THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL 2, NO. 4, JULY, 1915***


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The New York Times

CURRENT HISTORY

A Monthly Magazine

THE EUROPEAN WAR

JULY, 1915




CONTENTS


THE LUSITANIA CASE
MR. BRYAN'S RESIGNATION
PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO BERLIN
THE LUSITANIA'S "GUNS"
Dr. Meyer-Gerhard's Mission
Germany's Press Opinion
Press Opinion of the Allies
American Comment on Mr. Bryan's Resignation
Mr. Bryan's Defense
Bryan, Idealist and Average Man
In the Name of Peace.
A World League to Enforce Peace
The League to Enforce Peace
German-American Dissent
Chant of Loyalty.
American Munition Supplies
A League for Preparedness
Przemysl and Lemberg
BELGIUM.
Battle of the Labyrinth
The Modern Plataea
A British Call For Recruits
The British Army in France
The Dardanelles Campaign
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS
Italy vs. Austria-Hungary
The Armed Strength of Italy
The Alpine Frontier
"Italy's Violation of Faith"
Why Italy Went to War
Britain's Cabinet and Munitions
Lloyd George's Appeal to Labor
Balkan Neutrality—As Seen By the Balkans
Portsmouth Bells
The Wanderers of the Emden
Civilization at the Breaking Point
"Human Beings and Germans"
Garibaldi's Promise.
The Uncivilizable Nation
Retreat in the Rain.
War a Game for Love and Honor
THE BELGIAN WAR MOTHERS
How England Prevented an Understanding With Germany
Germany Free!
Chronology of the War
To the Captain of the U----.




THE LUSITANIA CASE

President Wilson's Reply to Germany

Account of the Resignation of William J. Bryan as American Secretary
of State

     True to the intimation in his note to President Wilson, Mr.
     Bryan has made public in full his reasons for resigning
     while American relations with Germany were strained. His
     statements are given herewith, together with comments in
     Europe and America on the causes and consequences of Mr.
     Bryan's act. The German reply to President Wilson's note of
     May 13 on the Lusitania case and the American rejoinder of
     June 9; the sending to Berlin of Dr. Anton Meyer-Gerhard, as
     arranged by Ambassador von Bernstorff in the White House on
     June 4, in order to explain more fully to the German
     Government the American policy and public feeling in this
     country; the Stahl perjury case, relating to the German
     charge that the Lusitania was armed; the question whether
     the American steamer Nebraskan was torpedoed on May 26 in
     the German submarine "war zone"; the controversy over
     exportations to the Allies of American munitions of war: the
     agitation for a stronger army and navy in the United States,
     and the meeting in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, on June
     17, when 109 of the foremost men in the United States took
     steps toward forming a League of Peace among all the nations
     of the earth--these, as recorded below, form a new chapter
     in American history.


THE GERMAN MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR AT
BERLIN.

[TELEGRAM.]

No. 2,326.]

BERLIN, May 28, 1915.

The undersigned has the honor to make the following reply to the note
of his Excellency Mr. James W. Gerard, Ambassador of the United States
of America, dated the fifteenth instant, on the subject of the
impairment of many American interests by the German submarine war.

The Imperial Government has subjected the statements of the
Government of the United States to a careful examination and has the
lively wish on its part also to contribute in a convincing and
friendly manner to clear up any misunderstandings which may have
entered into the relations of the two Governments through the events
mentioned by the American Government.

With regard firstly to the cases of the American steamers Cushing and
Gulflight, the American Embassy has already been informed that it is
far from the German Government to have any intention of ordering
attacks by submarines or flyers on neutral vessels in the zone which
have not been guilty of any hostile act; on the contrary the most
explicit instructions have been repeatedly given the German armed
forces to avoid attacking such vessels. If neutral vessels have come
to grief through the German submarine war during the past few months
by mistake, it is a question of isolated and exceptional cases which
are traceable to the misuse of flags by the British Government in
connection with carelessness or suspicious actions on the part of the
captains of the vessels. In all cases where a neutral vessel through
no fault of its own has come to grief through the German submarines or
flyers according to the facts as ascertained by the German Government,
this Government has expressed its regret at the unfortunate occurrence
and promised indemnification where the facts justified it. The German
Government will treat the cases of the American steamers Cushing and
Gulflight according to the same principles. An investigation of these
cases is in progress. Its results will be communicated to the Embassy
shortly.[1] The investigation might, if thought desirable, be
supplemented by an International Commission of Inquiry, pursuant to
Title Three of The Hague Convention of October 18, 1907, for the
pacific settlement of international disputes.

[Footnote 1: Germany's apology and offer of reparation for the attack
on the Gulflight, together with a request for information in the case
of the Cushing, are conveyed in the following note, which was received
by the State Department in Washington from Ambassador Gerard on June
3, and laid before the Cabinet, and published on June 4:

     Referring to the note of May 28, the undersigned has the
     honor to inform his Excellency the American Ambassador of
     the United States of America, Mr. James W. Gerard, that the
     examination undertaken on the part of the German Government
     concerning the American steamers Gulflight and Cushing has
     led to the following conclusions:

     In regard to the attack on the steamer Gulflight, the
     commander of a German submarine saw on the afternoon of May
     1, in the vicinity of the Scilly Islands, a large merchant
     steamer coming in his direction which was accompanied by two
     smaller vessels. These latter took such position in relation
     to the steamer that they formed a regulation safeguard
     against submarines; moreover, one of them had a wireless
     apparatus, which is not usual with small vessels. From this
     it evidently was a case of English convoy vessels. Since
     such vessels are frequently armed, the submarine could not
     approach the steamer on the surface of the water without
     running the danger of destruction. It was, on the other
     hand, to be assumed that the steamer was of considerable
     value to the British Government, since it was so guarded.
     The commander could see no neutral markings on it of any
     kind--that is, distinctive marks painted on the freeboard
     recognizable at a distance, such as are now usual on neutral
     ships in the English zone of naval warfare. In consequence
     he arrived at the conclusion from all the circumstances that
     he had to deal with an English steamer, submerged, and
     attacked.

     The torpedo came in the immediate neighborhood of one of the
     convoy ships, which at once rapidly approached the point of
     firing; that the submarine was forced to go to a great depth
     to avoid being rammed. The conclusion of the commander that
     an English convoy ship was concerned was in this way
     confirmed. That the attacked steamer carried the American
     flag was first observed at the moment of firing the shot.
     The fact that the steamship was pursuing a course which led
     neither to nor from America was a further reason why it did
     not occur to the commander of the submarine that he was
     dealing with an American steamship.

     Upon scrutiny of the time and place of the occurrence
     described, the German Government has become convinced that
     the attacked steamship was actually the American steamship
     Gulflight. There can be no doubt, according to the attendant
     circumstances, that the attack is to be attributed to an
     unfortunate accident, and not to the fault of the commander.
     The German Government expresses its regrets to the
     Government of the United States concerning this incident,
     and declares itself ready to furnish full recompense for the
     damage thereby sustained by American citizens. It is left to
     the discretion of the American Government to present a
     statement of this damage, or, if doubt may arise over
     individual points, to designate an expert who would have to
     determine, together with a German expert, the amount of
     damage.

     It has not yet been possible by means of an inquiry to clear
     up fully the case of the American ship Cushing. Official
     reports available report only one merchant ship attacked by
     a German flying machine in the vicinity of Nordhind
     Lightship. The German aviator was forced to consider the
     vessel as hostile because it carried no flag, and, further,
     because of no recognizable neutral markings. The attack of
     four bombs was, of course, not aimed at any American ship.

     However, that the ship attacked was the American steamer
     Cushing is possible, considering the time and place of the
     occurrences. Nevertheless, the German Government accordingly
     requests of the American Government that it communicate to
     the German Government the material which was submitted for
     judgment, in order that, with this as a basis, a further
     position can be taken in the matter.

     The undersigned leaves it to the Ambassador to bring the
     foregoing to the immediate attention of his Government, and
     takes this opportunity to renew to him the assurance of his
     most distinguished consideration.

     VON JAGOW,
     Minister for Foreign Affairs.]

In the case of the sinking of the English steamer Falaba, the
commander of the German submarine had the intention of allowing
passengers and crew ample opportunity to save themselves.

It was not until the captain disregarded the order to lay to and took
to flight, sending up rocket signals for help, that the German
commander ordered the crew and passengers by signals and megaphone to
leave the ship within ten minutes. As a matter of fact he allowed them
twenty-three minutes and did not fire the torpedo until suspicious
steamers were hurrying to the aid of the Falaba.

With regard to the loss of life when the British passenger steamer
Lusitania was sunk, the German Government has already expressed its
deep regret to the neutral Governments concerned that nationals of
those countries lost their lives on that occasion. The Imperial
Government must state for the rest the impression that certain
important facts most directly connected with the sinking of the
Lusitania may have escaped the attention of the Government of the
United States. It therefore considers it necessary in the interest of
the clear and full understanding aimed at by either Government
primarily to convince itself that the reports of the facts which are
before the two Governments are complete and in agreement.

The Government of the United States proceeds on the assumption that
the Lusitania is to be considered as an ordinary unarmed merchant
vessel. The Imperial Government begs in this connection to point out
that the Lusitania was one of the largest and fastest English commerce
steamers, constructed with Government funds as auxiliary cruisers, and
is expressly included in the navy list published by British Admiralty.
It is moreover known to the Imperial Government from reliable
information furnished by its officials and neutral passengers that for
some time practically all the more valuable English merchant vessels
have been provided with guns, ammunition and other weapons, and
reinforced with a crew specially practiced in manning guns. According
to reports at hand here, the Lusitania when she left New York
undoubtedly had guns on board which were mounted under decks and
masked.

The Imperial Government furthermore has the honor to direct the
particular attention of the American Government to the fact that the
British Admiralty by a secret instruction of February of this year
advised the British merchant marine not only to seek protection behind
neutral flags and markings, but even when so disguised to attack
German submarines by ramming them. High rewards have been offered by
the British Government as a special incentive for the destruction of
the submarines by merchant vessels, and such rewards have already been
paid out. In view of these facts, which are satisfactorily known to
it, the Imperial Government is unable to consider English merchant
vessels any longer as "undefended territory" in the zone of maritime
war designated by the Admiralty Staff of the Imperial German Navy, the
German commanders are consequently no longer in a position to observe
the rules of capture otherwise usual and with which they invariably
complied before this. Lastly, the Imperial Government must specially
point out that on her last trip the Lusitania, as on earlier
occasions, had Canadian troops and munitions on board, including no
less than 5,400 cases of ammunition destined for the destruction of
brave German soldiers who are fulfilling with self-sacrifice and
devotion their duty in the service of the Fatherland. The German
Government believes that it acts in just self-defense when it seeks to
protect the lives of its soldiers by destroying ammunition destined
for the enemy with the means of war at its command. The English
steamship company must have been aware of the dangers to which
passengers on board the Lusitania were exposed under the
circumstances. In taking them on board in spite of this the company
quite deliberately tried to use the lives of American citizens as
protection for the ammunition carried, and violated the clear
provisions of American laws which expressly prohibit, and provide
punishment for, the carrying of passengers on ships which have
explosives on board. The company thereby wantonly caused the death of
so many passengers. According to the express report of the submarine
commander concerned, which is further confirmed by all other reports,
there can be no doubt that the rapid sinking of the Lusitania was
primarily due to the explosion of the cargo of ammunition caused by
the torpedo. Otherwise, in all human probability, the passengers of
the Lusitania would have been saved.

The Imperial Government holds the facts recited above to be of
sufficient importance to recommend them to a careful examination by
the American Government. The Imperial Government begs to reserve a
final statement of its position with regard to the demands made in
connection with the sinking of the Lusitania until a reply is received
from the American Government, and believes that it should recall here
that it took note with satisfaction of the proposals of good offices
submitted by the American Government in Berlin and London with a view
to paving the way for a modus vivendi for the conduct of maritime war
between Germany and Great Britain. The Imperial Government furnished
at that time ample evidence of its good will by its willingness to
consider these proposals. The realization of these proposals failed,
as is known, on account of their rejection by the Government of Great
Britain.

The undersigned requests his Excellency the Ambassador to bring the
above to the knowledge of the American Government and avails himself
of the opportunity to renew, &c.

VON JAGOW.




MR. BRYAN'S RESIGNATION


WASHINGTON, June 8, 1915.

My Dear Mr. President:

It is with sincere regret that I have reached the conclusion that I
should return to you the commission of Secretary of State, with which
you honored me at the beginning of your Administration.

Obedient to your sense of duty and actuated by the highest motives,
you have prepared for transmission to the German Government a note in
which I cannot join without violating what I deem to be an obligation
to my country, and the issue involved is of such moment that to remain
a member of the Cabinet would be as unfair to you as it would be to
the cause which is nearest my heart; namely, the prevention of war.

I, therefore, respectfully tender my resignation, to take effect when
the note is sent, unless you prefer an earlier hour.

Alike desirous of reaching a peaceful solution of the problems,
arising out of the use of submarines against merchantmen, we find
ourselves differing irreconcilably as to the methods which should be
employed.

It falls to your lot to speak officially for the nation; I consider it
to be none the less my duty to endeavor as a private citizen to
promote the end which you have in view by means which you do not feel
at liberty to use.[2]

[Footnote 2: In Washington dispatches of June 8, 1915, Mr. Bryan was
reported to have said at his home, when told of the formal
announcement of his resignation:

     In view of the announcement of my resignation, I will say
     that letters being made public therewith state my reasons,
     but I will have a more complete statement that will be given
     out when the American reply to the German note is sent,
     which probably will be tomorrow.

     My resignation takes effect as soon as the note has been
     forwarded.]

In severing the intimate and pleasant relations which have existed
between us during the past two years, permit me to acknowledge the
profound satisfaction which it has given me to be associated with you
in the important work which has come before the State Department, and
to thank you for the courtesies extended.

With the heartiest good wishes for your personal welfare and for the
success of your Administration, I am, my dear Mr. President, very
truly yours,

W.J. BRYAN.

[Illustration: THE HON. WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN

Formerly Secretary of State of the United States

(_Photo from Bain News Agency_)]


THE PRESIDENT TO SECRETARY BRYAN.

Washington, June 8, 1915.

My Dear Mr. Bryan:

I accept your resignation only because you insist upon its acceptance;
and I accept it with much more than deep regret, with a feeling of
personal sorrow.

Our two years of close association have been very delightful to me.
Our judgments have accorded in practically every matter of official
duty and of public policy until now; your support of the work and
purposes of the Administration has been generous and loyal beyond
praise; your devotion to the duties of your great office and your
eagerness to take advantage of every great opportunity for service it
offered have been an example to the rest of us; you have earned our
affectionate admiration and friendship. Even now we are not separated
in the object we seek, but only in the method by which we seek it.

It is for these reasons my feeling about your retirement from the
Secretaryship of State goes so much deeper than regret. I sincerely
deplore it.

Our objects are the same and we ought to pursue them together. I yield
to your desire only because I must and wish to bid you Godspeed in the
parting. We shall continue to work for the same causes even when we do
not work in the same way.

With affectionate regard,

Sincerely yours,

WOODROW WILSON.

To Hon. William Jennings Bryan,
  Secretary of State.


ROBERT LANSING, SECRETARY OF STATE AD INTERIM.

The White House, Washington, June 9, 1915.

The Hon. William Jennings Bryan having resigned the office of
Secretary of State, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States
of America, do hereby, in conformity with the provisions of Sections
177 and 179 of the Revised Statutes, and of the act of Congress
approved February 9, 1891, authorize and direct the Hon. Robert
Lansing, Counselor for the Department of State, to perform the duties
of the office of Secretary of State for a period not to exceed thirty
days, until a Secretary shall have been appointed and have qualified.

WOODROW WILSON.

[Illustration: THE HON. ROBERT J. LANSING

Who Was Called by the President to Take Charge of the State Department
after Mr. Bryan's Resignation

(_Photo from Paul Thompson_)]




PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO BERLIN


No. 1803.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 9, 1915.

American Ambassador, Berlin:

You are instructed to deliver textually the following note to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs:

In compliance with your Excellency's request I did not fail to
transmit to my Government immediately upon their receipt your note of
May 28 in reply to my note of May 15, and your supplementary note of
June 1, setting forth the conclusions so far as reached by the
Imperial German Government concerning the attacks on the American
steamers Cushing and Gulflight. I am now instructed by my Government
to communicate the following in reply:

The Government of the United States notes with gratification the full
recognition by the Imperial German Government, in discussing the cases
of the Cushing and the Gulflight, of the principle of the freedom of
all parts of the open sea to neutral ships and the frank willingness
of the Imperial German Government to acknowledge and meet its
liability where the fact of attack upon neutral ships "which have not
been guilty of any hostile act" by German aircraft or vessels of war
is satisfactorily established; and the Government of the United States
will in due course lay before the Imperial German Government, as it
requests, full information concerning the attack on the steamer
Cushing.

With regard to the sinking of the steamer Falaba, by which an American
citizen lost his life, the Government of the United States is
surprised to find the Imperial German Government contending that an
effort on the part of a merchantman to escape capture and secure
assistance alters the obligation of the officer seeking to make the
capture in respect of the safety of the lives of those on board the
merchantman, although the vessel had ceased her attempt to escape when
torpedoed. These are not new circumstances. They have been in the
minds of statesmen and of international jurists throughout the
development of naval warfare, and the Government of the United States
does not understand that they have ever been held to alter the
principles of humanity upon which it has insisted. Nothing but actual
forcible resistance or continued efforts to escape by flight when
ordered to stop for the purpose of visit on the part of the
merchantman has ever been held to forfeit the lives of her passengers
or crew. The Government of the United States, however, does not
understand that the Imperial German Government is seeking in this case
to relieve itself of liability, but only intends to set forth the
circumstances which led the commander of the submarine to allow
himself to be hurried into the course which he took.

Your Excellency's note, in discussing the loss of American lives
resulting from the sinking of the steamship Lusitania, adverts at some
length to certain information which the Imperial German Government has
received with regard to the character and outfit of that vessel, and
your Excellency expresses the fear that this information may not have
been brought to the attention of the Government of the United States.
It is stated in the note that the Lusitania was undoubtedly equipped
with masked guns, supplied with trained gunners and special
ammunition, transporting troops from Canada, carrying a cargo not
permitted under the laws of the United States to a vessel also
carrying passengers, and serving, in virtual effect, as an auxiliary
to the naval forces of Great Britain. Fortunately these are matters
concerning which the Government of the United States is in a position
to give the Imperial German Government official information. Of the
facts alleged in your Excellency's note, if true, the Government of
the United States would have been bound to take official cognizance in
performing its recognized duty as a neutral power and in enforcing its
national laws. It was its duty to see to it that the Lusitania was not
armed for offensive action, that she was not serving as a transport,
that she did not carry a cargo prohibited by the statutes of the
United States, and that, if in fact she was a naval vessel of Great
Britain, she should not receive clearance as a merchantman; and it
performed that duty and enforced its statutes with scrupulous
vigilance through its regularly constituted officials. It is able,
therefore, to assure the Imperial German Government that it has been
misinformed. If the Imperial German Government should deem itself to
be in possession of convincing evidence that the officials of the
Government of the United States did not perform these duties with
thoroughness the Government of the United States sincerely hopes that
it will submit that evidence for consideration.

Whatever may be the contentions of the Imperial German Government
regarding the carriage of contraband of war on board the Lusitania or
regarding the explosion of that material by the torpedo, it need only
be said that in the view of this Government these contentions are
irrelevant to the question of the legality of the methods used by the
German naval authorities in sinking the vessel.

But the sinking of passenger ships involves principles of humanity
which throw into the background any special circumstances of detail
that may be thought to affect the cases, principles which lift it, as
the Imperial German Government will no doubt be quick to recognize and
acknowledge, out of the class of ordinary subjects of diplomatic
discussion or of international controversy. Whatever be the other
facts regarding the Lusitania, the principal fact is that a great
steamer, primarily and chiefly a conveyance for passengers, and
carrying more than a thousand souls who had no part or lot in the
conduct of the war, was torpedoed and sunk without so much as a
challenge or a warning, and that men, women, and children were sent to
their death in circumstances unparalleled in modern warfare. The fact
that more than one hundred American citizens were among those who
perished made it the duty of the Government of the United States to
speak of these things and once more, with solemn emphasis, to call the
attention of the Imperial German Government to the grave
responsibility which the Government of the United States conceives
that it has incurred in this tragic occurrence, and to the
indisputable principle upon which that responsibility rests. The
Government of the United States is contending for something much
greater than mere rights of property or privileges of commerce. It is
contending for nothing less high and sacred than the rights of
humanity, which every Government honors itself in respecting and which
no Government is justified in resigning on behalf of those under its
care and authority. Only her actual resistance to capture or refusal
to stop when ordered to do so for the purpose of visit could have
afforded the commander of the submarine any justification for so much
as putting the lives of those on board the ship in jeopardy. This
principle the Government of the United States understands the explicit
instructions issued on August 3, 1914,[3] by the Imperial German
Admiralty to its commanders at sea to have recognized and embodied, as
do the naval codes of all other nations, and upon it every traveler
and seaman had a right to depend. It is upon this principle of
humanity as well as upon the law founded upon this principle that the
United States must stand.

[Footnote 3: The reference made by President Wilson in his first note
of May 13 to the German Government regarding the sinking of the
Lusitania to the "humane and enlightened attitude hitherto assumed by
the Imperial German Government in matters of international right, and
particularly with regard to the freedom of the seas," was based, it
was learned in Washington on June 12, upon the instructions of Aug. 3,
1914, which the German Government sent to its naval commanders. These
German rules are now in the possession of the State Department. While
no mention is made in them of submarine warfare, the extent and method
of the exercise of the right of search and the stoppage of ships is
prescribed with great nicety, and provision is made for the safety of
passengers and crew. After outlining the purpose of visiting and
searching vessels, the regulations state:

     All measures are to be carried out in a form whose
     observance, even against the enemy, will comport with the
     dignity of the German Empire and with a regard for neutrals
     conformable to the usages of international law and the
     German interest.

The method of signaling ships to be halted is prescribed, and it is
directed that "two successive blank charges are to be fired, and, if
necessary, a shotted charge over the ship" if the signals are not
obeyed. "If the ship does not then stop or makes resistance, the
Captain will compel her to stop," the instructions continue. After
specifying what ships may be captured and destroyed, the regulations
continue:

     Before destruction all persons on board, if possible with
     their personal effects, are to be placed in safety and all
     the ship's papers and other articles of evidence, which in
     the opinion of the interested parties are of value for the
     judgment of the prize court, are to be taken over by the
     Captain.]

The Government of the United States is happy to observe that your
Excellency's note closes with the intimation that the Imperial German
Government is willing, now as before, to accept the good offices of
the United States in an attempt to come to an understanding with the
Government of Great Britain by which the character and conditions of
the war upon the sea may be changed. The Government of the United
States would consider it a privilege thus to serve its friends and the
world. It stands ready at any time to convey to either Government any
intimation or suggestion the other may be willing to have it convey
and cordially invites the Imperial German Government to make use of
its services in this way at its convenience. The whole world is
concerned in anything that may bring about even a partial
accommodation of interests or in any way mitigate the terrors of the
present distressing conflict.

In the meantime, whatever arrangement may happily be made between the
parties to the war, and whatever may in the opinion of the Imperial
German Government have been the provocation or the circumstantial
justification for the past acts of its commanders at sea, the
Government of the United States confidently looks to see the justice
and humanity of the Government of Germany vindicated in all cases
where Americans have been wronged or their rights as neutrals invaded.

The Government of the United States therefore very earnestly and very
solemnly renews the representations of its note transmitted to the
Imperial German Government on the 15th of May, and relies in these
representations upon the principles of humanity, the universally
recognized understandings of international law, and the ancient
friendship of the German Nation.

The Government of the United States cannot admit that the proclamation
of a war zone from which neutral ships have been warned to keep away
may be made to operate as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights
either of American shipmasters or of American citizens bound on lawful
errands as passengers on merchant ships of belligerent nationality. It
does not understand the Imperial German Government to question those
rights. It understands it, also, to accept as established beyond
question the principle that the lives of non combatants cannot
lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or
destruction of an unresisting merchantman, and to recognize the
obligation to take sufficient precaution to ascertain whether a
suspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent nationality or is in
fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral flag. The Government
of the United States therefore deems it reasonable to expect that the
Imperial German Government will adopt the measures necessary to put
these principles into practice in respect of the safeguarding of
American lives and American ships, and asks for assurances that this
will be done.

ROBERT LANSING,
Secretary of State ad Interim.




THE LUSITANIA'S "GUNS"


_In a Washington dispatch of June 2, 1915, to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES,
_the following report appeared:_

In his conversation with President Wilson today the German Ambassador
said that he had obtained evidence through means of affidavits that
the Lusitania was an armed vessel, as asserted by the German
Government. The affidavits to which Count von Bernstorff referred have
been placed in possession of the State Department, which has turned
them over to the Department of Justice for an investigation as to the
statements sworn to and the character of the individuals making them.

[Illustration: HIS EXCELLENCY COUNT JOHANN VON BERNSTORFF

German Ambassador to the United States]

One of the affidavits is made by Gustav Stahl of 20 Leroy Street, New
York City. He says:

     On the day prior to the sailing of the Lusitania, I was
     asked by my friend, A. Lietch, who was employed as first
     cabin steward, to help him to bring his trunk aboard. In the
     course of the evening we went on board, without being
     hindered by the quartermaster on guard. After having
     remained some time in the "gloria," (steward's quarters,) we
     went to the stern main deck. About fifteen to eighteen feet
     from the entrance to the "gloria," on port and starboard,
     respectively, I saw two guns of twelve to fifteen
     centimeters. They were covered with leather, but the barrel
     was distinctly to be seen. To satisfy my curiosity I
     unfastened the buckles to ascertain the calibre of the guns.
     I could also ascertain that the guns were mounted on deck on
     wooden blocks. The guns were placed about three feet from
     the respective ship sides and the wall could be removed at
     that particular place.

     On the foredeck there were also two guns of the same calibre
     and covered in the same manner. They were placed at about
     fifteen to twenty feet from the entrance of the crew's
     quarters, and four feet from the ship side, where the wall
     could also be removed.

Josephine Weir, who describes herself as a New York boarding house
keeper, provided another affidavit. She swore that Lietch, who is
named in Stahl's statement, told her he was to sail on the Lusitania
as a steward, and when she spoke of the danger from German submarines,
he said:

"Oh, I am not afraid. We have four big brightly polished copper guns."

A man named Grieve has an affidavit that he heard Lietch make this
statement to Mrs. Weir.

In an affidavit furnished by one Bruckner it is stated that he saw a
cannon on the Lusitania. He was standing on the dock in New York at
the time, he avers.

The affidavits were supplied to the State Department by the German
Embassy in order to support the allegation, contained in the German
response to President Wilson's note of May 13, that the Lusitania was
an armed vessel.


By The Associated Press.

WASHINGTON, June 2.--The four affidavits as presented to the State
Department by the German Embassy alleging that guns were carried by
the Lusitania are believed to constitute the evidence to which the
German Government referred in its last note. Should it develop that
the Foreign Office had been misinformed, German diplomatists said, an
acknowledgment of the mistake would not be withheld.

These affidavits were not made public by either the embassy or the
State Department, but the character of the individuals who made them
and their testimony is being made the subject of a quiet
investigation. Those officials who had seen the statements, however,
were confident that they could not be accepted as disproving the
testimony given by Inspectors whose duty it was to search for guns.


THE ARREST OF STAHL.

_The following report appeared in_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _June 11, 1915:_

Gustav Stahl, the former German soldier who made an affidavit that he
saw four guns mounted on the Lusitania on the night before it sailed
from this port on its last voyage and who disappeared immediately
after the affidavit was made public, was produced by Secret Service
men before the Federal Grand Jury yesterday afternoon at a proceeding
to determine whether Paul Koenig, alias Stemler, who is the head of
the detective bureau of the Hamburg-American Line, and others unnamed,
had entered into a conspiracy to defraud the United States Government.
The fraud is not stated specifically, and the charge is a technical
one that may cover a variety of acts.

Stahl, who speaks little English, affirmed through an interpreter to
the Grand Jury that he had seen the guns on the Lusitania. He was
questioned for two hours and a half and told his story with great
detail.

As he was leaving the Grand Jury room he was arrested by United States
Marshal Thomas B. McCarthy on a complaint made on information and
belief by Assistant District Attorney Raymond H. Sarfaty that Stahl
had committed perjury in his testimony before the Federal Grand Jury.
Stahl was held in bail of $10,000 by United States Commissioner
Houghton and locked up in the Tombs.

Stahl was the only witness heard by the Grand Jury in the proceedings
against Koenig. It was learned that Stahl had been in conference with
Koenig before he made the affidavit, and that his affidavit had passed
through Koenig's hands before it went to Ambassador Bernstorff, who
submitted it to Secretary of State Bryan.

The proceedings against Koenig were initiated to establish the charge
that Koenig used improper influence to induce Stahl to make the
affidavit.

While Stahl was waiting in the Marshal's chamber in the Federal
Building, after his arrest, for the arrival of Edward Sandford, a
lawyer, of 27 William Street, who had been assigned to act as his
counsel, he was asked, through an interpreter:

"Would you be willing to spend twenty years in jail for your
Fatherland?"

"Make it a hundred!" he replied, in German, and then broke into a
hearty laugh.

Stahl is about 27 years old and slightly under middle size. He has a
round, somewhat rosy countenance, dark hair getting very thin in
front, and parted in the middle, dark-brown eyes and a small,
closely-cropped dark mustache. He was calm and smiling, ready with his
answers, and very insistent and emphatic in repeating that he had seen
the guns on the Lusitania.

He was neatly dressed in a dark mixed suit, with a new straw hat, a
green tie on which was a stickpin with a dog's head in porcelain,
brightly polished tan shoes, and lavender socks with scarlet-embroidered
flowers.

Following is the complaint on which he was held:

     Raymond H. Sarfaty, being duly sworn, deposes and says that
     he is an Assistant United States Attorney for the Southern
     District of New York.

     That on the 10th day of June, 1915, there was then and there
     pending before the Grand Jury of the United States in and
     for the Southern District of New York, a certain proceeding
     against one Paul Koenig, alias Stemler, and others, upon a
     charge of having conspired to defraud the United States, in
     violation of Section 37, U.S.C.C.; that on the said 10th day
     of June, 1915, the foreman of said Grand Jury, Frederick M.
     Delano, an officer duly empowered and qualified to
     administer oaths in the proceedings before said Grand Jury,
     duly administered an oath to the said Gustav Stahl, that he
     would testify to the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
     the truth, with respect to the aforesaid matter then being
     presented before the said Grand Jury; that the said Gustav
     Stahl, at the time and place aforesaid, and within the
     district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this
     court, after said oath was administered, knowingly and
     fraudulently committed perjury, and that he testified in
     part, in substance, and effect as follows:

     That on the 30th day of April, 1915, the said Gustav Stahl
     went aboard the steamship Lusitania at the City of New York,
     in the Southern District of New York, with one Neal J.
     Leach; that while on said steamship he saw four guns on one
     of the decks of said steamship, two forward and two aft;
     that the said guns were mounted on wooden blocks; that the
     said guns were covered with leather.

     That affiant is informed and believes, and therefore avers,
     that, whereas, in truth and in fact, the said Gustav Stahl
     did not, on the 30th day of April, 1915, go aboard the
     steamship Lusitania at the City of New York, in the Southern
     District of New York, with one Neal J. Leach, nor did he,
     the said Gustav Stahl, go aboard the steamship Lusitania on
     said last mentioned date; and the said Gustav Stahl did not
     see four guns on the deck of the said steamship, two
     forward and two aft, nor did he, the said Gustav Stahl, see
     four guns on the deck of said steamship mounted on wooden
     blocks; nor did he, the said Gustav Stahl, see four guns on
     the deck of said steamship covered with leather.

     That the said matters testified to before the said Grand
     Jury by the said Gustav Stahl, as aforesaid, were material
     matters in the investigation aforesaid; against the peace of
     the United States and their dignity, and contrary to the
     form of the statute of the United States in such case made
     and provided.

     That to disclose the source of affiant's information at this
     time might defeat the ends of justice.

     Wherefore, affiant prays that said Gustav Stahl may be
     arrested and imprisoned, or bailed, as the case may be.

This complaint was read to Stahl when he was taken before Commissioner
Houghton, being interpreted for him, sentence by sentence. When the
name of Neal J. Leach was read as the alleged steward who had taken
him aboard the Lusitania, Stahl exclaimed: "Not Neal." In his
affidavit he had described the steward as "A. Leach." A steward named
Neal J. Leach went down when the Lusitania was torpedoed.

When that part of the complaint was read which said that Stahl had not
seen guns on the Lusitania, he exclaimed in German:

"Yes, I did see them."

After the complaint had been read, Commissioner Houghton asked about
bail. Assistant District Attorney Roger B. Wood, who conducted the
proceedings before the Grand Jury, said:

"Ten thousand dollars, not a cent less."

Commissioner Houghton fixed bail at that figure. He then asked Stahl
if he had anything to say, and the prisoner replied:

"Before I say anything I would like to see several gentlemen."

Commissioner Houghton then asked if he had a lawyer. Stahl replied
that he had not, and that he had no means to employ one.

"Shall I assign one for you?" asked the Commissioner.

"No," replied Stahl; "I should like to have Mr. Sandford, who acted
for me yesterday and the day before."

He referred to Edward Sandford of 27 William Street, who was counsel
for Carl Buenz, a Director of the Hamburg-American Line, and for other
officials of that line, who were indicted by the Federal Grand Jury on
March 1 on the charge of conspiring against the United States by
making out false clearance papers and false manifests for the
collection of customs in connection with the steamships Fram,
Somerstadt, Lorenzo, and Berwind, which were loaded with coal and
provisions intended for the German cruiser Karlsruhe and the auxiliary
cruiser Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse.

Commissioner Houghton assigned Mr. Sandford as counsel for Stahl. The
Commissioner then asked Stahl if he had any friends in the room, to
which Stahl with a smile, replied in the negative.

"I would like to have the date of June 24 set for the hearing," said
Assistant District Attorney Wood. "The Grand Jury which is now holding
this investigation will probably continue its hearings until then."

Commissioner Houghton fixed the date accordingly.

After the hearing adjourned Stahl was asked where he had been since
his disappearance. He replied in German:

"I told the Grand Jury all I have to say."

He was asked where he would live if he got bail.

"I don't want anybody to know," he said. "I have had so many visitors
in the past few days that I don't want any more, if I can help it."

He was asked if he was a German reservist, and he replied that that
was his business. Other questions got the same response. He denied
that he knew Paul Koenig, the Hamburg-American detective, but he
admitted he knew Stemler, which is a name sometimes used by the
detective. When he was informed that he was to spend the night in the
Tombs he said:

"Will Stemler be with me?"

He seemed disappointed when he was told that he would have to go there
alone. Stahl was asked if Josephine Weir, who had signed a
corroborative affidavit, knew of his whereabouts during his hiding. He
refused to answer this question, but of Josephine Weir he said in
English:

"Oh, that's a nice girl."

Stahl sat smoking a cigar and laughing in the best of temper until a
flashlight powder was exploded unexpectedly. He put both hands to his
face and hid in a corner made by a wall and a filing cabinet, but when
he realized that his picture had been taken he ran to a man whom he
thought to be a Federal employe, and protested in German. A little
later Mr. Sandford arrived with another interpreter and went into
consultation with his client.

