

 1211 See below, ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such
      section in that chapter.]

 1212 Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ ὀρθῶς καλεῖ
      Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.

 1213 Fragm. 48. The same doctrine was followed by Apollodorus (Macrob.
      Sat. I. 17.) and Philochorus, according to whom there was a
      Helius-Apollo among the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 655.

 1214 C. 24. It is only the following narration which is taken from the
      Bassarides of Æschylus; comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας ap. Euseb.
      Scalig. p. 4.

 1215 This fact refers to the actual worship of the sun in Thrace,
      Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. Il. XV. 705.

 1216 The passages in which he is considered as the god of the sun, a
      fragment in J. Diaconus, and a hymn, are of the latest date. The
      Sibylline oracle in Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is called Helius, is
      of the Alexandrine age; likewise the strange hymn in Brunck’s
      Analecta, vol. II. p. 518. is of very late date. Moreover, the
      coins, in which Apollo is represented with rays round his head, are,
      as far as I can discover, all of the age of the emperors.

 1217 The Apollo γενέτωρ of Delos was probably so called with a fixed
      though obscure reference, like the Apollo πατρῷος, which the Orphic
      philosophers in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained to be
      _progenitor_ in general. See above, ch. 2. § 15.

_ 1218 Orchomenos_, p. 383. compare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. hum. p. 89.
      Creuzer Symbolik, vol. III. p. 166.

 1219 Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis kills
      women for him, as in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On Artemis and Apollo, as
      gods of death, see Nast’s Opusc. Lat. P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.

 1220 Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.

 1221 Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.

 1222 XV. 308. XVI. 703.

 1223 See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.

 1224 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 13.

 1225 Homer represents Aphrodite as the protector of Æneas and antagonist
      of Diomed, and Ares in battle for the Trojans, in a disadvantageous
      light; and describes, with evident irony, the weakness of the
      goddess, and the brutal confidence of the god. In like manner, Diana
      and the river-god Scamander sometimes play a very undignified part.
      Apollo, alone, always maintains his dignity.

 1226 Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. 40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν ἐναίσιμοι.

 1227 Il. XXIV. 606.

 1228 Od. XI. 517.

 1229 Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes Phorbas in a boxing-match, Eurytus in a
      contest of archery, to which the latter had challenged all the gods;
      hence he is in general supposed to preside over contests with the
      cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); and amongst
      the Dorians, who loved the sports of the field, was particularly
      considered as a patron of archery and huntsmen. Il. XXIII. 872.
      Soph. Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.

 1230 Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ
      ὀλλύεις. Fragm. 79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam.
      66. Gloss.

 1231 Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. Welcker.

 1232 Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. (above,
      p. 306. note m. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “wont
      to destroy them,” starting “Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”]) allude to the same
      derivation.

 1233 Hermann _Ueber das Wesen der Mythologie_, p. 107.

 1234 Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of Prusia
      Apollo is represented with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet Descript.
      tom. II. p. 482.

 1235 Herod. III. 52. Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic inscription
      of the cod. Sherard. these fines are called ἱεραὶ δραχμαί.

 1236 Agamem. 55.

 1237 Gellius N. A. V. 12.

 1238 Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1446.

 1239 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.

 1240 Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non posse suav.
      vivi sec. Epicur. 23. p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the Apollo
      Philesius should be referred to this head.

 1241 Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.

 1242 Ἐπακούριος, Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.

 1243 Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare Visconti,
      Museo Pio-Clement. I. p. 27.

 1244 Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. in
      Walpole’s Travels, p. 547. No. 38. Stuart’s Antiquities of Athens,
      vol. I. p. 25. called προστάτης, in the colonies on the Pontus,
      above, ch. 2. § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. with Hermann’s note. He
      is invoked in his character of Προστατήριος to avert nightly
      terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; in
      Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. Boeckh
      Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.

 1245 Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. Œd. T. 149.
      Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. XVI. 527. He was called
      Λοίμιος at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 17. _Medicus_ at Rome about 416
      A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1206.

 1246 Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.

 1247 Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus
      considered Apollo and Pæon in Homer as identical, yet Hesiod
      distinguishes them in the fragment in Eustath. ad Od. p. 1493.
      Schol. Min. ad 1. (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford’s Poetæ Min. p. 551),
      and perhaps also in Brunck’s Analecta, vol. I. p. 67.

 1248 Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. Pindar’s Pæan in the
      Fragments.

 1249 Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.

 1250 Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.

 1251 Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song of a chorus
      resembling a pæan has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου
      παυστήριος. cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in ἰηίων.

 1252 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. Næniæ and pæans opposed to one another.
      Eurip. Iph. T. 183. The god of death was honoured with no pæan.
      Æsch. Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, the Furies, &c. are an
      oxymoron; see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.

 1253 Comp. the pæans of the Spartans at the Gymnopædia for the battle of
      Thermopylæ. Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. Apollo and Artemis, gods of
      victory, Soph. Trach. 207.

 1254 See Æschyl. Theb. 250. The ὀλυλυγμὸς (_ululatus_) which is here
      mentioned was in part the ἐλελεῦ, which according to Plutarch Thes.
      22. occurred in singing the pæan and at the libation (in this
      passage σπένδοντες is evidently the right meaning). Hence Apollo is
      called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. From this also comes the
      ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often mentions, but distinguishes it from
      the pæan, and represents it as performed to Enyalius or Ares, Anab.
      I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 14. Hell. II. 4, 17.

 1255 Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. p. 701 C.
      Duris ap. Etym. Mag. in ἰηίε.

 1256 Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.

 1257 Æsch. Again. 99.

 1258 Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.

 1259 Æsch. Agam. 518.

 1260 Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.

 1261 Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. Harpocrat.
      In Tegea (derived from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. I. 2.

 1262 Above, ch. 4. § 2.

 1263 Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad Horat. Carm.
      IV. 6. 28. _ex responso sui (Pythii) oraculi in viis publicis urbis
      suæ Athenienses statutis altaribus sacrificare Apollini instituerunt
      et Agyeum appellare_. Also Eurip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. ad Il.
      p. 166. Rom. refers. Varro is probably followed by Euanthius De
      Tragœdia et Comœdia: _Athenienses cum Apollini Nomio vel_ Ἀγυιαίῳ
      (as Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), _i.e._ _pastorum
      vicinorumque_ (read _vicorumque_) _præsidi deo constructis aris
      festum carmen solenniter cantarent_.

 1264 Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. Eurip.
      Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. cod. 279. p. 1596.
      Plautus Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis
      Vialibus, et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. 210. The Agyieus often occurs on
      coins, instead of other emblems of Apollo, where numismatic writers
      have not recognised the symbol. See the coins of Apollonia in
      Epirus, Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, Oricus, Ambracia, where
      the statue is surrounded with fillets.

 1265 Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.

 1266 κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. ubi sup. and Stephens’s Thesaurus, ed.
      Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.

 1267 Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. Comp.
      Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. p. 354.
      ed. Schæfer. βέλα ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according to Hesychius.

 1268 The jocular etymology of Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd one from
      ἀπολὺς, mentioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9.
      p. 228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob.
      Sat. I. 17. and others in the Etymol. M., I may be excused from
      examining.

 1269 Maittaire, p. 152, 264.

 1270 Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.

 1271 There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same
      meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or
      ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push,
      strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives
      of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is
      derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as
      Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.

 1272 See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II.
      301.

 1273 Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243.
      De Exilio 17. p. 386. _Apollo sanctus_, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34.
      Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι
      was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the
      ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.

 1274 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.

 1275 Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.

 1276 Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.

 1277 Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.

 1278 Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.

 1279 Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ
      νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which
      Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης.
      Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.

 1280 Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here
      registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.

 1281 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “festival of
      Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf
      there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

 1282 Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol.
      Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.

 1283 Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14.
      Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is
      meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a
      hawk flies swiftly.]

 1284 Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped
      on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was
      also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.

 1285 Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ,
      where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽
      ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd.
      T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears
      as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly
      v. 1379.

 1286 See Voss on Virgil’s Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I.
      p. 417.

 1287 Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.

 1288 See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.

 1289 Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.

 1290 Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of
      attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of
      _Leucæ_, _Leucatas_.

 1291 Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII.
      18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
      footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An.
      VI. 35.”]

 1292 Apostol. XII. 21.

 1293 Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail
      Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin’s Magasin
      Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into
      connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας
      first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has
      ὄμματα λοξά.

 1294 Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.

 1295 Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398.
      Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron.
      II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.

 1296 Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was
      worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος,
      Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.)
      calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which
      is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona
      and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this
      Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the
      people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads
      to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.

 1297 Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.

 1298 Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22.
      Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.

 1299 Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note
      t, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,”
      starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra
      above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at
      Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of
      Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed.
      Schellenberg.

 1300 Ἐν χρόνῳ, _i.e._ “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time
      elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom.
      I. p. 383. ed. Potter.

 1301 Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.

 1302 Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.

 1303 Pindar ibid.

 1304 Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.

 1305 Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been
      written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98.
      which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not
      alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written
      after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the
      earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian
      war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other,
      which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus.
      Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78.
      Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.

 1306 Above, ch. 2. § 13.

 1307 Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The
      confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of
      Pausanias.

 1308 Pausan. IX. 27. 2.

 1309 Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.

 1310 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the
      island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.

 1311 See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169.
      Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.

 1312 Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip.
      Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8.
      For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I.
      24. Il. 12.

 1313 Strabo X. p. 486, &c.

 1314 A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab.
      247.

 1315 When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig.
      Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.

 1316 Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in
      Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p.
      834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in
      Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist.
      Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa
      Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.

 1317 Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

 1318 Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.

 1319 Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.

 1320 Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not
      that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to
      haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the
      Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at
      Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.

 1321 Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.)
      Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη,
      according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.

 1322 Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the
      Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst.
      Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi
      (Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf.
      Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise
      sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and
      Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a
      goat’s head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος,
      was made of goat’s horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21.
      de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same
      story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym.
      Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which
      gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of
      the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.

 1323 Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.),
      slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of
      ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see
      Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.

 1324 Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.

 1325 See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV.
      10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.

 1326 Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap.
      Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which
      he calls σκηνή.

_ 1327 Orchomenos_, p. 220.

 1328 In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in
      Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for
      ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of
      Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 166.

 1329 Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. §
      5.

 1330 In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.
      Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “_My
      husband led him to the mill._” The name of the tragedy seems to have
      been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say;
      for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that
      the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind.
      Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently
      of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo,
      see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία
      τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.

 1331 Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.

 1332 See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I.
      9.

 1333 See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον,
      &c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου
      μέλος.

 1334 Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p.
      168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.

 1335 Several coins appear to represent this lustration; _e.g._, one of
      Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see
      also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.

 1336 Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind.
      Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related
      this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated
      of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the
      mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare
      Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III.
      10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph.
      Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia.
      The _religious_ tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in
      Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων,
      Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority.
      Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his
      banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap.
      Plutarch de Exilio 17.

 1337 Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the
      others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an
      epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα
      θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.

 1338 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in
      Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach’s note. p. 110.

 1339 Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11.
      1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.

 1340 Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471,
      533.

 1341 Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration
      and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp.
      Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.

 1342 See above, ch. 2. § 2.

 1343 Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap.
      Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare
      Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de
      Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5.
      7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see
      above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]

 1344 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also
      carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.

 1345 Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.

 1346 See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in
      εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes.
      22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.

 1347 Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival,
      referred more to the gods of husbandry.

 1348 The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods
      of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity
      existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred
      season.

 1349 Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 106. An
      historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of
      Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration
      and Etymol. Magn. in v.

 1350 Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction
      of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck’s Mythologische
      Andeutungen, p. 341.

 1351 Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.

 1352 Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was
      worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.

 1353 See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen.
      IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp.
      Hesychius in κραδίης.

 1354 Above, ch. 2. § 10.

 1355 Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the
      Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the
      Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]

 1356 Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.

 1357 In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at
      Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place
      the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo,
      and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the
      three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the
      dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.);
      and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated
      between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the
      other months.

 1358 See Æginetica, page 152. That the _testamentum Epictetæ_ belongs to
      Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

 1359 Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.

 1360 See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who
      is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1.
      cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of
      Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (_e.g._
      by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “_The
      annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the
      Pythian games._” Without going further into the complicated inquiry
      concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later
      ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the
      arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the
      celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was
      the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.

 1361 This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14.
      [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

 1362 Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad
      Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk.
      comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.

 1363 Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn.
      It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato
      on the latter day.

 1364 The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some
      resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also
      carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a
      ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.

 1365 The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh
      day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες
      (ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.

 1366 Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I.
      p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied
      by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis
      V. 12. p. 256.

 1367 Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the
      Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.

 1368 Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1.
      And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of
      Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ’. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad
      Od. γ’. p. 267.

 1369 This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς
      ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.

 1370 See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger.
      19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.

 1371 Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in
      Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.

 1372 Eumen. 326.

 1373 Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on
      several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin
      Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate
      explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered
      with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene
      and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets,
      and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel
      chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and
      Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No.
      102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand,
      and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen
      fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a
      branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the
      other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to
      cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi.
      22.

 1374 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was
      likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in
      front of which there was a building called the _tent of Orestes_
      (σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he
      was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what
      Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said
      to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch.
      2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see
      the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This
      is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the
      ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in
      Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.

 1375 Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.

 1376 In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and
      justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and
      Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate:
      but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in
      _all_ the five courts, each armed with _full_ jurisdiction. Demosth.
      in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to
      Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys.
      Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the
      Areopagites, _i.e._, as they were before the time of Solon.

 1377 Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great
      antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet _never_ have been
      mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon.
      29.

 1378 Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip.
      Hippol. 35. and see Barnes’s note. The term of banishment was always
      called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was
      generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below,
      ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.

 1379 Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.

 1380 Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet.
      p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske’s alteration is
      wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes
      against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and
      purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX.
      p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to
      compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p.
      1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned
      as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.

 1381 On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this
      place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de
      Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology
      were invented by the historians,” that, according to _Arctinus_
      (Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p.
      61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be
      there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It
      may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the
      original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but
      ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “_in the house of the expiator, or purifier_.”
      See Lobeck’s Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.

 1382 Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]

 1383 Below, § 17.

 1384 See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.

 1385 Æschyl. Eum. 62.

 1386 Theocrit. Id. XXIV.

 1387 Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.

 1388 Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact
      mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed.
      Reisk.

 1389 Hesych. in v.

 1390 See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.

 1391 Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a
      prophet, was named αἴσακος, _i.e._ a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12.
      5. cf. Hesych. in v.

 1392 Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.

 1393 Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86.
      διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed.
      Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See
      also Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.

 1394 Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by
      events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς
      ἀληθείας, _i.e._ on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called
      ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke’s note. Diviners
      were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p.
      113.