Stahl went to Albany on June 4, the day after his affidavit was made
public. While a search was being conducted in this city and
surrounding cities by Federal agents and newspapers, Stahl was in
hiding in Albany, his expenses there being paid for him by a
confidential adviser sent with him.

Instead of relaxing after a few days, the search for Stahl grew more
rigorous. When it was seen that there was little chance of keeping
Stahl in permanent seclusion and that the extraordinary character of
the disappearance of the German Ambassador's chief witness against the
Lusitania was arousing intense nationwide interest, Paul Koenig, the
Secret Service man of the Hamburg-American Line, decided that it would
be better if he were found at once.

On Monday of this week Koenig and Mr. Sandford called on Inspector
Lamb of the Customs Service and told him that Stahl was at Albany and
would be available if the Federal officials wanted him. Superintendent
William M. Offley, of the special agents of the Department of Justice,
had at that time some strong clues as to Stahl's whereabouts.

On Tuesday Stahl and his personal conductor arrived in this city from
Albany and were met by Superintendent Offley and Special Agents Adams
and Pigniullo. Stahl was taken to the office of Superintendent Offley
in the presence of Mr. Sandford, who was asked to take part in the
proceedings in the interests of fair play, although he was not then
Stahl's lawyer.

At this examination and at a second one held on Wednesday, Stahl
repeated his charge that he had seen guns on the Lusitania. He showed
great familiarity with the details of the construction of the
Lusitania.

At the end of the examination it was urged by representatives of the
Hamburg-American Line that Stahl should stay under the watch of the
Federal agents in order that, if he told a different story later,
there could be no charge that outsiders had tampered with him. Stahl
remained with the Government detectives on Tuesday, Wednesday and
yesterday, although he was not under arrest. When he appeared
yesterday before the Grand Jury it was under a subpoena.

Assistant District Attorney Wood said yesterday that the charge of
perjury had been lodged against Stahl on the strength of the statement
by the Collector of the Port, Dudley Field Malone, that there were no
guns aboard the Lusitania.

"We can bring fifty witnesses," he said, "to prove that the Lusitania
had no guns on board and that Stahl is guilty of perjury."

Mr. Wood was asked if there was any evidence that Stahl had ever been
in the employ of the German Consul-General at this port or of Captain
Boy-Ed, Naval Attaché of the German Embassy, who is said to be the
head of the German Secret Service here. Mr. Wood refused to discuss
either question. When he was asked if the investigation promised to
involve any man of importance, he said:

"I don't know. We are holding the Grand Jury investigation to find out
all that we can about the case."

After consulting with Stahl, Mr. Sandford said that he would not
represent the prisoner but would seek to get a good lawyer for him at
once. When asked if he represented Koenig, he refused to say. He was
asked if he knew anything about the charge against Koenig. He said:

"No. The charge of attempting to defraud the Government is a charge
on which the Government can get anybody at any time for anything."


CAPT. TURNER'S DENIAL.

_A London cable dispatch of June 15 to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _said:_

At the opening of the Court of Inquiry today into the torpedoing of
the steamship Lusitania on May 7, two outstanding points were vividly
impressed. One was that the Cunarder was unarmed. The other was that
the ship was proceeding at reduced speed, eighteen knots an hour, only
nineteen of her twenty-five boilers being used, the result of her
effort to save in coal and labor.

Sir Edward Carson, the Attorney General, in outlining the evidence in
the hands of the Crown, adverted impressively to President Wilson's
note to Germany on the sinking of the Lusitania in which the President
informed the German Government that it was wrong in assuming that the
Lusitania was equipped with masked guns and manned by trained gunners.
"We have ample evidence to disprove the German lie that the Lusitania
was armed," said the Attorney General. "Aside from the word of
witnesses we have that of President Wilson in his recent note to
Germany, based upon investigation made by officials under him. The
sinking of the Lusitania was murder."

Sir Edward lifted a newspaper clipping of the President's note from
the table and slowly read the passage disposing of the German
allegation that the Lusitania was an armed auxiliary.

Captain W.T. Turner, who seemed slightly grayer than before the
Lusitania was torpedoed, in that way alone showing the strain under
which he has been since his ship was sunk under him, gave evidence
that there was not one gun on the Lusitania's deck, and declared that
the German assertion that the steamer was armed was a "sheer lie."

[Illustration: CAPTAIN WILLIAM T. TURNER, R.N.R.

Commander of the R.M.S. _Lusitania_

(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood_)]


STAHL INDICTED FOR PERJURY.

_In_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _of June 19 appeared the following report of
the Grand Jury's indictment of Stahl on a charge of perjury and the
announcement that the Federal investigation will be continued:_

Gustav Stahl, the alleged German reservist, who made an affidavit that
he had seen guns on board the Lusitania on the day before she sailed
on her last voyage, was indicted on a charge of perjury by the Federal
Grand Jury yesterday. The perjury charge is based on his testimony
before the Grand Jury, during which examination he repeated that he
had seen the guns on the Lusitania as set forth in his affidavit filed
by the German Embassy in Washington and now in the hands of the State
Department.

The name of Paul Koenig, who, it is said, was known to Stahl as
Stemler, and who is the chief of the secret service of the
Hamburg-American Line, is mentioned by name in the indictment. The
indictment sets forth that on June 10 there was pending before the
Grand Jury an investigation concerning Koenig and others and that
Stahl was among the witnesses called in the course of that
investigation. It then goes on to say that Stahl testified in
substance and to the effect that on April 30 he went aboard the
Lusitania, then with one Leach, and that while on the vessel he saw
four guns on one of the decks of the steamship, two forward and two
aft, and all mounted on wooden blocks and covered with leather. The
indictment further charges that at the time of so swearing Stahl did
not believe it to be true that he had been on board the Lusitania and
had seen the four guns.

The indictment, in conclusion, charges that there were no guns upon
the decks of the Lusitania on April 30. "Therefore," the Grand Jury
charges, "that Stahl, after taking an oath before a competent officer
to truly depose and testify, did willfully, knowingly and feloniously
and contrary to his said oath, depose and state material matters which
were not true and which he did not then believe to be true, and
thereby did commit willful and corrupt perjury against the peace of
the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the
statute of the United States in such cases made and provided."

Stahl will be arraigned before Judge Russell in the criminal branch of
the United States District Court on Monday. He is now in the Tombs in
default of $10,000 bail. Should he be convicted of perjury he may be
sentenced to prison for five years or fined $10,000, or both.

The indictment of Stahl does not mean that the Government's
investigation of the Lusitania affidavits, and the way in which they
were procured, is at an end. On the other hand it is proceeding
vigorously. Three witnesses, all Government officials, were before the
Grand Jury yesterday in connection with the case. Heinz Hardenberg,
who was found in Cincinnati a week ago today and brought here to be
examined by the Grand Jury, has not yet appeared before that body,
although the Government agents insist they can produce him when his
testimony is desired.


THE NEBRASKAN CASE.

_An Associated Press dispatch dated at London on May 26, 1915,
reported:_

The American steamer Nebraskan, Captain Greene, from Liverpool May 24
for Delaware Breakwater, was torpedoed yesterday evening by a
submarine at a point forty miles west-southwest of Fastnet, off the
south coast of Ireland. [Captain Greene's report, given below, says
the Nebraskan was "struck by either mine or torpedo."]

The sea was calm at the time. The crew at once took to the boats and
stood by the steamer. It was soon ascertained that the Nebraskan was
not seriously damaged, but she had been struck forward, and her
foreholds were full of water.

The crew returned on board and got the vessel under way. No lives were
lost among the crew. The Nebraskan did not carry any passengers.

This information was received at the British Admiralty in London, and
it was at once communicated to the American Embassy.

Immediately she was struck the Nebraskan began calling for help by
wireless. Brow Head received the wireless communication at 9 P.M.
yesterday from Crookhaven.

A message to Lloyd's from Kinsale, Ireland, says that the Nebraskan
passed that point at 11 o'clock this morning. She was down at the
bows, but was proceeding under her own steam, and flying the signal:
"I am not under control."

The vessel passed Queenstown in the afternoon on the way to Liverpool.
She was proceeding at eight knots.

A message to The Star from Liverpool says that the name and
nationality of the Nebraskan were painted in large letters on her
sides. She was in water ballast.

A message to Lloyd's says that an armed trawler went to the assistance
of the Nebraskan and stood by her all night.

The report that the Nebraskan had been torpedoed caused surprise to
American officials here. Apparently the affair occurred before 9
o'clock last night.

Last evening was clear, and the period between 8 and 9 o'clock is the
twilight hour in the British islands at this season.

The German submarine campaign is continuing actively. Dispatches from
Norway state that the people of that country have been aroused by the
sinking last week of the Norwegian steamer Minerva and the attempt to
torpedo the Iris, which went to her assistance.

The steamer Cromer, loaded with passengers, had a narrow escape from
being torpedoed while bound for Rotterdam yesterday. A submarine fired
a torpedo without warning. It missed the ship by only fifteen yards.
According to the Captain's story, told to Rotterdam correspondents,
the periscope was seen 500 yards distant, and then the wash of the
torpedo, which was moving so rapidly that nothing could be done to
avoid it. The attack occurred at a point four miles north of North
Hinder Lightship.

_The first news of the Nebraskan having been disabled off the
southwest coast of Ireland was received on May 26, at the office of
the American-Hawaiian Line in a message from the Captain, which read:_

Struck by either mine or torpedo, forty-eight miles west of Fastnet.
Am steaming under convoy to Liverpool. Water in lower hold. No one
injured.

GREENE.

[Illustration: Map indicating sites of attacks on American ships or
American lives in the German submarine war zone. The damage to the
Nebraskan was sustained on May 25, last.]

_Three dispatches concerning the Nebraskan incident were received at
the State Department at Washington on May 26--one from Walter H.
Page, the American Ambassador in London, and two from Robert P.
Skinner, the United States Consul General in London. The dispatch from
the Ambassador said:_

Urgent. Report at midnight last night to British Admiralty from Lands
End states that American steamer Nebraskan torpedoed forty-five miles
south by west of Southcliffe, crew taking to boats. British trawler
standing by now reports Nebraskan still afloat and making for
Liverpool with four holds full of water. No lives reported lost.

_The first dispatch from Consul General Skinner was as follows:_

Admiralty reports American steamer Nebraskan, Liverpool for Delaware
Breakwater, torpedoed forty miles south by west of Fastnet. Crew in
boats. Standing by. Weather fine.

_The following cablegram came from the Consul General:_

Nebraskan proceeding to Liverpool under own steam about 8-1/2 knots,
crew having returned on board. Apparently no lives lost. Extent of
damage unknown.

_In an Associated Press dispatch from Crookhaven, Ireland, on May 26,
this report appeared:_

It was learned today that a submarine was seen last night off the
southern coast of Ireland. She was sighted soon after 9 P.M., near
Barley Cove, which is about ten miles from Fastnet. The mishap to the
steamer Nebraskan is reported to have occurred shortly before 9
o'clock, about forty miles from Fastnet.

A steamer was seen outside Crookhaven, which lies just north of Barley
Cove, at about 9 o'clock last night. As she approached in the
direction of Fastnet Lighthouse two loud reports of a gun were heard.
A boat in Crookhaven Harbor went in the direction of the steamer which
put about and was lost to sight.

Several residents of Crookhaven turned out and went along the shore,
keeping a sharp lookout. They sighted a submarine off Cove, near the
mouth of a little creek. One of the men on shore fired two shots with
a rifle at the man in the conning tower of the submarine. The
submarine dived immediately, but soon rose again further out. Three
more shots were fired at her and she again disappeared.

_The detailed report on the Nebraskan incident by Lieutenant Towers of
the American Embassy in London, as submitted by Ambassador Gerard to
the State Department, is thus described in a Washington dispatch to
THE NEW YORK TIMES of June 16, 1915:_

Evidence indicating that the American steamer Nebraskan was torpedoed
by a German submarine on May 25, was obtained by the State Department
today when it received a long mail report from Ambassador Page at
London containing the results of the investigation conducted by the
American Consul General at Liverpool upon the arrival of the Nebraskan
at that port.

Ambassador Page's mail report contained the detailed report made by
Lieutenant John H. Towers, Naval Attaché of the American Embassy at
London, who made a technical and expert examination of the Nebraskan
in drydock at Liverpool. Lieutenant Towers's report contained a number
of photographs of the shattered fore section of the hull of the
Nebraskan, but the most interesting feature of the report consisted of
exhibits in the form of what Secretary Lansing described as
"fragments of metal."

While officials would not make known the character of these fragments
or the details of the report until they had opportunity to carefully
examine the data, it was learned tonight that the report indicated
that the Nebraskan was torpedoed, and that the fragments sent with the
report consisted of portions of the shell of a torpedo, which were
found in the hull of the Nebraskan.

The report also contained the depositions of three of the officers of
the Nebraskan, taken by the Consul at Liverpool, including the
statement of the Captain and the Chief Engineer. The latter stated
that at 8:24 o'clock on the night of May 25, after the flag of the
Nebraskan had been hauled down, he observed a white streak in the
water perpendicular to the ship on the starboard side and a severe
shock was almost instantly felt, followed by a violent explosion
abreast of No. 1 hold.

The report of Lieutenant Towers showed that the hatch covers of No. 1
hold were blown off, also the cargo booms above it, and that the
bottom plating and pieces of the side of the ship were blown up
through two decks of the ship.


THE "FRAGMENTS OF METAL"

_The following appeared as a special dispatch from Washington to_ THE
NEW YORK TIMES, _dated June 17:_

Despite the extreme secrecy of officials, indications were abundant in
Washington tonight that the case of the American steamer Nebraskan,
believed to have been torpedoed by a German submarine, was assuming
great importance in the eyes of the United States Government. One
evidence of this is found in the unusual pains that are being taken to
determine by indisputable evidence whether the Nebraskan, which was
damaged by an external explosion off Fastnet Rock, on May 25, was the
victim of a torpedo or a mine.

Despite the reports forwarded by Ambassador Page, the Administration
is unwilling to base its conclusions in the Nebraskan case on the
verbal evidence it already possesses. It has determined upon an
independent expert, technical, and scientific examination of the
"fragments of metal" that have been sent by Ambassador Page, in
conjunction with the photographs that have been received. This
investigation is being conducted by experts of the Navy Department,
and will probably take about ten days. Robert Lansing, the Secretary
of State ad interim, refused tonight to discuss the "fragments of
metal" received from Ambassador Page in connection with the Nebraskan
case further than to say that the reports received yesterday, with the
photographs and accompanying exhibits, had been referred to the Navy
Department. Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, said tonight that
the report had been referred to experts of the Navy Department for a
confidential report to be submitted to the State Department.

Neither at the State Department nor from any official or officer of
the Navy Department was it possible to obtain any further clue as to
the character of the reports.

It was learned that the reports accompanying the set of photographs
and "fragments of metal" were not the original reports on the
Nebraskan case, made by Lieutenants Towers and McBride, which were
received by the State Department last week, but were in the nature of
a second set of supplementary reports, based on actual examination of
the battered bow of the Nebraskan and the technical examination of the
interior of her forward compartment. This examination was made by
Lieutenants Towers and McBride, while the Nebraskan was in a drydock
at Liverpool. Photographs of the interior and exterior of the
steamer's hull were taken by the naval experts.

The "fragments" in question will be analyzed metallurgically for the
purpose of ascertaining precisely what metal they contain. Generally
speaking, torpedoes are made of a higher grade of metal, within and
without, than that used in the construction of mines. The exterior
metal of torpedoes consists of nickel steel and copper, and the
interior mechanism includes the same kinds of metal and brass. The
exterior shell of a mine is generally made of less expensive material,
such as galvanized iron, but the interior mechanism and clock-work are
of finer metal.

In the examination being conducted by the Navy Department the
metallurgical nature of the fragments will be ascertained after their
size, shape, contour and character have been very carefully studied by
a large number of naval experts who will endeavor to ascertain not
only the character of the naval engine of destruction these fragments
once fitted, but also the particular portion of torpedo or mine the
fragments constituted. These studies and tests are to be conducted
partly in the Navy Department, partly at the Washington Navy Yard,
partly at the naval proving grounds at Indian Head, Md., and partly at
the experimental station at the Naval Academy at Annapolis.

All the naval experts in Washington qualified to have a hand in the
tests will be utilized. There are some naval experts outside of
Washington, within a few days' reach of the city, who will be summoned
here to participate in the examination. It is understood the
examination will continue about ten days before any report can be
formulated for submission to the State Department.

While this unusual care is being exercised in the tests of the
fragments, it is understood that there is nothing in the conclusions
thus far drawn in the reports to indicate that the fragments were once
part of a mine, and that the reports as they stand indicate that the
Nebraskan was hit by a torpedo. This is the conclusion the
Administration is expected to draw from the evidence unless the
technical examination of the fragments nullifies this evidence.




Dr. Meyer-Gerhard's Mission


_In a cable dispatch from Berlin, via London, dated June 2, 1915, the
following complaint of lack of official news from Washington and of
means for obtaining it was made known by the German Government:_

The German Foreign Office is unable to communicate with Count von
Bernstorff, the Ambassador at Washington, except by wireless in plain
language, and even this mode of communication is uncertain during
periods when the static conditions of the atmosphere are unfavorable.

Reports which reach the newspapers are regarded with suspicion, not
only because they come exclusively through British channels, but on
account of their contradictory character.

One set of reports intimates that the German counter-proposals have
been found to harmonize with Mr. Bryan's plan of providing for a
period of investigation in cases of international conflict, while
other advices reproduce various American editorials, declaring that
the German note is utterly unacceptable, and demanding that steps of
varying degrees of aggressiveness be taken.

While waiting, the time is being utilized by some of the more
aggressive German newspapers and writers of the type of Reventlow to
launch abusive articles against the United States and President
Wilson's policy, but the press and public generally seem desirous of
avoiding anything which might increase the tension between the two
Governments while the German note is under consideration. In this they
are acting in complete accord with the Foreign Office, which
apparently is sincerely anxious to preserve friendly relations with
the United States and deprecates any publication which would tend to
inflame the feelings either in Germany or America.

There seems to be no doubt that the Foreign Office would rejoice at a
solution consistent with German interests, and it is considered here
that one of the unfortunate features of the situation is the inability
of the Foreign Office to cope with the chronic firebrands of the
press.

_This complaint was followed by the news, published by The Chicago
Herald on June 4, that a special arrangement had been effected by
Ambassador Bernstorff in his conference with President Wilson on June
2, as follows:_

With the approval of the President of the United States, Count von
Bernstorff, the German Ambassador in Washington, has sent a special
agent to Berlin to discuss the American view of the Lusitania tragedy
with the German Government.

The agent is Dr. Anton Meyer-Gerhard. He sailed today for Denmark. It
is not believed that his voyage will be interfered with. Mr. Gerhard's
connection with the great question between the United States and
Germany has been guarded with the utmost secrecy. It leaked out only
when inquiries were made regarding his departure in such a hurry. Mr.
Gerhard himself could not be seen.

The suggestion that Mr. Gerhard go to Berlin was made by Count von
Bernstorff to the President at the White House conference on
Wednesday. The Ambassador described to the President the difficulties
he experienced in transmitting information to his Government. He
cannot use the cables, which are in the possession of the Allies. So
far as wireless is concerned, conditions make it almost impossible to
send anything but the briefest dispatches. As a result, Germany is not
well informed in regard to the reasons controlling the policy of the
Administration or the state of public sentiment. If his Government
were adequately informed the Ambassador is confident that it would
look at the demands of the United States in a different fashion.

The President apparently appreciated the view presented by the
Ambassador. In any event, he authorized him to send an agent to
Berlin, and it is presumed that thereupon he was apprised of the
identity of the man selected. Count von Bernstorff vouched for Mr.
Gerhard as thoroughly informed on the entire diplomatic situation as
well as upon the condition of public sentiment. In addition, he is
carrying full explanatory reports from the Ambassador himself.

[Dr. Meyer-Gerhard arrived in Berlin via Copenhagen on June 16 and
reported at the German Colonial Office. While en route The Providence
Journal and The New York Tribune published stories, varying in detail,
to the effect that the United States Government had been hoaxed into
obtaining safe conduct into Germany for a Dr. Alfred Meyer, reported
to be a German buyer of munitions of war in this country, either under
the name of Dr. Anton Meyer-Gerhard, falsely given, or under
Meyer-Gerhard's protection. On receiving assurances to the contrary
from Count von Bernstorff, Secretary Lansing announced on June 18 that
the charge was false.]




Germany's Press Opinion


_Editorial comment of the German newspapers on President Wilson's note
of June 9 was reported by_ THE TIMES _staff correspondent in Berlin on
June 12 as being "surprisingly restrained and optimistic." Captain L.
Persius, the naval critic of the Berliner Tageblatt, which is close to
Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, writing under the caption, "On the Way to an
Understanding," said:_

An agreement is possible and the Washington Government shows an honest
desire to arrive at an agreement. This is characteristic of the
American note. There is no evidence of rattling the sabre, as those
who viewed American statesmen and American conditions rightly
anticipated. The hopes of our enemies who have already rejoiced at the
thought that the Stars and Stripes soon would be floating beside the
union jack and the tricolor are proved false, and one can anticipate
that the answer of our Government will put aside that last stumbling
block to doing away with all differences. The note indicates that
America by no means takes the position that the German Admiralty must
issue an order to end the submarine warfare before any negotiations
can be entered upon. Giving up submarine warfare is only hinted at by
implication. Germany's humanity is appealed to entirely in general
terms and merely the expectation is expressed that the lives of
American citizens and their property will be spared in the future.

A willingness is expressed to help make England give up the plan to
starve out Germany. The giving up of the attempt to starve Germany out
on the part of England is the most important point for us. The main
interest will centre in future upon it. Will England declare herself
ready to return to the basis of the London Declaration? Will she no
longer place any difficulties in the way of neutral commerce, and in
particular will she remove the declaration of the North Sea as a war
zone? We will wait and see if the English statesmen have learned that
Germany can't be starved. We can await Great Britain's decision with
quietness.

_The evening edition of the Vossische Zeitung said:_

President Wilson's note creates no new situation between Germany and
America, but its honorable and carefully weighed tone will help to
clear up the existing situation. There can be no difference of opinion
about Mr. Wilson's final aim--that the lives of peaceful neutrals must
be kept out of danger. What we can do and what America must do to
achieve this will require negotiations between us and America, which
must be conducted with every effort toward being just and by
maintaining our standpoint in the friendliest spirit.

_The Lokalanzeiger commented:_

The colored reports spread by our enemies are not borne out by the
text, which contains no trace of an ultimatum. The tone is friendly
and free from all brusqueness. The contents are only a rewriting of
the earlier standpoint, and it will be a matter for further
negotiations to state again the arguments advanced by Germany and to
justify them. It would be premature to comment on individual points,
particularly those of a technical nature. One can rejoice, however,
that the Wilson note is so couched as not to preclude a possibility
for further negotiations promising success.

He gives the German Government an opportunity to send further proofs
in the Lusitania case and declares his willingness to negotiate
between Germany and England relative to mutual concessions having a
bearing on submarine warfare. This offer, to be sure, would have been
decidedly more valuable if he had expressed a willingness to take the
initiative. But be that as it may, in the further negotiations America
will see that on the German side exists an honorable desire to deal
with friendly suggestions in a friendly spirit. In any event, the
situation resulting from the American note is such that it is apparent
that in the statement trumpeted abroad that America had also entered
the ranks of our enemies the wish was father to the thought.

_The widely read Mittag Zeitung said of the note:_

The alarming messages which the Reuter Bureau appended to the Bryan
resignation must be all taken back today. There is neither an
ultimatum nor any threatening language toward Germany in the note. To
be sure, the difference between America's and Germany's conception of
the submarine warfare remain. The Americans for the present simply
will not see that the best protection against endangering the lives of
American citizens is for Americans not to go aboard English ships.

Over the question of whether the Lusitania carried ammunition or not,
which for us is not in question, the present inquiry will throw some
light. In any case, the English hope and prophecy that the new note
would mean a rupture in the German-American negotiations have not been
fulfilled. For everything else we can wait with calmness.

_The morning edition of the Vossische Zeitung, commenting on the
summary, merely said:_

The contents and tone of this note make it inexplainable that the
break between Wilson and Bryan was on its account. After Bryan's
declarations we had expected a note which might conjure up danger of a
German-American war. Mr. Bryan, who heads all the American peace
associations and likes to hear himself popularly referred to as the
Prince of Peace, apparently wants to appear as the savior from this
danger for reasons of internal politics, so as to win peace friends
among the German-Americans, Irish, and Jews with a view to the
Democratic Presidential nomination. Mr. Wilson, on the other hand,
hopes as negotiator between England and Germany to play the rôle of
arbiter mundi and through a great success in foreign politics assure
his position at home. The new Secretary, Mr. Lansing, has been long
considered a coming man. He has by no means been considered an
out-and-out friend of England.

_The Morgen Post, in a particularly sane two-column editorial,
expresses Germany's genuine satisfaction over America's hearty offer
of good offices, and says:_

There is no tinge of threat or high-handed tone toward Germany in the
note. On the contrary, its tone is quiet though earnest throughout,
and in several places it strikes a note of whole-hearted friendship
and seeks to leave a way open for further friendly negotiations. No
doubt the German Government will accept America's proffered good
offices with pleasure. It will be interesting to see what attitude the
English will now take. If they will revise the contraband list set up
by themselves and desist from making difficulties for neutral commerce
with Germany, and, above all, let foodstuffs and textile raw materials
through unhindered to Germany, then so far as we are concerned the
submarine warfare can cease.

Let the English continue to violate international law whereby they
forced us to resort to the use of the submarine as a weapon against
their commerce, and we will never allow ourselves to be persuaded to
give up this weapon, the only one we have to protect us against
violation at the hands of England and with which we can punish England
for her unlawful conduct. Should America's good offices prove to be in
vain it will be not ours but England's fault, and the Americans will
then readily understand that the reproach of an inhuman mode of
warfare must be laid at the doors of England and not Germany.

It will soon be seen whether President Wilson employs the same measure
of energy against the English as against us. We sincerely hope so
because of the friendly, hearty tone of his note. "The American
Government cannot admit that the proclamation of a war zone may be
made to abbreviate the rights of American citizens?" Really not? We
recall that at the beginning of the war England declared the whole
North Sea as a war zone and the Americans did not get excited at that
time. We had a right to protest bitterly at America's attitude then,
but we will forget about it at the present moment. America has
proffered her good offices, and we will not doubt that her intentions
are honorable and meant in good faith.

_Paul Michaelis, in the Tageblatt, said:_

It is certain that the note does not simplify the serious situation,
and it is equally certain that it does not completely bar the way to
a peaceful and friendly understanding. The American Government holds
fast to the principle that submarine warfare on merchantmen is
inconsistent with the principles of justice and humanity, but the
German Government has never left the slightest doubt that it only
decided on the submarine warfare because the English method of
scorning all previous rules of naval warfare forced Germany to a
counter-war on commerce with the submarine.

But there seems to be no reason why the German and American
Governments should not get together in a joint discussion looking
toward some other form of naval warfare. This presupposes that
England, which took the first step in the commerce war, also takes the
first step to end it. At the same time the question must be
investigated of how ammunition shipments to our enemies can be
reconciled with the eternal principles of humanity featured by the
American note.

While there may be some practical difficulties, there can be no doubt
of Germany's willingness to help to bring about a modification of the
naval war along more humane lines. The answer to the American note
must, of course, take most carefully into account all the diplomatic,
political, and military exigencies, and it will be several weeks
before it is ready to be handed to the American Ambassador, especially
as we must wait to hear Dr. Meyer-Gerhard.

But it must be said now that the German people, now, as formerly, lay
great value on a continuation of unclouded relations with the United
States, whose war for freedom it once greeted with rejoicing, and
within whose borders millions of Germans have found a new home.

_Count Reventlow, Germany's "enfant terrible" who has been a
consistent thorn in the flesh of the German Foreign Office because of
his anti-American utterances, struck a surprisingly restrained and
moderate tone in the Tageszeitung:_

The question is not how it may be possible to do away with all
differences of opinion under all circumstances, but whether it is at
all possible to do away with them without rendering the submarine war
impotent. This standpoint contains nothing unfriendly, nothing brusque
against the United States. The practical question remains whether we
can preserve our German standpoint and still come to an understanding
with America. If Mr. Wilson holds to his non-recognition of the war
zone, with all its corollaries, then we cannot see how we can possibly
come to a real understanding.

On the other hand, the question arises whether President Wilson would
continue to cling to that standpoint if certain modifications and
mutual guarantees could be brought about which under certain
circumstances would render American passenger traffic safe.

_A newspaper war between advocates of a friendly settlement and the
"no compromise" representatives soon began to rage. Naval writers in
particular urged that Germany could not afford to yield an iota
regarding the principles and practice of submarine warfare, but the
very violence of their attacks upon the advocates of an understanding
indicates that the latter are not without influence._

_The Cologne Gazette points out editorially that the German press in
general has shown satisfaction that President Wilson's communication
offers opportunity for an understanding, and expresses the belief that
diplomacy on both sides of the Atlantic will work with zeal and
good-will to this end. It adds:_

It is quite certain the German Government, at least, will do this, and
will be generally supported therein by the people. It would be pure
imbecility to seek to drag in without necessity a ninth or tenth enemy
for ourselves, even though its participation in the war should be
limited to supplying the Quadruple Alliance with money and munitions.
We say without necessity; for recognition of the fact that Germany is
acting in self-defense in using the torpedoes of its submarines
against hostile merchantmen so long as England maintains its business
blockade against us should, we believe, be a condition which the
United States should recognize as preliminary to negotiations.

_In a leading article entitled "Bad Advice" the Cologne Gazette takes
the Lokalanzeiger to task for attempting to palliate the British
"starving-out policy" and exportations from America of war supplies.
Conceding that the cutting off of supplies is an accepted method of
warfare, it states that international law provides expressly that this
weapon may be used only in the form of an effective blockade. It holds
that no effective blockade of the German coasts has been declared,
however, and that Germany therefore is deprived of the possibility of
taking action against blockading ships._

_Regarding the exportation of munitions from the United States, the
Gazette adopts the argument of Philip Zorn, German member of The Hague
Tribunals, that, although the convention adopted at The Hague
justifies sales by private firms, a neutral State is bound to prohibit
sales of this nature when the commerce in arms assumes such magnitude
that continuation of war is directly dependent thereon. He says:_

"That the German representatives [at The Hague] voted in favor of
permission to deliver arms is incontestable," the article continues,
"but there is a great difference between stamping every sale of arms
by a private firm in a neutral State as a violation of international
law--this was what the German representatives objected to--and arguing
that to supply enormous quantities to one group of belligerents alone,
and to devote practically the entire available industry of a country
thereto, is consonant with the spirit of true neutrality."

_Captain von Kuehlwetter, the naval expert of the Tag, points out that
the American note passes over in silence the German representations
regarding the British Admiralty's instructions to merchantmen to seek
cover under neutral flags and to attack submarines under this cover.
He declares this is the kernel of the whole argument and the
justification for the German policy. He adds:_

If a submarine attacks such a ship there is an outcry about barbarians
who violate international law and endanger innocent neutral
passengers, but if a ship attacks a submarine then it is a brave act
of a daring shipper, to whom is given a commission, a gold watch, and
a diploma.




Press Opinion of the Allies


BRITISH COMMENT.

_A.G. Gardiner, editor of The London Daily News, writing in that paper
on June 12, says the rupture between President Wilson and Mr. Bryan is
one of the great landmarks of the war. He goes on:_

Whatever other significance the event may have, it is conclusive
evidence of the failure of German diplomacy in America. The Kaiser has
made many miscalculations about nations and about men, but no greater
miscalculation than that which he has made in regard to President
Wilson and the United States.

He is not alone in that. There has been a good deal of ignorance on
the same subject in this country. In the early stages of the war there
was a mischievous clamor against the United States in a section of the
press, which has never quite got rid of the idea that America is only
a rather rebellious member of our own household, to be patronized when
it does what we want and lectured like a disobedient child when it
does not.

President Wilson has assumed in these ill-informed quarters to be a
timid academic person, so different from that magnificent tub thumper,
Roosevelt, who would have been at war with Mexico in a trice, and
would, it was believed, have plunged into the European struggle with
or without an excuse.

If there was misunderstanding here on this subject, we cannot be
surprised that the Kaiser blundered so badly. He, too, believed in the
schoolmaster view of Woodrow Wilson. A man who had refused such a
golden opportunity of annexing Mexico must be a timid, invertebrate
person, who had only to be bullied in order to do what he was told.
Moreover, was there not a great German population to serve as a whip
for the Presidential blank and see that he did not send the polite,
the gracious, the supple Prince von Bülow to Washington?

That courtly gentleman was dispatched to Italy to charm the Italian
Nation into quiescence. For the Americans he needed another style of
diplomacy, and he sent thither the stout and rather stupid Dernburg to
let President Wilson and the Americans know that Germany was a very
rough customer and would stand no nonsense from anybody.

It was a fatal blunder, the blunder of a people who had been so
blinded by materialism that they do not seem to have so much as the
consciousness that there is such a thing as moral strength on earth.
No one who had followed with intelligent understanding the career of
President Wilson could have doubted that he had to deal with a man of
iron, a man with a moral passion as fervid as that of his colleague
Bryan, but with that passion informed by wide knowledge and controlled
by a masterful will, a quiet, still man, who does not live with his
ear to the ground and his eye on the weathercock, who refuses to buy
popularity by infinite hand-shaking and robustous speech, but comes
out to action from a sanctuary of his own thoughts, where principle
and not expediency is his counselor.

It is because no man in a conspicuous position of the democratic world
today is so entirely governed by principle and by moral sanctions that
President Wilson is not merely the first citizen of the United States,
but the first citizen of the world.

_The Daily Chronicle says:_

President Wilson's note gives Germany every opportunity of saving her
face if she desires to do so. Not only is it phrased in the most
friendly terms, but it invites a submission of further evidence
regarding the Lusitania's alleged guns and even the resumption of
negotiations with Great Britain through American intermediacy. Here
are the vistas of a negotiation which might keep the diplomatists of
Berlin and Washington happily employed till the war is over; only the
President insists once more that the submarine outrages must stop
while the negotiations are in progress. It is this last point, firmly
submitted at the end of the note, which gives significance to the
whole. Obviously, without it the note would be nothing but an
abdication on the part of the United States, and it is because it is
not that Mr. Bryan disapproves it.

We do not question the sincerity of Mr. Bryan's attachment to the
cause of arbitration; but it is strange that he does not see what a
disservice he does to arbitration by accepting and preaching a
travesty of it. When there is litigation between individuals over an
alleged wrong, the first condition is that the wrong shall stop for
the interim--a result effected through an interim injunction between
nations. There is no judge to grant such an injunction. It has to be
obtained by mutual consent unless it is obtained by arbitration. It
simply means a license to the wrongdoer to continue his wrongdoing for
as long as he can make the arbitration last, which, where the time is
important, will be all that he wants. To accept such a doctrine, as
Mr. Bryan apparently does, is simply to put a premium on the
wrongdoing and a very heavy discount on arbitration.