 1395 See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.

 1396 Above, ch. 1. § 2.

 1397 Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker’s note.
      It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and
      also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo
      Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, _e.g._, on two in the Paris
      cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a
      low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand,
      sometimes bound with woollen fillets.

 1398 See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.

 1399 See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare
      Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν,
      &c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which
      also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις),
      and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.

 1400 Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed.
      Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree
      to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also
      Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.

 1401 Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.

 1402 See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.

 1403 The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig.
      Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it
      the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.

 1404 All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I.
      43. 3.

 1405 Above, ch. 2. § 14.

 1406 Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander’s Δελφικὰ.
      ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII.
      57.

 1407 Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see
      above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.

 1408 Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn.
      p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in
      Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in
      Millingen’s Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also
      mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.

 1409 Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich’s note. So also on
      the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar
      Nem. V. 24.

 1410 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo
      himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of
      Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).

_ 1411 Orchomenos_, p. 381.

 1412 See, _e.g._ Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish
      sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.

 1413 See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is
      frequently confounded with the cithara (the _seven-stringed_ in v.
      51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of
      Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to
      receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast.
      24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and
      hence it frequently occurs in Horace.

 1414 Pyth. V. 63.

 1415 Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.

 1416 The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is
      certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara
      and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch.
      Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.

 1417 Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was
      himself the καθαρτής.

 1418 Plutarch de Music. 42.

 1419 Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.

 1420 Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the
      son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.

 1421 This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art,
      are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland’s Attisches Museum, vol. I.
      p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I.
      pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6.
      show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi
      is meant.

 1422 Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally
      ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.

 1423 Hesiod. Scut. 281.

 1424 Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.

 1425 See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.

 1426 Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.

 1427 Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.

 1428 Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also
      composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7.
      Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.

 1429 See the author’s History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.

 1430 Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII.
      p. 538 F.

 1431 Or _perfect_ (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed.
      Meibom.

 1432 Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.

 1433 Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed.
      Rom.

 1434 Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of
      Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned
      by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father
      (Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe
      and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony
      mentioned in the text was connected a festival called _Arnis_ or
      _Cynophontis_, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered.
      Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen.
      III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient
      mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching
      heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore,
      that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of
      Narcissus was occasioned.

 1435 Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.

 1436 Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p.
      619 C.

 1437 See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος
      Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.

 1438 Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.

 1439 Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.

 1440 Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.

_ 1441 Orchomenos_, p. 293.

 1442 Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations
      of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.

 1443 Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.

 1444 Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν
      θρῆνος.

 1445 Pollux IV. 10. 76.

 1446 II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.

 1447 Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to
      resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II.
      16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond
      of music.

 1448 Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at
      Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus
      quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
      footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting
      “Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI.
      10.

 1449 Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος
      ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε
      νόμον.

 1450 Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.

 1451 Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.

 1452 Proclus ubi sup.

 1453 Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.

 1454 See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl.
      It was also called _versus Deliacus_, if the reading in Atilius
      Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At _Miletus_ also there
      were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were
      attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex.
      Strom. p. 647.

 1455 Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432.
      Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.

 1456 Plutarch de Music. 5.

 1457 The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in
      hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet
      Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.

 1458 The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of
      Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the
      Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.

 1459 Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.

 1460 Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p.
      179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence
      τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.

 1461 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the
      altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.

 1462 Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if
      properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a
      person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus
      Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν
      Λέσβιον παιήονα (_after_ the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ
      λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of
      Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.

 1463 Plutarch de Ει 16.

 1464 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.

 1465 See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.

 1466 Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.

 1467 Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V.
      p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind.
      Fragm. p. 597.

 1468 Lucian. de Saltat. 16.

 1469 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν
      Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as
      clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.

 1470 See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim’s note.
      The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows
      also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych.
      in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings,
      παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at
      rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two
      wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.

 1471 Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of
      Pindar.

 1472 Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the
      hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p.
      603. ed. Boeckh.

 1473 Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should
      probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in
      Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.

 1474 It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.

 1475 Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.

 1476 There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de
      Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated
      (Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in
      Millin’s Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I.
      17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There
      was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to
      Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

_ 1477 Orchomenos_, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.

 1478 Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus
      was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so
      named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to
      Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by
      Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.

_ 1479 Orchomenos_, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into
      Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.

 1480 Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.

 1481 Paus. II. 35. 4.

 1482 Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.

 1483 Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.

 1484 A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of
      Athea.

 1485 Eurip. Hel. 1490.

 1486 Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot.
      ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of
      Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck’s correction ad Soph. Aj.
      814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.

 1487 Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed
      Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.

 1488 Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ
      τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker’s Anecd. p. 305.

 1489 Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the
      ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a
      κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which
      arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.

 1490 Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.
      Apostol. II. 54.

 1491 Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean
      Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.

 1492 Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]

 1493 Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266.
      Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p.
      671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom.
      III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti
      Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is
      variously combined with Apollo.

 1494 The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p.
      660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo,
      originally (_e.g._ in Il. V. 509. see Heyne’s note, and ad Apollod.
      p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V.
      104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an
      oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, _i.e._ to the
      _armed_ goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad
      Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)

 1495 Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi
      della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal
      appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same
      original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the
      reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.

 1496 Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by
      Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol.
      II. p. 25.

 1497 Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ
      μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare
      Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα,
      tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p.
      368.

 1498 In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος
      (probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

 1499 For this account see a paper _Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos_, in
      the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the
      conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo
      Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of
      Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has
      nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might
      now be added.

 1500 Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

 1501 Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with
      Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that
      these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and
      light character of the later works of art.

 1502 Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also
      Winckelmann’s Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p.
      548.

 1503 This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet.
      Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the
      epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol.
      II. p. 14. No. 30.

 1504 A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4.
      43.

_ 1505 E.g._ those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the
      First.

_ 1506 E.g._ the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

 1507 A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by
      Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great
      resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some
      of which have even more heroic forms.

 1508 Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo
      is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand,
      the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.);
      similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

 1509 The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is,
      according to Vis conti’s conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo
      of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo
      Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a
      remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his
      _Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani_. He is represented
      as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his
      right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in
      temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a
      _cortina_, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion’s
      skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a
      broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor
      good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

 1510 See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.)
      on this subject.

 1511 Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

 1512 Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert.
      VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy
      from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc.
      vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

 1513 One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the
      _pæan_, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person
      sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the
      κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich.
      Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an
      application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian
      oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in
      the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn.
      apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

 1514 See Creuzer’s _Symbolik_.

 1515 Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the
      ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου
      καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription
      in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at
      Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

 1516 See above, ch. 7. § 6.

 1517 Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with
      Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

 1518 Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came
      from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of
      Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

 1519 Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

 1520 Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

 1521 Inscription in Walpole’s Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος
      Πυθίης.

 1522 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

 1523 Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

 1524 Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.)
      came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was
      worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia,
      near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim.
      Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

 1525 Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also
      ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad
      Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter
      Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the
      Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ,
      as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the
      Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps
      referred to this.

 1526 See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup.
      cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the
      English edition of Stephens’ Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

 1527 Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

 1528 Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes
      Atticus.

 1529 Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

 1530 Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol.
      Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

 1531 Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she
      kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the
      Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of
      death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ
      γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

 1532 Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her
      brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il.
      XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and
      strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing
      women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI.
      171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409.
      XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing
      with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V.
      123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od.
      XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as
      honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il.
      XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also
      the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in
      the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI.
      104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a _huntress_ (Il.
      V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il.
      IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

 1533 Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

 1534 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

 1535 Apollod. I. 7. 4.

 1536 Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed.
      Meineke, &c.

 1537 Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some
      particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin.
      Liberal. 13.

 1538 She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III.
      24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

 1539 Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler’s
      punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
      footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

 1540 At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

 1541 Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim.
      Dian. 38.

 1542 Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312,
      note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is no such footnote number on that
      page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month
      Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily,
      see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra,
      according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren.
      p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi,
      Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript.
      p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

 1543 See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

 1544 Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

 1545 II. XVI. 183.

 1546 Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

 1547 See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X.
      12. 1.

 1548 Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of
      Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn.
      VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of
      Pheneus.

 1549 Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a
      different account.

 1550 Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2.
      _Æginetica_, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful,
      ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

 1551 Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear,
      Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

 1552 It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi
      represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the
      symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

 1553 The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in
      Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

 1554 Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was
      called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near
      Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from
      a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22.
      5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia,
      near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at
      Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in
      Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn
      to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was
      also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius.
      Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία
      near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn.
      Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias
      the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but
      Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in
      Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap.
      Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph.
      Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found,
      by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the
      temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5;
      Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19.
      1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene,
      Plutarch. Arat. 32.

 1555 As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib.
      III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at
      Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον,
      on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit.
      Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in
      Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the
      hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in
      ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia,
      Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written
      Ἑλείας.

 1556 Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

 1557 Paus. III. 29. 7.

 1558 Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132.
      ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning
      this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102
      B.

 1559 Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was _in piscina templum
      Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ_, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In
      Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn.
      Dian. 228. Catullus calls her _amnium domina_, XXX. 12; Horace,
      _lætam foliis et nemorum coma_, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius
      also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος,
      Hymn. Dian. 39.

 1560 Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind.
      Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in
      this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

 1561 As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen.
      VIII. p. 376 B.

 1562 Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

 1563 Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer’s Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

 1564 Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

 1565 Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

 1566 Paus. VI. 22. 5.

 1567 Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple
      at Ortygia, see D’Orville’s Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p.
      243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse,
      with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes,
      probably represent the river Artemis.

 1568 Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

 1569 Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

 1570 Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.

 1571 Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls Ortygia the resting-place of the Alpheus;
      and he too, perhaps, considers Artemis as the object of pursuit.

 1572 See the excellent note of Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 350.

 1573 Paus. VIII. 37. 2.

 1574 See Paus. VIII. 10. 4. Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She had the name of
      Ἐλαφιαία in Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk.
      p. 249.), a festival widely extended (_e.g._ Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p.
      267.) The symbol of the deer, however, appears to have been common
      to all the different branches of the worship of Artemis; thus there
      is in Mr. Payne Knight’s collection a coin in which she is
      represented bearing a stag’s horns, which he ascribes to Delos.

 1575 Concerning human sacrifices to Artemis on the river Ameilichus,
      which were abolished by the worship of Dionysus Æsymnetes, at Patræ,
      see the description in Paus. V. 19. 1. Human sacrifices were also
      offered to the same goddess near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. Græcos I.
      p. 165 A. Compare Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, §
      143.

 1576 Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν παιδιὰν
      σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.

 1577 Agam. 144.

 1578 Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. Olymp. III.
      27. comp. Boeckh Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. Hence Artemis
      (χρυσήνιος) is frequently represented on vases in a chariot with
      horses; in Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. and in the bas reliefs of
      Phigaleia, she is attended by goats.

 1579 Under the title of κορυθαλλία at the Tiassa, near Sparta, near the
      Cleta, Athen. IV. p. 139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, Diod. V. 73.
      (and see Wesseling’s note.) Paus. IV. 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8.
      comp, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 6. These names may, however, be
      referred to the worship of Apollo; above ch. 8. § 7. She was
      worshipped under the general epithet of σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I.
      44. 7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bœæ (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27.
      1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), and at Syracuse, as we know from its
      coins. Comp. Dorville’s Sicula, p. 327. sq.

 1580 Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. § 2.

 1581 Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in ἀρκτεῦσαι.
      See _Orchomenos_, p. 309.

 1582 Apostolius VIII. 19.

 1583 Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. Olymp. XIII. 109. There was also at
      Miletus a festival of Artemis called Νηληὶς, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p.
      287. ed. Hutten. There was also a temple of Artemis at Pygela, near
      Ephesus, which was said to have been built by Agamemnon, Strab. XIV.
      p. 639. Also on coins of Miletus, Mionnet Description, &c. tom. III.
      p. 186.

 1584 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 77. Χιτώνη
      Ἄρτεμις, Steph. Byz. in v.; among the Ionians κιθωνέα (probably
      κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις Hesych. in v. Also Artemis Χιτώνεα at Syracuse,
      Athen. XIV. p. 629 E.

 1585 Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. 1462. sqq.
      Callim. Hymn. Dian. 173. Euphorion also placed the sacrifice of
      Iphigenia at Brauron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.

 1586 The Argives, Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to Paus. II. 22.
      7. Antonin. Liber. 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.

 1587 Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer’s Comment. Herod.
      p. 244. From this temple Helen was carried away, according to
      Plutarch Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; whose name reminds us of the
      Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of Brauron.

 1588 The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας
      σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The word φούαξιρ
      appears to be derived from φούα, Laconian for φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις
      contracted from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. Comp. Hemsterhuis and
      Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There were also other games at this
      festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ
      παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.

 1589 Plutarch. Arist. 17.

 1590 Prod. Chrestomath. ap. Hephæst. Gaisford.

 1591 Ap. Etym. Mag. in Ταυρόπολον.

 1592 Paus. I. 43. 1.

 1593 Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. Ages. 6. Etymol.
      Magn. p. 747. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.

 1594 See the confused account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. Quæst. Græc.
      21. Polyæn. VII. 49.

_ 1595 Orchomenos_, p. 311.

 1596 Etym. Magn. p. 815, sq.

 1597 Hygin. fab. 121. on the two Chryses.

 1598 Uhden, Berlin Transactions for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses
      Peintures, planche 51. Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 512.
      Compare Buttmann ad Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. Metr. p. 57.

 1599 The subject of a picture mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 17. Dio
      Chrysost. Or. LIX. p. 577. 21.

 1600 Millingen ibid, planche 50.

 1601 Herod. IV. 87.

 1602 Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 22. ed. Hudson.
      Hesychius Milesius de Constantinopoli.

 1603 Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. Liberal. 27. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H.
      II. 25. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.

 1604 Herod. IV. 103. Comp. Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. VII. p. 508. XII.
      p. 535. Mannert’s Géographie, vol. IV. p. 279. (ed. 1820).

 1605 See Callim. (fr. 417.) and Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. in Αἰθοπία,
      Hesychius in Αἰθιοπαῖδα.

 1606 A temple of Artemis Orthosia at Teuthrania on the Caicus, Plutarch,
      de Fluv.; of the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia on the Pactolus, ibid.; of
      Artemis Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at
      Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. 11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἄμανον, Plutarch
      de Fluv.; and particularly Strab. XII. p. 537. concerning Artemis
      Perasia at Castabala.

 1607 Æschylus had divulged something relating to the mysteries in the
      Iphigenia, Eustratius ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. See above, § 4.

 1608 Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also there
      called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius in v. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p.
      63.