_The Morning Post comments as follows:_

Mr. Bryan resigned, according to his own explanation, because he
thought President Wilson's note to Germany would endanger the cause of
peace. It might, therefore, have been supposed that the American note
was to be a departure from the previous American policy; but now that
President Wilson's note is published we are puzzled to find the
reason for Mr. Bryan's action. The note contains nothing new; it
merely affirms in a friendly manner the position taken up by the
United States--a position founded upon the generally accepted
principles of international law. It testates the claim which America
has always made, that a belligerent has no right to sink a presumably
innocent merchantman and endanger the lives of its crew and
passengers, but must first determine the character of its cargo and
establish its contraband nature and must secure the safety of the
people on board. This is obviously a stand in the cause of humanity.
We might call it the irreducible minimum of the rights of neutrals;
for it is clear that, if a Government allows its subjects to be slain
in cold blood and its ships to be destroyed, it abandons the primary
function of a Government.

_The Daily Mail says:_

The first impression made upon most readers of the new American note
to Germany will be, we suspect, that it is extremely polite and quite
harmless. They will ask in wonder what Mr. Bryan could have found in
it sufficiently menacing to call for his resignation. To many people
it will seem that Mr. Bryan altogether misjudged the effect of the
American reply. They will find it difficult to believe that any
diplomatic dispatch could in the circumstances be more courteous or
more restrained. It observes all the forms of international
politeness, with, if anything, almost exaggerated punctiliousness.

Yet it is possible that Mr. Bryan is as nearly right as he ever is.
The vital passages in the note are those in which the United States
Government "very earnestly and very solemnly renews the
representations of its note" of May 15, and again asks for assurances
that American lives and American ships shall not be endangered on the
high seas. In other words, the United States still presses for an
official disavowal of the acts of German submarine commanders, still
demands reparation for the American lives lost in the Lusitania, and
still calls for a promise that no similar outrage will be perpetrated
in future.

_The Daily Telegraph says:_

The note presented to Germany on behalf of the United States
Government is a firm and courteous document--the courtesy at least as
obvious as the firmness--stating the position of the President very
much on the lines expected, and leaving us to wonder even more than we
did before why Bryan thought it necessary to resign his Secretaryship.
The spirit of the second note is exactly that of the first.

_Following is The London Times comment:_

The gist of President Wilson's note lies in the last half dozen words
and proceeds. It remains to be seen what answer will be made to this
categorical demand. The general opinion in the United States appears
to be that it will not be a refusal. Germany, it is thought, will
begin by making concessions enough to prevent the abrupt conclusion of
conversations, and will finally extend them sufficiently to preserve
friendly relations with the Republic.

It would be rash to express a decided view, but we shall not be
surprised should this forecast prove to be correct. The feeling in
Germany is very bitter against the Government and people of the United
States; but it seems unlikely that the Government in Berlin will allow
the ill-temper of the public to influence its conduct. The
semi-official Lokalanzeiger is already deprecating an unfriendly
attitude toward the United States. There is nothing in the note to
suggest that a policy such as the American newspapers seem to expect
from Germany would be doomed to failure. The American people, we are
told, are determined to attain their ends, but they welcome every
prospect of attaining them by peaceful means.

The note, it is observed, not only does not shut out further
conversations, but gives a distinct opening for them by its treatment
of von Jagow's renewed intimation that Germany would gladly accept
American good offices in negotiations with this country as to the
character and conditions of maritime war. The Wilhelmstrasse can
discover in this and some other passages material for procrastination
if it so desires.


PRAISE FROM CANADA.

_The Daily Standard of Kingston, Ont., commenting on June 11, says:_

President Wilson's second message to Germany will rank with his first
one as a document that at once convinces and convicts--convinces of
the sincerity of the President that he is "contending for nothing less
high and sacred than the rights of humanity," and convicts the nation
to whom it is addressed of being responsible for the fact that the
men, women, and children on the Lusitania were sent to their death
under circumstances "unparalleled in modern warfare."

The note is not only dignified and statesmanlike, but it breathes a
spirit of tolerance and Christianity that is as noteworthy as it is
admirable. There is in it not even a suggestion of a threat, no word
of bluster, no breath of jingoism. It is sound, sensible, firm,
resolute, self-contained, magnanimous even. It does not incite to war,
but, instead, appeals to the highest principles of justice and right.

But though the words are conciliatory and the spirit admirable, there
is not the least abatement of the insistence upon the principles which
the President formulated in his earlier message and laid down for the
guidance of Germany and for the protection of the American people. The
way is now open to Germany either for peace or for war. The decision
is left with her.


FRENCH COMMENT.

_The Temps of June 12 says:_

Germany must choose between having the services of America in
proposing to the Allies a moderation of their blockade, conducted with
the strictest humanity, and the cessation of torpedoing neutral ships,
the continuation of which exposes Germany to a diplomatic rupture with
the United States, if not to war. Assuredly this prospect caused
Bryan's resignation.

_La Liberté says of the note:_

It is in every way worthy of a great country conscious of its dignity,
its rights, and its duties. It has not the tone of an ultimatum, since
it is couched in courteous terms, but it is energetic, and it requires
Germany finally to cease recourse to false expedients.

_The Journal des Débats, in discussing the note, says:_

The United States, representing in this case the civilized world,
places the sacred rights of humanity above considerations of the
military order, to which Germany subordinates everything. They are
resolved, so far as concerns American subjects, to have those rights
respected.

The essence of the note is, first, measures required by humanity must
be taken, and afterward, if desired, will come discussions of a new
regulation of naval warfare. If Germany insists on putting herself
outside the pale of humanity she will suffer the consequences.


ITALIAN COMMENT.

_The Corriere della Sera of June 12 compares the attitude of Secretary
Bryan to that of former Premier Giolitti, leader of the party which
sought to prevent war with Austria. It says Mr. Bryan's action
probably will have the same effect in America that Signor Giolitti's
intervention had in Italy, and that it will strengthen public opinion
in favor of President Wilson._

It will give him greater power in this important moment, defeating men
who are ready to lower the prestige and honor of the country.

_The Tribuna says:_

The United States, the greatest neutral nation, has with this document
assumed a special rôle, that is, the defense not of a particular group
or interest, but the interest of civil humanity; to guard those
principles of common right which above any particular right constitute
the sacred patrimony of humanity. She raises her voice, whose firmness
is not diminished by the courtesy of the language.

We do not know if Germany will be able to understand the significance,
but if she does not she will commit a grave error--the gravest perhaps
in the immense series made by her in this war. Mr. Wilson seems to
persevere in the hope that Germany will listen to the American
admonition. Germany must not forget that the longer the hope the more
violent will be the reaction.

_The Idea Nazionale says:_

The note is not only not a declaration of war or the prelude to a
declaration of war, but a species midway of humanitarian
sentimentalism and lawyerlike arguments which can have, at least for
the present, but one consequence, that of encouraging Germany in
intransigentism--that is, the maintenance of her point of view
regarding naval warfare.




American Comment on Mr. Bryan's Resignation


THE NEW YORK TIMES _of June 14, 1915, presented the following
condensed quotations condemning unsparingly Mr. Bryan's retirement
from the Secretaryship of State, gathered from newspapers throughout
the United States, and classified according to their professions of
political faith:_


DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPERS.

_From The New York World._

Unspeakable treachery, not only to the President, but to the nation.

_From The Buffalo Enquirer._

If Mr. Bryan goes on, he will share the detestation of the most
despised character in American history.

_From The Buffalo Courier._

The new note to Germany puts Emperor William and former Secretary
Bryan in the same hole.

_From The Utica Observer._

He turns tail in the face of a crisis and seeks refuge by counseling
dishonor.

_From The Louisville Courier-Journal, (Henry Watterson.)_

Treason to the country, treachery to his party and its official head.

_From The Portland (Me.) Eastern Argus._

Bryan's announced campaign has something of the character of submarine
warfare.

_From The Helena (Mon.) Independent._

As much mistaken in this instance as in years gone by.

_From The Lexington (Ky.) Herald._

His propaganda is designed and intended "to defeat the measures of the
Government of the United States" in violation of Section 5, [of the
law of treason.]

_From The Mobile Register._

If Germany is misled into actions still further violative of our
rights, the resultant hostility will be very largely attributable to
Mr. Bryan.

_From The Columbia (S.C.) State._

The President's clear head may now be trusted the more that his
methods of thinking are relieved of opposition in the Cabinet.

_From The Montgomery Advertiser._

He will go back to his first love, agitation.

_From The Richmond Times-Dispatch._

Wilson, not Bryan, strikes the note to which the hearts of the
American people respond.

_From The Savannah News._

The people are following the President and not Mr. Bryan.

_From The Austin (Texas) Statesman._

Mr. Bryan's diplomacy has not been of the type that has inspired the
confidence of the American people.

_From The Charleston News and Courier._

The bald and ugly fact will remain--he deserted his chief and his
Government in the midst of an international crisis.

_From The Memphis Commercial-Appeal._

Mr. Bryan's views, turned into a national policy, would mean national
suicide.

_From The Brooklyn Eagle._

An obstacle has seen fit to remove itself; it has substituted harmony
for discordance.

_From The Boston Post._

Mr. Bryan has shabbily infringed that good American doctrine that
politics should end at the water's edge.

_From The Baltimore Sun._

The Germans torpedo one "Nebraskan." Oh, for a "Busy Bertha" that
could effectually dispose of the other one!

_From The Charlotte Observer._

The country simply was afraid of him.

_From The Cleveland Plain Dealer._

He is a preacher of disloyalty.

_From The Chattanooga Times._

The reason given for his resignation ... approximates disloyalty, if
nothing else; a monstrous statement.

_From The New Orleans Times-Picayune._

His voluntary resignation will give satisfaction.


REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPERS.

_From The New York Tribune._

A man with such a cheaply commercial conception of the post held by so
long a line of American statesmen was by nature disqualified for it.

_From The New York Globe._

Instead of promoting a peaceful settlement, Mr. Bryan practically
throws his influence in the other balance.

_From The Syracuse Post-Standard._

Billy Sunday in the wrong niche.

_From The Rochester Post-Express._

Amazement and contempt for him grow.

_From The Pittsburgh Gazette Times._

He has not filled the place with dignity, ability, or satisfaction,
nor yet with fidelity; a cheap imitation.

_From The Pittsburgh Chronicle Telegraph._

The peace-piffle and grape-juice statesman.

_From The Philadelphia Inquirer._

A peace-at-any-price man.

_From The Wilkes-Barre Record._

An amazing, an astounding blunder.

_From The Cincinnati Commercial Tribune._

The seriousness of the situation is all that prevents Mr. Bryan's
foreign policy from being laughable.

_From The Baltimore American._

The country wants no more vapid theorizing; it wants no more Bryanism.

_From The Hartford Courant._

Those newspapers that said Mr. Bryan was in bad taste made a slight
mistake. He is a bad taste.

_From The Augusta (Me.) Kennebec Journal._

Impossible for a man of Mr. Bryan's ability and love of the limelight
to remain longer wholly obscure in this national crisis.

_From The Portsmouth (N.H.) Chronicle._

Childish policies and small politics, even if the Nobel Peace Prize is
at stake, must not be considered by an American statesman.

_From The Portland (Me.) Press._

There was nothing to do but get out and shut up.

_From The Paterson Press._

He has dealt his country a stunning blow.

_From The Lincoln (Neb.) State Journal._

It is characteristic of Mr. Bryan to shut his eyes to arguments and
facts when he reaches the ecstacy of sentimental conviction.

_From The Omaha Bee._

His action may have a weakening effect on our position.

_From The Nebraska City (Neb.) Press._

Knowing his disposition to watch out for the main chance ... that Mr.
Bryan will be a candidate for the Senate from Nebraska is almost a
foregone conclusion.

_From The Topeka Capital._

Represents only the personal idiosyncrasies of William J. Bryan.

_From The Milwaukee Sentinel._

Calculated to create prejudice and misgiving against the American note
and to mislead foreign opinion.

_From The St. Louis Globe-Democrat._

Mr. Bryan could have found no better way of causing the President
embarrassment at this crisis.

_From The Minneapolis Tribune._

President Wilson has had his own way in State Department affairs, to
the minimization of Secretary Bryan, almost at times to the point of
humiliation.

_From The Seattle Post-Intelligencer._

A pacifist temporarily bereft of reason and lost to sense of patriotic
duty; a misplaced figurehead.

_From The Portland Oregonian._

The archpriest of the peace-at-any-price party ... a poor staff to
lean upon.

_From The Albany Knickerbocker-Press._

Mr. Bryan must Chautauquahoot, as the rooster must crow.

_From The Scranton Republican._

Prompt acceptance of his resignation was the proper thing.

_From The Los Angeles Times._

The inefficiency and ineptness of the Secretary of State have been a
reproach to the country.

_From The Wilmington (Del.) News._

Far better if Mr. Bryan had retired long ago.

_From The St. Paul Pioneer Press._

His retirement was merely a matter of time.


PROGRESSIVE NEWSPAPERS.

_From The New York Press._

A sorry misfit in our Government--mortifyingly, dangerously so.

_From The Boston Journal._

He appoints himself, though now a private citizen, the director of the
nation.

_From The Washington Times._

The only person who has been talking war and giving out the impression
that he thought this note meant war.


INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPERS.

_From The New York Evening Post._

How far he will carry his treachery by actual machinations against Mr.
Wilson remains to be seen.

_From The New York Sun._

Sulked and ran away when honor and patriotism should have kept him at
his post.

_From The New York Herald._

His convictions are all wrong; his retirement should be heartily
welcomed by the country.

_From The Philadelphia Public Ledger._

How much longer, as Cicero asked Catiline, does he intend to abuse our
patience?

_From The Pittsburgh Dispatch._

Bryan's obsession by the peace-at-any-price propaganda bordered on the
fanatical.

_From The Baltimore News._

A surrender to opportunism such as calls for a nation's contempt.

_From The Chicago Herald._

As a private citizen he will be less a menace to the peace of the
nation than he has been as Secretary of State.

_From The Denver Post._

His services can be most satisfactorily dispensed with.

_From The Kansas City Star._

Has not impressed the country as a practical man in dealing with large
affairs.

_From The Toledo Times._

He should support the President.

_From The Terre Haute Star._

Now free to pursue the prohibition propaganda.

_From The Newark (N.J.) Star._

The statement [Bryan's] is simply an effort to corral for himself a
large voting element in the population.

_From The Newark Evening News._

His narrow vision has overcome him.

_From The Boston Traveler._

If war does come Mr. Bryan will be the one American held most
responsible for the trouble.

_From The Boston Globe._

Mr. Wilson has been relieved of one of his many problems.

_From The Boston Herald._

Is certainly not inspired by a sense of loyalty to the party or the
country.

_From The Lowell Courier-Citizen._

Lagged superfluous on a stage in which he played no part beyond that
of an amanuensis, and hardly even that.

_From The Manchester (N.H.) Union._

Should mark the end of Bryanism in American politics.

_From The Providence Journal._

He has bowed himself into oblivion.


GERMAN-AMERICAN PRESS.

_Under the caption, "He Kept His Vow," the evening edition of the
New-Yorker Staats-Zeitung, which for months had been referring to
Secretary Bryan as "Secretary Bryan Stumping," as opposed to
"Secretary Lansing Acting," said on June 9:_

As unreservedly as we believe that he [Mr. Bryan] is sacrificing high
office to a principle--something that seems to be incomprehensible not
alone to American politicians; readily as we pay him tribute that a
man in public life has again had the courage to act, despite the
machinations of editorial offices, pulpits, and the counting rooms of
money agents; clearly as we see again his latest act, the old Bryan,
who can sacrifice nothing to utilitarianism, everything to an idea, no
matter how fantastic it may be, nevertheless it must not be left
unmentioned that his exit out of the Wilson Cabinet was under all
circumstances only a question of time. Bryan may want to be a
candidate in 1916, a rival of Wilson; there may be a political motive
at the bottom of the dramatically staged resignation; the fact remains
that two hard heads, Wilson and Bryan, could not permanently agree.
One had to yield; one had to go. Just as Bismarck had to go when
Wilhelm II. felt himself safe in the saddle, so Bryan had to yield as
soon as Woodrow Wilson himself took the reins, all the reins, into his
hand.

Whether the departure of Bryan will exercise great influence on the
course of events, so far as relations with Germany are concerned, is
an open question. At all events, the peace party in Congress and in
the country as a whole has found a leader who is a fighter, who today
still has a large following in Congress and out of it. And in
Congress, through the masses, the question must finally be decided.
Meanwhile, is it to be assumed without further ado that President
Wilson himself stands diametrically opposed to the peace views of
Bryan? We do not believe that. We are even today still of the opinion
that Wilson desires war with Germany as little as does Bryan, the
friend of peace, who has just let his deeds follow his words.

_From the St. Paul Daily Volks Zeitung._

Bryan's stand for fair play forces his resignation. Bryan's
resignation at this critical moment is the greatest service the
Commoner has ever rendered his country, because it has aroused the
people to see the danger of the foreign policy now pursued by the
President.

_From the Minneapolis Freie Presse Herold._

It is evident that Mr. Bryan, believing that Wilson and Roosevelt will
be the next Presidential nominees, now sees the opportunity to secure
the German vote for himself, but Mr. Bryan's hypocrisy will fool no
one, particularly the Germans.

_From Alex E. Oberlander, Editor the Syracuse Union._

Mr. Bryan will be a greater power for peace out of the Cabinet than
in it. As a member of the Cabinet diplomacy muzzled him, but now as a
private citizen he can and will be outspoken, and his voice for peace
will carry far more weight than the manufacturers of war munitions,
Wall Street, would-be Generals, Colonels, and Captains, and the jingo
press.

_From Paul F. Mueller, Editor Abendpost of Chicago._

The people will choose Mr. Bryan's side if the President persists on a
way which may lead to war and must lead to dishonor.

_From Horace L. Brand, Publisher Illinois Staats-Zeitung._

Mr. Bryan will have the support of all sane Americans on any
reasonable proposition which will keep this country out of war. Mr.
Bryan, with all his faults, evidently has his principles.

_From the Waechter und Anzeiger of Cleveland, Ohio._

He would not be a man had he signed the death warrant for what he
regarded as the crowning deed and success of his life's work. And,
because this was asked of him, many a person will say the Scotch in
the President's veins did not deny itself in the manner which
compelled Mr. Bryan's resignation, although keeping up the appearance
that it came of Bryan's own free will because of a disagreement over
principles.

_From the Colorado Herald of Denver._

Bryan's resignation comes as the biggest surprise of the year to all
those of pro-German proclivities who were heretofore laboring under
the impression that Bryan represented the spirit in the Cabinet that
savored of anything but a square deal for Germany.

_From the Illinois Staats-Zeitung of Chicago._

Mr. William Jennings Bryan, by his resignation and by his reasons of
his resignation, caused us fear that President Wilson's second note to
Germany would be full of thunder and lightning, and would lead at best
to a severance of the diplomatic relations between the two
countries, the friendship of which grew almost to be a tradition.

Our surprise is just as great as it is pleasant. The note of the
President is in its tone sound and friendly, and excludes the
possibility of hostilities. Germany, though she had many reasons to
complain about a hostile disposition on the part of the people, the
press, and the Government of the United States, will readily admit
that our Government is in duty bound to protect American lives and
American property, even though she should have been justified in
torpedoing the Lusitania. President Wilson seems to be willing to
admit such justification and invites Germany to submit her evidence.
This means an invitation to further negotiations, to which President
Wilson was apparently opposed in his first note.

_From Charles Neumeyer, Editor the Louisville Anzeiger._

It is inexplicable why Bryan could reconcile the signing of the first
note, which was of a much more assertive tone, with his sentiments and
principles, and then refuse his assent to this one, characterized by
dignified friendliness. Mr. Bryan must either have become extremely
touchy and particular over night, or somebody must have been fooling
somebody else. At any rate, the American note is a guarantee of
continued peace as to the issues now pending.




Mr. Bryan's Defense

     In a statement headed "The Real Issue" and addressed "To the
     American People," issued on June 10, 1915; in a second
     statement, appealing "To the German-Americans," on June 11;
     in a third, issued June 12, on the "First and Second German
     Notes," and in a series of utterances put forth on three
     successive days, beginning June 16, Mr. Bryan justified his
     resignation and offered what he styled a practical working
     solution of the problem of bringing peace to Europe. These
     statements were preceded by a formal utterance about his
     resignation, published on June 10. Their texts are presented
     below.


THE REASON FOR RESIGNING.

Washington, June 9, 1915.

My reason for resigning is clearly stated in my letter of resignation,
namely, that I may employ, as a private citizen, the means which the
President does not feel at liberty to employ. I honor him for doing
what he believes to be right, and I am sure that he desires, as I do,
to find a peaceful solution of the problem which has been created by
the action of the submarines.

Two of the points on which we differ, each conscientious in his
conviction, are:

First, as to the suggestion of investigation by an international
commission, and,

Second, as to warning Americans against traveling on belligerent
vessels or with cargoes of ammunition.

I believe that this nation should frankly state to Germany that we are
willing to apply in this case the principle which we are bound by
treaty to apply to disputes between the United States and thirty
countries with which we have made treaties, providing for
investigation of all disputes of every character and nature.

These treaties, negotiated under this Administration, make war
practically impossible between this country and these thirty
Governments, representing nearly three-fourths of all the people of
the world.

Among the nations with which we have these treaties are Great Britain,
France, and Russia. No matter what disputes may arise between us and
these treaty nations, we agree that there shall be no declaration and
no commencement of hostilities until the matters in dispute have been
investigated by an international commission, and a year's time is
allowed for investigation and report. This plan was offered to all the
nations without any exceptions whatever, and Germany was one of the
nations that accepted the principle, being the twelfth, I think, to
accept.

No treaty was actually entered into with Germany, but I cannot see
that that should stand in the way when both nations indorsed the
principle. I do not know whether Germany would accept the offer, but
our country should, in my judgment, make the offer. Such an offer, if
accepted, would at once relieve the tension and silence all the
jingoes who are demanding war.

Germany has always been a friendly nation, and a great many of our
people are of German ancestry. Why should we not deal with Germany
according to this plan to which the nation has pledged its support?

The second point of difference is as to the course which should be
pursued in regard to Americans traveling on belligerent ships or with
cargoes of ammunition.

Why should an American citizen be permitted to involve his country in
war by traveling upon a belligerent ship, when he knows that the ship
will pass through a danger zone? The question is not whether an
American citizen has a right, under international law, to travel on a
belligerent ship; the question is whether he ought not, out of
consideration for his country, if not for his own safety, avoid danger
when avoidance is possible.

It is a very one-sided citizenship that compels a Government to go to
war over a citizen's rights and yet relieve the citizen of all
obligations to consider his nation's welfare. I do not know just how
far the President can legally go in actually preventing Americans from
traveling on belligerent ships, but I believe the Government should go
as far as it can, and that in case of doubt it should give the benefit
of the doubt to the Government.

But even if the Government could not legally prevent citizens from
traveling on belligerent ships, it could, and in my judgment should,
earnestly advise American citizens not to risk themselves or the
peace of their country, and I have no doubt that these warnings would
be heeded.

President Taft advised Americans to leave Mexico when insurrection
broke out there, and President Wilson has repeated the advice. This
advice, in my judgment, was eminently wise, and I think the same
course should be followed in regard to warning Americans to keep off
vessels subject to attack.

I think, too, that American passenger ships should be prohibited from
carrying ammunition. The lives of passengers ought not to be
endangered by cargoes of ammunition, whether that danger comes from
possible explosions within or from possible attacks from without.
Passengers and ammunition should not travel together. The attempt to
prevent American citizens from incurring these risks is entirely
consistent with the effort which our Government is making to prevent
attacks from submarines.

The use of one remedy does not exclude the use of the other. The most
familiar illustration is to be found in the action taken by municipal
authorities during a riot. It is the duty of the Mayor to suppress the
mob and to prevent violence, but he does not hesitate to warn citizens
to keep off the streets during the riots. He does not question their
right to use the streets, but for their own protection and in the
interest of order he warns them not to incur the risks involved in
going upon the streets when men are shooting at each other.

The President does not feel justified in taking the action above
stated. That is, he does not feel justified, first, in suggesting the
submission of the controversy to investigation, or, second, in warning
the people not to incur the extra hazards in traveling on belligerent
ships or on ships carrying ammunition. And he may be right in the
position he has taken, but, as a private citizen, I am free to urge
both of these propositions and to call public attention to these
remedies, in the hope of securing such an expression of public
sentiment as will support the President in employing these remedies
if in the future he finds it consistent with his sense of duty to
favor them.

W.J. BRYAN.


"THE REAL ISSUE."

Washington, June 10, 1915.

To the American people:

You now have before you the text of the note to Germany--the note
which it would have been my official duty to sign had I remained
Secretary of State. I ask you to sit in judgment upon my decision to
resign rather than to share responsibility for it.

I am sure you will credit me with honorable motives, but that is not
enough. Good intentions could not atone for a mistake at such a time,
on such a subject, and under such circumstances. If your verdict is
against me, I ask no mercy; I desire none if I have acted unwisely.

A man in public life must act according to his conscience, but,
however conscientiously he acts, he must be prepared to accept without
complaint any condemnation which his own errors may bring upon him; he
must be willing to bear any deserved punishment, from ostracism to
execution. But hear me before you pass sentence.

The President and I agree in purpose; we desire a peaceful solution of
the dispute which has arisen between the United States and Germany. We
not only desire it, but, with equal fervor, we pray for it; but we
differ irreconcilably as to the means of securing it.

If it were merely a personal difference, it would be a matter of
little moment, for all the presumptions are on his side--the
presumptions that go with power and authority. He is your President, I
am a private citizen without office or title--but one of the one
hundred million of inhabitants.

But the real issue is not between persons, it is between systems, and
I rely for vindication wholly upon the strength of the position taken.

Among the influences which Governments employ in dealing with each
other there are two which are pre-eminent and antagonistic--force and
persuasion. Force speaks with firmness and acts through the ultimatum;
persuasion employs argument, courts investigation, and depends upon
negotiation. Force represents the old system--the system that must
pass away; persuasion represents the new system--the system that has
been growing, all too slowly, it is true, but growing for 1,900 years.
In the old system war is the chief cornerstone--war, which at its best
is little better than war at its worst; the new system contemplates a
universal brotherhood established through the uplifting power of
example.

If I correctly interpret the note to Germany, it conforms to the
standards of the old system rather than to the rules of the new, and I
cheerfully admit that it is abundantly supported by precedents--precedents
written in characters of blood upon almost every page of human
history. Austria furnishes the most recent precedent; it was Austria's
firmness that dictated the ultimatum against Serbia, which set the
world at war.

Every ruler now participating in this unparalleled conflict has
proclaimed his desire for peace and denied responsibility for the war,
and it is only charitable that we should credit all of them with good
faith. They desired peace, but they sought it according to the rules
of the old system. They believed that firmness would give the best
assurance of the maintenance of peace, and, faithfully following
precedent, they went so near the fire that they were, one after
another, sucked into the contest.

Never before have the frightful follies of this fatal system been so
clearly revealed as now. The most civilized and enlightened--aye, the
most Christian--of the nations of Europe are grappling with each other
as if in a death struggle. They are sacrificing the best and bravest
of their sons on the battlefield; they are converting their gardens
into cemeteries and their homes into houses of mourning; they are
taxing the wealth of today and laying a burden of debt on the toil of
the future; they have filled the air with thunderbolts more deadly
than those of Jove, and they have multiplied the perils of the deep.

Adding fresh fuel to the flame of hate, they have daily devised new
horrors, until one side is endeavoring to drown noncombatant men,
women, and children at sea, while the other side seeks to starve
noncombatant men, women, and children on land. And they are so
absorbed in alternate retaliations and in competitive cruelties that
they seem, for the time being, blind to the rights of neutrals and
deaf to the appeals of humanity. A tree is known by its fruit. The war
in Europe is the ripened fruit of the old system.

This is what firmness, supported by force, has done in the Old World;
shall we invite it to cross the Atlantic? Already the jingoes of our
own country have caught the rabies from the dogs of war; shall the
opponents of organized slaughter be silent while the disease spreads?

As an humble follower of the Prince of Peace, as a devoted believer in
the prophecy that "they that take the sword shall perish with the
sword," I beg to be counted among those who earnestly urge the
adoption of a course in this matter which will leave no doubt of our
Government's willingness to continue negotiations with Germany until
an amicable understanding is reached, or at least until, the stress of
war over, we can appeal from Philip drunk with carnage to Philip
sobered by the memories of a historic friendship and by a recollection
of the innumerable ties of kinship that bind the Fatherland to the
United States.

Some nation must lead the world out of the black night of war into the
light of that day when "swords shall be beaten into plowshares." Why
not make that honor ours? Some day--why not now?--the nations will
learn that enduring peace cannot be built upon fear--that good-will
does not grow upon the stalks of violence. Some day the nations will
place their trust in love, the weapon for which there is no shield; in
love, that suffereth long and is kind; in love, that is not easily
provoked, that beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all
things, endureth all things; in love, which, though despised as
weakness by the worshippers of Mars, abideth when all else fails.

W.J. BRYAN.


THE GERMAN-AMERICANS.

Washington, June 11, 1915.

To the German-Americans:

Permit me to address a word to you, as one American citizen speaking
to fellow-citizens in whose patriotism he has entire confidence. It is
natural that in a contest between your Fatherland and other European
nations your sympathies should be with the country of your birth. It
is no cause for censure that this is true. It would be a reflection
upon you if it were not true. Do not the sons of Great Britain
sympathize with their mother country? Do not the sons of France
sympathize with theirs? Is not the same true of Russia and of Italy?
Why should it not be true of those who are born in Germany or Austria?
The trouble is that the extremists on both sides have mistaken a
natural attachment felt for birthplace for disloyalty to this country.

The President has been unjustly criticised by the partisans of both
sides--the very best evidence of his neutrality. If he had so
conducted the Government as to wholly please either side it would
excite not only astonishment, but misgivings, for partisans cannot
give an unbiased judgment; they will of necessity look at the question
from their own point of view, giving praise or blame, according as the
act, regardless of its real character, helps or hurts the side with
which they have aligned themselves.

The fact that the Administration has received more criticism from
German-Americans than from those in sympathy with the Allies is due to
the fact that, while both sides are at liberty under international law
to purchase ammunition in the United States, the Allies, because of
their control of the seas, have the advantage of being able to export
it.

It is unfortunate that partisan supporters of Germany should have
overlooked the legal requirements of the situation and have thus
misunderstood the position of the Administration. The Administration's
position has not only been perfectly neutral, but it could not have
been otherwise without a palpable and intentional violation of the
rules governing neutrality.

This Government is not at liberty to materially change the rules of
international law during the war, because every change suggested is
discussed, not upon its merits as an abstract proposition, but
according to the effect it will have upon the contest. Those who
wanted to lay an embargo upon the shipments of arms defended their
position on the ground that it would hasten peace, but it is strange
that they could have overlooked the fact that the only way in which
such action on our part could hasten peace would have been by helping
one side to overcome the other.

While the attacks made upon the President by the extremists of both
sides were very unjust, it was equally unjust to suspect the
patriotism of those who took sides. I feel well enough acquainted with
the European-born Americans to believe that in a war between this
country and any European power the naturalized citizens from that
country would be as quick to enlist as native-born citizens.

As I am now speaking to German-Americans, I am glad to repeat in
public what I have often said in private, and would have said in
public before but for the fact that it would not have been proper for
one in my official position to do so--namely, that in case of war
between the United States and Germany--if so improbable a supposition
can be considered--German-Americans would be as prompt to enlist and
as faithful to the flag as any other portion of our people. What I
have said in regard to German-Americans is an introduction to an
appeal which I feel it my duty to make to them.

First, if any of them have ever in a moment of passion or excitement
suspected the President of lack of friendship toward the German
Government and the German people, let that thought be forgotten, never
again to be recalled. I have, since my resignation, received numerous
telegrams from German-Americans and German-American societies
commending my action. I think the senders of these telegrams
understand my position; but that no one may mistake it let me restate
it. The President is not only desirous of peace, but he hopes for it,
and he has adopted the methods which he thinks most likely to
contribute toward peace.

My difference from him is as to method, not as to purpose, and my
utterances since resigning have been intended to crystallize public
sentiment in support of his efforts to maintain peace, or, to use a
similar phrase, "Peace with Honor." But remember that when I use the
phrase "Peace with Honor" I do not use it in the same sense that those
do who regard every opponent of war as favoring "peace at any price."
Peace at any price is an epithet, not a true statement of any one's
position or of the policy of any group. The words are employed by
jingoes as an expression of contempt, and are applied indiscriminately
to all who have faith in the nation's ability to find a peaceful way
out of every difficulty, so long as both nations want peace.

The alarmists of the country have had control of the metropolitan
press, and they have loudly proclaimed that the prolongation of
negotiations or the suggestion of international investigation would be
a sign of weakness--and everything is weakness that does not contain a
hint of war. The jingo sees in the rainbow of promise only one
color--red.

Second--Knowing that the President desires peace, it is our duty to
help him secure it. And how? By exerting your influence to convince
the German Government of this fact and to persuade that Government to
take no steps that would lead in the direction of war. My fear has
been that the German Government might, despairing of a friendly
settlement, break off diplomatic relations, and thus create a
condition out of which war might come without the intention of either
country.

I do not ask you to minimize the earnestness of the President's
statement--that would be unfair, both to him and to Germany. The
sinking of the Lusitania cannot be defended upon the facts as we
understand them. The killing of innocent women and children cannot be
justified, whether the killing is by drowning or starving.

No nation can successfully plead the inhumanity of her enemies as an
excuse for inhumanity on her own part. While it is true that cruelty
is apt to beget cruelty, it cannot be said that "like cures like."
Even in war, we are not absolved from the obligation to remedy evils
by the influence of a good example. "Let your light so shine" is a
precept that knows no times nor seasons as it knows neither latitude
nor longitude.

Third--Do not attempt to connect the negotiations which are going on
between the United States and Germany with those between the United
States and Great Britain. The cases are different, but, even if they
were the same, it would be necessary to treat with each nation
separately. My personal preference has been to repeat our insistence
that the Allies shall not interfere with our commerce with neutral
countries, but the difference on this point was a matter of judgment
and not a matter of principle. In the note to Great Britain, dated
March 30, this Government said:

     In view of these assurances formally given to this
     Government, it is confidently expected that the extensive
     powers conferred by the Order in Council on the executive
     officers of the Crown will be restricted by "orders issued
     by the Government" directing the exercise of their
     discretionary powers in such a manner as to modify in
     practical application those provisions of the Order in
     Council which, if strictly enforced, would violate neutral
     rights and interrupt legitimate trade. Relying on the
     faithful performance of these voluntary assurances by his
     Majesty's Government the United States takes it for granted
     that the approach of American merchantmen to neutral ports
     situated upon the long line of coast affected by the Order
     in Council will not be interfered with, when it is known
     that they do not carry goods which are contraband of war or
     goods destined to or proceeding from ports within the
     belligerent territory affected.

There is no doubt that our Government will insist upon this
position--that is an important thing, the exact date of the note is
not material. My reason for desiring to have the matter presented to
Great Britain at once was not that Germany had any right to ask it,
but because I was anxious to make it as easy as possible for Germany
to accept the demands of the United States and cease to employ
submarines against merchantmen.

There is no reason why any German-Americans should doubt the
President's intentions in this matter. I am sure that every one upon
reflection recognizes that our duty to prevent loss of life is more
urgent than our duty to prevent interference with trade--loss of trade
can be compensated for with money, but no settlement that the United
States and Germany may reach can call back to life those who went down
with the Lusitania--and war would be the most expensive of all
settlements because it would enormously add to the number of the dead.

Fourth--I hope that Germany will acquiesce in the demands that have
been made, and I hope that she will acquiesce in them without
conditions. She can trust the United States to deal justly with her in
the consideration of any changes that she may propose in the
international rules that govern the taking of prizes. The more
generously she acts in this matter the greater will be the glory which
she will derive from it. She has raised a question which is now
receiving serious consideration, namely, whether the introduction of
the submarine necessitates any change in the rules governing the
capture of prizes. The position seemingly taken by Germany, namely,
that she is entitled to drown noncombatants because they ride with
contraband, is an untenable position. The most that she could insist
upon is that, in view of the introduction of this new weapon of
warfare, new rules should be adopted, separating passengers from
objectionable cargo.

If the use of the submarine justifies such a change in the law of
blockade as will permit the cordon to be withdrawn far enough from the
shore to avoid the danger of submarine attack, may it not be found
possible to secure an international agreement by which passengers
will be excluded from ships carrying contraband, or, at least, from
those carrying ammunition?

It would require but a slight change in the shipping laws to make this
separation, and belligerent nations might be restrained from
unnecessarily increasing the contraband list if they were compelled to
carry contraband on transports as they now carry troops.

Personally, I would like to see the use of submarines abandoned
entirely, just as I would like to see an abandonment of the use of
aeroplanes and Zeppelins for the carrying of explosives, but I am not
sanguine enough to believe that any effective instrument of warfare
will be abandoned as long as war continues.

The very arguments which the advocates of peace advance against the
submarine, the aeroplane, and the Zeppelin are advanced for them by
those who conduct war. The more fatal a weapon is the more it is in
demand, and it is not an unusual thing to see a new instrument of
destruction denounced as inhuman by those against whom it is employed,
only to be employed later by those who only a little while before
denounced it.

The above suggestions are respectfully submitted to those of German
birth or descent, and they are submitted in the same spirit to
naturalized citizens from other countries. To the naturalized citizen
this is the land of adoption, but in one sense it may be nearer to him
than it is to us who are native born, for those who come here are
citizens by voluntary choice, while we are here by accident of birth.
They may be said to have paid a higher compliment to the United States
than we who first saw the light under the Stars and Stripes. But, more
than that, it is the land of their children and their children's
children, no matter for what reason they crossed the ocean. They not
only share with us the shaping of our nation's destiny, but their
descendants have a part with ours in all the blessings which the
present generation can, by wise and patriotic action, bequeath to the
generations that are to follow.

W.J. BRYAN.


SEES CHANGE IN TONE OF PRESS.

_On the same day with this outgiving Mr. Bryan issued a statement
expressing his gratification over what he termed a change in the tone
of the press regarding the note. The statement follows:_

I am glad to note the change in the tone of the press in regard to the
note to Germany. From the time the papers began to publish forecasts
down to yesterday the jingo editors have been predicting that the
matter would be dealt with with "great firmness"; that Germany would
be told that there must be no more delay in the acceptance of this
country's demands, &c.

Instead of waiting until the note was issued they put their own
construction upon it in advance, and colored it to suit their own
purposes. It is a relief to find the papers now emphasizing the
friendly tone of the note, and pointing out that it does not
necessarily mean war.

Something has been gained if the warrior journalists at last realize
that the country does not want war, but that, on the contrary, it will
support the President in his efforts to find a peaceful solution of
the difficult problem raised by the use of the submarine against
merchantmen.

_In giving out his statement Mr. Bryan supplemented it with the
following anecdote:_

A Congressman replying to a jingo speech recently said:

"While I am personally against war, I am in favor of the country
having what it wants. If the country wants war, let it have war, but
let it first find out if the country does want war. If it becomes
necessary to ascertain the sentiment of the country, I suggest that a
ballot be taken; let those who want war vote for war and those opposed
to war vote against it, and let the vote be taken with the
understanding that those who vote for war will enlist for war and that
those who vote against war will not be called upon until after those
who want war have exhausted their efforts."

_"I still believe," added Mr. Bryan, "in the right of the people to
rule, and think the Congressman's suggestion might insure deliberate
action on the part of the voters."_

_Mr. Bryan was reminded of the suggestion of some of his friends that
in case of war he would be one of the first to enlist. He replied:_

I do not want to talk about war, but on one occasion I enlisted to
defend my country on the first day war was declared.


GERMAN-AMERICAN OPINION.

_Commenting on Mr. Bryan's appeal, the evening edition of the New
Yorker Herold on June 12 said:_

The arguments which Mr. Bryan dishes up will not be agreed to by most
citizens of German descent, but the open discussion of the various
points can only be useful.

So far as influencing the German Government is concerned, we are
convinced that in Berlin they will not forget for an instant how
terrible a warlike conflict between the two countries would be,
particularly for the Germans in America. In view of the many bonds of
blood that link the German population of our country with the old
Fatherland, a war with the United States would be regarded practically
as fratricidal, as a calamity which, if in any way possible, must be
avoided. Mr. Bryan may rest assured of this.

The influence of the German-Americans is required less in Germany than
here, at this point and place, in the United States. Here the jingo
press is raging and seeking to fire minds to war, not in Germany.

_From the Detroiter Abendpost._

Mr. Bryan's proclamation will disappoint only those who hailed him
when he published his reasons for leaving the Cabinet; but we find in
his last document the confirmation of what we have always thought of
the man and the politician Bryan, namely, that he considers all means
right if they suit his political intentions.

_From Charles Neumeyer, Editor Louisville Anzeiger._

Mr. Bryan's appeal directed chiefly to American citizens of German
birth exhibits an astonishing lack of tact as well as lack of
judgment. The former Secretary of State seems to be going on the
presumption, like many other native Americans not actuated by a
feeling of prejudice or race hatred, that German-Americans have left
their hearts behind them in the old country and are, therefore, unable
to feel as true American citizens should feel toward their country and
everything involving its destiny.

Mr. Bryan's appeal, especially the one directed to German-Americans,
will not, can not, and should not meet with the slightest response.

_From the Colorado Herold of Denver._

Bryan's appeal to the Germans, while it may be classed as patriotic,
was unnecessary, and Dr. Dernburg, Germany's special envoy,
practically voiced the same sentiments in his farewell address in New
York Friday night. Bryan's well-known prohibition tendencies, however,
preclude the idea that he was bidding for German-American votes.

_From the Waechter und Anzeiger of Cleveland, Ohio._

Mr. Bryan might well have abstained from issuing his statement to the
German-Americans. To make any impression he should have explained why
he now thinks it the duty of neutrality to furnish contraband to
England, when in 1914 he stated in his Commoner that the President had
blazed a new way when he, without conference with other nations,
committed this nation to the policy that furnishing the "contraband of
money" was inconsistent with the spirit of neutrality. What are the
influences that have now changed his views? Mr. Bryan is neither frank
nor consistent, hence not impressive.


A "SOFTENED" NOTE.

[The First and Second German Notes.]

Washington, June 12, 1915.

My attention has been called to a number of newspaper editorials and
articles which, in varying language, asks the question, "Why did Mr.
Bryan sign the first note to Germany, and then refuse to sign the
second?" The argument presented in the question is based on the
supposition that the two notes were substantially the same and that
the second note simply reiterates the demands contained in the first.
They then declare it inconsistent to sign one and refuse to sign the
other. The difference between the two cases would seem obvious enough
to make an answer unnecessary, but, lest silence on the subject be
taken as an admission of inconsistency, the following explanation is
given:

The notes must be considered in connection with the conditions under
which they were sent. The first note presented the case of this
Government upon such evidence as we then had. It was like the
plaintiff's statement in a case, his claim being based on the facts as
he presents them. I did not agree entirely with the language of the
first note, but the difference was not so material as to justify a
refusal to sign it. Then, too, I was at that time hoping that certain
things would be done which would make it easier for Germany to
acquiesce in our demands.

The three things which I had in mind which, in my judgment, would have
helped the situation were: First, an announcement of a willingness
upon our part to employ the principle of investigation, embodied in
our thirty peace treaties; second, action which would prevent American
citizens from traveling on belligerent ships or on American ships
carrying contraband, especially if that contraband consisted of
ammunition; and, third, further insistence upon our protest against
interference of our trade with neutrals. I thought that these three
things were within the range of possibilities, and that two, or at
least one was probable.

Some weeks have elapsed since the first note was sent, and we have not
only failed to do any of these things hoped for, but Germany has in
the meantime answered and in her answer has not only presented a
number of alleged facts which, in her judgment, justified the
deviation which she has made from the ordinary rules applicable to
prize cases, but she has suggested arbitration. A rejection of the
arguments which she presented and of the allegations made, together
with a reiteration of the original demands, creates a very different
situation from that which existed when the first demand was made.

As I have before stated, my fear has been that, owing to the feeling
existing in Germany, the Government might, upon receipt of such a note
under such circumstances, break off diplomatic relations and thus
create a situation out of which war might come without the intention
of either side. I am sure that the President does not want war and I
am confident that our people do not want war; I have no reason to
believe that either the German Government or the German people desire
war.

But war, a calamity at any time, is especially to be avoided now
because our nation is relied upon by both neutrals and belligerents as
the one nation which can exert most influence toward bringing this war
to an end. If we were, by accident, to be drawn into the conflict, we
would not only surrender the opportunity to act as a mediator, but we
might become responsible for drawing other nations into this contest.
When we see how one nation after another has been dragged into this
war we cannot have confidence in the ability of any one to calculate
with certainty upon the results that might follow if we became
embroiled in the war.

No one would be happier than I if the President's plan results in a
peaceful settlement, but no one was in position to say what effect our
note would have upon Germany, or what results would follow if she, in
anger, broke off diplomatic relations, and I was not only unwilling to
assume the responsibility for the risks incurred--risks which no one
could with any degree of accuracy measure--but I felt that, having
done all I could in the Cabinet, it was my duty to undertake, outside
the Cabinet, the work upon which I have entered.

I have no doubt that the country will unanimously support the
President during the war, if so great a misfortune should overtake
us, but I believe that the chances of war will be lessened in
proportion as the country expresses itself in favor of peace--not
"peace at any price"--but peace in preference to a war waged for the
redress of such grievances as we have against Germany--at least
against war until we have given to Germany the opportunity which we
are pledged to give to Great Britain, France, and Russia--to have
every difference of every character submitted to an international
commission of investigation.

I would contend as earnestly for the application of the treaty
principle to the Allies as I contend for it in the case of Germany. If
the principle is sound, it ought to be applied to every country with
which we have a difference, and if it ought to be applied at all I
think it is better to suggest it in the beginning than to accept it
later after a seeming reluctance to apply it.

I understand that Secretary Lansing has already given out a statement,
correcting an inaccuracy which appeared in this morning's paper. I
appreciate his kindness.

It is true that I saw the final draft of the note just before my
resignation took effect, but it contained an important change. I had
no knowledge of this change at the time my resignation was tendered
and accepted. This change, while very much softening the note, was
not, however, sufficient, in my judgment, to justify me in asking
permission to withdraw my resignation.

As Germany had suggested arbitration, I felt that we could not do less
than reply to this offer by expressing a willingness to apply the
principle of the peace treaties to the case. These treaties, while
providing for investigation of all questions, leave the nations free
to act independently after the international commission has concluded
the investigation.

W.J. BRYAN.


STATEMENTS ON THE WAR IN EUROPE.

_Mr. Bryan on June 16 gave out the first of three statements about the
present war, and in it he predicts that a conference will be held at
the close of the conflict to revise the rules of international law.
The present rules, in Mr. Bryan's opinion, "seem to have been made for
the nations at war rather than for the nations at peace."_

_The statement contains a hint to President Wilson in the concluding
paragraph which says that "in all history no other peacemaker has ever
been in position to claim so rich a blessing as that which will be
pronounced on our President when the time for mediation comes--as come
it must." Its text follows:_

Washington, June 16, 1915.

I shall tomorrow discuss the origin of the war and the reasons which
led the nations of Europe to march, as if blindfolded, into the bloody
conflict which now rests like a pall over the fairest parts of the Old
World; today let us consider the war as it is and the injury it is
doing to the neutral nations.

The war is without a precedent in the populations represented, in the
number of combatants in the field, in daily expenditures, in the
effectiveness of the implements employed, in the lists of dead and
wounded, in the widespread suffering caused and in the intensity of
the hatreds aroused.

No class or condition is exempt from the burdens which this war
imposes. The rich bear excessive taxation and the poor are sorely
oppressed; the resources of today are devoured and the products of
tomorrow are mortgaged. No age is immune. The first draft was upon the
strong and vigorous, but the Governments are already calling for those
above and below the ordinary enlistment zone.

The war's afflictions are visited upon women as well as upon men--upon
wives who await in vain a husband's return, and upon mothers who must
surrender up the sons whose support is the natural reliance of
declining years. Even children are its victims--children innocent of
wrong and incapable of doing harm. By war's dread decree babes come
into the world fatherless at their birth, while the bodies of their
sires are burned like worthless stubble in the fields over which the
Grim Reaper has passed.

The most extreme illustrations collected from history to prove the
loathsomeness of war are overshadowed by new indictments written
daily; the most distressing pictures drawn by the imagination are
surpassed by the realities of this indescribable contest. Surely we
behold "the pestilence that walketh in darkness and the destruction
that wasteth at noonday."

Neutral nations cannot look on with indifference--the ties that bind
them together are too strong, the relationship too intimate. This is
especially true of the United States. We have a composite population,
every nation of Europe having contributed liberally to our
citizenship. These our countrymen, themselves born abroad or
immediately descended from foreign-born ancestors, cannot but take a
likely interest in the conduct as well as in the results of the war,
and a still larger circle shares the concern of those directly
connected. Not a soldier falls on either side but the sorrow expressed
in his home finds an echo at some fireside in the United States.

But, aside from sentimental considerations, neutral nations suffer
serious disturbances because of the war. Duelists, when dueling was in
fashion, were careful to select a place where they could settle their
personal differences without harm to unoffending bystanders, but
warring nations cannot, no matter how earnestly they try, avoid injury
to neutrals. As the nauseous odors of a slaughterhouse, carried on the
breeze, pollute the air in every direction, so the evil influences
emanating from these wide-extended battlefields taint the atmosphere
of the whole political world. War is an international nuisance. Nearly
every neutral nation finds new domestic problems thrust upon it and
old problems made more difficult.

No American citizen can note without deep concern the manner in which
war questions have intruded themselves into our politics--overshadowing
economic issues and stimulating agitation in favor of enlarged
appropriations for military and naval purposes. Business is deranged
and expensive readjustments made necessary, while commerce with
foreign nations is seriously interrupted. Fluctuations in price abroad
are reflected in the markets of the United States. A fall of one cent
in the price of cotton means tens of millions of dollars to our
producers and merchants. Added to this, freight rates and insurance
premiums have been increased to cover the greater risks incident to
war.

Scarcity of ships is one of the greatest commercial embarrassments
caused by the war. We have depended largely upon foreign ships to
carry our commerce, and we could not but suffer when the merchantmen
of one side were driven from the sea and a part of the merchant fleet
of the other side was withdrawn for Government use.

The neutral nations are put to a great expense to preserve neutrality
and are constantly in danger of being embroiled in the war without
intention or fault on their part.

The rules of international law seem to have been made for the nations
at war rather than for the nations at peace. It is almost impossible
to alter these rules during the war, because any material change,
affecting as it would the interests of belligerents, would be a
seeming violation of neutrality. As soon as peace returns there will
be a demand for an international conference on the subject. The
presumption should then be given to peace, for peace, not war, is the
normal condition. If nations are determined to fight they should, as
far as possible, bear their burden themselves and not be permitted to
transfer it to the nations which avoid war by resorting to reason
instead of force.

Under the stress and strain of the titanic struggle in which they are
engaged, each side has felt itself justified in encroaching upon the
rights of neutrals. The ocean highways, the common property of all,
have been to some extent appropriated for war purposes, and delicate
diplomatic questions are forced upon the neutral nations. Just at this
time, when these questions are most acute, the belligerent Governments
are least able to deal with them with the calmness and poise which
their great importance demands.

No wonder every neutral nation is increasingly anxious for the war to
end; but of all the neutral nations ours has the most reason for the
return of peace--most reason to set its face resolutely against
participation in this war. This nation, the head of the neutral group
and the sincere friend of all the belligerents, is in duty bound to
set an example in patience and self-restraint.

In all history no such opportunity has ever come to any other nation
as that which is destined to come to the United States. In all history
no other peacemaker has ever been in a position to claim so rich a
blessing as that which will be pronounced upon our President when the
time for mediation comes--as come it must.

W.J. BRYAN.


"PREPAREDNESS" AND WAR.

_That military preparedness provokes war is the conclusion drawn by
Mr. Bryan in the second utterance in his series of three concerning
the European conflict and war in general. It reads:_

Washington, June 17, 1915.

The conflict now raging in Europe has been described as "The Causeless
War," but since no one would be bold enough to lay the blame for such
an unholy situation upon an overruling Providence, it must find its
origin in acts for which man, and man alone, is responsible.

It is not a race war; on the contrary, the races are quite
inexplicably mixed. Latin joins with Saxon; the Frank is the ally of
the Slav; while in the opposing ranks Teuton and Turk fight side by
side.

Neither is it a religious war. On the Bosporus the Cross and the
Crescent make common cause; Protestant Kaiser and Catholic Emperor
have linked their fortunes together and hurl their veteran legions
against an army in which are indiscriminately mingled communicants of
the Greek Church, of the Church of Rome, and of the Church of England.

Nor yet is it a rivalry between families. The leading actors in this
unprecedented tragedy are related by blood, but kinship seems to be a
negligible factor--it explains neither friendships nor enmities.

No. Race, religion, and family, each with many wars to answer for, can
plead not guilty in the present inquiry. So far as can be judged,
there appears upon the surface no cause that by any known standard can
be regarded as adequate for such a cataclysm as we are now witnessing.

The notes that passed from chancellery to chancellery were couched in
most friendly language. These notes could not have been intended to
deceive. Sovereigns visited each other and were received with every
evidence of cordiality and good-will. This hospitality could not have
been insincere.

Each ruler declared that he did not wish war; would they all say this
if an adequate cause for war had actually existed? They have all
denied responsibility for the war--would they have done so if they had
regarded the war as either necessary or desirable?

But there is even better proof, aye, indisputable proof, that no
sufficient cause existed, viz., the conclusion to be drawn from
inaction.

Would not these rulers have busied themselves trying to save their
subjects by the eradication of the cause had they known of the
existence of such a cause? Would they have spent their time in social
festivities and in exchanging compliments had they known that they
were on the brink of war? It is inconceivable! It would be a gross
libel on them, one and all, to charge such a wanton disregard of their
sacred duty.

What, then, was the cause? If I have correctly analyzed the situation,
the war is the natural result of a false philosophy. Theories of life
are invisible, but they control for good or for evil. They enter our
very being, and may be as deadly to the moral man as germs of disease,
taken into the body, are deadly to the physical man. The fundamental
precept of this false philosophy is that "might makes right." It is
not proclaimed now as loudly as it once was, but it is often acted
upon in particular cases by those who would be unwilling to indorse
it as a general principle.

The individual makes this maxim his excuse for violating three
commandments that stand in his way; this maxim also leads nations to
violate these same three commandments for the same purpose, but on a
larger scale.

Strange that men should fail to apply to nations the moral principles
which are now so generally applied to the individual units of a
nation!

The tendency is to condemn the violation of these commandments, not in
proportion to the injury done, but rather in inverse proportion. No
one will dispute the validity of the injunction against covetousness
as long as the object coveted is of little value or not greatly
desired, but the last and all-inclusive specifications, viz., "or
anything that is thy neighbor's," is sometimes interpreted by nations
to except a neighbor's vineyard or a neighbor's territory.
Covetousness turns to might as the principle to be invoked, and the
greater the unlawful desire the firmer the faith in the false
principle.

Conquest is the word used to describe the means employed for securing
the thing desired, if the force is employed by a nation, and conquest
violates the commandments Thou Shalt Not Steal and Thou Shalt Not
Kill.

By what sophistry can rulers convince themselves that, while petit
larceny is criminal, grand larceny is patriotic; that, while it is
reprehensible for one man to kill another for his money, it is
glorious for one nation to put to the sword the inhabitants of another
nation in order to extend boundaries?

It is a mockery of moral distinctions to hang one man for taking the
life of another, either for money or in revenge, and then make a hero
of another man who wades "through slaughter to a throne, and shut the
doors of mercy on mankind."

As in the case of the individual, the violation of the commandments
Thou Shall Not Covet, Thou Shalt Not Steal, and Thou Shalt Not Kill,
are usually traceable to the violation of the first great
commandment--Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me--that is, to the
putting of self before service of the Creator.

The violation of these commandments by nations is not always, but
usually, due to selfishness--the putting of supposed material
advantages before obedience to the Divine Law.

War is occasionally altruistic in purpose and the soldier always
exhibits unselfishness of high order, but, as a rule, conflicts are
waged for selfish ends.

The individual finds that Jehovah's justice cannot be evaded; for
wrongdoing works its own punishment on the wrongdoer in the form of
perverted character when he escapes the penalties of human law. The
nation is as powerless to repeal or to ignore with impunity the laws
of God--"Though hand join in hand they shall not be unpunished."

If I have made it clear that the doctrine that might makes right is
the most common cause of war, we may pass to the consideration of a
maxim quite sure to be applied in war, namely, that "like cures
like"--the theory upon which retaliation rests.

The two are so closely allied that it is almost inevitable that those
who indorse the former will resort to the latter--one representing the
spirit of will, the other its most familiar manifestation. Rivalry for
rivalry in wrongdoing--a neck-and-neck race to the bottomless pit. And
yet there are many believers in the gospel of force, who have brought
themselves to think that cruelty can be cured by greater cruelty--that
the only way to win an antagonist away from inhuman acts is to surpass
him in inhumanities. Absurdity of absurdities!

But might must find a pretext for arming itself; and what is the
pretext? There was a time when men openly advocated war as a thing to
be desired; commended it to each generation as a sort of tonic to tone
up the moral system and prevent degeneracy, but we have passed that
day.

Now all join in the chorus for peace. And how, according to the
jingoes, shall peace be insured? "By preparedness," say these sons of
Mars. Prepare, all prepare; equip yourselves with the most modern
implements of destruction; arm, drill, get ready, and then stand with
fingers on a barrel of a musket and preserve peace--you preserve it
until some one, by accident or design, gives the signal--then all fall
upon each other with cries for blood. Preparedness is the kindling;
opportunity is the match.

We dare not trust the peace of the world to those who spend their time
in getting ready for wars that should never come. Half the energy
employed in preparing for war would effectually prevent war if used in
propagating the principles which make for peace.

Instead of preventing war, preparedness provokes war, because it is
impossible to coerce the people into bearing the burdens incident to
continuous and increasing preparation without cultivating hatred as if
it were a national virtue. There must be some one to fear; some other
preparing nation that must be represented as plotting for war.

Hate sets up sham standards of honor and converts every wound into a
festering sore; hate misunderstands; hate misinterprets; hate maligns
its supposed adversary, while every contractor, battleship builder,
and manufacturer of munitions of war applauds.

How can preparedness prevent war, if all prepared? Each step taken by
one nation toward more complete preparedness excites the other nations
to additional purchases and new levies, until all have exhausted their
productive industries and menaced their moral progress.

The doctrine that preparedness will prevent war will not stand the
test of logic, and the conflagration in Europe shows that it fails
when tested by experience.

If any nation is without excuse for entering into a mad rivalry with
the belligerent nations in preparation for war it is the United
States. We are protected on either side by thousands of miles of
ocean, and this protection is worth more to us than any number of
battleships. We have an additional protection in the fact--known to
every one--that we have the men with whom to form an army of defense
if we are ever attacked, and it is known also that we have the money,
too--more money than we would have if the surplus earnings of the
people had been invested in armament. We not only do not need
additional preparation, but we are fortunate in not having it, as now
it seems impossible for a nation to have what is called preparedness
on slight notification.

The leading participants in the present war are the nations that were
best prepared, and I fear it would have been difficult for us to keep
out of this war if we had been as well prepared as they.

Happily for our nation, we have in the White House at this time a
President who believes in setting the Old World an example instead of
following the bad example which it has set in this matter. What an
unspeakable misfortune it would have been if in such an hour as this
the nation had been under the leadership of a President inflamed by
the false philosophy which has plunged Europe into the abyss of war.

W.J. BRYAN.


HOW TO END THE WAR.

_The concluding argument of ex-Secretary Bryan for permanent peace
among the great powers was published on June 18, 1915. The statement
follows:_

Washington, June 18, 1915.

Having considered the war as it is and the injury which it does
neutrals, and then the origin of the war and the causes which led up
to it, we are now ready to make inquiry as to the way out--that is,
the means by which hostilities can be brought to an end and permanent
peace restored. To state in a sentence the propositions which I shall
proceed to elaborate: Mediation is the means, provided by
international agreement, through which the belligerent nations can be
brought into conference; time for the investigation of all disputes is
the means by which future wars can be averted, and the cultivation of
international friendship is the means by which the desire for war can
be rooted out.

What are the nations fighting about? No one seems to know, or if any
one does know, he has not taken the public into his confidence. We
have been told, in a general way, that the Allies are fighting against
"militarism" and in defense of "popular government," and that Germany
is fighting in defense of "German culture" and for the nation's right
to "a place in the sun." But these generalities are so differently
interpreted as not to convey a definite idea. When the President
offered mediation at the very beginning of the struggle the answers
which he received from the various rulers were so much alike that one
telegram might have served for all. The substance of each answer was,
"I did not want war and I am not to blame for the war that now
exists." But that was ten months ago; the question now is not whether
those in authority in the belligerent nations did or did not want war
then; we may accept their answers as given in good faith, but the
important question is still unanswered. "I did not want war" may have
been deemed sufficient at the time the answers were given, but the
real question is, "Do you want war now? If not, why not say so?"

The months have dragged their bloody length along--each more terrible
than the month before--and yet the crimson line of battle sways to and
fro, each movement marked by dreadful loss of life. While warriors die
and widows weep, the sovereign rulers of the warring powers withhold
the word that would stop the war. No Chief of State has yet said, "I
do not want war." No one in authority has yet publicly declared his
willingness to state the terms upon which his nation is ready to
negotiate peace. Are not these dying men and these sorrowing women
entitled to know definitely for what their nation is fighting? Is it
territory? Then how much territory, and where is it located? Is it the
avenging of a wrong done? Then how much more blood must be spilled to
make atonement for the blood already shed? Some day accumulated
suffering will reach its limit; some day the pent-up anguish which
this war is causing will find a voice. Then, if not before, the rulers
in the war zone will pause to listen to the stern question, "Why do we
die?"--the question which shakes thrones and marks the furthermost
limits of arbitrary power.

And is not the outside world entitled to know the price of peace? Must
the neutrals bear the penalties which war necessarily visits upon
them, and yet remain in ignorance as to the issues at stake? Their
trade is interrupted, their citizens are drowned, they are the victims
of stray bullets--have they no right to know what it is that, being
done, will draw down the curtain of this dark tragedy? Has any nation
a purpose for continuing this war which it does not dare to state to
the world, or even to its own people?

Surely neither side thinks it can annihilate the other. Great nations
cannot be exterminated--population cannot be wiped out by the sword.
The combatants, even though the war may have made them heartless, will
shrink from the task of carrying this slaughter beyond the point
necessary to win a victory. And it must be remembered that war plans
often miscarry. Predictions made at the beginning of the war have not
been fulfilled. The British did not destroy the German fleet in a
month, and Germany did not take Paris in two months, and the Russian
Army did not eat Christmas dinner in Berlin. But even if extermination
were possible, it would be a crime against civilization which no
nation or group of nations could afford to commit. If it is vandalism
to destroy the finest specimens of man's workmanship, is it not
sacrilege to engage in the wholesale destruction of human beings--the
supreme example of God's handiwork? We may find cases of seeming total
depravity among individuals, but not in a nation or in a race. The
future has use for the peoples now at war; they have a necessary part
in that destiny which mankind must work out together regardless of
these ebullitions of anger. The Lord might have made all flowers of
one kind, of one color and alike in fragrance--but He did not. And
because He did not, the world is more beautiful. Variety, not
uniformity, is the law among men as well as among the flowers. The
nations which are actively participating in this war are what they are
because of struggles that have lasted for centuries. They differ in
language, in institutions, in race characteristics, and in national
history, but together they constitute a great living bouquet that is
of surpassing beauty.

We may put aside, therefore, as wholly impracticable, if not
inconceivable, the thought that this war can continue until one side
has annihilated the other. What, then, can be the purpose? The
complete domination of Europe by one nation or group of nations? The
absurdity of such a plan is only second to the absurdity of the
thought that either side can annihilate the other. The world is not
looking for a master; the day of the despot is gone. The future will
be gloomy indeed if the smaller nations must pass under the yoke of
any power or combination of powers. The question is not who shall
dictate on land, or who shall dominate upon the sea. These questions
are not practical ones. The real question is, not how a few can lay
burdens upon the rest, but how all can work together as comrades and
brothers.

Even if it were possible for one side to force the other side to its
knees in supplication, even if it were possible for one side to write
the terms of the treaty in blood and compel the other side to sign it,
face downward and prostrate on the ground, it could not afford to do
so; and unless the belligerents have read history to no purpose, they
will not desire to do so. Time and again some nation, boastful of its
strength, has thought itself invincible, but the ruins of these
mistaken and misguided nations line the pathway along which the masses
have marched to higher ground. Despotism has in it the seeds of death;
the spirit that leads a nation to aspire to a supremacy based on force
is the spirit that destroys its hope of immortality. Only those who
are unacquainted with the larger influences can place their sole
reliance on the weapons used in physical warfare. They see only the
things that are transient and ephemeral; they do not comprehend the
higher truth that "the things that are seen are temporal; the things
that are unseen are eternal."

Christian nations need to read again Christ's prayer upon the Cross,
"Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." All the
participants in this war have sinned enough to make them anxious to
exhibit that forgiving spirit which is the measure of the forgiveness
which can be claimed.

When can peace be restored? Any time--now, if the participants are
really weary of this war and ready for it to end. If any nation is not
ready, let its ruler state in clear, distinct, and definite terms the
conditions upon which it is willing to agree to peace; then if an
agreement is not reached the blame for the continuance of the war will
be upon those who make unreasonable demands.

What can be done by the advocates of peace? First, they can
crystallize the sentiment in favor of peace into a coercive force, for
public opinion at last controls the world. There is a work which the
neutrals can do; they can offer mediation, jointly or severally. It is
not an act of hostility, but an act of friendship. The Hague
Convention, to which all the Governments are parties, expressly
declares that the offer of mediation shall not be considered an
unfriendly act. The duty of offering mediation may seem to rest
primarily upon the United States, the largest of the neutral nations,
and the one most intimately bound by ties of blood to all the
belligerents. The United States did make an offer immediately after
the war began. But why not again and again and again, until our offer
or some other offer is accepted? Why not stand at the door and knock,
as we would at the door of a friend if we felt that the friend was in
need and that we could render a service?

But our action or failure to act need not deter any other neutral
country from acting. This is not a time to stand on ceremony; if
any other country, for any reason, no matter what that reason may be,
is in a better position than we to tender its good offices, it should
not delay for a moment. It is for the belligerents to decide which
offer, if any, they will accept. I am sure they will not complain if,
following the promptings of our hearts, we beseech them to let us help
them back to the paths of peace.

Will they object on the ground that they will not consent to any peace
until they have assurances that it will be a permanent peace? That
suggestion has been made--I think both sides have expressed a desire
that the peace, when secured, shall be permanent--but who can give a
pledge as to the future? If fear that the peace may not be permanent
is given as the reason for refusal it is not a sufficient reason.
While no one can stand surety for what may come, it is not difficult
to adopt measures which will give far greater assurance of permanent
peace than the world has ever known before.

Second--The treaty in which they join should provide for investigation
by a permanent international commission of every dispute that may
arise, no matter what its character or nature. The United States has
already made thirty treaties embodying this principle, and these
thirty treaties link our country to nearly three-quarters of all the
inhabitants of the world. We have such a treaty in force between the
United States and four of the countries now at war--Great Britain,
France, Russia, and Italy. The principle of this treaty has been
accepted by three other belligerents--Germany, Austria, and
Belgium--although treaties with these nations have not yet been
negotiated. These seven warring nations have indorsed the principle
embodied in these treaties, namely, that there shall be no declaration
of war or commencement of hostilities until the subject in dispute has
been investigated by an international commission. Why cannot they
apply the principle as between themselves? What cause of war is of
such magnitude that nations can afford to commence shooting at each
other before the cause is investigated? A treaty such as those which
now protect the peace of the United States would give a year's time
for investigation and report, and who doubts that a year's time would
be sufficient to reach an amicable settlement of almost every
difficulty?

Does any one suppose that the present war would have been begun if a
year's time had been taken to investigate the dispute between Austria
and Serbia? It will be remembered that Serbia had only twenty-four
hours in which to reply, and it will also be remembered that during
this brief time the rulers of the Old World endeavored to find a means
of preventing war. If they had only had some machinery which they
could have employed to avert war, how gladly would they have availed
themselves of it! The machinery provided by treaty can be resorted to
with honor--yes, with honor--no matter how high a sense of honor the
nation has. The trouble has been that, while the nations were
abundantly provided with machinery for conducting war, they possessed
no machinery for the promotion of peace. A year's time allows passion
to subside and reason to resume its sway. It allows man to act when he
is calm instead of having to act when he is angry. When a man is angry
he swaggers around and talks about what he can do, and he often
overestimates his strength; when he is calm he considers what he ought
to do. When he is angry he hears the rumbling of earthquakes and the
sweep of the hurricane; when he is calm he listens to the still small
voice of conscience.

Third--While the period of investigation provided for in our treaties
will go far toward preventing war, still even a year's deliberation
does not give complete protection. In order to secure the
investigation of all questions without exception it was necessary to
reserve to the contracting parties liberty of action at the conclusion
of the investigation. War is thus reduced from a probability to a mere
possibility, and this is an immeasurable advance; but the assurance of
permanent peace cannot be given until the desire for war is
eradicated from the human heart. Compulsory periods of investigation
supply the machinery by which nations can maintain peace with honor if
they so desire; but the final work of the advocates of peace is
educational--it is the cultivation of the spirit of brotherhood
condensed into the commandment "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself." Is it impossible to imagine a civilization in which
greatness will be measured by service and in which the rivalry will be
a rivalry in doing good? No one doubts that the lot of each member of
society would be infinitely better under such conditions; why not
strive to bring about such conditions? Is it visionary to hope and
labor for this end? "Where there is no vision the people perish." It
is a "death grapple in the darkness 'twixt old systems and the Word."
The old system has broken down; it can let loose the furies, but it
cannot bind them; it is impotent to save. The question is not whether
the Word will triumph--that is certain--but when? And after what
sufferings?

Thomas Carlyle, his voice rising clear and strong above the babble of
Mammon, asked, in the closing chapters of his French Revolution:

"Hast thou considered how Thought is stronger than Artillery Parks,
and (were it fifty years after death and martyrdom, or were it two
thousand years) writes and unwrites Acts of Parliament, removes
mountains, models the World like soft clay? Also how the beginning of
all Thought worth the name is Love."