 1609 Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The Tauropolium in the
      island of Icaria in the Persian bay (where Apollo Tauropolus was
      also worshipped) was probably not established till after the time of
      Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. Dionys. Perieg. 611.

 1610 Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. Also in the neighbourhood of Magnesia on
      the Sipylus, Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.

 1611 Sophod. Aj. 174.

 1612 See particularly Strab. V. p. 239. She is represented on coins
      sitting on an ox running, which Apollodorus explained of the
      periodic course of the goddess, with reference to the moon, p. 402.
      ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius XVIII. 23. See
      also Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 174, 187.

 1613 Concerning the situation of which see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p.
      87. Compare Caylus Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XX. pp. 428-441. Choiseul
      Gouffier Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. 191.

 1614 Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited the son of the Cayster according to
      Callimachus fragm. 102. ed. Bentl.

 1615 At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An Ephesium at
      Massilia, Strabo IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding of which there
      was a priestess named Aristarche (compare the Ἀρισταρχεῖον of
      Artemis at Elis, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).

 1616 Of a peculiar character also were the sacrifices of parsley and salt
      at Dætis in Ephesus, Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.

 1617 The Megabyzi, so called as early as the time of Xenophon. Also Μύξος
      was a priest’s name, Apostol. V. 44. The servants of the goddess
      were, according to their different grades, called μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς,
      and παριερῆς, according to Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Resp. 24. p.
      130. ed. Hutten.

 1618 πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.

 1619 Latona is said to have given birth to her at Corissus in the
      Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Κόρισσος.

 1620 The union of Apollo of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, and of the
      Nemesis of Smyrna on coins of these cities in the time of the
      emperors is only a mutual compliment. In the speech of the Ephesians
      in Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is evidently much inaccuracy. The
      Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. III. 25. 2. is a singular curiosity.

 1621 Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ,
      Hesychius.

 1622 Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. Gudian. p. 320. 26.

 1623 See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, vol. II. p. 1166.

 1624 Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See Callim.
      Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. in Ἔφεσος. cf. in
      Σίσυρβα, Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p.
      407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 223, 225. The contrary is stated in
      Eusebius Chron. n. 870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.

 1625 Moses’ Vases, plate 133.

 1626 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides Ponticus
      33. their settlements reached from Mycale to Pitane, Diod. III. 55.
      from Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII.
      p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa opposite
      Samos, where an Amazon of that name was buried. The inhabitants were
      called Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis Anaitis was here worshipped.

 1627 Proposed by Tölken, Ueber das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and approved
      by Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.

 1628 Paus. VII. 2. 5.

 1629 Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. p. 431.

 1630 Il. III. 185.

 1631 Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. Boeckh.

 1632 Æschyl. Prometh. 723. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 370.
      Herod. IV. 110. Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus Chius v. 229. Creuzer
      Vet. Histor. Græc. p. 80. According to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf.
      990.) there were in the πεδίον Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the
      neighbourhood of Thermodon) three cities of the Amazons; not far off
      was Alcmonia (Acmonia Steph. Byz), where Harmonia produced the
      Amazons to Mars.

 1633 Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.

 1634 Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.

 1635 Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare Paciaudi
      Monum. Pelop. vol. II. p. 13.

 1636 See the coins in Mionnet tom. III. p. 137.

 1637 VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian Greeks also celebrated to Artemis the
      effeminate Ionian dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.

 1638 Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. Cicero
      in Verr. I. 20. III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, &c. in Περγαία
      θεός. Apostolius IX. 91. where for παναγαῖα read περγαία. At Perge
      also the Syrian Adonis was worshipped under the name of Aboba,
      Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.

 1639 Represented on coins as a _signum informe_.

 1640 For example, Artemis Κινδυὰς of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. 12. 3; Artemis
      Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. Chandler, p. 19. n. 57;
      the goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb.
      XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 575; the Mysian
      Artemis, Paus. III. 20. 8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; the Astyrene
      Artemis under mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 613; the Boritine
      Artemis of Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. III. p. 121; Artemis
      Adrasteia in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration in Ἀδράστεια, &c.

 1641 Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 75.

 1642 Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.

 1643 From this temple was derived the Olympicum at Syracuse (see above,
      book I. ch. 6. § 7.), the priest of which, called Ἀμφίπολος, was the
      highest annual officer, Thucyd. VII. 65, 70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc.
      Virt. et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. 51.

 1644 Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. p. 575. Ἥρας Προσυμναίας ἱερὸν,
      Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. Strab. p. 573, is probably not correct in
      distinguishing the temple of Here at Prosymna from the celebrated
      one. The names _Prosymna_ and _Prosymnus_ also occur at Lerna and at
      Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscription of Gortyna in Boeckh No. 1535, ἁ
      πατρα των προσυμναιων νικομαχην αριστοθεμιτος δᾳδουχησασαν.

 1645 Pausanias III. 13. Sturz Pherecydes, p. 79. See particularly Heyne
      ad Il. Δ. 52. Eurydice the daughter of Acrisius was said to have
      built the temple. To the statement of Pausanias III. 15. 7. μόνοις
      δὲ Ἑλλήνων Λακεδαιμονίοις καθέστηκεν Ἥραν ἐπονομάζειν αἰγοφάγον καὶ
      αἶγας τῇ θεῷ θύειν (compare Hesych. in Αἰγοφάγος Χήρα ἐν Σπάρτῃ with
      Welcker on Schwenck’s Etymologische Andeutungen, p. 294.), it may be
      objected that the same custom prevailed in Corinth; see Photius Lex.
      in ἡ δὲ αἶξ τὴν μάχαιραν, p. 613. Zenob. Proverb. I. 27. Diogen.
      Prov. I. 52.

 1646 Thucyd. V. 75.

 1647 See _Orchomenos_, p. 267.

 1648 The chief temple at Corcyra was that of Here, Thucyd. I. 24. III.
      75, 79. Also at Syracuse, Ælian. V.H. VI. 11, &c.

_ 1649 Orchomenos_, p. 297. The divinity of Medea there asserted is
      completely proved by the testimony of Athenagoras Legat. p. 14. that
      Hesiod and Alcman called her _goddess_.

 1650 She was worshipped under the titles of Εἰλήθυια and Γαμηλὴ,
      Hesychius in Εἰλήθυια, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.

 1651 Athen. XV. p. 672.

 1652 Hesychius in v. See also Creuzer’s Symbolik, whose chapter upon Here
      contains much in the spirit of the ancient religion, and Welcker on
      Schwenck, p. 268.

 1653 At Sparta there was also the Arcadian worship of Athene Alea,
      Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 27.

 1654 Pausan. III. 18.1. Plutarch Lycurg. 11.

 1655 Pausan. II. 24.

 1656 Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. 29. ed. Sylburg.

 1657 Ἀκρία Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν Ἄργει. Also Here, Artemis, and Aphrodite, see Hesych.
      in Ἀκρέα.

 1658 But with a particular reference to Bellerophon. From Pegasus was
      derived the goddess Hippia, Pind. Olymp. XIII. 97, whose altar was
      chiefly remarkable for the rite of incubation. Ἑλλωτία is, as we
      also learn from the Scholiast of Pindar, like Ἀλέα, the goddess of
      light. There was also the worship of Athene at Syracuse, Diod. de
      Virt. et Vit. p. 549. ed. Wesseling.

 1659 Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. 148, and
      particularly Polyb. IX. 27. 7. with Timæus in Steph. Byz. in
      Ἀτάβυρον. The Athene Polias of Trœzen was introduced by the Ionians,
      as the other worships of that city show.

 1660 She was always called “the Lindian” even in the city of Rhodes,
      Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. Compare Apostolius XVII. 17.

 1661 Strabo X. pag. 472. ὡς εἶεν Κορύβαντες δαίμονες τινες, Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ
      Ἡλίου παῖδες. This is the proper way of pointing these words.

 1662 II. 171.

 1663 The Messenians alone made Demeter of Andania the chief goddess of
      the state; see book I. ch. 5. § 16.

 1664 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1197, 1198, 1199. Comp. Paus. II. 35. 3.
      Perhaps the name of Hermione also refers to the worship of the
      χθόνιοι θεοί, see Hesych. in Ἑρμιόνη.

 1665 Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. Compare the hymn of Philicus of Corcyra,
      Hephæst. p. 53. ed. Gaisford. and the verses of Aristocles ap.
      Ælian, de N. A. XI. 4.

 1666 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1193.

 1667 Pausan. II. 22. 2. Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ
      ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα.

 1668 Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. Τριόπιον.
      Callimachus Hymn. Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. Attici; and compare the
      excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. pag.
      315.

 1669 See _Orchomenos_, p. 195.

 1670 Herod. VII. 153. Schol. Pind. ubi sup.

_ 1671 Orchomenos_, p. 337.

 1672 Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards extended over the whole of Sicily. Boeckh
      Explic. Pind. Olymp. II. p. 123. Κόρης παρὰ Σικελιώταις Θεογάμια καὶ
      Ἀνθεσφόρια, Pollux I. 37. The Θεογάμια were probably connected with
      the festival ἀνακαλυπτήρια (Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), and this
      festival was derived from Thebes. Cyzicus also, founded by
      Tyrrhenian Pelasgi (from Bœotia), was considered as an ἐμπροίκιον of
      Zeus for Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mithridat. 75. comp. Steph. Byz.
      in v. Βέσβικος.

 1673 A festival Θεσμοφόρια at Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 A. Θεσμοφόρων
      τέμενος, Plutarch Dio 56. a month Thesmophorius, see Castelli),
      Κούρεια Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. V. 4. sqq.

 1674 See book I. ch. 6. § 7. and above, § 1.

 1675 Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. XVI. 66. Demeter ἐποικιδίη in Corinth
      according to Hesychius.

 1676 Pausan. The mystical worship of _Damia_ and _Auxesia_ at Epidaurus
      and Trœzen was also connected with that of Demeter, as the
      manuscript Scholiast ap. Mitscherlisch ad Hymn. in Cerer. 122.
      declares. But Δημήτηρ Ἀζησία (Sophocl. ap. Hesych. in v. comp.
      Valcken. Adoniaz. p. 292) and Δημήτηρ Ἀμαία (Suidas in v.) must not
      be confounded with those goddesses.

 1677 Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. compare Hesychius, Ἐλευσίνια ἀγὼν θυμελικὸς
      ἀγόμενος Δήμητρι παρὰ Λάκωσι.

 1678 III. 14. 5. Compare Hesychius in Ἐπιπολλὰ and Ἐπικρῆναι.

 1679 The priests were probably called Ταιναρισταὶ, see Hesych. in v.
      Ταιναρίας.

 1680 Ἀμφιβαῖος, _i.e._ Ἀμφι—αῖος, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268.
      also Πελλάνιος according to Hesychius.

 1681 Æginetica, p. 148. and see Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410.

 1682 Hence also the sacred month Geræstius at Trœzen (Athen. XIV. p.
      639), which points to Eubœa.

 1683 See above, ch. 3. § 2. on the ancient difference between the
      Isthmian and Olympic games.

 1684 Ælian V. H. III. 42. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071.

 1685 Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, too, as well as at Athens, there was
      Διόνυσος ἐν Λίμναις, Strab. VIII. p. 363. See above, ch. 9. § 3.
      concerning the Dymænæ.

 1686 Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. Compare Hesychius in Ὑαργίδες.

 1687 See above, book I. ch. 5. § 3. Phlius, on account of this worship,
      was the birthplace of the σατυρικοὶ ποιηταὶ Aristeas and Pratinas.

 1688 Pausan. II. 7. 6. Also Διόνυσος Χοιροψάλης in that town, Clem. Alex.
      Protrept. p. 25.

 1689 Concerning the crown ἰάκχα see Athen. XV. p. 678. Compare Hesychius
      in θιακχὰ and ἰάκχα.

 1690 The celebration of which appears to be referred to in the ancient
      epigram in Athen. XIV. p. 629 A.

 1691 Herod. V. 67. The word ἀπέδωκε proves that the tragic choruses were
      originally celebrated to Bacchus. Perhaps the Adrastea were
      engrafted upon the Dionysia.

 1692 Athen. XIV. p. 21, 622. It is to these that the Epigr. Onestæ 2.
      refers. Comp. Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104.

 1693 Worshipped under the titles of Βακχεῖος and Λύσιος in that town,
      Pausan. II. 2. 5.

 1694 Olymp. XIII. 18. and see Boeckh’s Explic.

 1695 πολύξενοι νεάνιδες, Pindar Schol. Fragm. 1.

 1696 σὺν δ᾽ ἀναγκᾳ πᾶν καλὸν, Pindar ibid. Concerning the ἱερόδουλοι see
      Hirt _Ueber die Hierodulen_ and others. I only add that some of them
      were called κατάκλειστοι, _i.e._, shut up in single cells (Hesychius
      in v.); but the reason of this name is not evident.

 1697 Aphrodite Εὐδωσὼ (Hesych. in v.) and Aphrodite Βαιῶτις (ibid.) at
      Syracuse came from Corinth; see Clem. Alex. p. 25.

 1698 That is, on those which are falsely ascribed to the Siphnians and
      Seriphians (ΣΕ or ΣΙ), but are found in great numbers in the
      district of Sicyon.

 1699 Hesych. in Βάκχου Διώνης.

 1700 Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Diogen. V. 21.

 1701 Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. 1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253.
      Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She was, however, also represented armed at
      Corinth, Pausan. II. 4. 7.

 1702 Hesychius in v. According to the great etymologist Κίρρις is merely
      Cyprian. Compare Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3.

 1703 Pausan. II. 32. 6. and concerning the Trœzenian worship of Aphrodite
      see Valckenaer ad Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Concerning the sacrifices
      of a sow to Aphrodite in _Argos_ at the ὑστήρια see Athen. III. p.
      96 A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. Bentl. Aphrodite was worshipped
      there with the title Περιβασίν, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 24. ed.
      Sylburg.

 1704 See Timæus apud Zenob. Prov. I. 31.

 1705 Thuc. VI. 20.

 1706 Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

_ 1707 Orchomenos_, p. 199.

 1708 Pausan. II. 10. 3.

 1709 Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. Annal. XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. Epigr. 58.

 1710 Compare the somewhat different opinion of Boeckh Expl. Pind. p. 288.

 1711 See Heyne ad Apollod. III. 15. 7.

 1712 Paus. III. 18. 4. ib. 9. 35.

 1713 Athen. XIII. p. 361.

 1714 In an inscription found at Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidæa, and Erotidæa
      occur as festivals, Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see Boeckh’s note.

 1715 Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. p. 36. comp. Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 225.
      above, p. 103. note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “Castor and Pollux,” starting “Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας.”] In Argos there
      were ancient figures of the Διοσκοῦροι by Dipœnus and Scyllis, Paus.
      Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A.