The truth which he uttered is still truth, and no matter who uttered
it, the thought is the thought of Him who spake as never man spake;
who was described in prophecy as the Prince of Peace; whose coming was
greeted with the song of "Peace on earth; good-will to men," and whose
teachings, when applied, will usher in the enduring peace of a
universal brotherhood.

W.J. BRYAN.




Bryan, Idealist and Average Man

By Charles Willis Thompson

     The subjoined estimate of William J. Bryan's character and
     public career, which appeared in THE NEW YORK TIMES of June
     9, 1915, is by the hand of one of its staff writers who has
     specialized in American national politics.


The plain man of the prairie became Secretary of State when William J.
Bryan did; the prairie then entered diplomacy, international
controversy. The secret of all that has puzzled the land in his
behavior lies in that fact. His hold on the West lies in the fact that
he is in himself the average man of that country, with that man's
ideals, aspirations, defects, and drawbacks. There seems nothing
strange or funny in a Secretary of State who goes to New York and
signs temperance pledges, or holds Billy Sunday's platform in
Philadelphia, when you get a few miles away from the cities; and if it
seems a little queer to New York to find the Secretary of State
undertaking to demolish the Darwinian theory, there are plenty of
regions where the Darwinian theory is regarded as a device of the
devil to upset the Mosaic cosmogony. Chesterton says that Dickens
never wrote down to the mob, because he was himself the mob; and Bryan
never talked down to the men of the prairie for the same reason.

He is not a man of culture, nor of reading. He has been around the
world, but when he came back the books and articles he wrote were such
as might have been published as guide books or in encyclopedias; he
could have written them without leaving home. Travel had no
broadening or polishing effect upon his mind.

The vast influence he still has is due to the fact that the common
man, with all his mistakes and gaucheries, speaks in him, and that
when the common man hears his own thoughts spoken in Bryan's voice he
knows that the accent is sincere. Bryan may have taken up this or that
particular issue because it sounded like a vote-maker, but none of
them represented the least divergence from his course as a whole,
which has always been honestly bent in a certain plain direction. He
never hesitated to be in a minority and never dodged a fight. He is an
innocent theorist, who frequently goes wrong because of the simplicity
of his mental processes; but he acts upon his theories, right or
wrong, with an intrepidity and a whole-hearted courage in which the
ordinary man sees the qualities he himself would like to have, and
dreams he has. His mind is not broad, but it is strong; he is always
sure he is right, and always ready to fight for his beliefs, and he
keeps his hold upon his followers because he is not below them, and
not much above them, and because they know he is honest and sincere.

In 1906, the Democratic Party, picking itself out of the wreckage of
Parker's defeat, was yearning to reunite. "Big business," assaulted
and bruised and banged about by President Roosevelt, was ready to come
into line. Roosevelt or his candidate could be defeated in 1908 only
by Democratic harmony. Bryan was abroad, traveling, and somehow his
distant figure looked less appalling than the near-by figure in the
White House. The East did not ask him to recant his radicalism, but
only not to talk about it. He arrived in New York, and business went
to hear him make a harmony speech. If he made it, business would
support him for President. He made the speech; he declared for
Government ownership of railroads. Business, roaring with pain, fell
back into the Republican arms, and Bryan was defeated for President.
No, Bryan is not an opportunist--not in things that really matter.

William Bayard Hale once accurately described him as "essentially a
preacher, a high-class exhorter, a glorified circuit rider." There are
vast spaces of our country still populated by men and women of the
old-fashioned kind; Chesterton describes them as "full of stale
culture and ancestral simplicity." They are the descendants of the
Puritans--intellectually, at any rate--they look askance on cards,
dancing, and the stage; they are the kind of folks who peopled the
Mississippi Valley in Lincoln's day and Massachusetts in John
Hancock's. Bryan does not talk down to that type for votes; he is that
type. Colonel George Harvey, with sarcastic intent, alleged that Bryan
became a white-ribboner after hearing a little girl recite "The Lips
That Touch Liquor Shall Never Touch Mine." There are regions which
would accept that parable as Gospel truth, and much to Bryan's credit.

Salem, Ill., is a little town which fairly shrieks at you its
pre-eminence as a picture of that type. As you pass through its
orderly little streets, with its little frame houses, all of the same
kind and all neat and unassuming, with its dirt roads and its typical
Town Hall, set correctly back behind a correct little patch of grass
in a neat square, you feel instinctively that the Darwinian theory
must be avoided in your Salem conversation. You know at once that the
same families have lived there for generations. So they have; one of
them was Bryan's, and he was born there on March 19, 1860.

Of course, he was the valedictorian of his class--Illinois College,
1881. Of course, he became a lawyer; and, of course, in the Middle
West, that involved politics. He lived now in Lincoln, Neb., in a
Republican district, but he was a Democrat. There was a landslide in
1890. The whole country went Democratic, and many a forlorn hope
leader in some hide-bound Republican district was swept into Congress,
Bryan among them. He made a great speech on the tariff, which won him
instantly a national reputation; but Lincoln had recovered its
Republican poise, and he did not go back to Congress. He added to his
reputation in his own State, however, as editor of its chief
Democratic organ, The Omaha World-Herald, and went to Chicago as the
head of its delegation to the National Convention of 1896.

At a moment when David B. Hill's masterly presentation of the
gold-standard case and Tillman's failure in his effort at rejoinder
had thrown a wet blanket over the silverites, Bryan came forward with
his "Cross of Gold" speech. The cheering delegations carried him
around the hall on their shoulders. None of the candidates before the
convention was dominating or really of Presidential size; the
convention was deadlocked for many ballots, and at last it turned to
Bryan and nominated him.

His defeat by McKinley really marked the beginning of his career as a
national leader. Despite the accident which had made him the
Democracy's nominal leader, he demonstrated that he was the ablest of
the radicals into whose hands it had fallen, and his nominal
chieftainship became a real one. It was evident from the beginning
that he would be renominated in 1900. When the Spanish war broke out
he offered his services and became Colonel of the Third Nebraska
Regiment. The Republican Administration was taking no chances on his
getting any military glory, and it marooned him in Florida till after
the war. He returned good for evil by going to Washington, uniform and
all, and dragooning reluctant Democratic Senators into voting for the
treaty with Spain whereby we acquired the Philippines. This was one of
his incidental opportunisms; he believed it would give the Democrats a
winning issue, that of imperialism. The cast of Bryan's mind is such
that he always gets his winning issues on wrong end foremost; it gave
the Republicans a winning issue, that of imperialism.

Bryan went down to defeat again in 1900, on this new issue, and as
usual epitaphs were written over his political grave. It is a favorite
parlor game; but Bryan never stays dead, because there is something
enduring in him. What is it? That same spokesmanship for the average
man of many regions, the man of the little parlor with the melodeon or
parlor organ, the plush-bound photograph album and the "History of the
San Francisco Earthquake" bought by subscription from a book agent,
and the grandfather's clock in the corner of the hall.

But in 1904 the Democratic leaders, tired of defeat, turned
desperately to the opposite wing of the party. The radical leaders,
really opportunists, forswore or hid their convictions for the sake of
victory, tried to teach their unskillful tongues the language of
conservatism, and joined in with the conservatives in the nomination
of Parker. But Bryan did not yield; he forswore nothing, hid nothing,
and he fought a lonely fight, the bravest of his life.

His fight was of one man against a multitude. Alone, he had to be
everywhere; he was in the Committee on Resolutions, in the Committee
on Credentials, on the floor of the convention, speaking, fighting,
working, twenty hours a day. He had no one to help him; all his
fellows were on the other side, strangling their convictions and
fighting against him. He was insulted on the platform, even by
fellow-radicals; he was elbowed aside and snarled at by men who had
been more radical than himself; attempts were made to deny him a
hearing. Nothing could daunt him or perturb him; he fought on until
Parker was nominated, went to his hotel at dawn as the convention
adjourned, and fell into his bed in utter collapse. A doctor was
summoned, who said that Bryan must instantly give up all work and
undergo treatment.

That evening the news came that Parker had refused to run unless the
word "gold" was written into the platform; the convention was thrown
into panic; the sick man rose from his bed and entered the wild and
turbulent hall, white-faced, breathing with difficulty, sweat pouring
down his face, and there took up the work again, single-handed still.
He fought on all night, was defeated again, and went under the
doctor's hands. Those speeches in that convention were really the
greatest of his life, though they may not read as well as others;
each of them was a battle.

Parker's defeat by Roosevelt again erased that ever-recurring epitaph
over Bryan's political grave. It was evident at once that nothing
could prevent him from being again the candidate in 1908. Again he was
defeated, and again the epitaph was jubilantly rewritten. He was
extinguished, he would never again be an influence in the party; it
was, to use the phrase of 1896, 1900, and 1904, "the end of Bryan."

Again the epitaph had to be erased. He was so far from being
extinguished that he became the dominating force of the convention of
1912. There is no doubt in the mind of the writer, who was there, that
Bryan had given up all hope of running for President, because, as he
expressed it in a thrilling midnight speech at that convention, he
recognized at last that he had too many enemies ever to expect to win.
But he did determine to be a king-maker if he could not be a king, and
king-maker he was.

Not even the convention of 1904 showed Bryan in better light as a
fighter than that of 1912. He was determined that the reactionaries
should not control the convention. At the beginning he was defeated,
but defeat never affected Bryan in the least in all his life, and this
time, as usual, he only went on fighting. When the convention rejected
him for Temporary Chairman and elected Parker, the embodiment of all
he opposed, he merely took a fresh hold and fought harder.

When he swung Nebraska from Champ Clark to Wilson he had won, and
thereafter Wilson's nomination was only a question of time. He was the
centre of violent scenes, as when maddened men swept down upon him and
shook their standards in his face and seemed on the verge of
assaulting him. When he tried to get a hearing and the opposition
shouted him down, he simply climbed up on the platform beside the
Chairman and forced them to hear. Once, while the whole convention
seemed to be yelling at him, and he stood in the midst of a whirlwind
of angry noise, ex-Governor McCorkle of West Virginia, jumping up and
facing him, shrieked in a voice heard above the cyclone: "Are you a
Democrat?"

"My Democracy has been certified to by six and a half million voters.
But," pointing his palm-leaf fan at McCorkle, with magnificent
contempt, "I will ask the secretary to record one vote in the negative
if the gentleman will give me his name."

He won; Wilson was nominated. He brought his great following into line
for an Eastern man, and Wilson was elected. The new President,
following a precedent set by Taylor, Garfield, and Harrison, made him
Secretary of State.

Then Bryan showed a new side of his character to the country. He
effaced himself in Wilson's interest; he became a loyal subordinate,
accepting a minor place cheerfully and laboring with might and main to
make the Administration a success. It is chiefly due to his efforts
that it was one for its first two years. The new President was unknown
to most of his party, and the legislation he recommended would have
met with internal opposition but for Bryan. The Secretary whipped his
followers into line even for legislation so repugnant to them as the
Currency bill, and the Presidential program went through. In two years
Mr. Wilson had become a definite personality to the country, and had a
following of his own; but his initial success was due to Bryan, and
but for Bryan Mr. Wilson might have had to face a party as divided as
did Cleveland, and might have seen his Administration wrecked as
Cleveland's was.

Mr. Bryan hoped to make an enduring name for himself as Secretary of
State. In the years that had elapsed since he was Colonel of the Third
Nebraska he had become an ardent pacifist, and he dreamed of going
into history with a title greater than that of any other statesman who
ever lived--for such, surely, would have been the meed of the man who
abolished war. That mind of his, honest as the day, but far from
great; strong but not broad, sees everything as simple, not as
complex. Is there a wrong? Why, then, abolish it; it is as simple as
A B C. War is wrong; therefore let us stop it. How? Why, get everybody
to agree not to fight without taking a year to look into the thing.
And he busied himself drafting and negotiating treaties with all the
world to get it to agree to this simple but certain remedy. The
"glorified circuit rider" was at the head of the Department of State
of the United States. If anybody had suggested to him that there were
nations which no treaty could bind, he would have answered, in the
style of the prayer-meeting exhorter, "Ah! I have a higher faith in
human nature." So he worked busily, building himself his niche in the
temple of fame, and meanwhile the greatest war in history broke out.

With such a mind as has been described, it is evident that this event
could not shake Mr. Bryan's confidence in himself or his remedies. To
him it was obvious that the war came because the nations involved had
not signed his treaty; if they had, Germany would have abided by it;
would not have dreamed of treating it as a scrap of paper; would have
waited the prescribed year, and Austria would have given Serbia the
same time to reply to her ultimatum. The mischief was done, but he set
about heroically to repair it; he sought to have the United States
intervene as a peacemaker; he sought to prevent the United States
from protecting its citizens on the high seas, since that seemed
likely to lead to war; and at last, finding his efforts of no avail,
he resigned.

No one who had seen him in his unequal fights for his principles on
less momentous occasions could doubt that he would fight for them to
the end on this greatest one. There is no parallel to his action in
American history. So far as its political aspects are concerned, the
nearest thing to it is Blaine's resignation from Harrison's Cabinet in
1892; but that only faintly resembles it. Blaine did not resign
because of any difference in principles, but because he wanted to
fight the Administration; and the superficial resemblance lies only in
the similarity of the relations of the two Presidents to their
Secretaries of State.

Bryan leaves the Cabinet saddened, but not disillusioned. When he had
been Secretary of State two months he said that he would not have
taken office "if I thought there was to be a war during my tenure." "I
believe," he added, "there will be no war while I am Secretary of
State, and I believe there will be no war so long as I live." It has
not come out that way; it might have so easily come out that way if
only Germany had signed that treaty of his! But he is not
disillusioned; nothing can disillusion him; his ideal is still only a
day or two ahead of him, and he resigns to fight for it, since fight
for it in the Cabinet he cannot any longer.




In the Name of Peace.

By LAVINIA V. WHITNEY.

(After Kipling.)


     When the last of the soldiers has fallen, and the cannons lie twisted
       aside,
     When the last of all homes has been ruined, and the heart of the
       youngest girl bride,
     We shall wake from our terrible madness, and pause for an eon or two,
     Till the Master of all the good soldiers shall call us to battle anew.

     Then those that were brave shall be braver--they shall love with a
       love more fair;
     They shall hear, o'er a worldwide battlefield, the Voice of their God
       in the air;
     They shall have the real saints for their comrades--Magdalene, Peter,
       and Paul;
     They shall fight unembittered, and never again shall be weary at all.

     And only the Master shall praise us, for only the Master shall lead;
     And no one shall fight for his country, and none for his honor or
       creed;
     But each for the Master Who loves him, and Teuton and Briton and all
     Shall fight, each the cause of the other, for the God of the Love of
       us All!




A World League to Enforce Peace

By William Howard Taft, ex-President of the United States.

     President Wilson on June 15 denied the statement, cabled
     from Europe, that the United States was the only great
     neutral Government that had not encouraged the movement
     among neutral nations looking to a conference of neutrals to
     end the European conflict. To this Government, said the
     President, answering a direct inquiry, had been given no
     more opportunity than everybody knew in furthering a neutral
     movement for peace. He stated that this Government had
     supported everything of the sort as far as it could
     legitimately. It had done everything that was for peace and
     accommodation, he added. But the great drawback has been
     that none of the warring Governments has directly, that is
     officially, indicated that it would respond sympathetically
     to any suggestion that it become a party to a movement to
     end the war. The idea of a league of neutral nations, having
     for its object a concerted effort to bring about peace, is
     reported to be in the back of the President's mind, and
     members of the Cabinet have given some thought to the
     suggestion, which might contemplate the firm maintenance of
     neutral rights if peace could not be obtained, but the
     situation has not developed to a point where the American
     Government is ready to make a definite move.

     Meanwhile, as the outgrowth of a series of meetings held in
     the Century Club, New York, terminating in a call for a
     conference signed by a National Provisional Committee of 109
     members headed by ex-President Taft, an organization known
     as the League to Enforce Peace, American Branch, was formed
     on June 17, 1915, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. The
     purpose of the conference was explained by Mr. Taft in his
     address as President, which appears in full below.


My fellow-seekers after peace, we thank you for your cordial greeting.
In calling this meeting my associates and I have not been unaware that
we might be likened to the tailors of Tooley Street, who mistook
themselves for the people of England. We wish first to say that we do
not represent anybody but ourselves. We are not national legislators,
nor do we control the foreign policy of this Government. A number of
us were invited to dinner at the Century Club (New York) by four
generous hosts, who were deeply interested in devising a plan for an
international agreement by which, when this present war shall cease, a
recurrence of such a war will be made less probable.

We are not here to suggest a means of bringing this war to an end;
much as that is to be desired and much as we would be willing to do to
obtain peace, that is not within the project of the present meeting.

We hope and pray for peace, and our hope of its coming in the near
future is sufficient to make us think that the present is a good time
to discuss and formulate a series of proposals to which the assent of
a number of the great powers could be secured. _We think a League of
Peace could be formed that would enable nations to avoid war by
furnishing a practical means of settling international quarrels, or
suspending them until the blinding heat of passion had cooled._

When the World Conference is held our country will have its official
representatives to speak for us. "We, Tailors of Tooley Street," will
not be there, but if, in our sartorial leisure, we shall have
discussed and framed a practical plan for a league of peace, our
official representatives will be aided and may in their discretion
accept it and present it to the conference as their own.

There are Tooley Streets in every nation today and the minds of
earnest men are being stirred with the same thought and the same
purpose. We have heard from them through various channels. The
denizens of those Tooley Streets will have their influence upon their
respective official representatives. No man can measure the effect
upon the peoples of the belligerent countries and upon the peoples of
the neutral countries--the horrors and exhaustion that this
unprecedented war is going to have. It is certain they all will look
with much more favorable eye to leagues for the preservation of peace
than ever before.

_In no war has the direct interest that neutrals have in preventing a
war between neighbors been so closely made known._

This interest of neutrals has been so forced upon them that it would
require only a slight development and growth in the law of
international relations to develop that interest into a right to be
consulted before such a war among neighbors can be begun. This step we
hope to have taken by the formation of a Peace League of the Great
Powers, whose primary and fundamental principle shall be that no war
can take place between any two members of the league until they have
resorted to the machinery that the league proposes to furnish to
settle the controversy likely to lead to war.

If any member refuses to use this machinery and attacks another member
of the league in breach of his league obligation, all members of the
league agree to defend the members attacked by force.

We do not think the ultimate resort to force can be safely omitted
from an effective League of Peace. We sincerely hope that it may never
become necessary, and that the deterrent effect of its inevitable use
in case of a breach of the league obligation will help materially to
give sanction to the laws of the league and to render a resort to
force avoidable.

We are not peace-at-any-price men, because we do not think we have
reached the time when a plan based on the complete abolition of war is
impracticable. So long as nations partake of the frailties of men who
compose them, war is a possibility, and that possibility should not be
ignored in any League of Peace that is to be useful. We do not think
it necessary to call peace-at-any-price men cowards or apply other
epithets to them. We have known in history the most noble characters
who adhered to such a view and yet whose physical and moral courage is
a heritage of mankind.

To those who differ with us in our view of the necessity for this
feature of possible force in our plan, we say we respect your
attitude. We admit your claim to sincere patriotism to be as just as
ours. We do not ascribe your desire to avoid war to be a fear of death
to yourselves or your sons; but rather to your sense of the horrors,
injustice, and ineffectiveness of settling any international issue by
such a brutal arbitrament. Nevertheless, we differ with you in
judgment that, in the world of nations as they are, war can be
completely avoided.

_We believe it is still necessary to use a threat of overwhelming
force of a great league with a willingness to make the threat good in
order to frighten nations into a use of rational and peaceful means to
settle their issues with their associates of the league._ Nor are we
militarists or jingoes. We are trying to follow a middle path.

Now what is the machinery, a resort to which we wish to force an
intending belligerent of the league--it consists of two tribunals, to
one of which every issue must be submitted. Issues between nations are
of two classes:

First--Issues that can be decided on principles of international law
and equity, called justiciable.

Second--Issues that cannot be decided on such principles of law and
equity, but which might be quite as irritating and provocative of war,
called non-justiciable.

The questions of the Alaskan boundary, of the Bering Sea seal fishing,
and of the Alabama Claims were justiciable issues that could be
settled by a court, exactly as the Supreme Court would settle claims
between States. The questions whether the Japanese should be
naturalized, whether all American citizens should be admitted to
Russia as merchants without regard to religious faith, are capable of
causing great irritation against the nation denying the privilege, and
yet such nations, in the absence of a treaty on the subject, are
completely within their international right, and the real essence of
the trouble cannot be aided by a resort to a court. The trouble is
non-justiciable.

_We propose that for justiciable questions we shall have an impartial
court to which all questions arising between members of the league
shall be submitted._ If the court finds the question justiciable, it
shall decide it. If it does not, it shall refer it to a Commission of
Conciliation to investigate, confer, hear argument, and recommend a
compromise.

We do not propose to enforce compliance either with the court's
judgment or the Conciliation Commission's recommendations. We feel
that we ought not to attempt too much--we believe that the forced
submission and the truce taken to investigate the judicial decision or
the conciliatory compromise recommended will form a material
inducement to peace. It will cool the heat of passion, and will give
the men of peace in each nation time to still the jingoes.

The League of Peace will furnish a great opportunity for more definite
formulation of the principles of international law. The arbitral court
will amplify it and enrich it in their application of its general
principles to particular cases. They will create a body of Judge-made
law of the highest value. Then the existence of the league will lead
to ever-recurring congresses of the league, which, acting in a
quasi-legislative capacity, may widen the scope of international law
in a way that a court may not feel able or competent to do.

This is our plan. It is not so complicated--at least, in statement. In
its practical application difficulties now unforeseen may arise, but
we believe it offers a working hypothesis upon which a successful
arrangement can be made.

We are greeted first by the objection that no treaties can prevent
war. We are not called upon to deny this in order to justify or
vindicate our proposals as useful. We realize that nations sometimes
are utterly immoral in breaking treaties and shamelessly bold in
avowing their right to do so on the ground of necessity; but this is
not always the case. We cannot give up treaties because sometimes they
are broken any more than we can give up commercial contracts because
men sometimes dishonor themselves in breaking them. We decline to
assume that all nations always are dishonorable, or that a solemn
treaty obligation will not have some deterrent effect upon a nation
that has plighted its faith to prevent its breach. _When we add to
this the sanction of an agreement by a number of powerful nations to
enforce the obligation of the recalcitrant and faithless member, we
think we have a treaty that is much more than a "scrap of paper"--and
we base our faith in this on a common-sense view of human nature._

It is objected that we propose only to include the more powerful
nations. We'll gladly include them all. But we don't propose to have
the constitution of our court complicated by a demand for equal
representation of the many smaller nations. We believe that when we
have a league of larger powers the smaller powers will be glad to come
in and enjoy the protection that the league will afford against the
unjust aggression of the strong against the weak.

It is suggested that we invite a conference of neutral nations to
bring about measures for present peace and to formulate demands as to
the protection of neutral rights. This may be a good plan, but, as
Kipling says, that is another story.




The League to Enforce Peace

Personnel and Text of the Resolutions Adopted


RESOLUTIONS.

[Adopted in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, June 17, 1915.]

     Throughout 5,000 years of recorded history, peace, here and
     there established, has been kept, and its area has been
     widened, in one way only. Individuals have combined their
     efforts to suppress violence in the local community.
     Communities have co-operated to maintain the authoritative
     state and to preserve peace within its borders. States have
     formed leagues or confederations or have otherwise
     co-operated to establish peace among themselves. Always
     peace has been made and kept, when made and kept at all, by
     the superior power of superior numbers acting in unity for
     the common good.

     Mindful of this teaching of experience, we believe and
     solemnly urge that the time has come to devise and to create
     a working union of sovereign nations to establish peace
     among themselves and to guarantee it by all known and
     available sanctions at their command, to the end that
     civilization may be conserved, and the progress of mankind
     in comfort, enlightenment, and happiness may continue.

     We, therefore, believe it to be desirable for the United
     States to join a league of nations binding the signatories
     to the following:

     1. All justiciable questions arising between the signatory
     powers, not settled by negotiations, shall, subject to the
     limitations of treaties, be submitted to a judicial tribunal
     for hearing and judgment, both upon the merits and upon any
     issue as to its jurisdiction of the question.

     2. All other questions arising between the signatories and
     not settled by negotiation shall be submitted to a Council
     of Conciliation for hearing, consideration, and
     recommendation.

     3. The signatory powers shall jointly use forthwith both
     their economic and military forces against any one of their
     number that goes to war, or commits acts of hostility,
     against another of the signatories before any question
     arising shall be submitted as provided in the foregoing.

     4. Conferences between the signatory powers shall be held
     from time to time to formulate and codify rules of
     international law, which, unless some signatory shall
     signify its dissent within a stated period, shall thereafter
     govern the decision of the judicial tribunal mentioned in
     Article 1.

There were half a dozen brief speeches in favor of the report. John
Wanamaker did not think the report went far enough. He had hoped the
conference would send out a message to the warring nations that would
make them pause and think. He could not help but favor the report, he
added, but felt that it, standing alone without any further action,
would be laughed at by those on the other side of the Atlantic.

It is expected the Executive Committee will meet in the near future to
adopt plans to carry out the objects of the league. One of the things
that probably will be done, according to members of the Executive
Committee, will be to start a propaganda in this country with a view
to having the United States Senate adopt measures in line with the
object of the league. Mr. Taft said today that, judging by its action
in rejecting treaties in the past, the chief stumbling block to the
aspirations of the league would be the Senate. Steps will also be
taken to get European countries interested in the league.


ORGANIZATION.

President.

William Howard Taft.


Vice Presidents.

Lyman Abbott,
Edwin A. Alderman,
A. Graham Bell,
R. Blankenburg,
Charles R. Brown,
Francis E. Clark,
John H. Finley,
W.D. Foulke,
James Cardinal Gibbons,
W. Gladden,
George Gray,
Myron T. Herrick,
John G. Hibben,
George C. Holt,
D.P. Kingsley,
S.W. McCall,
J.B. McCreary,
Victor H. Metcalf,
John Mitchell,
John B. Moore,
Alton B. Parker,
George H. Prouty,
Jacob H. Schiff,
John C. Schaffer,
Robert Sharp,
Edgar F. Smith,
C.R. Van Hise,
B.I. Wheeler,
Harry A. Wheeler,
Andrew D. White,
W.A. White,
George G. Wilson,
Luther B. Wilson,
Oliver Wilson,
Stephen S. Wise,
T.S. Woolsey,
James L. Slayden,
David H. Greer,
Bernard N. Baker,
Victor L. Berger,
Edward Bok,
Arthur J. Brown,
Edward O. Browne,
R. Fulton Cutting,
John F. Fort,
A.W. Harris,
L.L. Hobbs,
George H. Lorimer,
Edgar O. Lovett,
S.B. McCormick,
Martin B. Madden,
Charles Nagel,
George A. Plimpton,
Isaac Sharpless,
William F. Slocum,
Dan Smiley,
F.H. Strawbridge,
Joseph Swain,
Edwin Warfield,
H. St. G. Tucker.


Executive Committee.

W.H. Mann,
John B. Clark,
J.M. Dickinson,
Austen G. Fox,
Henry C. Morris,
Leo S. Rowe,
Oscar S. Straus,
Thomas R. White,
Hamilton Holt,
Theodore Marburg,
W.B. Howland,
John H. Hammond,
W.H. Short,
A.L. Lowell,
John A. Stewart,
William H. Taft.




German-American Dissent

By Hugo Muensterberg.

     The subjoined letter from Hugo Muensterberg, Professor of
     Psychology at Harvard University, is addressed to Augustus
     J. Cadwalader, Secretary of the National Provisional
     Committee for the League to Enforce Peace.


Clifton, Mass., June 9, 1915.

Dear Sir: I beg to express my thanks for the courtesy of the
invitation to attend the conference of the League of Peace in
Independence Hall under the Presidency of the Hon. W.H. Taft. I feel
myself, of course, in deepest sympathy with the spirit of justice and
peacefulness which has suggested the foundation of such a league.
Nevertheless, I beg to be excused from attendance, as I am convinced
that this time of international excitement and prejudice is unfit for
the crystallization of new forms for the common life of the nations.

I venture, however, to add that I feel in any case grave doubts of the
value of any plans which aim to secure future peace by the traditional
type of agreements and treaties. We live in the midst of a war in
which one belligerent nation after another has felt obliged to
disregard treaties and to interpret agreements in a one sided way.
Only yesterday Italy, without any reason of vital necessity, annulled
an agreement and a treaty which had appeared the firmest in European
politics, and which yet failed in the first hour of clashing
interests. A psychologist has no right to expect that the national
temper of the future will be different.

Moreover, the Supreme Court of the United States has sanctioned the
idea, which is shared practically by all nations, that treaties are no
longer binding when a situation has changed so that the fulfillment of
the agreement would be against the vital interests of the nation. We
have learned during the last ten months how easily such disburdening
changes can be discovered as soon as the national passions are
awakened.

The new plan depends upon only one new feature by which the mutual
agreement is to be fortified against the demands of national
excitement. The plan of the League of Peace promises the joint use of
military forces in case that one nation is unwilling to yield. But the
world witnesses today the clear proof that even the greatest
combination of fighting forces may be unable to subdue by mere number
a nation which is ready to make any sacrifice for its convictions. One
hundred and fifty millions are attacked by eight hundred and fifty
millions, by joint forces from five continents, which moreover are
backed by the economic forces of the richest country in the world; and
yet after ten months of fighting one million prisoners, but no other
hostile soldiers, stand on German soil. After this practical example
the plan merely to join the military forces will less than ever appear
a convincing argument in an hour in which a nation feels its existence
or its honor threatened. For a long time we heard the claim that the
Socialists and the bankers would now make great wars impossible; both
prophecies have failed. The threat that the warring nation will have
to face the world in arms will be no less futile. But the failure in
this case will be disastrous, as the terms of such an agreement would
draw many nations into the whirlpool which would have no reason of
their own for entering the war.

The interests of strong growing nations will lead in the future as in
the past to conflicts in which both sides are morally in the right and
in which one must yield. We have no right to hope that after this war
the nations will be more willing to give up their chances in such
conflicts without having appealed to force. On the contrary, the world
has now become accustomed to war and will therefore more easily return
to the trenches. The break between England and Russia and finally the
threatening cloud of world conflict between Occident and Orient can
already be seen on the horizon; the battles of today may be only the
preamble. In such tremendous hours the new-fashioned agreements would
be cobwebs which surely could not bind the arms of any energetic
nation.

But, worst of all, they would not only be ineffective--they would
awake a treacherous confidence. The nations would deceive themselves
with a feeling of safety, while all true protection would be lacking.
The first step forward toward our common goal must be to learn the two
lessons of the war of today and to face them unflinchingly; mere
agreements do not and can not bind any nation on the globe in an hour
of vital need, and the mere joining of forces widens and protracts a
war, but does not hinder it. We must learn that success for peace
endeavors can be secured only from efforts to avert war which are
fundamentally different from the old patterns of pledges and threats.
These old means were negative; we need positive ones.

If a psychologist can contribute anything to the progress of mankind,
he must, first of all, offer the advice not to rely on plans by which
the attention is focused on the disasters which are to be avoided.
Education by forbidding the wrong action instead of awaking the
impulses toward the right one is as unpromising for peoples as it is
for individuals. We must truly build up from within. But a time in
which the war news of every hour appeals to sympathies and antipathies
is hardly the time to begin this sacred work, which alone could bring
us the blessed age of our vision, the United States of the World.

HUGO MUENSTERBERG.




Chant of Loyalty.

By ELIAS LIEBERMAN.


     Firm as the furnace heat
     Rivets the bars of steel,
     Thus to thy destiny,
       Flag, are we plighted;
     One are the hearts that beat,
     One is the throb we feel,
     One in our loyalty,
       Stand we united.

     Many a folk have brought
     Sinew and brawn to thee;
     Many an ancient wrong
       Well hast thou righted;
     Here in the land we sought,
     Stanchly, from sea to sea,
     Here, where our hearts belong,
       Stand we united.

     Ask us to pay the price,
     All that we have to give,
     Nothing shall be denied,
       All be requited;
     Ready for sacrifice,
     Ready for thee to live,
     Over the country wide,
       Stand we united.

     One under palm and pine,
     One in the prairie sun,
     One on the rock-bound shore,
       Liberty-sighted;
     All that we have is thine,
     Thine, who hast made us one,
     True to thee evermore,
       Stand we united.




American Munition Supplies

The Alleged German Plot to Buy Control of Their Sources


_The following dispatch from Washington, dated June 8, 1915, appeared
in The Chicago Herald:_

President Wilson and his Cabinet considered today the known fact that
German interests, reported backed by the German Government, are
negotiating for the purchase of the great gun and munition of war
plants in this country.

Secretary McAdoo of the Treasury laid the matter before the Cabinet.
He had information from Secret Service agents of the Government who
have been following these German activities for some weeks. It is
reported today, confirming The Herald dispatch of last night, that the
plants for which negotiations are on include that of Charles M. Schwab
at Bethlehem, Penn.; the Remington small arms works at Hartford,
Conn., and the Cramp works at Philadelphia, which, it is said, Schwab
is about to acquire; the Metallic Cartridge Company, the Remington
Company, and other munition and small arms works.

Included in the Schwab plant holdings are the Fore River Shipbuilding
Company, Massachusetts, and the Union Iron Works, San Francisco, where
it is reported parts of submarines are being made for English
contract, shipment being made through Canada.

This new move of the Germans involves the outlay of hundreds of
millions, a gigantic financial operation in the face of war needs and
conditions. It is one of the most sensational developments of the
present conflict in connection with the United States. Its
consummation inevitably would lead this country into serious
disagreement, if not conflict, with Great Britain and the Allies.

The latter will demand the fulfillment of their contracts with these
concerns. The German move is to prevent this delivery of munitions of
war. With the consummation of the purchases, the German owners could
refuse to fill these contracts. They will not fear suits for broken
contracts.

The whole matter is fraught with such possibilities of danger to this
country that Attorney General Gregory and the experts of the
Department of Justice have taken up the question with a view to
interposing legal obstacles. It may become necessary, it was suggested
today, to prevent such a sale on the grounds of public welfare because
of strained relations with Germany.

Secretary McAdoo will not disclose who are the agents for the German
interests seeking to purchase the munitions plants, or who are the
financial backers. The Secret Service men are believed to know these
details, having been on the investigation for three weeks. Rich
Germans in the United States are believed to be interested.

Charles M. Schwab, head of the Bethlehem Company, came here two weeks
ago in response to an urgent summons. He saw Secretary McAdoo,
Secretary Daniels, and other officials. At that time it was given out
that he was conferring as to details of supplies to be furnished this
Government under contracts for new warship construction about to be
awarded. It is now understood that Secretary McAdoo sought information
as to the negotiations under way at that time for the purchase of the
munitions plants in this country by the German interests.

The report of Secretary McAdoo today stirred the Cabinet as deeply
almost as the resignation of Secretary of State Bryan. Complete
reports were asked and the Secret Service arm of the Government will
be required to furnish immediately more complete and detailed
information.

_Of the efforts to obtain control of the munitions companies, The
Providence Journal of June 9, 1915, reported:_

Acting under the personal instructions of the German Ambassador,
several German bankers of New York have been working together for the
last week on preliminary negotiations for the purchase of every large
plant they can lay their hands on which is now engaged in turning out
munitions of war for the Allies.

Count von Bernstorff, Dr. Dernburg, and two well-known German bankers
held a conference at the German Embassy in Washington on Tuesday, June
1. At that conference the Ambassador outlined in detail instructions
he had received the day before from Berlin to proceed with this
propaganda, and he declared to the three men there present that his
Government considered the success of the plan as of vital importance,
superseding every other phase of the war situation.

The bankers at once returned to New York, and at a meeting next day
with Captain Boy-Ed and several other men at the German Club outlined
their plan of campaign.

For months past the German Ambassador has been in possession of a list
of factories all over the country engaged in turning out munitions of
war for the Allies. Last Saturday a concerted movement was begun
toward securing a majority control of many of these plants.

When one of the bankers at the conference in Washington asked the
Ambassador if he had any conception of the magnitude of the financial
problems involved in the scheme he replied that his Government was
fully prepared to pay everything necessary, and repeated that the fate
of the empire might rest on the success or failure of the plan. He
then added these words:

"There is no limit, gentlemen, to the amount of money available."

The activities of the representatives of Count von Bernstorff in this
matter have already brought them up to the point of negotiation, or
attempted negotiation, with the Fore River Shipbuilding Company, the
Remington Arms Company, the Bethlehem Steel Company, and the Union
Metallic Cartridge Company.

Government officials, when notified of this new propaganda yesterday,
were a unit in declaring it was impossible to believe that such a
scheme could be carried through successfully. In the first place, they
pointed out that activity of this kind would be a direct violation of
the Sherman act, and, secondly, a case of conspiracy would lie against
individuals attempting such a movement for wholesale violation of
contracts, which would become necessary in order to carry the plan to
its successful conclusion.

The moment the German agents in New York began to disclose their
purpose, several cunning individuals who have had some slight
connection with the contracts for supplying the Allies with various
materials have deliberately put themselves in the path of these agents
under the pretext that they already had contracts, or were about to be
given contracts, and have already mulcted the German Government of
many thousands of dollars.

In two specific cases men have talked of having contracts for picric
acid--the manufacture of which necessitates the most skilled training,
with most expensive and complicated machinery, and which is only being
attempted in four places in this country, and were promptly paid off,
on their pledge that they would violate these alleged agreements. One
of these deals was made in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel last Saturday.

Another case, which is fully authenticated, is that of a Western
dealer in horses, who delivered 1,500 horses to the port of New
Orleans for the British Government last January. As soon as he
ascertained what the German agents were doing, he produced his receipt
for delivery of his first and only order, and declared he was now
searching for 5,000 horses, in addition, for the British Government.
On his pledge to abandon this search, he was given $2,500 by German
agents.

The keen anxiety of the German Government, acting through the embassy
in Washington, to deprive the Allies of any shipments of war materials
that they can possibly stop is based on the result of calculations
made in Berlin and forwarded to this country two weeks ago, which
profess to show that the Allies cannot possibly arm their increasing
forces or secure ammunition for their great numbers of large guns from
their own resources, and that they must have the help of this country
in order to accomplish their purpose. The German representatives also
thoroughly believe that without this assistance the Allies cannot
continue and complete an aggressive campaign, driving the Kaiser's
armies out of Belgium and France.

_In_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _of June 9, 1915, appeared the following
statement of counter-negotiations to checkmate the German operators in
America:_

Negotiations for the purchase of arms and ammunition manufactories in
this country have been under way for some little time, it is asserted,
but so quietly have they been conducted that no hint of them became
public until yesterday. Yet, coincident with their disclosure, came
yesterday, also, announcement of a contract for the manufacture for
the Allies of shrapnel and high explosive shells on the greatest scale
yet undertaken by an American corporation, which revealed as could
nothing else how carefully these supposedly secret dealings had been
discovered, watched, and checkmated by the Allies.

This contract, all but the smallest details of which are said to be
settled, is to be taken by the General Electric Company, directors of
which admitted that the total involved would be at least $100,000,000
and might run far in excess of this figure. In fact, the order was
spoken of as limited more by the capacity of the General Electric's
plants than by any restricting order of the Allies.

The significance of this contract does not lie wholly, or even
chiefly, in its size, for the American Locomotive Company recently
closed a $65,000,000 contract with the Allies for shells. What is
considered of especial note is that less than a week ago an official
of the General Electric stated emphatically that his company had not
taken any orders and was not negotiating for any despite the fact that
for some time a proposal to specialize in war orders had been under
consideration. Less than a week ago the company had reached a negative
decision and less than a week ago there was no reason to suppose that
it would rescind this decision.

J.P. Morgan & Co., fiscal agents for Great Britain and France in the
matter of war supplies, then entered the field. Charles Steele, a
partner in the banking house, is a Director of the General Electric
Company and negotiations went forward rapidly. These were conducted
with a secrecy which exceeded that even of the German interests with
the other arms and ammunition companies, but there are several factors
which, it is known, were of prime importance in effecting the General
Electric's change of policy.

In the past much valuable time has been lost in the distribution of
orders among a score or so of concerns which have had facilities for
making shells, ordnance, and so forth. Competitive bidding for parts
of contracts has held back the finished product and successful bidders
have frequently been handicapped by inability to obtain necessary
machinery.

Now plans for accelerating manufacture in all war lines have been
launched by David Lloyd George, the new British Minister of Munitions,
and in the shadow of his influence J.P. Morgan & Co. have practically
brought to a conclusion plans to centre future war orders in a few
great companies, with the General Electric Company as the dominant
unit.

The extent to which the banking house used its tremendous influence is
problematical, but it is history that Mr. Lloyd George has been
bringing all pressure to bear to increase England's supplies, and with
them the supplies of the remaining allies, since British purchasing
agents are, to a large extent, looking after the interests of France
and Russia, and it may be inferred that the Morgan firm has been as
active as possible in carrying out the wishes of the European nations.

Persons in touch with the progress being made in war orders state that
the British authorities have become greatly concerned over their
supplies of ammunition at hand and in process of manufacture. While
orders aggregating many hundreds of millions of dollars have been
placed in this country and Canada, deliveries have been disappointing.
Canadian plants got to work early in the war, but the delay in
ordering supplies in the United States and other neutral countries has
seriously affected the efficiency of the allied armies in France and
Poland, it is said.

The experience of the American Locomotive Company is typical of the
situation. After negotiations which covered several weeks, the company
procured a contract which is said to amount to approximately
$65,000,000 for shells. During the discussion of terms, and even
before, the Locomotive officials were busy buying the necessary lathes
and other machinery, but installation of equipment and the training of
men could not be done in a few days. The contract was definitely
closed six weeks ago, but the company has only begun to turn out the
shells at its Richmond plant, and it was said in authoritative
quarters that several weeks more would pass before anything like a
substantial output would be possible.

The centring of manufacture in a single, or a few, great plants
carries the additional and chief advantage to Great Britain and the
Allies, that no efforts of Germany can now cut off their ammunition
supply. The stoppage of this supply has been one of Germany's chief
concerns since the war began, and by embargo propaganda here and by
the attempt to create sentiment she has tried to cut down the supplies
reaching the Allies from this country.

Well-founded gossip in Wall Street has had it that early rises in the
stocks of munition-making concerns were occasioned not so much by the
acquisition of war orders as by efforts of German agents quietly to
buy up control of these companies in the open market. These devices
failing, it is said, orders for ammunition and other supplies have
been placed by Germany with no hope of receiving the goods, but merely
to clog the channels against the Allies. With the General Electric and
other co-operating companies pledged to the Allies this danger will
cease to exist.

The concerns selected to join with the General Electric for what will
thus amount practically to a combination of resources for rapid
manufacture will be those whose equipment, with a few alterations, can
be adapted to the new work.

The General Electric Company, according to a Director, is in a
position to begin turning out shells at a high daily rate, and, under
present plans, the company will not sublet any of the $100,000,000
order. There are facilities available in the plants at Schenectady,
Lynn, Harrison, Pittsfield, and Fort Wayne to carry on the work
rapidly and without interfering with the ordinary electrical
manufacture now being conducted.

Wall Street offered one of the first evidences that things of moment
were occurring in the war supply situation. Bethlehem Steel shot
forward 10 points, to 165, a new high record, although Mr. Schwab's
company was not mentioned in connection with fresh contracts.

It is believed that when the proposed concentration of munition making
occurs the Bethlehem Steel Corporation and other companies which
already have booked sufficient contracts to keep them busy for some
time will not be included.

Stock of the Studebaker Corporation was in large demand as the result
of reports that about $7,000,000 of additional war orders had been
taken for artillery wheels, motor trucks, and harness. Tennessee
Copper shares were strong after it became known definitely that the
concern had arranged with the du Pont Powder Company for an increased
monthly supply of sulphuric acid. Toward the close of business stocks
generally reacted, being influenced by the desire of many traders
to keep out of the market until the tenor of President Wilson's note
to Germany was known.

But despite the many physical manifestations of unusual activity,
officers and Directors of the companies mentioned as those on which
Germany had set her eyes were uniformly non-committal when they did
not positively deny that there was truth in the story.

William J. Bruff, who is President of the Union Metallic Cartridge
Company and a Director of the Remington Arms and Ammunition Company,
said:

"I don't think there is any truth in it. Yes, I am certain that no
offer of any kind has been made by Germany to buy the two companies. I
would know if such offers had been made and I haven't heard of them,
except such reports as I have read in the newspapers."

Henry Bronner, a Director of the Bethlehem Steel Company, said:

"I have not heard that Germany or any one else has offered to buy the
Bethlehem Steel Company. If such an offer were made, Charles M. Schwab
would be the man who would know it."

THE NEW YORK TIMES _of June 10, 1915, included this report of Charles
M. Schwab's purposes with respect to the control of the Bethlehem
Steel Company:_

There is not the least danger of German interests getting control of
the Bethlehem Steel Company and breaking the concern's contracts with
the British for arms and ammunition, it was made known yesterday from
an authoritative source. This same authority had no information that,
as alleged by The Chicago Herald and The Providence Journal, and
quoted in THE NEW YORK TIMES yesterday, the same interests were
seeking to obtain control of other companies.

What blocks the attempts of the German agents, in the case of the
Bethlehem Steel Company, for one thing, is that the majority of the
stock of the concern is not in the market. Contrary to rumors that
have lately been floating about hotel corridors and into and out of
the brokers' offices adjacent to them, Charles M. Schwab still owns
the majority of stock. This much Mr. Schwab emphatically confirmed to
a TIMES reporter yesterday at the St. Regis. That he had no intention
of selling he asserted just as emphatically.

At the same time the information is authoritative that agents
representing the German Government or German interests have approached
Mr. Schwab, not once, but several times, since the beginning of the
war, asking that negotiations be opened. It has been intimated that
interests, private or Governmental, were willing to pay any price that
Mr. Schwab would name for his controlling interest.

Figures running into scores of millions have been named in offers, it
being the understanding that the prospective owners simply wished to
buy the big plant--the only one in the world that now compares with
that of the Krupps, with the possible exception of that of the
Schneiders at Creusot--and shut it up, in order to stop the vast sales
of munitions of war to the Allies, and the filling of contracts so big
that their delivery has hardly begun. Mr. Schwab, it is understood,
could get today $100,000,000 or more for his stock in the Bethlehem
Company.

It was established yesterday that more or less directly the visit of
Mr. Schwab to England last Fall, on the Olympic, was due to the
activity of German agents in this country in their efforts to buy the
Bethlehem Steel Company.

Word of the attempts of the German agents to obtain control of the
Bethlehem Company soon found its way to England, and the result was
that Mr. Schwab was invited to London for a special conference with
the War Office. He renewed his acquaintance with Lord Kitchener, and
his previously formed intention not to sell out was fortified with a
guarantee of orders large enough to keep the big plant at Bethlehem
going steadily for eighteen months or more.

When rumors were prevalent about New York that the visit of Sir Trevor
Dawson, head of a great English steel concern, had as its object an
attempt to obtain control of the Bethlehem Company so as to insure
that it would continue turning out supplies for the Allies, the
German agents here were making a strong bid for the control of the
concern, and their efforts have since continued.

A TIMES reporter put to Mr. Schwab yesterday the direct question as to
whether he was in actual control of the Bethlehem Steel Company.

"Absolutely," he said. "The only way anybody else could obtain control
would be to get my interest. I would never sell my interest without
making for the men who stood by me with their support when I was
struggling to put the Bethlehem Company where it is today the same
terms that would be offered for my share. As a matter of fact, my
interest in the Bethlehem Company is not for sale. Indeed, I could not
sell. I have contracts that I cannot break."

It was said yesterday that the Germans had been trying to conduct
their negotiations for the Bethlehem Company in much the same fashion
as they recently had employed in their diplomatic negotiations, and
that if they had been successful in getting the Bethlehem Company they
would have found themselves with contracts on their hands which they
would have had to carry out. The mere closing of the plant and the
refusal to continue the further manufacture and delivery of munitions
of war already contracted for would not save them from a situation
which would be the equivalent of jumping from the frying pan into the
fire.

Not only the courts would be promptly invoked to see that legal
contracts were carried out, but, if necessary, the Federal Government
could step in and insist that the manufacture and delivery of supplies
contracted for be continued, in order to prevent a breach of
neutrality. Then would be presented the spectacle of German interests
turning out vast quantities of guns, shells, and shrapnel to be sent
to Europe to be used in fighting their own troops.

According to the authority already mentioned, the Bethlehem Steel
Company is the only plant in the United States that can turn out
shrapnel shell complete. Most of the contracts that have been given
here have been taken for various parts of the ammunition by different
firms. One thing necessary for the turning out of shrapnel and shells
is a twelve-mile proving ground, and the only privately owned range of
the kind in this country is that of the Bethlehem Company.

Mr. Schwab has insisted to his friends who have questioned him about
the rise in Bethlehem stock that the only valid reason, aside from
whatever might be the intrinsic value of the property, is the
tremendous war orders that have been obtained. On this account, as
well as on account of his knowledge that the majority of the stock was
safe in his possession, he was able to enjoy his trip to the Pacific
Coast regardless of rumors at one time prevalent that a big market
operator, who was supposed to retain an ancient grudge against him,
was trying to wrest from him the control of the company he had built
up.

[Illustration]




A League for Preparedness

By Theodore Roosevelt, ex-President of the United States,

and

George L. von Meyer, ex-Secretary of the Navy.

     It was ascertained in Washington on June 1, 1915, that the
     Atlantic battleship fleet would remain in Atlantic Ocean
     waters indefinitely. The plan to send the fleet through the
     canal in July for participation in the Panama-Pacific
     Exposition at San Francisco had been abandoned, and Admiral
     Fletcher's ships would not cross the Isthmus this year. The
     decision to hold the fleet in Atlantic waters is predicated
     on two principle factors. These are: First, there
     undoubtedly will be another great slide in Culebra Cut in
     the Panama Canal some time this Summer, and it would be
     considered highly undesirable to have the fleet on the
     Pacific Coast with such a slide interposed between Admiral
     Fletcher's vessels and the Atlantic waters. Second, the
     general situation of American foreign affairs growing out of
     relations with Germany is such that it is considered unwise
     to send the fleet to the west coast and leave the Atlantic
     Coast unguarded. This is the extent, at present, of national
     preparation against war.

     The Peace and Preparation Conference, called in the name of
     the National Security League to discuss the military needs
     of the nation, began on the evening of June 14, 1915, with
     the opening to the public of the Army and Navy Exhibit in
     the Hotel Astor, where there were to be seen numerous
     placards which gave in figures and words information as to
     the situation of the United States so far as military
     preparedness is concerned.

     General Luke E. Wright of Memphis, who was Secretary of War
     the latter part of the second Roosevelt Administration, was
     among the visitors to the conference, and said he was in
     thorough sympathy with the aims of the National Security
     League. In his opinion the American first line of defense,
     to be immediately available for service, should be at least
     300,000 men.

     An audience composed of nearly as many women as men heard in
     Carnegie Hall, on the evening of June 15, the arguments of
     Alton B. Parker, Dr. Lyman Abbott, Henry L. Stimson,
     ex-Secretary of War; Charles J. Bonaparte, ex-Attorney
     General, and Jacob M. Dickinson, ex-Secretary of War,
     advocating immediate increases in the army and navy as the
     best safeguard against war. Ex-Judge Parker, who was
     Chairman of the meeting, struck the keynote of the
     conference in these words:

     "We want to arouse the people of the United States from the
     Atlantic to the Pacific, to the end that they shall let
     Congress know that they have made up their minds to spend a
     little of that $187,000,000,000 of which we boast in order
     that our wives and our children and our grandchildren shall
     not be visited with the calamity which has befallen
     Belgium."

     Two features of the conference were the reading of a letter
     to Hudson Maxim from ex-President Theodore Roosevelt and a
     speech on naval unpreparedness by George von L. Meyer,
     ex-Secretary of the Navy. The speech is reproduced below in
     part, and the letter from Mr. Roosevelt in full, together
     with the resolution of the conference.


MR. ROOSEVELT'S LETTER.

My Dear Mr. Maxim:

I thank you heartily for your book on "Defenseless America." It is a
capital book and I believe it is safe to say that no wise and
patriotic American can fail to recognize the service that you have
rendered in writing it. I hope it will have the widest possible
circulation throughout our country.

I was glad to see the first-class letters that have been written you
by such good Americans as Oscar Straus, Garrett P. Serviss, Rear
Admiral W.W. Kimball, C.P. Gray, Holman Day, and the others. On the
other hand, I was saddened by the extraordinary letter sent you by the
three young men who purported to speak for the senior class of the
college of which they are members. The course of conduct which these
men and those like them advocate for the nation would, of course, not
only mean a peculiar craven avoidance of national duty by our people
at this time, but would also inevitably tend permanently to encourage
the spirit of individual cowardice no less than of national cowardice.

The professional pacifists, the professional peace-at-any-price men,
who during the last five years have been so active, who have pushed
the mischievous all-arbitration treaties at Washington, who have
condoned our criminal inactivity as regards Mexico and, above all, as
regards the questions raised by the great world war now raging, and
who have applauded our abject failure to live up to the obligations
imposed upon us as a signatory power of The Hague Convention, are, at
best, an unlovely body of men, and taken as a whole are probably the
most undesirable citizens that this country contains.

But it is less shocking to see such sentiments developed among old men
than among young men. The college students who organize or join these
peace-at-any-price leagues are engaged, according to their feeble
abilities, in cultivating a standard of manhood which, if logically
applied, would make them desire to "arbitrate" with any tough
individual who slapped the sister or sweetheart of one of them in the
face.

Well-meaning people, as we all know, sometimes advocate a course of
action which is infamous; and, as was proved by the great Copperhead
Party fifty years ago, there are always some brave men to be found
condoning or advocating deeds of national cowardice. But the fact
remains that the advocates of pacifism who have been most prominent in
our country during the past five years have been preaching
poltroonery.

Such preaching, if persevered in long enough, softens the fibre of any
nation, and, above all, of those preaching it; and if it is reduced to
practice it is ruinous to national character. These men have been
doing their best to make us the China of the Occident, and the college
students, such as those of whom you speak, have already reached a
level considerably below that to which the higher type of Chinaman has
now struggled on his upward path.

On the whole, for the nation as for the individual, the most
contemptible of all sins is the sin of cowardice; and while there are
other sins as base there are none baser. The prime duty for this
nation is to prepare itself so that it can protect itself--and this
is the duty that you are preaching in your admirable volume. It is
only when this duty has been accomplished that we shall be able to
perform the further duty of helping the cause of the world
righteousness by backing the cause of the international peace of
justice (the only kind of peace worth having) not merely by words but
by deeds.

A peace conference such as that which some of our countrymen propose
at the moment to hold is purely noxious, until as a preliminary we put
ourselves in such shape that what we say will excite the respect and
not the derision of foreign nations; and, furthermore, until we have
by practical action shown that we are heartily ashamed of ourselves
for our craven abandonment of duty in not daring to say a word when
The Hague Conventions were ruthlessly violated before our eyes.

Righteousness must be put before peace, and peace must be recognized
as of value only when it is the hand-maiden of justice. The doctrine
of national or individual neutrality between right and wrong is an
ignoble doctrine, unworthy the support of any brave or honorable man.
It is wicked to be neutral between right and wrong, and this statement
can be successfully refuted only by men who are prepared to hold up
Pontius Pilate, the arch-typical neutral of all time, as worthy of our
admiration.

An ignoble peace may be the worst crime against humanity, and
righteous war may represent the greatest service a nation can at a
given moment render to itself and to mankind.

Our people also need to come to their senses about the manufacture and
sale of arms and ammunition. Of course, the same moral law applies
here between nations as between individuals within a nation. There is
not the slightest difference between selling ammunition in time of war
and in time of peace, because when sold in time of peace it is only
sold with a view to possibility or likelihood of war. It should never
be sold to people who will make bad use of it, and it should be
freely sold at all times to those who will use it for a proper
purpose.

It is absolutely essential that we should have stores where citizens
of a nation can buy arms and ammunition. It is a service to good
citizenship to sell a revolver to an honest householder for use
against burglars or to a policeman for use against "gunmen." It is an
outrage against humanity knowingly to sell such a revolver to a
burglar or a "gunman." The morality of the sale depends upon the
purpose and the probable use. This is true among individuals. It is no
less true among nations.

I am speaking of the moral right. Our legal right to sell ammunition
to the Allies is, of course, perfect, just as Germany, the greatest
trader in ammunition to other nations in the past, had an entire legal
right to sell guns and ammunition to Turkey, for instance. But, in
addition to our legal right to sell ammunition to those engaged in
trying to restore Belgium to her own people, it is also our moral duty
to do so, precisely as it is a moral duty to sell arms to policemen
for use against "gunmen."

Wishing you all possible success, I am, faithfully yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

Hudson Maxim, Esq., Lansing, N.J.


MR. MEYER'S SPEECH.

_The National Security League brought its two-day Peace and
Preparation Conference to a close on June 15, 1915, with a luncheon in
the Hotel Astor at which more than 1,000 men and women listened to
George von L. Meyer, ex-Secretary of the Navy, as he announced that
the navy of the United States was utterly unfit for war with any
first-class nation. Mr. Meyer was interrupted many times by applause,
and the loudest outburst came when he placed the blame for what he
termed the present demoralized state of the navy squarely up to
Secretary Josephus Daniels. He said, in part:_

In calling attention to these defects I have not done so from a desire
to criticise the present head of the navy, although I do believe that
he is responsible for the demoralized condition of the personnel and
the decreased efficiency of the navy.

_In advancing his argument for a greater navy Mr. Meyer contended that
such a step would be the best safeguard against war. He asserted that
we would have had no war with Spain in 1908 if we had had four more
ships like the Oregon. With such a powerful fighting force, he argued,
no nation at that time would have dared to meet us. Spain would have
yielded without a fight, and this country would have saved
$500,000,000. He continued:_

The only attack we need consider is an attack from some great naval
power, and for that reason we need an adequate navy because it tends
toward peace, because it discourages attack and serves the best
interests of the country, while an inadequate navy is a vast expense
to the country and does not serve as a protection.

Of the thirty-five battleships that we have today only twenty-one are
in commission and ready for emergency. Of those twenty-one, three have
broken shafts, and the fourth is a turbine battleship which was put
out of commission because it needs to be thoroughly overhauled. In
addition to that, there are seventy fighting vessels which are not
ready to be called upon for an emergency because they are out of
commission and would require a long overhauling. We lack battle
cruisers, scout cruisers, aeroplanes, and armed airships.

Our submarine fleet is in a critical condition. The complement of
torpedo vessels has been reduced from 15 to 25 per cent. to get men to
commission new boats. This reduction in personnel is a serious
handicap, reduces the efficiency of the destroyers, affects
contentment, and prevents the boats being kept in good condition. The
Atlantic fleet needs 5,000 men, according to the evidence of the
Commander in Chief of that fleet. The reserve fleet at Philadelphia
was largely depleted in order to get a new crew for the Alabama when
she was ordered to Hampton Roads to enforce neutrality; and the naval
force of Hampton Roads was a pitifully weak one: One small submarine,
one little torpedo destroyer diverted from Annapolis, and one reserve
battleship, of which the fleet in Philadelphia had been robbed in
order to put her in commission.

The review in New York this year was a poor imitation of previous
reviews, in that the reserve fleet was absent. It was a mere parade,
not a mobilization. It did not indicate the true condition of the
fleet, because the people did not know the whole truth. For lack of
men, ships are laid up in navy yards, where they rapidly deteriorate,
like a vacant house.

All small ships and all cruisers now laid up for lack of men are
needed in Mexico and elsewhere, and should be ready for an emergency
call. The complement of enlisted men at shore stations and training
stations has been kept down, with a decided loss of efficiency and
greatly to the discontent and discomfort of the men. A navy with an
insufficient and disgruntled personnel cannot be efficient, and its
morale must necessarily be disastrously affected.

_It would take 18,000 men in order to put the vessels that are fit for
war service into commission, Mr. Meyer asserted. Congress was to blame
for not having established a national council of defense, a general
staff, and a national reserve of 50,000 efficient men. He added:_

It is the lack of any definite naval policy and the failure of
Congress to recognize the necessity for such a policy that has placed
us in a position of inferiority, which may lead us to war or cause us
great embarrassment as well as discredit to the country.

_Mr. Meyer urged an investigation by Congress of our national defense,
to the end that a comprehensive plan should be adopted for the future.
He declared further:_

This investigation has been denied to the people by the leaders of
the party in power, and it is deplorable that there should be an
attempt to deceive the people in a matter of such vital importance.


OFFICIAL RESOLUTION.

_Here is the resolution of the league, which was later ratified by the
official delegates and forwarded to the White House at Washington:_

Whereas, The events of the past year have demonstrated the fact that
war, no matter how greatly it may be deplored, may suddenly and
unexpectedly occur, notwithstanding the existence of treaties of peace
and amity, and have also shown that nations who were unprepared have
paid and are paying the price of their lack of foresight;

And, Whereas, The reports of our military and naval experts have made
clear that the defensive forces of the country are inadequate for the
proper protection of our coasts and to enable our Government to
maintain its accepted policies and to fulfill its obligations to other
States, and to exert in the adjustment of international questions the
influence in which the Republic is entitled;

Therefore, be it Resolved

That we appeal to the President, if consistent with the public
interest, to call the early attention of Congress to the pressing need
of prompt and efficient action so that the resources of our great
country can be utilized for the proper defense of the Republic;

And, Resolved, That the National Security League, under whose auspices
this Peace and Preparation Conference has been held, be urged to
continue the work which it has already undertaken, of bringing the
American people to a full realization of our deplorable state of
unpreparedness and of the necessity of action by Congress.




Przemysl and Lemberg

German Reports of Mackensen's Victorious Thrust in Galicia

     Przemysl fell to the German arms on June 3, 1915, ten weeks
     after the Russians had captured the fortress and its
     Austrian garrison following a six months' investment. The
     campaign which meant as its first result the recapture of
     this great fortress of nineteen modern forts and sixteen
     field fortifications, with innumerable trenches, was
     continued by the renewal of the "thrust" of General von
     Mackensen toward Lemberg, the capital of Galicia.
     Semi-official figures published in Berlin estimated the
     Russian losses from May 1 to June 18, when the victorious
     German armies were approaching the gates of Lemberg, at
     400,000 dead and wounded and 300,000 prisoners, besides
     100,000 lost before Field Marshal von Hindenburg's forces in
     Poland and Courland. On June 22 Berlin reported five
     Austro-German armies shelling the last lines of the Russian
     defenses before Lemberg, which fell on June 23.

     The admitted weakness of Russia in this campaign was the
     exhaustion of her ammunition supplies. The intent of the
     German thrust was to drive the Russians far back and
     establish easily defended positions from which the Germans
     might detach forces for operations against Italy and the
     Allies in the west. Political consequences, also, were
     expected from German success in Galicia in deterring
     Bulgaria and Rumania from entering the war.

     On June 21 advices reaching Tokio from Vladivostok indicated
     that heavy shipments of munitions of war intended for use by
     Russia's armies had arrived at that seaport, in such
     quantities that facilities were lacking to forward them by
     rail through Siberia.


THE WEST GALICIAN "DRIVE."

(Wolff Telegraphic Bureau, Berlin, May 6, 1915.)

_From the Great Headquarters we have received the following in regard
to the "drive" in West Galicia:_

To the complete surprise of the enemy, large movements of troops into
West Galicia had been completed by the end of April. These troops,
subject to the orders of General von Mackensen, had been assigned the
task in conjunction with the neighboring armies of our Austrian ally
of breaking through the Russian front between the crest of the
Carpathians and the middle Dunajee. It was a new problem and no easy
undertaking. The heavens granted our troops wonderful sunshine and dry
roads. Thus fliers and artillery could come into full activity and the
difficulties of the terrain, which here has the character of the
approaches of the German Alps, or the Hörsal hills in Thuringia, could
be overcome. At several points ammunition had to be transported amid
the greatest hardships on pack animals and the marching columns and
batteries had to be moved forward over corduroy roads, (artificial
roads made of logs.) All the accumulation of information and
preparations necessary for breaking through the enemy's line had been
quietly and secretly accomplished. On the first of May in the
afternoon the artillery began its fire on the Russian positions. These
in some five months had been perfected according to all the rules of
the art of fortification. In stories they lay one over the other along
the steep heights, whose slopes had been furnished with obstacles. At
some points of special importance to the Russians they consisted of as
many as seven rows of trenches, one behind the other. The works were
very skillfully placed, and were adopted to flanking one another. The
infantry of the allied [Teutonic] troops in the nights preceding the
attack had pushed forward closer to the enemy and had assumed
positions in readiness for the forward rush. In the night from May 1
to 2 the artillery fired in slow rhythm at the enemy's positions.
Pauses in the fire served the pioneers for cutting the wire
entanglements. On the 2d of May at 6 A.M. an overwhelming artillery
fire, including field guns and running up to the heaviest calibres,
was begun on the front many miles in extent selected for the effort to
break through. This was maintained unbroken for four hours.

[Illustration: FIELD MARSHALL VON MACKENSEN

Who Commanded the Victorious Teutonic Forces Against the Russians in
the Southeast]

At 10 o'clock in the morning these hundreds of fire-spouting tubes
suddenly ceased and the same moment the swarming lines and attacking
columns of the assailants threw themselves upon the hostile positions.
The enemy had been so shaken by the heavy artillery fire that his
resistance at many points was very slight. In headlong flight he left
his defenses, when the infantry of the [Teutonic] allies appeared
before his trenches, throwing away rifles and cooking utensils and
leaving immense quantities of infantry ammunition and dead. At one
point the Russians themselves cut the wire entanglements to surrender
themselves to the Germans. Frequently the enemy made no further
resistance in his second and third positions. On the other hand, at
certain other points of the front he defended himself stubbornly,
making an embittered fight and holding the neighborhood. With the
Austrian troops, the Bavarian regiments attacked Mount Zameczyka,
lying 250 meters above their positions, a veritable fortress. A
Bavarian infantry regiment here won incomparable laurels. To the left
of the Bavarians Silesian regiments stormed the heights of Sekowa and
Sakol. Young regiments tore from the enemy the desperately defended
cemetery height of Gorlise and the persistently held railway
embankment at Kennenitza. Among the Austrian troops Galician
battalions had stormed the steep heights of the Pustki Hill, Hungarian
troops having taken in fierce fighting the Wiatrowka heights. Prussian
guard regiments threw the enemy out of his elevated positions east of
Biala and at Staszkowka stormed seven successive Russian lines which
were stubbornly held. Either kindled by the Russians or hit by a
shell, a naphtha well behind Gorlise burst into flames. Higher than
the houses the flames struck up into the sky and pillars of smoke rose
to hundreds of yards.

On the evening of the 2d of May, when the warm Spring sun had begun
to yield to the coolness of night the first main position in its whole
depth and extent, a distance of some sixteen kilometers had been
broken through and a gain of ground of some four kilometers had been
attained. At least 20,000 prisoners, dozens of cannon and fifty
machine guns remained in the hands of the allied troops that in the
battle had competed with one another for the palm of victory. In
addition, an amount of booty to be readily estimated, in the shape of
war materials of all sorts, including great masses of rifles and
ammunition, had been secured.


WORK OF GERMAN ARTILLERY.

(German Press Headquarters in Galicia, May 4, 1915.)

Reports of prisoners are unanimous in describing the effect of the
artillery fire of the Teutonic allies as more terrible than the
imagination can picture. The men, who were with difficulty recovering
from the sufferings and exertions they had undergone, agreed that they
could not imagine conditions worse in hell than they had been for four
hours in the trenches. Corps, divisions, brigades, and regiments
melted away as though in the heat of a furnace. In no direction was
escape possible, for there was no spot of ground on which the four
hundred guns of the Teutonic allies had not exerted themselves. All
the Generals and Staff Officers of one Russian division were killed or
wounded. Moreover, insanity raged in the ranks of the Russians, and
from all sides hysterical cries could be heard rising above the roar
of our guns, too strong for human nerves. Over the remnants of the
Russians who crowded in terror into the remotest corners of their
trenches there broke the mighty rush of our masses of infantry, before
which also the Russian reserves, hurrying forward, crumbled away.

[Illustration: The Routes to Lemberg

At least four Austro-German armies were operating toward Lemberg, the
capital of Eastern Galicia, which Grand Duke Nicholas, Commander in
Chief of the Russian Army, evacuated on June 23 to escape being
surrounded. After the recapture of Przemysl (1) one army advanced
along the railroad to Lemberg and captured Grodek, (2,) where the
Russians were expected to make a possibly successful stand at the line
of the lakes. Another, advancing along the railroad from Jaroslau,
(3,) took Krakowice, Jaworow, Skio, Janow, and Zolkiew (4). A third,
advancing from Sieniawa, (5,) apparently was joined by forces which
took Tarnogrod (6) and on June 21 captured Rawa Ruska, (7,) thus
cutting the Russian communications and line of retreat to the north.
Finally an army, operating from Stryi, (8,) drove the Russians across
the Dniester.]


GERMAN TEAM WORK.

(Wolff Telegraphic Bureau, Vienna, May 7, 1915.)

_From a well-informed source at the Royal and Imperial Chief Command,
the War Press Bureau has received the following communication:_

While by those concerned in conducting the operations of the armies
individual achievements and isolated developments of distinction are
regarded as excluded from particular mention, in the public press not
infrequently certain successes are assigned to certain personalities.
This, too, has been the case frequently with reference to the recent
happenings in Galicia. The suggestions and plans made in the war are
always the result of the co-operation of a number of persons. The
Commander in Chief then assumes the responsibility for them. So far as
the present operations in Galicia are concerned, these had in March
already been similarly planned, and at that time such forces as were
available were put into position for a penetrating thrust in the
direction, by way of Gorlice, through the chain of valleys toward
Zmygrod. These forces, however, proved to be numerically too weak, in
spite of initial successes at Senkorva and Gorlice, to break through
the enemy's stubbornly defended front. Only the proposal made by
General von Falkenhayn and sanctioned by the German chief command, to
bring up further strong German forces for a forward drive, supplied
the foundation for the brilliant success of May 1 by the armies of
Mackensen, Archdukes Joseph and Frederick and Boroevic.


ADVANCE IN MIDDLE GALICIA.

(Wolff Telegraphic Bureau, Berlin, May 26, 1915.)