 1716 As ἐπίκλητοι in Herod. V. 35. so likewise the Lacedæmonians probably
      sent the statues of the Tyndaridæ (οἱ ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ) to the assistance
      of the Dorians, as the Æginetans sent the Æacidæ to Salamis,
      Æginetica, p. 163. The Κάστωρ Μιξαρχαγέτας of the Argives (Plutarch
      Quæst. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very obscure.

 1717 So among the Spartans Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at the house of an
      Azanian of Pagupolis, Herod. VI. 127. Hence also the Θεοξένια of the
      Διοσκοῦροι at Agrigentum, Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135.

 1718 Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. 148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

 1719 Plat. ubi sup. cf. Plutarch, Lycurg. 19. Compare the corresponding
      expression of the Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 15.

 1720 The worship of Ammon makes an exception, which was brought into
      repute in Sparta by Lysander, _Orchomenos_, p. 359.

 1721 Hence the Thracian Cotytto, Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. in Θιασώτης,
      Κότυς.

 1722 Ἡρακλῆς γενάρχας in a Spartan inscription, Boeckh, No. 1446.

 1723 See Bentley Epistol. ad Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. ad Anthol. Gr.
      vol. I. 2. p. 286. Weichert _Ueber Apollonios_, p. 246. The poem is
      called a Ἡρακλεία in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

 1724 Od. VIII. 228. Theocrit. XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. cf. II. 4.
      11.

 1725 The subject of the poem, the misfortunes of Iole, is given in
      general by Callimachus Epig. (Strab. XIV. p. 638). The detail is
      given by Apollodorus II. 6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with Herodotus
      ap. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 550. where likewise the Θηβαίων παράδοξα of
      Lysimachus are cited, Soph. Trach. 205. Schol. ad v. 358. which
      follow Pherecydes and Menecrates, Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. Il. V.
      392. where for Βοιωτίας write Εὐβοίας. comp. Scythinus ap. Athen.
      XI. p. 461 F. Hyginus Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 13. p.
      322. The names of Iole’s relations vary. See Hesiod ap. Schol.
      Trach. 266. as emended by Bentley, Creophylus cited by Bentley and
      Diod. ubi sup.

 1726 Soph. Trach. 354, 858. comp. Hermann ad v. 326.

 1727 Book I. ch. 1. § 4.

 1728 Hecatæus ap. Paus. IV. 2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448.

 1729 Hence Pherecydes ap. Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places it in Arcadia,
      ἐν Θούλῃ Ἀρκαδίας, perhaps ἐν ΘΩΜΗΙ, _i.e._ Ἰθώμῃ. Demetrius of
      Scepsis in Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies Œchalia and Andamia, cf.
      X. p. 448. Strabo in this passage also mentions an Œchalia in
      Trachinia, and another in Ætolia, comp. Eustath. ad Il. p. 298. ed.
      Rom.

 1730 II. 594.

 1731 XXI. 13.

 1732 Ubi sup. Pausanias likewise follows the local tradition, IV. 33. 5.
      cf. 27. 4.

 1733 Schol. Soph. ubi sup.

 1734 Book I. ch. 1. § 8.

 1735 Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, Sophocles and Apollodorus ubi sup.
      According to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. 103.
      the νεώτεροι in general. Probably all these placed this exploit
      after the adventures in Trachinia, and immediately before his death,
      cf. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 50.

 1736 Il. B. 730. comp. Steph. Byz. in Οἰχαλία. Eustath. ad Il. p. 330. ad
      Od. p. 1899. ed. Rom. and see the local tradition in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

 1737 Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The Odyssey has,
      however, quite a different story; viz., that the death of Iphitus
      (which was, moreover, a peaceable death, ἐν δώμασιν, XXI. 33. but
      inflicted by Apollo VIII. 227.) _preceded_ the slaughter of Iphitus.

 1738 Above, ch. 1. § 3.

 1739 Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 37.

 1740 Above, ch. 3. § 3.

 1741 Perhaps the Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα πνίγων (the nightmare) of Sophron was a
      parody of this fable, Eustath. ad Il. p. 571. ed. Rom.

 1742 Æsch. Agam. 1038. καὶ παῖδα γάρ τοί φασιν Ἀλκμήνης ποτὲ Πραθέντα
      τλῆναι καὶ ζύγων θιγεῖν βίᾳ. Comp. below, § 8.

 1743 Schol. Od. XXI. 23. cf. Apollod. II. 6. 2.

 1744 Erineus was, according to a fable preserved in a strange and
      apocryphal inscription, the place of a combat between Hercules and
      Calchas Mopsus. Boeckh, No. 1759. Κάλχαντα Μόψον δικαίως Ἡρακλῆς
      χλεύμενος (_i.e._ χολούμενος) περὶ ἐρινεοῦ, πλήξας αὐτὸν τῷ κολάφῳ
      καὶ ἀποκτείνας τέθαφεν ἐν Ἐρινεῷ. The transcript has δικαιος and
      τεθαψεν; for which Hermann has emended as above. The inscription
      itself is a fabrication either of the latest period of antiquity, or
      of the middle ages. The same legend is told, with additional
      circumstances, and a different locality, by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 980.
      According to Hesiod, the contest was between the two prophets,
      Calchas and Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford.

 1745 . I. ch. 2. § 4. B. II. ch. 3. § 3.

 1746 Schol. Soph. Trach. 40.

 1747 Steph. Byz. in Τραχίς. Marm. Farnes. 1. 66. emended by Heyne ad
      Apollod. p. 191.

 1748 Paus. II. 23. 5.

 1749 B. I. ch. 3. § 9.

 1750 Apollod. Diod. &c. Sophocles, however, calls her a native of
      Pleuron, Trach. 7.

 1751 Described by Archilochus, according to Schol. Ven. ad Il. XXI. 237.

 1752 Archilochus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1213. This scene is very
      coarsely represented on an ancient vase (Hancarville IV. 31.), with
      the inscription ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ ΝΕΣΣΟΣ, as should be read.

 1753 See the verse in Strabo VIII. p. 342. Steph. Byz. in Ὤλενος, which,
      however, probably belongs to the story in Apollod. I. 8. 4.

 1754 According to Hyginus Fab. 31, 33. Deianira is the daughter of
      Dexamenus. The Schol. Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call Dexamenus himself
      a Centaur; and thus on a vase of the best age Hercules is
      represented as wrestling with him for Deianira, with the inscription
      ΟΙΝΕΥΣ ΔΕΞΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΕΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ from left to right, Millingen Diverses
      Peintures 33.

 1755 Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. XXI. 295. with Buttmann’s note.

 1756 Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. des Col. Grecques, tom. I. p. 219.

 1757 Hughes’ Travels, vol. II. p. 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471.

 1758 Heyne ad Il. II. 659. Strabo’s opinion, that in Homer, and the fable
      of Hercules, Ephyra in Elis is meant (VII. p. 328. VIII. 338.), is
      refuted by the passages of Homer himself.

 1759 Some of these fables were mixed up with the war against Pylos, and
      some (_e.g._, the abduction of Cerberus) taken over to Tænarum and
      Heraclea Pontica; the latter probably first by Herodorus, who was a
      native of that Heraclea, see Heeren de fontibus Plutarchi, p. 17.
      Compare the coin of Heraclea in Mionnet, No. 160, in which Hercules
      is represented as bringing Cerberus to the statue of Demeter.

 1760 Iliad. II. 657.

 1761 Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyæn. Strateg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. I. 3. 2.
      Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1089. See Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. X. p. 332.
      The kings of the Molossi likewise supposed themselves descended from
      a certain Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodæus, of the Hyllean tribe,
      Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. Justin. XVII. 3.

 1762 Iliad. II. 678. Compare b. I. ch. 6. § 3.

 1763 Apollod. II. 5. 10.

 1764 Ib. I. 6. 4. where it is incidentally mentioned from an earlier
      tradition.

 1765 Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. 50. ed. Creuzer.

 1766 P. 23. ed. Gronov. The mountain _Abas_ and river _Anthemoeis_ in
      Erythea, according to Apollodorus, should probably also be referred
      to this district. At least there were Abantes in the exact spot
      where Erythea is placed, on the Aous, near Oricum. According to
      Aristot. Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the territory of the Ænianes.
      Hercules stole the oxen there from Cythera Persephassa. Compare
      Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. πολεμήσαντας γὰρ αὐτῷ Κελτοὺς καὶ Χάονας καὶ
      Θεσπρώτους καὶ σύμπαντας Ἠπειρώτας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρατηθῆναι, ὅτι τὰς
      Γηρυόνου βοῦς συνελθόντες (ἤθελον) ἀφελέσθαι. The _Celts_ are
      introduced from some Geryonis; see Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. 502.
      50. See also Appian, Bell. Civ. II. 29.

 1767 Herod. IX. 93. Conon, Narr. c. 30. Two legends connected with this
      fable are remarkable; first, the punishment of blindness for any one
      who had neglected the worship of the Sun; secondly, the tale that
      the Greek gods themselves had sent wolves against their herds. The
      cattle of the Sun in the Odyssey are only those of Tænarum and
      Epirus transferred to a greater distance: there was likewise a
      fabulous reason for the νηθάλιοι θυσίαι of the Sun, as they were
      performed in many cities of Greece, Od. XII. 363.

 1768 Paus. II. 1. 6, &c.

 1769 Proxenus ἐν Ἡπειρωτικοῖς ap. Suid. et Apostol. in λαρινοὶ βόες.
      Compare Lycus of Rhegion ibid. Ælian, N. H. XII., 11. III. 33.

 1770 Herod. VII. 216.

 1771 Peisander ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1047. τῷ δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι θεὰ
      γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη Ποίει θερμὰ λοετρὰ παρὰ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, which
      verses are referred to by Zenobius Prov. VI. 49. Compare Ruhnken ap.
      Heyn. ad Æn. II. Exc. I. p. 287. Wesseling ad Diod. IV. 23. Herod.
      VII. 176. Phileas ap. Harpocrat. in Θερμοπύλαι. The fable was
      carried over to the hot spring near Himera in Sicily, Boeckh Explic.
      Pind. Olymp. XII. p. 210.

 1772 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. ad Dionys.
      Perieg. p. 107. The Φρίκιον ὄρος should be distinguished from the
      place where Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον.

 1773 Strabo IX. p. 428. The part of Œta, where the funeral pile is said
      to have stood, was called _Pyra_; Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IX. 10.
      Livy XXXVI. 30.

 1774 Steph. Byz. in Τύφρηστος. The ἀσέληνα ὄρη of Trachis were mentioned
      in the fourteenth book of the Heraclea of Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v.
      Suidas in Ῥίανος.

 1775 Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel Num. Anecd.
      tab. 6. p. 89. Dodwell’s Travels vol. I. p. 76. Clarke’s Travels
      vol. IV. p. 197.

 1776 Scythinus and Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 461.

 1777 Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 6. remarks with judgment, “_Herculis
      Thebani facta et fata ad Thebanas historias accommodare difficile
      est._”

 1778 Annual sacrifices were here offered to the eight children of
      Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. Isthm. III. 79. and Chrysippus in the
      Scholia. The graves of Amphitryon, Iolaus, and Alcmena, and the
      Gymnasium for the Iolaän or Heraclean games, were in front of the
      gate of Prœtidæ, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen.
      Explic. p. 382. where the subject is very clearly explained.

 1779 Ap. Antonin. Liberal. c. 33.

 1780 Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. Compare Bœttiger’s Amalthea, vol. I. p.
      130.

 1781 Other versions of this story may be seen in Cicero De Nat. D. III.
      16. where see Creuzer’s note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. See also
      Visconti, Museo Pio-Clementino, II. 5. Zoëga, Bassirilievi, vol. II.
      p. 98.

 1782 The reconsecration on the foot of a candelabrum at Dresden. The
      atonement, on a Corinthian _puteal_, in the genuine archaic style,
      published by Dodwell in his Travels and his collection of
      Bas-reliefs, Rome, 1820. It afterwards came into the possession of
      the late lord Guilford. In this Apollo, Artemis, and Latona are met
      by Pallas, Hercules, and Alcmena, or some other woman: the Graces
      follow behind. Perhaps this is a copy of the Sicyonian group of
      Dipœnus and Scyllis (Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also
      represented the contest, as the one in Paus. ubi sup. There is a
      similar composition on a vase in Millingen’s Vases de Coghill, pl.
      11. Apollo δαφνηφόρος, sitting by the tripod with Artemis and
      Latona, receives Hercules; a goddess with a sceptre (Vesta,
      according to Zoega), and Hermes, are standing by. Hercules is always
      drawn as a youth in this subject.

 1783 Hence also his labours were represented on the metopes of the
      Delphian temple, Eurip. Ion. 196, 239.

 1784 See the legend of Tripodiscus in Paus. I. 43. 7. comp. above, p. 14.

 1785 Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 245.

 1786 He erected three statues of Demonesian brass; above, p. 250. note l.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “sacred tithe,”
      starting “From Megara.”] Comp. Callim. fragm. 75. v. 5.

 1787 It can indeed be only collected from coins. See Visconti, Mus.
      Pio-Clement. tom. VII. 4. b. No. 11. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p.
      109. No. 94. and Planches LIII. 4. Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. p.
      208. I likewise saw a similar coin in lord Northwick’s collection.

 1788 Above, ch. 2. § 11. Hence the scene of the Rhadamanthus of Euripides
      was laid in Bœotia, fragm. 1.

 1789 Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 50.
      Apollod. II. 4. 11. Pherecydes ap. Antonin. Liberal, c. 32. fragm.
      50. ed. Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. Att. Inscript. Triop. fin.

 1790 Pherecydes ubi sup. Paus. IX. 16. 4.

_ 1791 Orchomenos_, pp. 84. 208. On Hercules Ἱπποδέτης see the story in
      Plutarch, Parallel, p. 416.

 1792 The passage most in point is in the Theocritean poem XXIV. 100.
      where, however, much Alexandrine fiction may be discerned.

 1793 See, among other writers, Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. § 25. ed.
      Bekker. where for Τέννος write Λίνος, with two manuscripts.

 1794 Below, ch. 12. § 1.

 1795 See Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. III. 18. above, ch. 3. § 2. At Nemea
      honours were paid to the 360 supposed companions of Hercules, Ælian,
      V. H. IV. 5; evidently referring to the year of 360 days.

 1796 Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 509.

 1797 The madness of Hercules also occurred in the Κύπρια ἔπη, as appears
      from the extract of Proclus (at the end of Gaisford’s Hephæstion);
      but in that poem it was, if I rightly apprehend the context,
      represented as caused by the love and seduction of Hercules.

 1798 Eurip. Herc. Fur. Paus. IX. 11. 1.

 1799 In this temple a λίθος σωφρονιστὴς, which had restored him to his
      senses, was shown under the altar, Paus. IX. 11. 5.

 1800 It is to this that the verses of Panyasis refer, in which Hercules
      is described as coming over Parnassus to Castalia (fragm. 7. ed.
      Gaisford).

 1801 Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. Heyn. According to Herodorus apud Schol.
      Soph. Trach. 253. Hercules afterwards serves an ἐνιαυτὸς of three
      years; and so also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See above, ch. 11, § 2.

 1802 Above, ch. 7. § 9. ch. 8. § 4. The verses from the Heraclea of
      Panyasis, Fragm. 4. ed. Gaisford, appear to have been spoken by
      Hercules as a consolation for his slavery. Comp. Iliad XXI. 443.
      They seem to be incorrectly applied by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3.
      p. 188.

 1803 Herod. VI. 116. Paus. I. 15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in Ἡρακλῆς. Schol.
      Pind. OI. IX. 92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Explic. p. 193. Elmsley ad
      Eurip. Heraclid. 32.

 1804 Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I.
      1209. Harpocrat. in Μελίτη, Hesych. in ἐκ Μελίτης, Μήλων et Διομεία,
      Suidas in Διομεία. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. 192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att.
      II. p. 335. where, however, there are some inaccuracies.

 1805 Together with Hebe, Alcmene, and Iolaus, Paus. I. 19. 3. This temple
      is frequently mentioned.

 1806 Paus. I. 31.

 1807 Diog. Laert. III. 41.

 1808 Steph. Byz. in Ἐχελίδαι. Hence, according to some writers, a dance
      called τετράκωμος derived its name, Pollux IV. 14. 99. 105. Athen.
      XIV. p. 618. Hesych. in τετράκωμος. There was a temple of Hercules,
      not far off, on the road to Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13.

 1809 Book I. ch. 3. § 5.

 1810 Diod. XII. 45. Schol. Soph. Œd. T. 701.

 1811 Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1333.

 1812 See the Κυκλικοὶ in Schol. II. T. 242. Herod. IX. 73. Paus. I. 41.
      4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. Encom. Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, Thes. 32.
      Steph. Byz. and Harpocrat. in Τιτακίδαι. To this also the verse of
      Callimachus refers, Frag. 234. ἄνδρ᾽ ελαιοι (write Ἔλαον)
      Δεκελειόθεν αμπρεύοντες, “_dragging Elatus from Decelea_,” _i.e._,
      as a guide to Aphidna. According to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. Welcker)
      and the inscription on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. V. 19. 1.) they
      even conquered Athens. How this is connected with the gloss in
      Hesychius, Ἀσαναίων πόλιν τὰς Ἀφίδνας, which probably refers to
      Alcman, does not appear.

 1813 Above, ch. 10, § 8.

 1814 See book I. ch. 3. § 2.

 1815 The striking difference between the two has been remarked, amongst
      others, by Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. B.C. The Alexandrine
      fiction of the _twelve_ labours is satisfactorily treated of by
      Zoega (Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also by Ouwaroff, Examen critique
      de la Fable d’Hercule.

 1816 Schol. Pind. Nem. Arg. p. 425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was also fabled to
      have there pastured the sacred cows of Here.

 1817 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. A fragment of
      Epimenides ap. Ælian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also mentions this fable,
      and Herodorus apud Tatian. I. p. 164. (ap. Justin. Martyr, ed.
      Col.), where for Ἡροδότου we should read Ἡροδώρου, and again by
      Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. ed. Meineke. To the passages there
      collected add Hesiod. Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. 100. p. 660.
      ed. Boeckh. Callim. Fragm. 82. Plutarch de Facie in Orbe Lunæ 24. de
      Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in Ἀπέσας. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30.

 1818 Compare the vase published by Millin. II. tab. 75. with the
      description of the metopes on the temple at Delphi in Eurip. Ion.
      196. On the chest of Cypselus, however, he is represented as slaying
      them with arrows.

 1819 Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. Pind.
      Isthm. V. p. 525. Buttmann ad Soph. Philoct. 726. On the chest of
      Cypselus Hercules was represented with arrows, and also with a
      sword: he is called αἰχμητὴς in Archilochus Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford.

 1820 Odyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. 224. II. V. 393.

 1821 Athen. XII. p. 512 F. Strab. XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. 12.
      Suid. in Πείσανδρος comp. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 1197. concerning
      the brazen club of Hercules mentioned by Peisander.

 1822 See above, b. I. ch. 3. § 5.

 1823 Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 119 D. Marm. Farnes. p. 152. in Marini and
      others.

 1824 I understand ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν νεκύεσσι, Il. III. 395 in the same manner as
      Pausanias does VI. 25. 3. Apollod. II. 7. 3. The wounding of Hades
      was also mentioned by Panyasis, Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. According
      to the same author (ap. Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. Sylb.) Here
      was also wounded at Pylus. The passage in the Iliad V. 392. leaves
      this undecided. Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Il. XI. 689. Lycophr. 39.
      with the Commentary of Tzetzes. The wounding of Ares is connected
      with the above by Hesiod Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo and
      Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189.

 1825 Nevertheless there was also near Pylos Triphyliacus a sanctuary of
      Hades on mount Minthe.

 1826 Schol. Il. V. 392. Venet. II. 336. from the Κατάλογοι of Hesiod.
      Diod. IV. 31.

 1827 Apollod. II. 6. 2. Schol. Venet. Il. II. 88. Marm. Farnes. p. 151.

 1828 Ch. 11. § 1.

 1829 Olymp. XI. 57. The names of the conquerors were perhaps taken from
      public registers, ἀναγραφαὶ, which usually went back to the mythical
      period, like those of the priestesses of Here at Argos (see book I.
      ch. 7. § 2). Comp. with ibid. v. 59. Etym. Mag. Δαιτήριον ἐν Ἰλιάδι,
      read ΗΛΕΙΑΙ; the spot where Hercules distributed the booty of the
      Elean war.

 1830 Provided that Doryclus is the Δορυκλὲυς mentioned in Apollod. III.
      10. 5.

 1831 Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. above, ch. 3. § 2.

 1832 See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. where the connexion seems to be as
      follows: Hercules, while chasing the hind of Artemis, arrives at the
      country of the Hyperboreans, at the source of the Ister, and there
      sees the beautiful olive-trees. Afterwards, when about to found the
      Olympic games, he remembers these trees, and procures some young
      shoots to plant the bare and sunny plains of Elis. On the κότινος of
      Olympia see Schneider Index Theophrast. vol. V. p. 424.

 1833 Pausan. VIII. 25. 5. 15. 2. comp. above, p. 220, note b.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “some external
      influence,” starting “The temples are.”]

 1834 See the map of Peloponnesus.

 1835 Apollod. II. 6. 3.

 1836 See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad Æn. III. From hence the colony of Heraclea
      was sent.

 1837 ΟΙΚΙΜΤΑΜ on coins, _i.e._ οἰκιστής.

 1838 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

 1839 Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. No. 13, from
      whose explanation mine differs in some respects.

 1840 Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115.

 1841 Athen. X. p. 441 A. from the Ἰταλικὴ of Alcimus.

 1842 See book I. ch. 6. § 3.

 1843 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 58. p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. de Mensibus,
      p. 93.

 1844 Dissen. Expl. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be collected
      from Ovid. Metam. VII. 369. that at this festival the women were
      disguised as cows. Perhaps the festival of Hercules was connected
      with that of Here, concerning which see Athen. VI. p. 262.

 1845 Laur. Lydus de Magistr. III. 64. p. 268. On the connexion between
      the Lydian worship of Sandon or Sandes and the Hellenic worship of
      Hercules see a paper by the author in the _Rheinisches Museum_, vol.
      III. p. 22-39.

 1846 Steph. Byz. in Ἀκέλη.

 1847 Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan.

 1848 Strabo XII. p. 564 B. Solinus 42, &c. comp. _Orchomenos_, p. 293.

 1849 Κτιστὴς on the coins.

 1850 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 131. Hence this genealogy was afterwards
      transferred to Hylas. In the Spartan fable, Elacatus was represented
      as the παιδικὰ of Hercules (Sosibius ap. Hesych. in Ἠλακάτια).

 1851 See the fragments of the Lytierses of Sositheus, Hermann, Opuscula,
      vol. I. p. 54. and above, ch. 8. § 12.

 1852 Amongst the passages quoted in Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. I. p. 326.
      those of Pherecydes, Pindar, and Apollodorus should be particularly
      noticed.

 1853 Aristot. ap. Ælian Var. Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarz de Columnis
      Herculis, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 205. Peringer de Templo Herculis
      Gaditani. Concerning Hercules-Briareus, see also Zenob. Prov. οὗτος
      ἄλλος Ἡρακλῆς.

 1854 The African Hercules Maceris, according to Pausan. X. 17. 2; the
      Phœnician Διωδᾶς, according to Euseb. Scal. p. 26. in the Greek
      text. Islands of Hercules near New Carthage in Spain, Athen. III. p.
      121 A. We find also an Iolaus connected with the Carthaginian
      Hercules, Polyb. VII. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392 D.

 1855 Pausan. ubi sup.

 1856 Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21. which passage also mentions his death in
      Spain. Comp. Strabo XVII. p. 828.

 1857 Pollux I. 4. 45.

 1858 Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius in ὄρτυξ
      ἔσωσεν. Compare with these passages the very ingenious explanation
      of this fable in Heeren’s Ideen, vol. I. part 2. p. 129.

 1859 Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. 16. 4.

 1860 Hence also the legend that Hercules was subject to epilepsy.

 1861 Od. XI. 605.

 1862 This worship certainly originated at Delphi, since the Delphic
      oracle in Demosth. in. Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the Athenians to offer
      sacrifices περὶ ὑγιείας to the supreme Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo
      προστατήριος. Concerning Hercules ἀλεξίκακος see Libanius Ep. 12.
      Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1375. and Schol.
      Apoll. Rh. I. 1218. comp. Marini Ville Alban. p. 141. No. 152. This
      character of the hero is generally alluded to in the exclamations
      Ἡράκλεις, Me Hercules; and as such, representations of sheep were
      offered to him (otherwise the usual sacrifices were swine); and he
      was called Μήλων at Thebes, Pollux I. 1. 27. 30. and at Melite in
      Attica.—See Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. Hesych. in Μήλων. Schol.
      Aristoph. Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas in Μήλιος.

 1863 Strab. XIII. p. 613. This, however, was not the original Grecian
      Hercules; above, § 8. Hercules ἀπόμυιος (the averter of flies) was
      worshipped at Rome, according to Clemens Alexand. Protrept. I. p.
      24. ed. Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.

 1864 According to Pausanias, who also gives an account of several
      Dædalian wooden images of Hercules. The divine worship at Sicyon
      (Paus. II. 10. 1.) may, however, be referred to the Idæan Dactylus,
      since this town was anciently connected with Phæstus.

 1865 Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf. VII. 90) represents Hercules as engaged in
      this contest with the gods, probably a short time before his
      deification. The first representations of Hercules the
      giant-destroyer occur on the throne of the Amyclæan Apollo. Pausan.
      III. 18. 7. and some very ancient vases.

 1866 In making libations to Hercules not a drop was left in the goblet,
      Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. Those who wished to make libations brought
      him a measure of wine, Hesych. in Οἰνιστήρια.

 1867 For instance, Epicharmus in the Busiris, and The Marriage of Hebe
      (frequently quoted in Athenæus), and Rhinthon in the Hercules. See
      Athen. XI. p. 500 F.

 1868 See _e.g._, Eubulus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 567.

 1869 On this poem see Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. I. p. 378. ed. Harles.
      Thermopylæ appears to have been the earliest locality of this fable
      (Herod. VII. 216. above, ch. 11. § 5.), but in this poem the scene
      was perhaps laid in Œchalia in Eubœa; at least Tzetzes, enumerating
      the poems attributed to Homer, mentions the Κέρκωπες next to the
      Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις (ap. Bentl. Epist. ad Mill. p. 505, ed.
      Lips.).—Hence Diotimus, in his poem on the labours of Hercules,
      called the Cercopes Œchalians, viz., in Eubœa, whence they ravaged
      the territory of Bœotia (Suidas in Εὐρύβατος. Apostol. IX. 33.
      Schol. Lucian. Alexand. 4. 71.): Æschrion of Sardis, in his Ephesis,
      was probably the first who transplanted them to Lydia (Lobeck _de
      Cercopibus el Cobalis_ p. 7.), and Xenagoras to the Pithecusæ
      (apparently in his treatise περὶ Νήσων, ap. Harpocrat. in Κέρκωπες.
      Lactant. Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the
      Athenian comic poets Hermippus and Plato treated this fable; but the
      composition in Hancarville III. 88. in which Hercules reaches two
      monkey-shaped Cercopes in nets or cages to Eurystheus sitting on a
      throne, seems to be a representation of an Italian farce.

 1870 Millingen Peintures Inédites pl. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See Tzetz.
      ad Lycophr. 691.

 1871 See Reinganum’s Selinus, plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827).

 1872 Μή τευ μελαμπύγου τύχοις. See the Parœmiographers, Photius, Suidas,
      &c., in this expression, Diod. IV. 31. and others. The proverb
      occurred in Archilochus, fragm. 106. ed. Gaisford.

 1873 Athen. VI. p. 260. from Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 D. from
      Telephanes. Perhaps Hercules had παράσιτοι here as well as at
      Cynosarges and other demi. See Diodorus of Sinope in Athen. VI. p.
      239 E.

 1874 Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. ch. 7.

 1875 Our knowledge of Macedonia has been much increased by the Travels of
      F. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to Greveno and Castoria, of H.
      Pouqueville from Guilan to Mezzovo, and Barbié du Bocage’s (the
      younger) Examination of the Ruins of Pella; although in the _Voyage
      dans la Grèce_ (tom. II.) of the first-named writer some singular
      notions, arising from an imperfect knowledge of ancient geography
      (_e.g._, of _Haliacmonts_), somewhat confuse the description. But
      the _Carte de la Grèce Moderne_, by J D. Barbié du Bocage, is a work
      of great accuracy, and it has been implicitly followed in the
      annexed Map.