We learn from the Great Headquarters the following concerning the
progress of the operations of the Teutonic allies in Middle Galicia:

In barely fourteen days the army of Mackensen has carried its
offensive forward from Gorlice to Jaroslaw. With daily fighting, for
the most part against fortified positions, it has crossed the line of
three rivers and gained in territory more than 100 kilometers in an
airline. On the evening of the fourteenth day, with the taking of the
city and bridge-head, Jaroslau, they won access to the lower San. It
was now necessary to cross this stream on a broad front. The enemy,
though, still held before Radymo and in the angle of San-Wislok with
two strongly fortified bridge-heads the west bank of this river. For
the rest he confined himself to the frontal defense of the east bank.

While troops of the guard in close touch with Austrian regiments
gained, fighting, the crossing of the river at Jaroslau, and continued
to throw the enemy, who was daily receiving reinforcements,
continually further toward the east and northeast, Hanoverian
regiments forced the passage of the river several kilometers further
down stream. Brunswickers, by the storming of the heights of
Wiazowinca, opened the way and thereby won the obstinately defended
San crossing. Further to the north the San angle was cleared of the
enemy that had still held on there. One Colonel, fifteen officers,
7,800 prisoners, four cannon, twenty-eight machine guns, thirteen
ammunition wagons, and a field kitchen fell into our hands. The rest
found themselves obliged to make a hasty retreat to the east bank.

These battles and successes took place on the 17th of May in the
presence of the German Emperor, who, on the same day, conferred upon
the Chief of Staff of the army here engaged, Colonel von Seeckt, the
order _pour le mérite_, the commander of the army, General von
Mackensen, having already received special honors. The Emperor had
hurried forward to his troops by automobile. On the way he was greeted
with loud hurrahs by the wounded riding back in wagons. On the heights
of Jaroslau the Emperor met Prince Eitel Friedrich, and then, from
several points of observation, for hours followed with keen attention
the progress of the battle for the crossing.

In the days from the 18th to the 20th of May the Teutonic allies
pressed on further toward the east, northeast, and north, threw the
enemy out of Sieniawa and took up positions on the east bank of the
river upon a front of twenty or thirty kilometers. The enemy withdrew
behind the Lerbaczowa stream. All his attempts to win back the lost
ground were unsuccessful, although in the days from the 13th to the
20th of May he brought on no less than six fresh divisions to stem our
advance at and beyond Jaroslau.

Altogether, the Russian command had since the beginning of the
operation thrown seven army corps from other areas of the war against
the front of the army of von Mackensen and against the centre and
right wing of the army of Archduke Joseph Ferdinand. These were the
Third Caucasian, the Fifteenth, and a combined army corps, six
individual infantry regiments, the Thirty-fourth, Forty-fifth,
Fifty-eighth, Sixty-second, Sixty-third, Seventy-seventh, and
Eighty-first Infantry, and the Thirteenth Siberian division, not
counting a cavalry division, which entered the field already in the
earliest days. With the combined army corps there appeared a Caucasian
infantry division, the Third, made up of Armenians and Grusinians,
which till January had fought in Persia, was transferred in April to
Kars, and later to Odessa, where it formed part of the so-called Army
of the Bosporus. Before our front now also appeared Cossacks on foot,
a special militia formation, which hitherto had fought in the
Caucasus. Finally, there came on the outermost left wing of the
Russians the Trans-Amoor border guards, a troop designed purely for
protection of the railway in North Manchuria, whose use in this part
of the area of war was probably not foreseen even in Russia.

Yet the Russians still held along the lower San the bridge-head of
Radymo on the west bank. The problem of the next ensuing battles was
to drive him also from this point.


APPROACHING PRZEMYSL.

(By The Associated Press.)

_VIENNA, June 1, (via Amsterdam and London.)--The following official
communication was issued today:_

East of the San our troops were attacked Monday night along the entire
front by strong Russian forces. This was especially true on the lower
Lubaczowka, where superior forces attempted to advance. All the
attacks were repulsed with severe losses to the enemy, who at some
points retreated in disorder.

On the lower San, below Sieniawa, Russian attacks also failed.

On the north front of Przemysl Bavarian troops stormed three defenses
of the circle of forts, capturing 1,400 prisoners and 28 heavy guns.

South of the Dniester the allied troops penetrated the enemy's
defensive position, defeated the Russians and conquered Stry, the
enemy retreating toward the Dniester. We captured 53 officers and over
9,000 prisoners, 8 cannon, and 15 machine guns.

On the Pruth and in Poland the situation is unchanged.

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, June 1, (via London.)--The German General Staff gave out the
following report today on the operations in the eastern theatre of
war:_

In the eastern theatre of war, near Amboten, fifty kilometers, (about
thirty miles,) east of Libau, (Courland,) German cavalry defeated the
Russian Fourth Regiment of Dragoons. Near Shavli, hostile attacks were
unsuccessful.

Our booty in the month of May, north of the Niemen River, amounts to
24,700 prisoners, seventeen cannon, and forty-seven machine guns;
south of the Niemen and the Pilica, 6,943 prisoners, eleven machine
guns, and one aeroplane.

In the southeastern theatre of war: In front of Przemysl Bavarian
troops yesterday stormed Forts 10-A, 11-A, and 12, west of
Dunkowiczki, capturing the remainder of a garrison of 1,400 men, with
eighteen heavy and five light cannon. The Russians attempted to escape
their fate by an attack in masses against our positions east of
Jaroslau, but failed, an enormous number of dead covering the
battlefield before our front.

The conquerors of Zwinin (a ridge in the Carpathians)--the Prussian
Guard under command of the Bavarian General, Count Bothmer--stormed a
strongly fortified place on the Stry, and broke through Russian
positions near and northwest of Stry. Up to the present time we have
captured in this region fifty-three officers, 9,183 men, eight cannon,
and fifteen machine guns.

According to an unofficial report from Piotrkow, Russian Poland, the
Russians have evacuated Radom, in Poland, to the south of Warsaw.

[Illustration: Map of Przemysl and its defenses.]


MORE DEFENSES TAKEN.

_VIENNA, June 2, (via Amsterdam and London.)--The official statement
issued by the Austrian War Office tonight reads as follows:_

The Russians have renewed their strong attacks against the allied
troops on the eastern bank of the San. Desperate attacks everywhere
have been repulsed with heavy Russian losses.

On the northern front of Przemysl two additional fortifications have
been taken by storm, and we have maintained the conquered ground.

South of the Dniester our attacks are making successful progress.
Hostile positions between Stry and Drohobycz were stormed yesterday.

Strong Russian forces, which yesterday attacked our position near
Solowina, in South Galicia, suffered severe losses. They retreated
and, at some points, took to flight.

Besides the booty mentioned in the German communication as having been
captured during the month of May from the Russians we took 189
ammunition wagons and a quantity of other war material, such as 8,500
rounds of artillery ammunition, 5,500,000 cartridges, and 32,000
rifles.

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, June 2, (via London.)--The following report on the operations
in the eastern theatre of war was issued today by the German General
Staff:_

Successful engagements occurred against minor Russian divisions at
Neuhausen, fifty kilometers (about thirty miles) northeast of Libau,
and at Shidiki, sixty-nine kilometers (about forty miles) southeast of
Libau. The same thing happened further south in the district of
Shavli, and on the Dubysa, southeast of Kielmy and between Ugiamy and
Ejargola. At Shavli we took 500 prisoners.

Further Russian intrenchments situated around Dunkowiozki (near
Przemysl) were taken by storm yesterday. After the victory at Stry the
allied troops advanced yesterday in the direction of Medenice.

In the month of May 863 officers and 268,869 men were taken prisoners
in the southeastern theatre of war, while 251 cannon and 576 machine
guns were captured. Of these numbers, the capturing of 400 officers,
including two Generals, 153,254 men, 160 cannon, including
twenty-eight heavy ones, and 403 machine guns, is to the credit of the
troops under General Mackensen.

Including prisoners taken in the eastern theatre of war, as well as
those announced yesterday, the total number of Russians who have
fallen into the hands of the Germanic allied troops during the month
of May amounts to about 1,000 officers and more than 300,000 men.


PRZEMYSL RECAPTURED.

_VIENNA, June 3, (via Amsterdam and London.)--The following official
communication on the Przemysl victory was issued in Vienna today:_

In the Russian war theatre the German troops last night stormed the
last positions on the north front of Przemysl and entered the town at
3:30 o'clock this morning from the north.

Our Tenth Corps entered the town from the west and south and reached
the centre of the town soon after 6 o'clock.

The importance of this success cannot yet be estimated.

The attack of the allied troops in the sector north of Stry is making
successful progress.

_Following is the Berlin official announcement of the fall of
Przemysl, dated June 3:_

The fortified town of Przemysl was taken by us early this morning,
after the fortifications on the northern front, which still held out,
had been stormed during the night. The amount of booty taken has not
yet been ascertained.


PETROGRAD ADMITS DEFEAT.

_PETROGRAD, June 3.--Petrograd admits the loss of the fortress in the
following official bulletin:_

As Przemysl, in view of the state of its artillery and its works,
which were destroyed by the Austrians before their capitulation, was
recognized as incapable of defending itself, its maintenance in our
hands only served our purpose until such time as our possession of
positions surrounding the town on the northwest facilitated our
operations on the San.

The enemy having captured Jaroslau and Radymno and begun to spread
along the right bank of the river, the maintenance of these positions
forced our troops to fight on an unequal and very difficult front,
increasing it by thirty-five versts, (about twenty-four miles,) and
subjecting the troops occupying these positions to the concentrated
fire of the enemy's numerous guns.

Przemysl was bombarded with heavy guns up to 16-inch calibre, and the
enemy delivered his principal attack against the north front in the
region of Forts 10 and 11, which the Austrians had almost completely
demolished before the surrender of the fortress.

When we repulsed these attacks the enemy succeeded in taking several
of our guns, which had bombarded the enemy's columns until the latter
were close to the muzzles, and the last shell was spent. According to
supplementary information we took two hundred prisoners and eight
quick-firers.

In Galicia on Monday between the Vistula and Przemysl stubborn
fighting developed, our troops gaining somewhat important successes on
the left bank of the lower San, taking several villages, some with the
bayonet. On the right bank of the same river we were successful near
the village of Kalukouve, taking a base south of the village,
capturing 1,200 prisoners, including twenty-two officers and eight
quick-firers.


RUSSIAN RETREAT FROM PRZEMYSL.

_VIENNA, (via London,) June 4.--The Austrian War Office this evening
issued the following official communication announcing the retreat of
the Russians from Przemysl, their stand at Medyka, ten miles to the
east, and their defeat at other points:_

During the day Przemysl was cleared of the enemy, who is retreating
in an easterly direction, offering resistance on the height southwest
of Medyka. The allied troops there are attacking.

Meanwhile the army of the Austrian General Eduard von Boehm-Ermolli
has succeeded in breaking through the Russian defensive positions from
the south, and advanced in the direction of Mosciska, on the railroad
to Lemberg, ten miles beyond Medyka, within a short distance of which
our troops now hold positions. In these engagements we have captured
numerous prisoners.

The army under General Alexander Linsingen also has achieved fresh
successes, and the Russians are in full retreat before him.

On the Pruth line, in consequence of the events on the San and the
upper Dniester, further fighting has developed. Wherever the enemy
attempts an attack he is repulsed with severe losses. We have captured
900 men.

Otherwise the situation on the lower San and in Poland is unchanged.

       *       *       *       *       *

_AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN FIELD HEADQUARTERS, (via London,) June
5._--According to information given out by the Austro-Hungarian
military authorities to representatives of the press, heavy fighting
is now in progress along virtually the entire Galician front, and the
general situation is very favorable to the Austro-Germans. A decisive
conclusion to the entire Russian campaign in Galicia is in sight.

Przemysl's recapture by Austrian and Bavarian troops, according to
details received from the front, resulted from the taking of five
forts in the northern sector and the simultaneous threatening of the
forts on the south and west fronts.

With the forts on the north side in the possession of the besiegers,
with a Bavarian corps pressing impetuously through the breach against
the city, and with the Austrian Tenth Army Corps within storming
distance of the southern and western forts, which artillery fire
already had reduced sufficiently for attack, the Russians decided to
evacuate the town and all the forts except those on the eastern and
southeastern sectors. This movement was executed Wednesday night.

The Bavarians resumed their attack at dawn on Thursday, and entered
Przemysl upon the heels of the retiring Russians.

The Austrian Tenth Army Corps simultaneously started toward the west
and south fronts, but found the forts there had been evacuated. An
attack now is in progress against the forts still held by the
Russians, those positions being defended apparently with the object of
covering the latter's retirement.

"The Russian rear guards," the statement to the press says, "are
fighting delaying actions south of the Dniester River against the
Austro-German forces advancing from Stry to cover the passage of the
river. The Russians north of Przemysl are launching a series of the
most desperate attacks against General von Mackensen's army. Here they
are making use of new reserves, and at the same time they are exerting
heavy pressure against the troops commanded by Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand in the triangle between the River San and the River Vistula.

"The Russian offensive in Southeastern Galicia, designed to relieve
this situation, has been a complete failure."

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, (via London,) June 4.--The following official communication
on the Eastern fighting was issued here today:_

Our troops, after much fighting, reached the line east of Przemysl and
to the northeast thereof, to Bolesteasyzce, Ormis, Poodziao, and
Tarzawa. The booty taken at Przemysl has not yet been ascertained.
According to statements made by prisoners of the most varied
descriptions, the Russians during the night of June 2-3, during which
Przemysl was taken by storm, had prepared a general attack over the
whole front against the army under General von Mackensen. This
offensive broke down completely at the outset. Twenty-two kilometers
(about 13-1/2 miles) east of Przemysl German troops under General von
Marwitz are fighting on the heights on both sides of Myslatyeze. The
army of General von Linsingen is about to cross the lower crossing of
the Stry, northeast of the town of the same name.

Our cavalry has driven Russian divisions out of the villages of Lenen
and Schrunden, sixty kilometers, (thirty-seven miles,) and seventy
kilometers, (forty-three miles,) east of Libau Courland. In the
district of Rawcliany, west of Kurschany and near Sredniki, on the
Dubysa, attacks by the enemy failed.


GERMAN THRUST TOWARD LEMBERG.

[By The Associated Press.]

_VIENNA, June 3, (via London, Friday, June 4.)_--The German and
Austrian forces which broke the Russian lines at Stry are moving
northward rapidly. The Russians are apparently unable to make a stand
in the plains, and the chances of doing so north of the river are
regarded as problematical.

Now that Przemysl has fallen, rendering it possible for General
Mackensen to continue his movement eastward, he would naturally meet a
check at the Russian fortified positions partly composed of a chain of
lakes extending north and south, about eighteen miles west of Lemberg.
It is thought, however, that these positions will prove untenable,
because General Linsingen, having crossed the Dniester to the west of
Mikolajow, will likely cut the communications with Lemberg. The
Austro-German plan of operations against Lemberg apparently is the
same as against Przemysl. The assailants are expected to throw columns
on both sides of the city and then press together some distance beyond
it. In the meantime this movement seems to threaten the Russians
fighting around Nadworna with a loss of contact with the main body.

In view of the double success at Przemysl and Stry, it is expected in
Vienna that the Galician campaign will move at an accelerated pace the
next few days.


AN ENCIRCLING MOVEMENT.

_LONDON, June 5.--Heavy fighting is still in progress in Galicia,
where the Austro-Germans are attempting an encircling movement
against Lemberg such as proved successful at Przemysl. The following
statement was given out today at the War Office in Vienna:_

East of Przemysl, near Medkya, the Russians have been unable to resist
a further advance of the Teutonic allies toward Mosziska.

In the district of the Lower San the enemy's attacks were repulsed.
From the west Austro-German troops approached the district near Kalusz
and Zurawna.

On the Pruth fighting is proceeding. The enemy obstinately attacked
here at several points but was driven back to the river.

       *       *       *       *       *

_The following is the official report from Berlin:_

In connection with the Russian attacks repulsed yesterday at Rawdejany
and Sawdyniki, our troops have made further advances and have driven
off their opponents who held the bridge-head at Sawdyniki. They made
1,970 prisoners. Further north cavalry engagements took place
yesterday in the region of Fokeljanij with good results for us.

To the east of Jaroslau the situation remains unchanged. South of
Przemysl our troops, under General Marwitz, together with
Austro-Hungarian troops, are advancing in the direction of Mosziska.
The army under General von Linsingen has driven the enemy back in the
direction of Kalusz and Zurawno on the Dniester.


SIXTH WEEK OF THE "THRUST."

_BERLIN, June 7, (via London.)--Everything indicates that the Teutonic
allies are beginning the sixth week of their Galician campaign with a
promising outlook. The Russians have lost their line on the River San,
and they appear also about to lose their positions on the River
Dniester. These same advices indicate further that the Russians to the
east and northeast of Czernowitz already have begun to retreat. The
following bulletin was issued by the War Office today:_

During the battles at Przemysl 33,805 prisoners were taken. East of
Przemysl the troops of the Teutonic allies continued their victorious
battle. They drove back the enemy toward Wysznia, to the northeast of
Mosciska.

Part of the army under General von Linsingen has crossed the Dniester
at Zurawna, and has taken the hill to the north of the eastern bank by
storm. Further south the pursuit reached the Nowica-Kalusz-Tomaszow
line. The number of prisoners taken has been increased to more than
13,000.

In addition to crossing the Dniester, which was accomplished by
General von Linsingen's army through a feint attack on Zurawna, the
Austro-German forces also were victors at Klusz, forty-five miles
southeast of Drohobycz, where they took many prisoners.

       *       *       *       *       *

_VIENNA, (via London,) June 7.--The following official statement was
issued tonight by the Austrian War Office:_

After the severe defeat at Przemysl the Russian Army command, during
the last few days, has made strong efforts to break our line by
attacks against our positions on the Pruth, especially against the
district of Kolomea and Delatyn, where the enemy continues to push
forward masses of fresh troops.

While all these attacks were being put down by the tenacious bravery
of General Pflanzer's army, through which the Russians suffered
severely, allied forces under General Linsingen were approaching from
the west. Yesterday they captured Kalusz, the district north of Kalusz
and the heights on the left bank of the Dniester, north of Zurawna.
Between Nadowarna, near the Bystrica, and the Lomnica, our troops
joined in the attack.

Battles to the east of Przemysl and Jaroslau continue. North of
Mosciska the enemy has been forced to evacuate Sieniawa. Isolated weak
counter-attacks by the Russians collapsed.

Near Przemysl we have captured since June 1 33,805 prisoners.


LINSINGEN AT LUBACZOW.

_BERLIN, June 8, (via London.)--General von Linsingen, in his advance
from Przemysl in the direction of Lemberg, has reached Lubaczow,
forty-five miles northeast of Przemysl. This information was contained
in the following official report given out at German Army Headquarters
today:_

Eastern Theatre of War--Our offensive movement in the Shavli district
and east of the Dubsa is taking its course. Southwest of Plodock an
enemy aeroplane was captured.

Southeastern Theatre of War--East of Przemysl the general situation is
the same. The number of prisoners taken by the army under General von
Mackensen since June 1 amounts to more than 20,000. In the hills near
Nowoszyn, northeast of Zuralt, the troops under General Linsingen
again defeated the enemy. The pursuit reached the line of Lubaczow.

South of the Dniester River we crossed the Lukew River and reached
Byslow, east of Kalusz, Wojnilow, Feredne, and Kolodziejow. The booty
taken this day amounts to 4,300 prisoners, four cannon, and twelve
machine guns.

       *       *       *       *       *

_VIENNA, June 8. (via London.)--At Army Headquarters today the
following statement was given out:_

In the districts of the Pruth and Dniester (Galicia) the troops of the
Teutonic allies yesterday prosecuted an attack along the
Lanozyn--Nadworna--Kalusz line and pushed back the enemy toward
Stanislau and Halicz. Further progress was made on the left bank of
the Dniester, east and north of Zurawna, 6,200 Russians being
captured. Otherwise the situation is unchanged.


STANISLAU TAKEN.

_BERLIN, June 9, (via London.)--Following is the bulletin concerning
the operations issued today by the War Office:_

To the northeast of Zurawna troops under General Linsingen brought the
Russian counter-attack to a standstill. Further to the south fighting
is in progress for possession of the hills to the east of Kalusz and
west of Jezuwol.

Stanislau already is in our possession. We took 4,500 men prisoners
and captured thirteen machine guns.

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, June 9, (by Wireless to Sayville.)--Included in the items
given out today by the Overseas News Agency is the following:_

The army under General von Linsingen has succeeded in crossing the
Dniester River, in Galicia, with the purpose of cutting communications
to the Russian armies in Bukowina and Galicia.

       *       *       *       *       *

_VIENNA, June 9, (via London.)--The Austrian War Office issued the
following official communication tonight:_

South of the Dniester the Russians have again lost ground. After many
victorious engagements the [Teutonic] allies yesterday reached, to the
north of Kolomea, the Kulacz-Kowcekorzow line and occupied the heights
of Otynia. In the evening they occupied Stanislau, and made a further
advance toward Halicz. The day's captures amounted to 5,570 prisoners.

No important events have occurred on the remainder of the front in
Poland and Galicia.


GERMAN SETBACK IN THE NORTH.

_BERLIN, (via London,) June 10.--An official announcement from Army
Headquarters today states that the German forces which invaded the
Baltic provinces of Russia have retreated. Following is the text of
the statement:_

To the southeast of Shavli the Russians offered strong resistance
yesterday to our advance. Minor progress was made. The booty taken by
us in the last two days in this district amounts to 2,250 prisoners
and two machine guns.

The enemy brought forward reinforcements from a northeasterly
direction in opposition to our encircling movement on the east of the
Dubysa. On account of this menace our wing was withdrawn toward the
line of Beisagola-Zoginie without being interfered with by the enemy.

South of the Niemen River we took 3,200 Russian prisoners, while in
pursuit of the enemy since June 6. We also captured two flags, twelve
machine guns, and many field kitchens and carts.

In the southeastern theatre the situation to the east of Przemysl
remains unchanged.

Fresh Russian forces advanced from the region of Mikolaiow and
Rohatyn, to the south and the southeast of Lemberg, respectively.
Their attack was repulsed by parts of the army under General Linsingen
on the line of Lityma, northeast of Drohobac, and Zurawna, in the
Dniester section.

East of Stanislau and at Kaledniz battles and pursuit continue.


NORTH OF SHAVLI.

_BERLIN, June 13, (via London.)--The following report of the
operations on the Russian front was issued by the War Office today:_

In the eastern theatre our attack northwest of Shavli made good
progress. Kuzie was taken by storm. Enemy counter-attacks failed.
Eight officers and 3,350 men and eight machine guns were captured.

Southeast of the Mariampol-Kovno Road battles against Russian
reinforcements arriving from the south have commenced.

North of Przasnysz another 150 prisoners were made.

Our invasion into the enemy lines south of Bolimow was followed in the
night by Russian counter-attacks, all of which were unsuccessful. The
gained positions are firmly in our hands. Our booty in this sector has
been increased to 1,600 prisoners, eight cannon, two of which are of
heavy calibre, and nine machine guns.


DRIVING NEAR MOSCISKA.

_VIENNA, June 14, (via London.)--The following official statement was
issued today from General Headquarters:_

In the Russian war theatre the allied armies again attacked yesterday
in Middle Galicia. After stubborn fighting the Russian front to the
east and southeast of Jaroslau was broken and the enemy was forced to
retreat with very heavy losses.

Since last night the Russians have also been retreating near Mosciska
and to the southeast of that place. We captured yesterday 16,000
Russians.

[Illustration: Scene of General von Hindenberg's operation in
Courland.]

Battles south of the Dniester are continuing. Near Derzow, south of
Mikolaiow, our troops repulsed four strong attacks. The enemy was
routed from the battlefield.

Northeast of Zurawna the allied troops advanced against Zydaczow
yesterday and captured it after heavy fighting. North of Tlamcz an
attack is also in progress. Many prisoners, the number of whom has not
yet been fixed, have fallen into our hands.

North of Zale Szczyky the Russians attacked, after 11 o'clock at
night, on a front of three kilometers, (nearly two miles,) but the
attack failed under losses to the enemy.

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, June 14, (via London.)--The following official announcement
was issued here today:_

Eastern Theatre of War: In the neighborhood of Kuzie, northwest of
Shavli, (Baltic provinces,) a few enemy positions were taken. Three
officers and 300 men were taken prisoners. Southeast of the road from
Mariampol to Kovno our troops took the first Russian line by storm.
Three officers and 313 men were captured.

Southeast Theatre of War: General von Mackensen began an attack over a
line extending seventy kilometers, (forty-three miles.) Starting from
their positions at Cyerniawa, northwest of Mosciska, and at Sieniawa,
the enemy's positions have been taken along the entire length of this
front. Sixteen thousand prisoners fell into our hands yesterday.

Attacks by the troops under General von Linsingen and General von der
Marwitz also made progress.


LEMBERG IN DANGER.

_VIENNA, June 15, (via London.)--The following official communication
was issued today:_

There is heavy fighting along the entire Galician front.

The army of Archduke Joseph Ferdinand, after the capture of Sieniawa,
on the east bank of the San, has advanced in a northern and
northeastern direction. The castle and farm of Piskorvice were stormed
yesterday and numerous prisoners captured.

Fighting heavily, the army of General Mackensen is advancing on both
sides of Krakowiec (southeast of Jaroslau) and toward Oleszyce
(northeast of Jaroslau.)

Southeast of Mosciska the troops of General Soehm-Ermolli are
attacking fresh hostile positions covering the road to Grodek (on the
railroad between Mosciska and Lemberg.)

On the upper Dniester strong Russian forces are defending the
bridge-head at Mikolajow against the advancing allies under General
Linsingen, while further down the river the troops of General Pflanzer
and General Baltin are standing before Nizniow (south of Maryampol)
and Czernelica, maintaining the captured town of Zale Szczyky against
all Russian attacks. Portions of this army again have forced the
Russian troops making a stand in Bessarabia, between the Dniester and
the Pruth Rivers, to retreat, driving them toward Chotin and along
the Pruth.

The number of prisoners taken in Galicia since June 12 has been
increased by several thousands.

       *       *       *       *       *

_BERLIN, June 15.--Official announcement that the Austro-German forces
operating in Galicia had captured the town of Mosciska was made in the
following bulletin issued from Army Headquarters today:_

The enemy, who was defeated on the 13th and 14th of June by the army
of General von Mackensen, has been unable to regain a footing in the
positions prepared by him. To the northeast of Jaworow the enemy was
driven back from the position at which he had stopped, the booty
increasing.

The Russian forces south of the Przemysl-Lemberg Railway have been
forced to retreat. The troops of General von der Marwitz yesterday
took Mosciska. The right wing of the army of General von Linsingen
stormed the heights east of Zekel. Our cavalry reached the district
south of Maryampol.

_Of the operations in the Baltic Provinces and in Poland the bulletin
says:_

East of Shavli German troops stormed the village of Danksze and took
1,660 prisoners. The positions recently won southwest and east of the
Maryampol-Kovno Road were repeatedly attacked yesterday by a strong
force of the enemy, which had no success. Our troops advanced on the
Lipowo-Kalwarya front, pressed back the Russian line, and captured the
Russian advanced trenches.

On the River Orzyc our attacking troops stormed and took the village
of Gednoroczec, southeast of Chorzetten, and Czerwonagora and the
bridges there, as well as the bridges east of this place. The booty
taken at this place amounts to 365 Russian prisoners. Attacks by the
enemy against the point at which we broke through north of Bolimow
failed.


122,408 PRISONERS.

_The following official report of the operations was issued today by
the War Office:_

The defeated Russian armies in Galicia attempted on Tuesday along the
whole front between the River San, north of Sieniawa and the Dniester
marshes to bring the Teutonic allies to a standstill. In the evening
the Russians everywhere had been driven from their positions near
Cieplice, north of Sieniawa, in the Lubsyow-Zuwadowka sector,
southwest of Niemerow and west of Sadowa-Wiszenia. The enemy is being
pursued.

General Mackensen's army has captured upward of 40,000 men and
sixty-nine machine guns since June 12.

Between the Dniester marshes and Zurawna the Russians have gained some
ground, but the general situation there has not changed.

_Of the operations in the north the bulletin says:_

Russian attacks against the German positions southeast of Mariampol,
east of Augustowa, and north of Bolimow all were repulsed. Our attacks
along the Lipowo-Kalwarya front gained further ground, several
positions being recaptured. We made 2,040 Russian prisoners and
captured three machine guns.

On the north of the Upper Vistula our troops repulsed an attack on the
positions we took from the Russians on Monday.

       *       *       *       *       *

_VIENNA, June 16, (via London.)--The following official communication
was issued today:_

In Galicia the Russians, despite their obstinate resistance, could not
withstand the general attack by the allied armies. Hotly pursued by
our victorious troops the remainder of the defeated Russian corps are
retreating across the Newkow, Lubaczow and Javorow.

South of the Lemberg Railroad the army of General Boehm-Ermolli
Tuesday night stormed the Russian positions on the entire front,
driving the enemy across the Sadowa, Wyszna, and Rudki.

South of the Dniester the fighting is proceeding before the bridge
head. The troops of General Pflanzer yesterday captured Nijnioff.

From June 1 to June 15 our total war booty has been 108 officers and
122,300 men, 53 cannon, 187 machine guns, and 58 munition wagons.


LEMBERG'S LAST DEFENSES.

_BERLIN, (via London,) June 18.--The following official report on the
operations was issued today by the War Office:_

In the Eastern Theatre--An advancing Russian division was driven back
by German cavalry across the Szymeza branch. At a point to the east of
the highroad between Cycowyany and Shavli an attack by the enemy in
strong force against the Dawina line was repulsed.

In the Southeastern Theatre--On both sides of Tarnogrod Austro-German
troops yesterday drove the enemy back toward a branch of the Tanew
River. Later during the night these defeated Russians were driven
still further back by the army under General von Mackensen. They
retreated as far as the prepared positions at Grodek, which are on the
line running from the Narol and Wereszyca brooks to their junction
with the River Dniester.

On the Dniester front, northeast of Stry, the situation remains
unchanged.

       *       *       *       *       *

_VIENNA, June 18, (via London.)--The Austro-German troops in pursuit
of the retreating Russians have crossed the Galician border to the
north of Sieniawa and occupied the Russian town of Tarnogrod,
according to an official communication issued by the War Office
tonight. The communication says:_

North of Sieniawa our pursuing troops have penetrated Russian
territory and reached the heights north of Krezow and occupied
Tarnogrod.

The Russian forces between the Lower San and the Vistula have retired
at several points. The heights north of Cieszanow (ten miles north of
Lubaczow) have been taken. In the mountainous region east of Niemirow
and in the rear of Jaworow, strong Russian forces have appeared.

On the Wereszyca River the fighting continues. Our troops have gained
a footing at some points eastward of the river.

South of the Upper Dniester the Russians, after hard fighting, were
compelled to retire from positions near Litynia toward Kolodrub. Our
pursuing troops have reached the mouth of the Wereszyca. Elsewhere the
situation along the Dniester is unchanged.

[Illustration: The dotted line shows the approximate position of the
Austro-German battle line in the middle of February, when the drive at
Lemberg, supported with enormous reinforcements which had been
concentrated at Cracow, began. The heavy black line shows the
approximate position of the victorious armies bent on driving the
Russians out of the corner of Galicia still remaining in their
possession. The frontier is indicated by the line of dots and dashes.]

The eastern groups of General Pflanzer's army yesterday repulsed three
Russian storming attacks. The enemy making desperate attempts to throw
our troops back in Bukowina, suffered heavy losses from our artillery
and retired quickly. Eight officers and 1,000 men and three machine
guns were captured.


GRODEK POSITION CAPTURED.

_BERLIN, (via London,) June 20.--The armies under General von
Mackensen are continuing their advance upon Lemberg, the Galician
capital, after capturing Grodek, and have taken Russian trenches, one
after another, along a front of almost twenty-four miles to the
northwest of the city, where the Muscovites are making a desperate
stand, according to a statement issued today at the headquarters of
the German Army Staff. The statement says:_

Eastern Theatre--Russian attacks against our lines in the vicinity of
Szawle and Augustowo were beaten off. Our advance in small divisions
resulted in the capture of advanced positions of the enemy near
Budtbrzysieki and Zalesie, east of the Przasnysz-Myszyniec Road.

Southeastern Theatre--South of the Pilica, troops under General von
Woyrich have taken several advanced enemy positions during the last
few days.

The armies under General von Mackensen have taken the Grodek
position. Early yesterday morning German troops and the corps of
Field Marshal von Arz commenced an attack upon strongly intrenched
enemy lines. After stubborn fighting, lasting until afternoon, enemy
trenches, one behind the other, almost along the entire front,
extending over a distance of thirty-five kilometers (twenty-four
miles) north of Janow (eleven miles northwest of Lemberg,) Bisputa,
and Obedynski, and southeast of Rawa Ruska, (thirty-two miles
northwest of Lemberg,) had been stormed. In the evening the enemy was
thrown back behind the high road to Zolkiew, north of Lemberg and Rawa
Ruska.

Under pressure of this defeat the enemy also is weakened in his
communication. Between Grodek and the Dniester marshes the enemy is
hard pressed by Austro-Hungarian troops.

Between the Dniester marshes and the mouth of the River Stry the enemy
has evacuated the southern bank of the Dniester.


KAISER WILHELM AT THE FRONT.

_BERLIN, (via London,) June 21._--Emperor William, it was announced
officially by the German War Department today, was present at the
battle of Beskid for possession of the Grodek line. These Russian
positions are to the west of Lemberg, the Galician capital.

The rapidity of the Austro-German success excites astonishment here.
It was believed that the Russians would be able to check the allies'
advance for some days on the Grodek line; hence the bulletins issued
today recorded results far exceeding the expectations of the most
optimistic observers.

Special dispatches from the front describe the Russian retreat from
Grodek and the Russian resistance from the Tanew River to the mouth of
the Wereszyca. Air scouts report that the Russians have fallen back
upon their last line of defenses protecting Lemberg, which is nine
miles west of the city limits.

The situation at Lemberg is evidently precarious, as General von
Mackensen today seized the railway between Lemberg and Rawa Ruska,
which is the main line of travel northward. This, it is considered,
gives the Russians the alternative of preparing for speedy evacuation
or of trying to hold the city, with the risk of being enveloped by von
Mackensen's army sweeping around southeastward and forming a junction
with General Linsingen's forces.

Grand Duke Nicholas, the Russian Commander in Chief, apparently has
begun to realize the threatening dangers, for he has ordered the
withdrawal of all Russian forces from the south bank of the Dniester.
Military opinion here is that he cannot extricate his huge armies
without heavy losses in men and material.


FALL OF LEMBERG.

_BERLIN, June 23, (by Wireless Telegraphy to Sayville, N.Y.)_--Lemberg
has been conquered after a very severe battle, according to an
official report received here from the headquarters of the
Austro-Hungarian Army. The Galician capital fell before the advance of
the Second Army.

The news that Lemberg has been carried by Austrian and Hungarian
troops is received today with great jubilation in Berlin. Throngs of
people crowd the public squares and the parks, flags are displayed
from windows, and bands are playing patriotic airs. Extra editions of
the newspapers are being shouted on the streets, and the church bells
are ringing. Everybody seems to feel that another great step in the
direction of final victory has been gained.