 1876 Its rise in these mountains, and course through Pæonia (Liv. XXXIX.
      53. Strabo VII. p. 327. cf. Exc. 9. p. 330. ed. Casaub. Ptolem. p.
      82. ed. Montan.). prove that it is the modern Cara-Sou.

 1877 Strabo VII. 9. p. 330. states that the Ludias runs out of the lake
      on which Pella is situated; which is now the lake of Jenidge.
      (According to modern maps it is not true that the lake is formed by
      an ἀπόσπασμα of the Axius; but in ancient times also the marshes
      reached to the east of Pella, Liv. XLIV. 46.) Compare Strabo VII. 8.
      p. 330. It is evident from Herodotus VII. 127. that the Lydias was
      next to the Axius. Λοιδίας was the reading found by Harpocration in
      Æschines de Fals. Leg. p. 44.

 1878 Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson,
      where the places come in the following order: “Pydna, Methone, the
      mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius,
      the Echeidorus, and Therma.” On the other hand, Strabo, who
      represents the Haliacmon as falling into the sea near Dium (VII. 8.
      p. 330.), perhaps confounding it with the Helicon, (Pausan. IX. 30.
      4.) is supported by Ptolemy, p. 82. “Thessalonice, the Echeidorus,
      the Axius, the Lydias, Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, Pharybas (read
      Baphyras), the Peneus.”

 1879 Plutarch de Exilio 10.

 1880 Or Lacmus, in which mountain the Aous and the Inachus, a branch of
      the Achelous, have their source, Hecatæus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271.
      VII. p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. Λάκμων. Sophocles ap. Strab. VI. p.
      271. Herod. IX. 93. The _Lingus_ of Livy XXXII. 13. is nearly the
      same mountain.

 1881 Ptolemy. It seems plain that the Καναλόουια ὄρη of Ptolemy, in which
      the Haliacmon rises, and the Κανδαουία ὄρη before Lychnidus, in
      Strabo, Cæsar, Cicero, and the Tab. Peuting. are the _same_ name,
      and that the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. The ridge is, indeed,
      broken by the Genusus.

 1882 See next note.

 1883 Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. This _Bermius_ is a continuation of
      mount _Barnus_, at the foot of which the Via Egnatia passes (Strab.
      VII. p. 323.), and the same as the _Bernus_ of Diodorus, fragm. 27.
      p. 229. ed. Bipont, or the _Bora_ of Livy XLV. 29. 30. where it must
      be distinguished between what properly belongs to a _regio_ and what
      _adjicitur_. See below, p. 459, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: There
      is no such footnote number on that page.]

 1884 Mannert’s Geographie, VII. p. 516.

 1885 Below, § 17.

 1886 Below. § 11.

 1887 VII. 113.

 1888 Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also to call the mountain between the
      Strymon and Angites, Pangæum.

 1889 Herod. VII. 123. cf. 127.

 1890 Herod. VII. 124.

 1891 Thuc. I. 58.

 1892 Il. 99.

 1893 Herod. VII. 115. Diodonis XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bisaltæ to
      the west of the Strymon; somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, 30.
      Compare Gatterer’s excellent Dissertations _de Herodoti et
      Thucydidis Thracia_, and Commentat. Gotting. vol. 5. p. 33.

 1894 Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, however, singular that Xerxes
      should go from Acanthus to Therma in Mygdonia, beyond Pæonia (on the
      Axius?) and Crestonica. This Crestonica is probably quite different
      from the Crestonæi at the source of the Echeidorus, and is a
      district of Chalcidice. See the author’s _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 96.
      Ἐν τῇ Κρηστωνίᾳ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Βισαλτῶν χώραν, Pseud-Aristot. Mirab.
      Auscult. p. 710. ed. Casaubon.

 1895 Herod. VII. 127.

 1896 VII. 123. Βοττιαΐδα, τῆς ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν χωρίον
      πόλις Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πελλα. It does not follow that Pella was, in the
      opinion of Herodotus, a coast-town.

 1897 Of Apollo, according to Hesychius in Ἰχναίην. Macedonia had been
      called from it Ἰχναίη by some poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The
      city is mentioned by Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. Plin. H. N. IV.
      17. and Mela II. 3. Stephanus Byz. confounds with this town that in
      Thessaly. Themis was worshipped at Ichnæ, according to Strabo IX. p.
      435.

 1898 Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare Scylax and Æschines above, in notes c
      and d.

 1899 Strab. VII. 9. p. 330.

 1900 In Polybius V. 97. 4. Bottia and Amphaxitis are also mentioned
      together.

 1901 Βοττία in II. 99. should probably be written Βοττιαία, as in II.
      100. (or the reverse; see notes c and f in this page, and Etym. Mag.
      in v.) [Transcriber’s Note: Note c begins “In Polybius V. 97. 4.”
      and note f begins “Thucyd. I. 65.”]

 1902 See below, p. 465, note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VIII. 127.”]

 1903 Thucyd. I. 65, II. 79, 101. The passage of Theopompus ap. Steph.
      Byz. in v. Αἰόλιον should be thus written: πόλιν Αἰόλιον τῆς
      Βοττικῆς (vulg. Ἀττικῆς) μὲν οὖσαν, πολιτευομένην δὲ μετὰ τῶν
      Χαλκιδέων. The inhabitants, however, are always called Βοττιαῖοι in
      Thucydides. Βοττιαία for Βοττικὴ, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9. The great
      etymologist in Βοττεία also notices the distinction between Βοττικὴ
      and Βοττιαία; where write Βοττικὴ ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ γῆ (ΧΑΛΚΙΔΙΚΗ for
      ΧΑΛΔΑΙΚΗ).

 1904 VII. 127. Compare the expression οἱ οὐρίζουσι γῆν Βοττιαΐδα τε καὶ
      Μακεδονίδα, with VII. 123. ὅς οὐριζει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην τε καὶ
      Βοττιαιΐδα.

 1905 Pausan. IX. 30. 3. χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ ὄρος, τὴν Πιερίαν. Livy XLIV. 43.
      calls the mountain-forest above Pydna _Pieria sylva_.

 1906 With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. who makes Pæonia extend to the Axius
      (and so Ptolemy, p. 82.); though he afterwards places Alorus to the
      south of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiæa. There is, however, much
      confusion in this passage.

 1907 See below, § 17.

 1908 VIII. 8. p. 330.

 1909 Liv. XLIV. 9, 20. Hence also Pausanias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.)
      appears to distinguish Dium (τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ Πιερίᾳ), and Strabo (IX. p.
      410. X. p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. On the other hand, Arrian.
      Anab. I. 11. places the ξόανον of Orpheus at Leibethra (Plutarch
      Alexand. 14.) in Pieria.

 1910 I have placed Dium at the _ruines_ in B. du Bocage; Platamona is
      perhaps the ancient temple of Hercules.

 1911 VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling ad Anton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb.
      ad Liv. XLII. 51. The _Citium_ of Livy must be sought for near
      Edessa.

 1912 XLII. 53.

 1913 Il. 99.

 1914 Liv. XLV. 30.

 1915 Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plutarch. Æmil. 9. βιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς
      Ἐλιμίας (the passes of Elimea?).

 1916 Liv. XLIII. 21. see above, § 2.

 1917 Steph. Byz. in Παραυαῖοι. According to Arrian I. 7. the ἄκρα
      Τυμφαίας and Παραυαίας, between Elimea and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu.
      Gr. 13. cf. 26. places Parauæa in Molossis, Stephanus in Thesprotis,
      as well as Tymphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is now called _Zagori_.
      See _Geographische Ephemeriden_, vol. XVII. p. 429.

 1918 Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 326. The Paroræa in Pæonia, Liv. XLII. 51.
      Plin. IV. 17. should be distinguished from it.

 1919 Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. XLV. 30. According to Marsyas in
      Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰθικία, Æthicia lay between Tymphæa and
      Athamania. In Liv. XXXII. 13. should probably be written, _in
      Tymphæa terra Molottidis,_ where you would arrive by mounting the
      course of the Aous. Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stymphæa and
      Parauæa: τήν τε Στυμφαίαν καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν τῆς Μακεδονίας. Comp.
      Niebuhr’s Römische Geschichte, vol. III. p. 536.

 1920 See particularly Polyb. II. 5. Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides,
      Livy, and Strabo as above. In Proxenus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Χαονία,
      for Ταραύλιοι, Ἀμύμονες read Παραυαῖοι, Ἀτίντανες. It is mentioned
      in Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. Casaub. that Atintania
      borders on Apolloniatis; and hence in p. 710. for Ἀτλαντίνων read
      Ἀτιντάνων, or Ἀμαντίνων.

 1921 In Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius goes from Elimea to Orestis, and from
      thence to Dassaretis (on the lake Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near
      Lyncestis, XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Polyb. V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,),
      and conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see Arrian I. 5.).

 1922 Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται, Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. XLII.
      38.

 1923 Or Ὀρεστιὰς, Strab. VII. p. 326.

 1924 Liv. XXXI. 40.

 1925 Mannert denies this (VII. p. 519.); but without the authority of any
      good map. See Pouqueville tom. II. p. 322. Orestia was beyond
      Macedonia, according to Steph. Byz.

 1926 This is evident from the following passages, Plin. H. N. IV. 15. _In
      Thessalia autem Orchomenos Minyeus ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab
      aliis Salmon._ Schol. Apollon. II. 1186. δύναται δὲ καὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ
      μνημονεύειν τοῦ μεθορίου Μακεδονίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας. Steph. Byz. Μινύα
      πόλις Θεσσαλίας ἡ πρότερον Ἁλμωνία; Diod. XX. 110. where Orchomenus
      and Dium are mentioned together as cities in existence in Olymp.
      119. 3; Eustath. ad Il. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. II. p. 206.
      22.) who states that the Thessalian _or_ Macedonian Orchomenus was
      in his time called Charmenas. See _Orchomenos_, pp. 139, 249. where
      it is also shown that the Halmopians, or Salmonians, were an ancient
      tribe of the Minyæ.

 1927 Livy XLV. 30. says of Eordæa, Lyncestis, Pelagonia, Atintania,
      Tymphæa, and Elimiotis, _frigida hæc omnis duraque cultu et aspera
      plaga est_.

 1928 Among the Macedonian gentile-names, such as Lyncestæ, Orestæ, Diastæ
      (Steph. Byz. in Δῖον), may also be included the Cyrrhestæ (Plin. H.
      N. IV. 17.) of the region Cyrrhus (Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4.
      Steph. Byz. in Μανδαραί).

 1929 Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. Liv. XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. 459, note m,
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Edessa and Pella,”
      starting “Strab. VII. p. 323.”] p. 460, note x, [Transcriber’s Note:
      This is the footnote to “Lyncestis,” starting “By the road.”] and §
      27.

 1930 Thuc. IV. 124. τὰς τοῦ Ἀρριβαίου κώμας. Heraclea Lyncestis appears
      to have been a late settlement.

 1931 Thuc. IV. 127.

 1932 Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, which, according to the tab.
      Peutinger. and the Itin. Anton. p. 318, 329, passes through
      Lychnidus, Heraclea Lyncestis, Cellæ, Edessa, Pella, and Therma,
      evidently in the higher parts followed the direction of an _ancient
      pass_, the εὔπορος ὁδὸς διὰ τῆς Δασσαρήτιδος (see p. 458, note a
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Illyrian
      Dassaretians,” starting “In Liv. XXXI. 40.”]) κατὰ Λύγκον, Plut.
      Flamin. 4. and also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for _Lychnidum_ read
      _Lyncum_.

 1933 This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. _Quarta regio trans Boram montem_
      (with respect to which the _tertia regio_ was _versus
      septentrionem_, and therefore _versus meridiem_ of this), and XLV.
      30. _Quartam regionem Eordæi et Lyncestæ et Pelagones incolunt._

 1934 For example, the way in Livy XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the river
      _Bevus_ is also mentioned, probably one of the branches, which,
      according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall into the Erigon ἐκ Λυγκηστῶν.

 1935 In Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes from Pella through Eordæa to Elimea.
      The _lacus Begorrites_ appears to be the lake Citrini.

 1936 See above, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “south of it,” starting “This follows from Liv.”]

 1937 Arrian I. 7. The river Eordaicus, ibid. I. 5, probably runs from
      Eordæa into the Erigon.

 1938 Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. 327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenæ,
      Stymbara (_Stubera_ Livy, Στύβερρα Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40.
      Sulpicius follows a mountain-road from Stubera to Eordæa, and then
      to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. 6. 3.

 1939 Liv. XXXIX. 53.

 1940 See above, p. 459, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “along the Erigon,” starting “Liv. XXXIX. 53.”]

 1941 By the road _per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiæam in Thessaliam_,
      Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI.
      39.

 1942 Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. Gatterer Commentat. tom. VI. p. 67.

 1943 Thucyd. II. 99. τῆς Παιονίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα
      καθήκουσαν ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης. The same strip of land
      was included by Æmilius Paulus in his _tertia regio_, according to
      Livy XLV. 29. _Adjecta huic parti regio Pæoniæ, qua ab occasu præter
      Axium amnem porrigitur._

 1944 See above, p. 454, note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “from Bottiaïs,” starting “Herod. VII. 123.”]

 1945 II. 99. where Sitalces is going to make a descent into Lower
      Macedonia, the country of Perdiccas, from Doberus κατὰ κορυφήν. He
      then invades (II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus
      (_Europos ad Axium amnem_, Plin. IV. 17.), probably places in
      Pæonia, but certainly not Bottiæa or Mygdonia.

 1946 II. 98. Παίονες Δόβηρες, Herod. VII. 113.

 1947 II. 98.

 1948 Herod. V. 15. Concerning the settlements of the Sintians, see
      Mannert. vol. VII. p. 502.

 1949 Doberus coincides with the modern _Doiran_. The Κερκινῖτις λίμνη,
      Arrian I. 11, is probably the lake near Doiran.

 1950 τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσί.

 1951 ὑπήκοα, as the Magnetes to the Thessalians.

 1952 Those of Perdiccas.

 1953 τὴν παρὰ (according to Bekker) θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν.

 1954 The substance of the clauses omitted is given below.

 1955 VII. 128. cf. 131, 173.

 1956 See book I. ch. 1. § 3.

 1957 Above, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

 1958 Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 38.

 1959 Above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”] Thucydides
      II. 80. distinguishes the Orestæ from the Macedonians, viz., from
      those of Perdiccas.

 1960 Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his name he was of the family of the
      Aleuadæ.

 1961 Thuc. IV. 79. 83.

 1962 Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. book I. ch. 7. § 15.

 1963 Περδίκκας ἦγεν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων τὴν δύναμιν against Arrhibæus,
      Thuc. IV. 124.

 1964 Herod. VIII. 137, 138.

 1965 II. 100. These were, according to Herodotus, Perdiccas, Argæus,
      Philip, Aeropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, Alexander, and Perdiccas.

 1966 Edessa on the Via Egnatia, 28. m. p. from Pella, 62-66. from
      Heraclea Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. 319, 330; the tab.
      Peuting. gives less accurately 45 and 77 m. p.) is probably the
      modern _Vodina_.

 1967 See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. Euseb. Scal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin
      VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus quotes Theopompus for Caranus.
      Marsyas (perhaps the cotemporary of Alexander and Antigonus) related
      a fable concerning Cœnus, the successor of Caranus, Etym. Mag. p.
      523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41.

 1968 Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. comp.
      Justin. VII. 2.

 1969 See below, § 17.

 1970 Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin VII. 3.

 1971 Consequently the story that Xerxes gave Alexander all the country
      between mounts Olympus and Hæmus (Justin VII. 4.) is not entirely
      fabulous.

 1972 Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. 96. vol. VI. p. 15. is more accurate
      on this point than Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 421.

 1973 Herod. VII. 112. Although Ἠιὼν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης in Thuc. IV. 7. cannot be
      that on the Strymon, yet Eustathius ad Il. II. 566. p. 217. ed. Bas.
      is incorrect in distinguishing Ἠιὼν in Pieria from that on the
      Strymon (comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἠιὼν, Schol. Thuc. I. 98.); and
      Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. p. 207,
      should not have followed him, since Pieria, viz. New-Pieria, reaches
      in this point to the Strymon. But the Ἠιὼν of Thucydides is not in
      Pieria, but in Chalcidice.

 1974 Thuc. II. 99.

 1975 The expression of Thucydides, καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος
      καλεῖται, proves that the circumstance had taken place long before.
      Hence arose the fabulous genealogies of Pierus and Emathius, the
      sons of Macednus, &c; Marsyas ap. Schol. Il. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan.
      IX. 29. 1.

 1976 VIII. 127. Thucydides also includes the Bottiæans, I. 57. (cf. IV.
      57.) among those ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης. Βοττιαῖοι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, Callimachus fragm.
      75, 41.

 1977 Herod. V. 94. Concerning the position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N.
      IV. 17. Hence the τάγμα Ἀνθεμουσία of the Macedonian army, Hesychius
      in v. Ἴλη ἑταίρων Ἀνθεμουσία, Arrian II. 9. [See Thirlwall’s Hist.
      of Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.]

 1978 An objection which might be derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where,
      according to the old reading, Mygdonia is distinguished from the
      kingdom of Perdiccas, is removed by omitting the τε after Μυγδονίας,
      which Bekker and Poppo have expunged, with good MSS.

 1979 The distinction taken by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 419. between the Ἤδωνες
      and Ἠδωνοὶ, viz., that the former dwelt on the coast, the latter
      inland, cannot be supported. For instance, Thucyd. I. 100. calls
      those by Amphipolis Ἠδωνοί.

 1980 VII. 114.

 1981 Herod. V. 11, 24.

 1982 Thuc. IV. 107.

 1983 But τὰ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνουν ἔθνεα, Herod. VI. 44, are not the nations in
      Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. IV. p. 164.), but those between
      Macedonia and Persia. See Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p.
      483. note.

 1984 Forty stadia beyond Pydna, Strabo.

 1985 Plutarch Qu. Gr. 11.

 1986 Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. 447. Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette,
      Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. pp. 198 sqq.

_ 1987 Pydna_, however, early belonged to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137.
      Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls Pydna and Methone Greek cities;
      but that proves nothing for their independence.

 1988 Above, p. 455, note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “according to Herodotus,” starting “VII. 127.”] No one surely will
      distinguish between γῆ ἡ Μακεδονὶς and ἡ Μακεδονία.

 1989 Above, § 16. Herodotus also mentions together, among the allies of
      Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians (in Physca, see below, p. 468. note k
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Physca in Mygdonia,”
      starting “According to Ptolemy, p. 83.”]), the Bottiæans (near
      Olynthus), and the Chalcideans. Concerning the Brygians, see below,
      § 30.

 1990 Besides VII. 127. see also VII. 173. concerning the road from _Lower
      Macedonia_ to Thessaly.

 1991 πρῶτοι (πρῶτον Bekker) ἐκτήσαντο.

 1992 Near the pass Volustana, Liv. XLIV. 2, which led to Elimea, p. 457,
      note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian
      mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

 1993 VII. 131.

 1994 V. 17.

 1995 Herod. V. 15, 16.

 1996 See Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 434. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495.

 1997 Herod. VIII. 116.

 1998 In Syncellus and Eusebius Scal. the reading is Dardanians for
      Eordians; the latter, which is evidently the correct reading, is
      preserved in the Armenian Eusebius, p. 168. ed. Mai. who follows
      Diodorus.

 1999 According to Ptolemy, p. 83. In Steph. Byz. it should probably be
      written, Ἐορδαῖαι, δύο χῶραι, Μακεδονίας καὶ Μυγδονίας.

 2000 Thuc. II. 100. cf. I. 57. VI. 7.

 2001 Thuc. I. 57.

 2002 I. 59.

 2003 According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57.

 2004 Hence perhaps we might separate ξύμμαχα καὶ ὑπήκοα in the beginning
      of the chapter, and refer the former rather to Lyncus, the latter to
      Elimea.

 2005 Aristot. Pol. V. 8.

 2006 Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38.

 2007 Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. p. 436 C.

 2008 To be inferred from Lycophron. Cass. 802. with Tzetzes.

 2009 Diod. XVII. 7.

 2010 Arrian VI. 28.

 2011 Pliny H. N. IV. 17. mentions _Almopians_, together with Eordians, on
      the banks of the Axius; and in Ptolemy p. 83. Almopia is the country
      near Europus; it was to this place that the Almopians probably fled.
      This also explains the genealogical connexion with Pæon and Edonus.
      _Orchamenos,_ p. 250, note 2.

 2012 Of ancient wars of the Macedonians, not mentioned by Thucydides, I
      may mention the fabulous battle between Caranus and _Cisseus_
      (Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king of _Cissus_, near Therma,
      which is the explanation given by Strabo VII. exc. 10. p. 330. of
      Cisseus the Thracian in Il. XI. 221. Euripides transferred this war,
      as well as the story of the goats, into his tragedy called
      Archelaus, perhaps only written from flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr.
      Hyginus Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. 1237. Concerning the supposed
      war with the Phrygians, see below, § 30.

 2013 See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. In the catalogue of nations, however,
      in Appian Illyr. 2. Pæonian and Thracian (Mædi, Triballi) are mixed
      with Illyrian tribes.

 2014 Herod. IV. 93. V. 3. Menander ap. Strab. VII. p. 297. The language
      of the Getæ was Thracian, Strab. VII. p. 303.

 2015 Herod. VII. 75, &c.

 2016 According to Strabo VII. p. 305, 315. cf. VII. p. 323.

 2017 Strab. VII. p. 316. According to which passage they extended more to
      the north as far as the Illyrian Dardanians. The Thracians beyond
      Crestona, mentioned by Herodotus V. 3. are probably the same people.

 2018 Conon Narr. c. 20. calls the Bisaltæ Thracians (Ἄργιλος was also a
      Thracian name according to Heraclid. Pont. 41); and the Panæans,
      whom Thucydides II. 101. calls Thracians, were an Edonian nation
      according to Stephanus Byz.

 2019 Strabo X. p. 471. does not appear to make this supposition, but
      perhaps in VII. p. 321.

 2020 By Thucydides II. 29. and by earlier writers.

 2021 See above, p. 11.

 2022 Iliad XIV. 225. sqq.

 2023 Gatterer Commentat. VI. p. 37. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487.

 2024 Solin. IX. 2, &c.

 2025 See particularly Appian Illyr. I. But as in later times Pæonians and
      Illyrians were confounded (Appian Illyr. 14.) the Paunonians also
      were called Illyrians.

 2026 Herod. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, and see _Prolegomena zur
      Mythologie_, p. 351. The legend concerning the great expedition of
      the Teucrians is well given in Lycophron v. 1341.

 2027 Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the contrary tradition of the Mysians.

 2028 I. 196.

 2029 Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57.

 2030 Herod. V. 20.

 2031 Herodot. V. 22. and see Valckenaer’s note. The Attic orators
      evidently exaggerate; there is, however, perhaps a slight hyperbole
      in what Weiske _de Hyperbole_, p. 19. says on the other side.

 2032 See Scylax, p. 12. and the metrical Dicæarchus, p. 3. Comp. Salmas.
      Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A.

 2033 The passage of Hesiod appears to be from the Ἠοῖαι (above p. 4. note
      n [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Hesiod and
      Hellanicus,” starting “Ap. Constant.”]), and these poems come down
      as late as the 40th Olympiad (_Orchomenos_, p. 358). After Hesiod
      Solinus IX. 13. calls _Macedo Deucalionis maternus nepos._ comp.
      Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 427.

 2034 The account of the Greeks living on the Pontus, according to Herod.
      IV. 8-10.

 2035 Although Mannert, vol. VII. p. 492. considers the Macedonians to be
      of Illyrian and Pæonian descent, Comp. p. 421.

 2036 See above, p. 460. note z. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “and the coast,” starting “Thucyd. II. 99.”] Pliny H. N. IV. 17.
      appears to say that the Eordi were Pæonians; and it is not
      improbable that this was the fact, though the passage of Pliny is
      corrupt. Herodotus VII. 185. mentions together Thracians, Pæonians,
      Eordians, Bottiæans, Chalcidians, Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians,
      and Perrhæbians.

_ 2037 E.g._ Thuc. IV. 124.

_ 2038 E.g._ Thucydides II. 96. mentions Thracians between mounts Hæmus
      and Rhodope, Getæ and mountain Thracians together, as if the Getæ
      were not Thracians. Instances of this use are very common; _e.g._
      the common case of Ionians _and_ Athenians.

 2039 Il. XIV. 226. And hence in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39.
      (according to Matthiä’s and Ilgen’s conjecture), although Emathia
      does not suit very well there, and the preceding word (neither
      Λεύκον nor Λίγκον is in its place) remains uncertain. The Roman
      poets, as is well known, use the name in a very wide sense, Heyne ad
      Virg. Georg. I. 492.

 2040 Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. 1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1.
      distinguishes between the Edonian, Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian
      territory, and IX. 12. derives the name of Emathia, as being that of
      the most ancient Macedonia, from an Autochthon _Emathius_. Tzetzes
      ad Hesiod. Op. I. Chiliad. VI. 90. states, from the Delphica of
      Melisseus, that Aëropus, the eldest son of Emathion, had reigned
      over Lyncus, which had previously been called Pieria,—a very
      confused account.

 2041 See Justin VII. 1.

 2042 Pag. 84.

 2043 In Ptolemy the word is Κύριος. See above, p. 458. note h.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Macedonian inflexion,”
      starting “Among the Macedonian.”]

 2044 II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The tabula Peuting. which places
      Idomenæ 53 m. p. from Therma, and 35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees
      very well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and Pliny.

 2045 Since he entirely separates Bottiæa from Pieria.

 2046 XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. 1. says of Emathia, _Populus
      Pelasgi, regio Bœotia dicebatur_, where _Bottiæa_ is a more probable
      correction than _Pæonia_, and is confirmed by the Vatican fragments
      of Diodorus, p. 4. Mai.

 2047 I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see book I. ch. 1. § 10.

 2048 I. 56. Δωρικὸν ἐκλήθη. And yet, according to Herodotus himself, they
      were governed by Dorus in Hestiæotis.

 2049 Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Μακεδονίας μοῖρα
      Μακέτα, ὡς Μαρσύας ἐν πρώτῳ Μακεδονιακῶν. καὶ τὴν Ὀρεστιάδα (vulg.
      Ἠρέστειαν δὲ) Μακέταν λέγουσιν. See above, p. 458. note c.
      [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “valley of Orestis,”
      starting “Or Ὀρεστιὰς.”] Scymnus calls the Macedonians γηγενεῖς, and
      makes them come from Macessa and Emathia, v. 657.

 2050 Appian Syr. 63. Ἄργος ἐν Ὀρεστείᾳ (ὅθεν οἱ Ἀργέαδαι Μακεδόνες).
      Concerning the name of the Argeadæ see Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the
      note of Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend of the Argive origin of
      the Macedonian kings properly refers to this Argos Orestikon.

 2051 VII. p. 324. sqq.

 2052 Bulini, near the modern _Valona_, Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388.

 2053 Near Epidamnus, according to Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. 39.
      and extending as far as the Dalmatians according to Appian Illyr.
      24.

 2054 Also near Epidamnus according to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the
      south of the Taulantians according to Plin. H. N. III. 26. Mela. II.
      3. The country of the Parthini was called ἡ Πάρθος, Polyb. XVIII.
      30. 12. as ἡ Λύγκος (Thuc. IV. 83.) ἡ Δευρίοπος above, § 11. ἡ
      Κύρρος.

 2055 See below, p. 481, note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “with the Dassaretians,” starting “Scymnus Chius.”]

 2056 Read πλησέον δέ που κατὰ (vulg. καὶ) τὰ ἀργύρια.

 2057 Besides this passage Damastium is only known by its silver coins,
      Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 54.

 2058 Here those in the neighbourhood of Apollonia are meant, see below,
      p. 483, note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “strange deities,” starting “As the Encheleans.”]

 2059 Probably the Dassaretians (Sesarethians) near Lychnidus.

 2060 In Northern Sicily.

 2061 Not mentioned elsewhere.

 2062 See particularly Thuc. II. 80. Scymn. 444. Concerning their
      ἐκβάρβαρωσις see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1.

 2063 Scylax, p. 12. Dicæarchus, p. 3.

 2064 Pag. 10.

 2065 Illyr. 7.

 2066 See above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”]

 2067 Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. _Liberi Amantini et Orestæ_,
      Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. makes Orestis reach to
      Molossia, in v. Ὀρέσται. These have been generally followed by
      modern geographers. Lyncus alone is mentioned by Steph. Byz. in v.
      πόλιν Ἠπείρου.

 2068 According to the probable supposition of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390.

 2069 Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329.

 2070 This usage first occurs in Cæsar Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there
      it is not quite clear; on the other hand, Dio Cassius XLI. 49.
      distinctly says, ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ πρότερον μὲν Ἰλλυριῶν τῶν Παρθινῶν, νῦν
      δὲ καὶ τότε γε ἤδη Μακεδονίᾳ νενομισμένῃ: the boundaries are given
      by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from Lissus to Oricum) and
      Ptolemy.—Dexippus also, quoted by Constantinus Porphyr. de Them. II.
      9. includes Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the tabula Peuting, has only
      Macedonia between Dalmatia and Epirus.

 2071 See _e.g._ Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. 26.

 2072 It would lead me too far to treat here of the Thesean, Abantian,
      Laconian, and ancient Ionian κουρά.

 2073 Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper Thessalian appellation was,
      according to the Great Etymologist, ἄλληξ, whence _allicula_.

 2074 See _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 265.

 2075 Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9.

 2076 Schneider’s Lexicon in πέτασος.

 2077 Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom.
      Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. 162. Valer. Max. V. 1. ext. 4.
      Antipater Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. Suidas in Καυσίν. Compare
      Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 345.

 2078 Polyb. IV. 4. 5.

 2079 Heracl. Pont. 17.

 2080 Eckhel Doct. Num. I. 2. pp. 83. 155. 158. A clear notion of the
      causia may be obtained from the representations of Macedonian coins
      in Pellerin Recueil de M. de Rois Pl. 1. n. 1. of Ætolian in Combe
      Numi Mus. Britann. Pl. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in Eckhel Numi.
      Vet. Anecd. (1775.) Pl. I. tab. 6. 22. 23.

 2081 Philip, the son of Amyntas, first conquered the country as far as
      the lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The Taulantians in the time of
      Alexander had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The Illyrian king Argon
      ruled (about 240 B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atintanes were his
      subjects, Appian Illyr. 7. 8. When the Romans first went to Illyria
      they were joined by the Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. 11.
      Atintania was first conquered by Philip the son of Demetrius,
      Schweighæuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. 356. In the peace he only lost
      Lychnidus (with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) and Parthus (_i.e._ the
      Parthini), Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. 34. The only countries
      which even Perseus possessed beyond the mountains were Atintania and
      Tymphæa, Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Græc. Ant. I. 14. p. 78.

 2082 From ἄμαθος, sea-sand.

 2083 V. II. 1.

 2084 Suppl. 257.

 2085 Apollod. III. 8. 1. Ælian de Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ὠρωπός.

 2086 σύνοικοι, Herod. VII. 73.

 2087 Herod. VIII. 138. Conon Narr. I. Concerning these roses see also
      Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. Schneider. Conon ibid. and Apollodorus
      ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also speak of ancient mines near mount
      Bermius.

 2088 It might be inferred from Thuc. I. 61. that Berœa had not even
      _then_ become a Macedonian possession; but it seems that
      ἀπανίστανται merely signifies “they prepare to leave Macedonia.”

 2089 In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi sup. Xanthus placed it after, but
      probably _soon_ after the Trojan war.

 2090 Justin VII. 1.

 2091 Scymnus Chius v. 433. Strab. pp. 326, 327. There were Βρίγες in
      Dyrrhachium, according to Appian B.C. II. 39. who states that they
      returned from Phrygia; comp. Steph. Byz. in Βρύξ. Herodotus indeed
      plainly distinguishes from the Βρίγεσφρύγες (VII. 73.) the Βρύγοι
      Θρήικες (VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, who revolted to Mardonius
      and came with Xerxes; and Strabo also appears completely to separate
      the Βρύγοι as an Illyrian people (in p. 327. write Βρύγων) from the
      Thracian Βρίγες, who are said to have entirely left Europe (VII. p.
      295): still their names and settlements seem to establish a national
      affinity.

 2092 Mygdon, a prince of the Phrygians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 186.
      Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295.

 2093 Aristotle ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr.
      35. A similar, though still stranger, legend concerning the
      Bottiæans may be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 282. Compare Etymol.
      Magn. in Βόττεια. The Cretan traditions may perhaps have found a
      resting-place in the temple at Ichnæ.

 2094 Thuc. II. 100. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The name Europus (Justin. VII. 1.
      speaks of an ancient king Europus in this country, and according to
      Steph. Byz. Εὐρωπὸς and Ὠρωπὸς were the sons of Macedon) reminds us
      of Demeter Europa, the Hermionean Europs, and the Cretan Europa. The
      Cretan Ἰδομενεὺς implies the existence of a place named Ἰδομένη.

 2095 I. 57. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 444. note 1.

 2096 See above, p. 458, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “far from Pieria,” starting “This is evident.”]

 2097 Πύδνα occurs again in the sacred Pytna of Crete. The poetical
      associations chiefly clung to the district above Dium, where Pimple
      and Leibethrum were situated.

 2098 See above, p. 472, note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “narrow strip of land,” starting “See above.”] Strabo, who calls
      the Eordi Illyrians (above, § 26.), yet speaks only of the
      Macedonian inhabitants of Eordia. Hesychius and Tzetzes ad Lycophr.
      1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. Stephanus Byz. in Ἄμυρος has a
      confused passage on the Amyri, who, according to Suidas, were Eordi.

 2099 Liv. XLV. 30.

 2100 Compare now Heyne Opusc. Acad. IV. p. 165. _Macedonas e multis
      barbarorum populis, Thracum inprimis et Pelasgorum, quibus Græcorum
      exigua pars accesserat, coaluisse._ Schlözer Weltgeschichte, vol. I.
      pag. 290. _The Macedonians, brothers of the Thracians, and entirely
      different from the Greeks, among whom they were long called
      barbarians, wandered about their mountainous country, divided into
      150 hordes, when a Heraclide, &c._

 2101 Solinus, IX. 16.

 2102 Thuc. II. 100.

 2103 Solinus, IX. 17.

 2104 XLV. 30. _ferociores eos et accolæ barbari faciunt, nunc bello
      exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos._ An intercourse in
      peace, among free and hardy nations, presupposes a certain degree of
      resemblance. At the present time the wild Orestæ are stated to be
      very different from the mild and social Zagoriots (Parauæans),
      _Geographische Ephemeriden_, vol. XVII. p. 430.

 2105 As the Encheleans appear to have carried from the Bœotian incursion
      (_Orchomenos_, p. 231.) the worship of Cadmus and Harmonia both to
      the region of Buthoë (Scylax, p. 9. Steph. Byz. in Βουθόη), and to
      the Ceraunian mountains (Dionys. Perieg. v. 391. Apoll. Rh. IV. 517.
      for there were Encheleans in both places). Compare Apollodorus III.
      5. 4. Scymnus Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 389.
      Interpret. Virg. Æn. I. 243. ed. Mai.

 2106 Amerias ap. Hesych. in v.

 2107 Hesychius in Δευάδαι.

 2108 Hesychius et Favorinus in v.

 2109 Hesychius in v.

 2110 Plutarch Alex. 2. Polyæn. Stratag. IV. 1. Compare Athenæus V. p. 198
      E. Etym. Mag. et Suidas in Κλώδονες, Lycoph. v. 1237. Conon Narr.
      45. Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. III. p. 194. sq.

_ 2111 Jovis templum, veterrimæ Macedonum religionis_, Justin XXIV. 2.
      Archelaus established Olympic games (Arrian I. 11.), who had himself
      been a conqueror at the Olympic games at Elis, Solin. IX. 18.
      Perhaps also Musea in Macedonia, according to Arrian ubi sup.

 2112 Hesych. in Ἐδεσσαῖος.

 2113 Hesych. in Ἄρητος.

 2114 See above, p. 455, note z. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
      to “an ancient temple,” starting “Of Apollo.”]

 2115 Book II. ch. 11. § 2.

 2116 Eckhel D. N. I. 2. p. 74. The Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesyvch. in
      v.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. Mars, according to Hesychius, was in
      Macedonia called Thaumus or Thaulus.

 2117 Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 315. Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169
      A.

 2118 Polit. VII. 2. 6.

 2119 According to Hegesander ap. Athen. I. p. 18 A.

 2120 Herod. V. 4; according to Solinus X. 2. _apud plurimos_.

 2121 Herod. V. 5. comp. Solinus X. 3.

 2122 Solinus X. 1. concludes _Thracibus barbaris inesse contemtum vitæ ex
      quadam naturalis sapientiæ disciplina_.

 2123 See besides Herod. V. 5. Heraclid. Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p.
      297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 112 A.

 2124 Herod. V. 6. Heraclid. ubi sup. Solin. X. 4.

 2125 Solin. X. 5.

 2126 Thuc. II. 100. The ἄνω ξύμμαχοι are the Lyncestæ, &c.

 2127 Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. cf. Thuc. I. 61, 62.

 2128 Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. (with Freinsheim’s note) VI. 9.
      34. Crophius Antiq. Maced. I. 6. II. 4.

 2129 Hence, for example, it cannot be inferred from the distinction
      between the Illyrian and Macedonian languages in Polyb. XXVIII. 8.
      9. that the nations were originally of a different descent. Sturz
      _De Dialecto Macedonica et Alexandrina_ has not sufficiently
      distinguished the third period from the two first.

 2130 For example, Steph. Byz. in v. Βορμίσκος—οὓς κύνας τῇ πατρῴᾳ φωνῇ
      ἐστερικὰς καλοῦσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες. The barbarous word σκοῖδος,
      signifying a kind of steward, which was used by Alexander in
      letters, and adopted by Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can hardly be
      oriental. See also the collection of Sturz in the words ἄβαγνα,
      ἄδδαι, ἀδῆ, ἀκρέα, ἄξος, &c.

 2131 The Athamanes were Epirots according to Strabo, Illyrians according
      to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are not Grecian.

 2132 See above, Σανάδαι, and Athenæus III. p. 114 B. concerning the
      Macedonian and Athamanian word δράμις or δράμιξ.

 2133 This fact may be believed on the testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35.

 2134 Apollonius de Construct. III. 7. calls it the Macedonian or
      Thessalian usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chiefly from this that the
      Macedonian language was originally nearly the same as the Dorian.
      The coins, I may remark incidentally, prove nothing, as they were
      struck for intercourse with the Greeks. Adelung, on the other hand,
      considers the Macedonians as Thracians (to which nation he also
      refers the Illyrians), with a tinge of Greek civilisation,
      Mithridat, vol. II. p. 359.

 2135 See above, p. 3. notes g and h. [Transcriber’s Note: These are the
      footnotes to “native dialect,” starting “Compare, for example,” and
      to “Æolic,” starting “_E.g._ the nominatives.”]

 2136 Above, p. 467. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “on Pieria,” starting “Near the pass Volustana.”] Hence the
      Cambunian mountains are now called Volutza.

 2137 Above, p. 453. note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
      “Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”] The first syllable of this
      name appears to be the same as of _Cambunii montes_, in which the
      second part is probably the word βοῦνος, which in modern Greek still
      means “a hill.” In the names of Macedonian mountains, _Barnus_,
      _Bermius_, and _Bertiscus_ (Ptolemy), there is probably the same
      root.

 2138 Pausan. X. 6. 5. οἱ μὲν δὴ γενεαλογεῖν τὰ πάντα ἐθέλοντες, &c.

 2139 Ἕλληνος δ᾽ ἐγένοντο θεμιστοπόλον Βασιλῆες Δῶρός τε Ξοῦθός τε καὶ
      Αἴολος ἱππιοχάρμης. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 284. and Schol. Apoll. Rh.
      III. 1085. Other poems of Hesiod are made use of by Schol. Hom. Od.
      χ’. 2.

 2140 Apollodorus I. 7, 3. Pausan. V. 1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that
      Achæus and Ion are represented as the _only_ sons of Xuthus, I have
      inferred above that the Ionians were probably of an Achæan race.

 2141 Schol. Hom. Od. κ. 2. οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἕλλην γόνῳ μὲν ἦν Διὸς,
      λόγῳ δὲ Δευκαλίωνος. Compare Pindar Pyth. IV. 167. who alludes to
      this fable, and Eurip Melan. IV. 2.

 2142 Il. II. 684. and compare IX. 395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse ἐγχείῃ δ᾽
      ἐκέκαστο Πανέλληνας καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς, II. 530, has been properly
      condemned by the Alexandrine critics.

 2143 Or rather “_near_ Phthia.” Homer distinguishes Hellas and Phthia
      (Il. IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in
      later times included both.

 2144 Æginetica, p. 155.

 2145 Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. Βράδιον δὲ Πανελλήνεσσι φαείνει. Compare
      Strabo VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, that in the three most
      ancient passages in which the collective name of the Greeks occurs,
      viz., the verse in the Works and Days, the spurious line in the
      Iliad, and the passage in the Ἠοῖαι referred to by Strabo, they are
      called, not Ἕλληνες, but Πανέλληνες.

 2146 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

 2147 Hes. Theog. 129. 371.

 2148 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. according to a certain emendation. See book
      III. ch. 5. § 8.

 2149 Book III. ch. 12. § 5.

 2150 Book II. ch. 1. § 8.

 2151 See book I. ch. 1. § 9.

 2152 See particularly Plato de Leg. I. p. 636. VI. p. 752. Κνωσίους
      πρεσβεύειν τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων.

 2153 See Strabo X. p. 476. compare p. 481. after Ephorus.

 2154 Archilochus ap. Heraclid. Pont. πολιτ. Κρητῶν. fragm. 86. Gaisford.

 2155 Hom. Od. XIX. 175. sqq.

 2156 See book III. ch. 1. § 8.

 2157 The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does not
      agree, and must be an error. VII. 37.

 2158 Συλλεγομένων ἐς τωύτὸ τῶν περι την Ἑλλαδα Ἑλληνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω
      φρονεόντων, καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, Herod. VII. 145.

 2159 VII. 157. ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας Λακεδαιμόνιοί [τε καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι] καὶ οἱ
      τούτων σύμμαχοι. The words included in brackets are wanting in the
      family of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., and appear to be
      interpolated from c. 161.

 2160 Herod. VII. 176. where the words οἱ Ἕλληνες include both the troops
      and the congress.

 2161 The former in the first full-moon after the solstice, the latter
      about the second, Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453.

 2162 Diodorus speaks of a decree of this nature, but the oath on the
      Isthmus is a rhetorical invention, XI. 29.

 2163 Pericl. 39. παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια καὶ τοὺς γεγενημένους ὅρκους τοῖς
      Ἕλλησι.

 2164 Aristid. 21. γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔγραψεν
      Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα, συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ ἔκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν
      τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωροὺς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ
      πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων.

 2165 ἀναφορὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, Plutarch. Aristid. 24.