A correspondent of the Cologne Gazette telegraphs that the Russians,
before the general retreat began, hurriedly sent back all the
artillery they could move. This was done instead of endeavoring to
cover the retreat of the artillery and saving all of it. Part of the
cannon were useless, on account of poor ammunition. Continuing, the
correspondent says:

"It was after the artillery had been sent to the rear that the
panic-stricken troops began their flight. Wagons and supply trains
blocked the roads. Men detached the horses from these vehicles and
rode away on them, heedless of the crowd of soldiers of all arms
crowding back to the rear. Generals and Colonels were helplessly
carried away. Units were disbanded, and the army became a mere mob. It
was readily to be seen that catastrophe was unavoidable."

A report given out today sets forth that, since June 12, 60,000
Russian soldiers and nine Russian guns have been captured.


LONDON ACCEPTS THE STATEMENT.

_LONDON, June 23, 12:10 P.M._--The statement from Austrian
headquarters that Lemberg had fallen before the advance of the forces
of Austria and Germany was received in London without surprise. It was
known that the Germanic allies were within artillery range of the
Galician capital, and capitulation was regarded as a question only of
days. Nothing has been heard yet from Petrograd, but there is no
disposition to doubt the accuracy of the Austrian claim.


ARCHDUKE FREDERICK HONORED.

_VIENNA, June 23, (via London,) 5:42 P.M._--Emperor William has given
Archduke Frederick of Austria the rank of Field Marshal in the
Prussian Army in recognition of his services in the campaign which
resulted in the fall of Lemberg.




BELGIUM.

By LEONID ANDREYEV.

[Translated from the Russian by Leo Pasvolsky.]


I am Belgium!

Oh, look at me, kind men! I am clothed in snow-white robes, for I am
innocent before the God of peace and love; it was not I that cast into
the world the torch of strife, not I that lit the horrid flame of
conflagration, not I that caused hot tears to stream from mothers',
widows' eyes.

Oh, look at me, kind men! Look at this scarlet blot upon my bosom that
burns so vividly upon my snow-white robe--Oh, 'tis my wounded heart,
from which red blood is gushing forth! The traitor pierced me to the
heart, he plunged his sword into my bosom. Ah, what a cruel blow!

On through this field I marched in peace, bearing these flowers,
listening to the songsters' choirs on high, and praising God, who made
the beauteous flowers. Who coveted this path of mine, that wound
'midst flowers and songs? The traitor pierced my very heart, and the
white petals lifeless hang, o'er-sprinkled with red blood.

White rose! My gentle, dear white rose!

Oh, look at me, kind men! 'Tis not a crown upon my head, 'tis
waterplants, the greenish grass of ocean fields, with which the sea
had clad me. What could I do? So once again I sought my dear, old sea,
I knelt before its mighty waves, I prayed: "Oh, cover me, my dear, old
sea, for nowhere else can I seek aid. The cruel stranger rules my
home; my gentle children lifeless lie. And dost thou see those horrid
flames, that rise where once my temples stood? Oh, cover me, protect
me, my dear, my dear, old sea, for nowhere else can I seek aid!"

'Twas thus I spoke and wept in grief. And lo! the kindly sea gave me
protection.

And out of the sea I came again, I came to tell you that I live.

Oh, look at me, kind men! For I am Belgium, and I live. My King, my
Albert is alive; my Belgian people lives.

No, these are not tears that glisten in my eyes. Enough of tears! A
holy wrath inflames my heart!

No, this is not a wound upon my bosom, 'tis a red, red rose, the
quenchless flame of war, my sacred oath!

Red rose! My terrible red rose!

No, this wreath upon my head is not of waterplants, no, 'tis the crown
of Belgium, the crown of a free nation!

Where is my sword?

In the name of Justice and of Freedom, in my King's name I raise the
sword.

To Belgium's aid, O Nations!

God save the Czar and Russia, that gave her blood for me!

God save the King and Britain, that shed her blood for me!

Forward, fair France's children! Form your battalions, hasten, hasten!

To Belgium's aid, O Nations!

[Illustration: Map showing where the French were trying on June 20,
1915, to capture the German lateral lines of communications about
Arras and Lens in their steady forward drive in the north of France.
The "Labyrinth" appears in the lower left section.]




Battle of the Labyrinth

France's Victory in the Chief Western Operation Since the Marne

     The Battle of the Labyrinth, technically described in French
     communiqués as "operations in the section north of Arras,"
     really began in October, 1914, when General de Maud-Huy
     stopped the Prussian Guard before Arras. Because of their
     great strength the labyrinth of German trenches and
     fortifications southeast of Neuville-St. Vaast formed a
     dangerous salient which the French troops had to dispose of
     before they could make progress eastward from north and
     south of that point. The decisive part of the battle--or
     series of battles extending over fifty miles of front--is
     described in the brief review of the French official
     observer at the front, and in the two accounts by Wythe
     Williams cabled to THE NEW YORK TIMES after a trip to the
     front specially arranged for him and three editors of Paris
     newspapers by the French War Ministry.

By The Associated Press.

Account of the French Official Observer At the Front


_Paris, June 22.--A terrific combat from May 30 to June 19 has
resulted in the conquest by the French of the formidable system of
works and trenches called the "Labyrinth." The operations are
described today in a dispatch from an official observer at the front._

_The Labyrinth, lying between Neuville-St. Vaast and Ecurie, formed a
salient of the German line, and its position, a strong one, had been
greatly reinforced from time to time. The "Observer" writes:_

French attacks on May 9 and days thereafter failed to modify the
situation. At the end of May the French decided to finish things, and
the order was given to take the Labyrinth inch by inch.

This meant an operation of two principal phases of different nature.
It was necessary, first, by well-prepared and vigorous assaults, to
get a footing in the enemy organization, and then to progress to the
interior of the communicating trenches, repulsing the enemy step by
step. These two operations lasted more than three weeks and resulted
in complete success.

The debouch must have been difficult, as numerous German batteries,
composed of 77-millimeter guns, the 150, 210, 280, and even 305
millimeter guns, concentrated their fire on us. They were stationed at
Givenchy, La Folie, Thelus, Farbus, and Beaurains, south of Arras.
Nevertheless, our men understood, and prepared to do their duty.

It was on May 30 that the assaults began, our regiments marching out
from different points. Their ardor was admirable.

Everywhere, except on the right, we captured the first line. Behind
this were a great number of barricades and fortlets. We took some of
these, while others stopped us. One hundred and fifty prisoners,
surprised in their holes by the furious charge of the French infantry,
fell into our hands.

From this moment the war of the communicating trenches began. There
were the trenches of von Kluck, Eulenburg, and the Salle des Fêtes,
without counting innumerable numbered works, giving a feeling of
unheard-of difficulties which our troops had to overcome.

Without a stop, from May 30 to June 17, they fought on this ground,
full of big holes and filled with dead. The combat never ceased,
either day or night. The attacking elements, constantly renewed,
crushed the Germans with hand grenades and demolished their earth
barricades. There was not an hour of truce nor an instant of repose.
The men were under a sun so hot in the trenches that they fought
bareheaded and in their shirtsleeves.

[Illustration: "The Labyrinth"]

On each of these bloody days there were acts of incomparable heroism.
From three sides at a time we made way where the Germans had dug
formidable shelters, ten meters under ground. The enemy artillery
continued firing on our line without interruption.

Our reserves suffered, for in this upturned earth, where every blow
from the pickaxe would disinter a body, one can prepare but slowly the
deep shelters which the situation demands.

We lost many men, but the morale of the others was unshaken. The men
asked only one thing--to go forward to fight with grenades, instead of
waiting, gun in hand, the unceasing fall of shells.

They were hard days, and it was necessary constantly to carry to the
fighting men munitions and food, and especially water. Everybody did
his best, and we continued our success. Little by little our progress,
indicated by a cloud of dust, resulting from the combat of the
grenades, brought us to an extremity north of the Labyrinth. The
fighting continued in the Eulenburg and other trenches daily, and
ultimately the Labyrinth belonged to us.

The Germans lost an entire regiment. We took a thousand prisoners. The
rest were killed. A Bavarian regiment also was cut to pieces.

Our losses were 2,000 men, among whom many were slightly wounded.

The resistance was as fierce as the attack. Despite the nature of the
ground and the organized defenses, which had been in preparation for
seven months, and despite the artillery, the bomb-throwers, and the
quick-firers, we remained the victors.


THE FRENCH "CURTAIN OF IRON."

By Wythe Williams.

[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]

_Paris, June 1._--I have just completed another trip to the front,
probably the most important one accorded any correspondent since the
war began. For several days, in the company of three Paris editors, I
was escorted by an officer of the General Staff through the entire
sector north of Arras where the French have been making brilliant
gains in the last few weeks.

The trip was arranged suddenly by the War Ministry in order to prove
the truth of the French official communiqués and the falsity of the
German reports. I was the only neutral in the party. In fact, the day
before we started I was informed that trips to the front had
temporarily been abandoned because the fighting was too hot to take
correspondents to any place on the line. During the entire time I was
under heavy artillery fire and got more intimately acquainted with
modern war than on all my previous trips to the front. I was
especially fortunate to be picked out by the War Office over all
competitors as the single foreigner permitted to go, for it so
happened that we covered the same sector of fighting as that traversed
last February on my first officially authorized visit to the battle
zone. Thus I was able to make comprehensive comparisons of just what
had been accomplished since that time.

On this trip I covered a large stretch of territory that until a few
weeks ago--some places only a few days ago--Germany had claimed as her
own by right of conquest. I walked through miles of trenches that only
last February I peered at from other trenches through a periscope;
cautiously, because they were then occupied by Germans; fearfully,
because any instant the periscope was likely to be struck from my eyes
and shattered by a hostile bullet.

The result of this long walk taught me many things. First in
importance was that my confidence in the superiority of German
trenches had been sadly misplaced. Since the trench fighting began
after the battle of the Marne we have been regaled in Paris with
stories of the marvelous German trenches. Humorists went so far as to
have them installed with baths and electric lights, but we have all
believed them to be dry, cement lined, with weather-proof tops and
comfortable sleeping quarters, and as hygienically perfect as the
German organization has ever made anything. This belief for me had
been borne out in accounts of the German trench life reported for
American newspapers and magazines.

What I can now say is that the correspondents who permitted this
legend to go over the world must have been grandly entertained by the
Germans in special sections of their trenches set aside as quarters
for the officers. I believe that these trenches, which I saw on this
trip, must compare favorably with any they hold, for they form part of
what is called "the labyrinth." Some of the most desperate fighting of
the war is still going on there, with the French literally blasting
the Germans out yard by yard, trench by trench. In fact, this trench
line was to have formed part of the new boundary line of Germany--they
dug themselves in to stay.

I entered these trenches following a long passage leading from the
rear of the original French lines. I thought I was still in the French
trenches, when suddenly I found myself in a mud ditch, much narrower
than any I had ever traversed. The bottom, instead of being corduroy
lined, was rough and uneven, making very hard walking. I said to the
Major with me, "You must have made these trenches in a hurry; they are
not so good as your others." He replied, "We did not make them. The
Germans are responsible."

Then we came to a wide place where a sign announced the headquarters
of the German commandant. The sides of his underground cavern were all
solid concrete, with cement inner walls separating four rooms. Paper
and artistic burlaping covered the walls and ceilings, and rugs were
on the floors. The furniture was all that could be desired. There was
a good iron bed, an excellent mattress, a dresser with a pier glass,
and solid tables and chairs. The rooms consisted of an office, dining
room, bedroom, and a kitchen, with offshoots for wine, and sleeping
quarters for the orderlies and cook. Kultur demanded that the Kaiser's
office should have the best accommodation transportable to the firing
line, but the fare of the common soldier, I should judge, averaged
quite a third below that of the French--both privates and officers,
all of whom share the common lot, with straw for bedding and either
mud or stars for the roof.

Leaving this commandant's late magnificence, we soon found ourselves
in another wide, corduroy-lined trench, with straw dugouts. My Major,
without attempting any comparison, but merely to get my geography
right, said quite simply: "We are now in the parallel French trench to
that German one we just visited."

All this particular bit of trenches was where the Germans cleared out
precipitately after French night attacks, and without waiting for the
fearful "rideau de fer," or iron curtain, with which the French
usually devastate everything before advancing. Littered through them
were hundreds of unused cartridges, rifles, knapsacks, bayonets, and
clothing of every description. The dead had been taken away just
before our arrival. The prisoners--hundreds of them--we met going to
the rear.

The second great lesson I learned on this trip I already had a good
understanding of from my previous trip. It is that the "rideau de fer"
is the most terrible thing ever devised by man to devastate not only
men but every single object upon which it descends.

This time I saw the results of the "rideau de fer" on another long
stretch of what had lately been German trenches. The "rideau de fer"
is simply the French method of converging artillery fire upon a single
point where they intend to attack or where they are being attacked.
The fact that it is possible is due to the enormous number of guns and
the unlimited supply of high explosive shells.

Behind the entire infantry lines there seems to be an endless row of
batteries of "seventy-fives," close up to the trenches. These terrible
little destroyers can whirl in any direction at will, so when the
order comes for the "rideau de fer" at any point, literally hundreds
of guns within a few seconds are converging their fire there, dropping
a metal curtain through which no mortal enemy can advance.

In this section the French dropped nearly a quarter of a million
shells in one day. Unlike the English shrapnel, which makes little
impression against earthworks, the French use explosive shells almost
entirely.

As I walked over this section after the curtain had been lifted, I was
absolutely baffled for descriptive words. All the earth in that
vicinity seemed battered out of shape. The dead needed no burial
there. Down under the wreck and ruin the dead all lie covered just
where they fell.

Among the places I either visited or at least was able to see plainly,
all of which were held by the Germans at the time of my last trip,
were Saint Eloi, Carrency, Notre Dame de Lorette, Souchez, and
Neuville Saint Vaast, where the fighting still continues from house to
house.

I found the same efficient, imperturbable army that I discovered
previously, all absolutely sure of complete victory not very far off.
I got an illustration on this trip of the imperturbability of the
French soldier in such a way as I never before believed existed. We
were walking along a country lane to a turning where a trench boyau
began. Just at the turning the nose of a "seventy-five" poked across
the path. Although the gun was speaking at its high record of twenty
shots per minute, several soldiers lolled idly about within a few
yards, smoking cigarettes. We stood off at an angle slightly in front,
but about thirty yards away.

It was evening. We could see the spurt of flame from the mouth of the
gun as the shell departed to the distant Germans.

Across the road in the direction the gun pointed was a field. There,
almost in the path of the gun, which, instead of being raised at an
angle, was pointed horizontally, and only fifteen yards away, I saw a
man grubbing in the soil. He seemed so directly in the path of the
shells that I don't believe they missed blowing off his head by more
than two feet. But he just grubbed away, almost on his hands and
knees. If the gunners saw him they paid not the slightest attention,
but just calmly went on firing.

One of our party called the situation to the attention of an officer,
who immediately began dancing up and down, calling to the man to "Come
out of that before you are killed."

The man then raised his head and looked our way. He was a soldier. His
cap was slanted over one eye, his pipe dangled from his mouth, and his
face wore an expression of irritation. Seeing the officer, he saluted,
but did not trouble to stand up.

"What are you doing there?" the officer called. The man raised his
dirty fist to his cap, and said, "Digging carrots."

As we gasped our astonishment he calmly went back to his grubbing,
this time, it seemed, slightly nearer to the flash of the cannon than
before.

Another impressive sight afforded me was the manoeuvres behind the
lines. I do not mean strategic manoeuvres bearing upon real
operations, but manoeuvres such as were held in previous years--mimic
warfare within the sound of real war and only a couple of miles away.
Approaching the front, we were continually passing through these
manoeuvres. I calculated that I saw thousands of soldiers playing at
war and snapping empty rifles who the day before stood in the trenches
firing bullets, and who will do it again tomorrow. The manoeuvres come
during "days of repose" from the trenches, when the men know they at
least have that day more to live. Every field, every road was full of
them.

We motored along country lanes preferably to the main highways, where
our autos would be more easily discerned by the German aeroplanes
constantly hovering about. In these lanes we found lines of men
sneaking along, sometimes crawling inch by inch, to surprise an
imaginary enemy down around the bend. In the fields we saw charges and
counter-charges from trench to trench. We saw cavalry manoeuvres
across the open country and cavalry on foot facing each other in long
lines along the roadsides, fighting desperately with lance and clubbed
carbine.

Occasionally a real shell would come popping over from somewhere to
tear a hole in the roadside to make our automobiling more difficult.
In fact, we discovered that during "Joffre's offensive" days of repose
mean drill, drill, and more drill, and when the men are not drilling
many of them are guarding prisoners.

Along other roadsides we saw hundreds of prisoners, usually in charge
of a cavalry company marching them to the rear. At one place we
stopped and talked with them--several could speak French. There were
many well set up, fine-looking fellows, who seemed perfectly content
to do no more fighting. About a dozen under one guard were across the
road in a meadow, tossing a tennis ball about, laughing and joking.
Others were eating luncheon. It was just 1 o'clock. They had the same
fare as their captors, the only difference in service being that the
captors got theirs first.

Our officer talked to the Captain of the guard, who explained that his
lot of about 400 had just been taken at Neuville Saint Vaast. Our
officers then talked to the prisoners. I was surprised to note the
extraordinary decency of their attitude and conversation. There was no
boasting, no arrogance, no animosity. On the contrary, I heard one
Captain telling the prisoners considerable they apparently did not
know about the progress of the fighting in that neighborhood. He
smiled as he talked, and concluded by telling the men they would be
well fed and well treated.

I also noted the attitude of the prisoners. As a French officer
approached the German soldier, true to his years of iron discipline,
leaped to his feet and stood rigid as a poker through the talk, but
never the raising of a hand to cap, never the salute to the Frenchman.

I strolled down the road and found another with whom I was able to
talk. He was a non-commissioned officer, young and very intelligent. I
told him I was an American, which aroused his interest. He wanted to
talk about America. He had friends there. I asked him:

"How long do you think Germany can hold out against so many enemies?"

He stood very straight, looked me directly in the eye, and said:
"Germany knows she is beaten, but she will fight to the last
cartridge."

He spoke French. His final words, "La derniere cartouche," rang out.
His eyes flashed. Several others crowded about.

Just then a company of Spahis cavalry came clattering down the road--a
more ferocious-looking lot I have never seen--and disappeared in a
cloud of dust. All of us turned to look, the prisoner remarking: "I'll
say one thing, though: we never thought we would have to fight men
like those."

Coming from the trenches at night, we waited in a little hamlet about
a kilometer in the rear for our automobiles. About 1,000 soldiers were
there, waiting to return to the trenches in the morning. They
completely surrounded us, singling me out for observation on account
of my khaki clothes. I heard one ask our Captain about me. The
Captain replied that I was a correspondent of THE NEW YORK TIMES.
Many had never seen an American before. I was conscious that I was an
object of intense curiosity.

I saw one little chap pushing through the crowd. He stood before me
and thrust out his hand. "Hello!" he said. I thought his "Hello!"
might be French quite as easily as American, so I merely returned his
handshake. He grinned, and then said in perfectly good "American":
"You forget me, huh?" I admitted my shortcoming in memory; but his
beard was very thick and stubby and his uniform was very dirty. I
complimented his linguistic ability. He waved his arms, saying: "Huh,
didn't I live eight years in little old New York?" Then he came still
nearer, saying: "You don't remember me, and I have served you many a
cocktail. I don't know your name; but I am sure."

After something like a jar I gasped out, "Where?"

"Five years ago, at Mouquin's," he replied, and then I did remember
him, and while the others stood about marveling at their "educated"
comrade who could actually converse with the American, we talked about
many of the old newspaper crowd in New York who frequented that
restaurant. He had sailed on Aug. 4 to rejoin his regiment.

The automobiles arrived, and I climbed aboard. He reached up his hand.

"Tell those folks back in America that we are all doing fine," he
said. Then his voice sank to an impressive whisper: "And take it from
me, you can say we are giving the Germans hell now."

As our automobile jerked suddenly away into the night I could hear my
ex-waiter excitedly introducing American journalism, particularly THE
NEW YORK TIMES, to his regiment on the battlefield.

WYTHE WILLIAMS.


THE LABYRINTH.

[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]

_Paris, June 2._--This is a story about what, in the minds of the
French military authorities, ranks as the greatest battle of the war
in the western theatre of operations, excepting the battle of the
Marne, which has already taken its place among the decisive battles of
the world's history. This battle is still raging, although its first
stages have been definitely settled in favor of the French, who are
continuing their progress with less and less opposition.

So far the battle has received no name. The French official
communiqués laconically refer to it as "operations in the section
north of Arras."

I cannot minutely describe the conflict; no one can do that at this
stage. I can, however, write about it and tell what I have seen these
past few days when the Ministry of War authorized me to accompany a
special mission there, to which I was the only foreigner accredited. I
purpose to call this struggle the battle of the Labyrinth, for
"labyrinth" is the name applied to the vast system of intrenchments
all through that region, and from which the Germans are being
literally blasted almost foot by foot by an extravagant use of French
melinite.

There have been successive chapters by different writers describing
and disposing of as finished--though it is not finished--still another
battle which, from the English point of view, takes top rank, namely,
the battle of Ypres. While a British defeat at Ypres might mean the
loss of Dunkirk and possibly of Calais, a French defeat at the
Labyrinth would allow the Germans to sweep clear across Northern
France, cutting all communication with England.

The battle of the Labyrinth really began last October, when General de
Maud-Huy stopped the Prussian Guard before Arras with his motley array
of tired Territorials, whom he gathered together in a mighty rush
northward after the battle of the Marne. The crack Guards regiments
afterward took on the job at Ypres, while the Crown Prince of Bavaria
assumed the vain task of attempting to break the more southward
passage to the sea.

All the Winter de Maud-Huy worried him, not seeking to make a big
advance, but contenting himself with the record of never having lost a
single trench. With the return of warm weather, just after the big
French advance in Champagne, this sector was chosen by Joffre as the
place in which to take the heart out of his enemy by the delivery of a
mighty blow.

The Germans probably thought that the French intended to concentrate
in the Vosges, as next door to Champagne; so they carted all their
poison gases there and to Ypres, where their ambition still maintains
ascendency over their good sense. But where the Germans think Joffre
is likely to strike is usually the place furthest from his thoughts.
Activities in the Arras sector were begun under the personal command
of the Commander in Chief, who was still personally directing
operations during my visit only two days ago.

I doubt whether, until the war is over, it will be possible adequately
to describe the battle, or rather, the series of battles extending
along this particular front of about fifty miles. "Labyrinth"
certainly is the fittest word to call it. I always had a fairly
accurate sense of direction; but, standing in many places in this
giant battlefield, it was impossible for me to say where were the
Germans and where the French, so completely was I turned around on
account of the constant zigzag of the trench lines. Sometimes, when I
was positive that a furious cannonade coming from a certain position
was German, it turned out to be French. At other times, when I thought
I was safely going in the direction of the French, I was hauled back
by officers, who told me I was heading directly into the German line
of fire. I sometimes felt that the German lines were on three sides,
and often I was quite correct. On the other hand, the French lines
often almost completely surrounded the German positions.

One could not tell from the nearness of the artillery fire whether it
was from friend or foe. Artillery makes three different noises; first,
the sharp report followed by detonations like thunder, when the shell
first leaves the gun; second, the rushing sound of the shell passing
high overhead; third, the shrill whistle, followed by the crash when
it finally explodes. In the Labyrinth the detonations which usually
indicated the French fire might be from the German batteries stationed
quite near us, but where they could not get the range on us, and
firing at a section of the French lines some miles away. I finally
determined that when a battery fired fast it was French; for the
German fire is becoming more intermittent every day.

I shall attempt to give some idea of what this fighting looks like.
Late one afternoon, coming out of a trench into a green meadow, I
suddenly found myself planted against a mudbank made of the dirt taken
from the trenches. We were just at the crest of a hill. In khaki
clothes I was of the same color as the mudbank; so an officer told me
I was in a fairly safe position.

Modern war becomes quite an ordinary--often even a sedate,
methodical--affair after the first impressions have been rubbed off.

We flattened ourselves casually against our mudbank, carefully
adjusting our glasses, turned them toward the valley before us, whence
came the sound of exploding shells, and calmly watched a village
developing into nothingness in the sunset. It was only about a
thousand yards away--I didn't even bother to ask whether it was in
French or German possession. There was a loud explosion, a roll of
dense smoke, which was penetrated quickly enough by the long,
horizontal rays of the descending sun to permit the sight of tumbling
roofs and crumbling walls. After a few seconds' intermission there was
another explosion, and what looked like a public school in the main
street sagged suddenly in the centre. With no entre-acte came a
succession of explosions, and the building was prone upon the
ground--just a jagged pile of broken stones.

We turned our glasses on the other end of the village. A column of
black smoke was rising where the church had caught fire. We watched it
awhile in silence. Ruins were getting very common. I swept the glasses
away from the hamlet altogether and pointed out over the distant
fields to the left.

"Where are the German trenches?" I rather uninterestedly asked the
Major.

"I'll show you--just a moment!" he answered, and at the same time
signaling to a soldier squatting in the entrance to a trench near by,
he ordered the man to convey a message to the telephone station which
connected with a "seventy-five" battery at our rear. I was on the
point of telling the officer not to bother about it. The words were on
my lips. Then I thought "Oh, never mind! I might as well know where
the trenches are, now that I have asked."

The soldier disappeared. "Watch!" said the officer. We looked intently
across the field to the left. In less than a minute there were two
sharp explosions behind us, two puffs of smoke out on the horizon
before us, about a mile away.

"That's where they are!" the officer said. "Both shells went right in
them."

"Ah! Very interesting!" I replied.

Away to the right of the village, now reduced to ruins, was another
larger village; we squared around on our mud bank to look at that.
This town was more important; it was Neuville-St. Vaast, which is
still occupied by both French and Germans, the former slowly retaking
it, house by house. We were about half a mile away. We could see
little; for, strangely, in this business of house-to-house occupation,
most of the fighting is in the cellars. But I could well imagine what
was going on, for I had already walked through the ruins of Vermelles,
another town now entirely in French possession, but taken in the same
fashion after two months' dogged inch-by-inch advances.

So, when looking at Neuville-St. Vaast, I suddenly heard a tremendous
explosion and saw a great mass of masonry and débris of all
descriptions flying high in the air, I knew just what had happened.
The French--for it is always the French who do it--had burrowed,
sapped and dug themselves laboriously, patiently, slowly, by tortuous,
narrow underground routes from one row of houses under the
foundations, gardens, backyards, and streets to beneath the
foundations of the next row of houses. There they had planted mines.
The explosion I had just witnessed was of a mine. Much of the débris I
saw flying through space had been German soldiers a few seconds
before.

Before the smoke died away we heard a savage yell. That was the French
cry of victory. Then we heard a rapid crackling of rifles. That was
the sign that the French had advanced across the space between the
houses to finish the work their mine had left undone. When one goes to
view the work of those mines afterward all that one sees is a great,
round, smooth hole in the ground--sometimes thirty feet deep, often
twice that in diameter. Above it might have been either a château or a
stable; unless one has an old resident for guide it is impossible to
know.

It takes many days and nights to prepare these mines. It takes careful
mathematical precision to determine that they are correctly placed. It
takes morale, judgment, courage, and intelligence--this fighting from
house to house. And yet the French are called a frivolous people!

A cry from a soldier warned us of a German aeroplane directly
overhead; so we stopped gazing at Neuville-St. Vaast. A French
aeroplane soon appeared, and the German made off rapidly. They usually
do, as the majority of German aeronauts carry only rifles; the French
now all have mitrailleuses. A fight between them is unequal, and the
inequality is not easily overcome, for the German machines are too
light for mitrailleuses.

Four French machines were now circling above, and the German batteries
opened fire on them. It was a beautiful sight. There was not a cloud
in the sky, and the sun had not yet gone. We could not hear the shells
explode, but we could see little feathery white clouds suddenly appear
as if some giant invisible hand had just put them there--high up in
the sky. Another appeared, and another. There were several dozen
little white clouds vividly outlined against the blue before the
French machines, all untouched, turned back toward their own lines.

Again our thoughts and actions were rudely disturbed by the soldier
with us, who suddenly threw himself face down on the ground. Before we
had time to wonder why a German shell tore a hole in the field before
us, less than a hundred yards away. I asked the officer if we had been
seen, and if they were firing at us. He said he did not think so, but
we had perhaps better move. As a matter of fact, they were hunting the
battery that had so accurately shown us their trenches a short time
before.

Instead of returning to the point where we had left our motors by the
trench, we walked across an open field in quite another direction than
I thought was the correct one. All the time we heard, high overhead,
that rushing sound as of giant wings. Occasionally, when a shell
struck in the neighborhood, we heard the shrill whistling sound, and
half a dozen times in the course of the walk great holes were torn in
our field, some times quite near. But artillery does not cause fear
easily; it is rifles that accomplish that. The sharp hissing of the
bullet that resembles so much the sound of a spitting cat seems so
personal--as if it was intended just for you.

Artillery is entirely impersonal; you know that the gunners do not see
you; that they are firing by arithmetic at a certain range; that their
shell is not intended for anyone in particular. So you walk on
striking idly with your stick at the daisies and buttercups that
border your path. You calculate, almost indifferently, the distance
between you and the bursting shell. You somehow feel that nothing will
harm you. You are not afraid; and if you are lucky, as we were, you
will find the automobiles waiting for you just over there beyond the
brow of the hill.




The Modern Plataea

By Frederick Pollock

[From King Albert's Book.]


Nearly 2,400 years ago the Boeotian city of Plataea was one among the
many lesser Greek republics. Her citizens earned immortal fame by
taking part with the leading States of Athens and Sparta in the
decisive battles, fought on their own territory, which delivered
Greece from the fear of Persian conquest and saved the light of Greek
freedom and civilization from being extinguished. To this day the name
of Plataea is held in honor throughout the world; for many years that
honor was unique. Belgium has now done and dared for the freedom of
modern Europe as much as Plataea did of old: she has, unhappily,
suffered far more. As her valor has been equal and her suffering
greater her reward will be no less immortal. Belgium will be
remembered with Plataea centuries after the military tyranny of the
Hohenzollerns has vanished like an evil dream.




A British Call For Recruits


       *       *       *       *       *

Is Your Conscience Clear?

Ask your conscience why you are staying comfortably
at home instead of doing _your_ share for your
King and Country.

1. Are you too old?

   The only man who is too old is the man who is
   over 38.

2. Are you physically fit?

   The only man who can say honestly that he is not
   physically fit is the man who has been _told_ so by a
   Medical Officer.

3. Do you suggest you cannot leave your business?

   In this great crisis the only man who cannot leave his
   business is the man who is himself actually doing work
   for the Government.

If your conscience is not clear on these
three points your duty is plain.

ENLIST TO-DAY.

God Save the King.

       *       *       *       *       *

This advertisement, occupying full pages, was recently run in the
British press.




The British Army in France

Richebourg, La Quinque Rue, Festubert, and Ypres

By the Official "Eyewitness" and Sir John French


SAXONS SLAIN BY PRUSSIANS.

_Under date of May 21, 1915, an Eyewitness with the British
Headquarters in France, continues and supplements his narrative of
operations:_

The ground our troops were holding on Monday, May 17, projected as two
salients into the enemy's territory, one south of Richebourg-L'Avoue
and the other to the north of Festubert. The purpose of the operations
undertaken on Monday was to connect up the space which lay between
them. In this we were successful.

At about 9:30 A.M. on Monday, May 17, our forces attacked the enemy
occupying this area, from north and south, and gradually drove him
from all his intrenchments within it. The Germans here, pressed on
three sides, subjected to a cross-fire from several directions and to
continuous bombing, reached the limits of their endurance during the
morning, and over 300 surrendered.

After this area had been made good by us fighting continued throughout
the day, and our troops, having joined hands, pressed the enemy still
further eastward, forcing them out of one post after another. As the
afternoon wore on more prisoners fell into our hands, entire groups of
men giving themselves up.

The centres of the hostile resistance in this quarter were the
clusters of buildings which were very strongly held and surrounded by
networks of trenches dotted with numerous machine gun posts, and in
front of one of the nests of works near the Ferme Cour de L'Avoue,
between La Quinque Rue and Richebourg-L'Avoue, a horrible scene was
witnessed by our troops during the day.

Desperate fighting was going on in front of this farm when the remains
of a battalion of Saxons, which, it appears, had been hastily brought
down from further north and thrown into the fight, having decided to
surrender en bloc, advanced toward our line. Not knowing what the
movement of this mass of men implied, our infantry poured a hail of
bullets into them, whereupon the survivors, some hundreds strong,
halted, threw down their rifles, and held up their hands, and one of
their number waved a white rag tied to a stick.

Our guns continued to fire from the rear, and whether our infantry,
who, by this time, have had some experience of the treachery of the
enemy, would have paid any attention to these signals is uncertain,
but the matter was taken out of their hands, for as soon as the
Prussian infantry on the north of this point realized what their Saxon
comrades were trying to do, they opened rapid fire from the flank,
enfilading the mass. It appears also that the news of what was
happening must have been telephoned back to the German artillery
further east--which was also probably Prussian, since its guns
suddenly opened on the Saxon infantry, and under this combined fire
most of the latter were very soon accounted for.

Among the many scenes of the war there has probably been no more
strange spectacle than that of the masses of gray-coated soldiers
standing out in the open, hands raised, amidst the dead and dying,
being butchered by their own comrades before the eyes of the British
infantry. The fact that the victims of this slaughter were Saxons was
a source of regret to us, since the Saxons have always proved
themselves more chivalrous and less brutal than either the Prussians
or the Bavarians--in fact, cleaner fighters in every way.

While we were thus pressing forward gradually on the section of front
between our two original points of penetration, our troops on the
right in front of Festubert were making good progress southward along
the German trenches. Their attack began at 11:30 A.M., and the Germans
were soon cleared out of their line in this quarter up to a point a
short distance south of Festubert, where they made a strong resistance
and checked our further lateral progress.

[Illustration: Map of the British position. The solid line represents
the territory held by the British, the dotted line to the north
showing the position of the Franco-Belgian Army, and the dotted line
to the south the position of the French Army.]

The fighting here was made up of a series of isolated and desperate
hand-to-hand combats with bayonet and hand grenades, and, since the
Germans were, at many points, outflanked and enfiladed, their losses
were very heavy, for in the narrow trenches there was often no room
for escape, and the only alternative was death or surrender. In some
places the trenches presented a horrible sight, being heaped with
German corpses, many of whom had been blown to pieces by our
bombardment carried out previous to the original attack. By about noon
the total number of prisoners captured since the commencement of the
attack on Sunday had increased to 550.

On the extreme right the Germans were pressed back along their
communication trenches in such large numbers that they occasionally
formed an excellent mark for the machine guns in our own line to the
north of Givenchy, which were able to do great execution at certain
points.

By midday the total front of the "bite" taken by us out of the enemy's
position was almost exactly two miles long; but, as trenches and
isolated posts were taken and retaken several times, the exact
situation at any moment, as is usual in such cases, is somewhat
obscure. Further progress was made to the south during the afternoon
and after dark, and various posts and breastworks east of La Quinque
Rue, from which we had withdrawn the previous night, again fell into
our hands, although the enemy continued to hold some trenches in rear
of them. But they again formed an exposed salient, and were once more
temporarily evacuated by us.

At nightfall we held a continuous line embracing the whole of the
German original front trenches from the south of Festubert to
Richebourg-L'Avoue, and, in many places, were in possession of the
whole series of hostile entrenchments, with the exception of a few
supporting points and machine-gun posts in rear of the zone.


EAST OF FESTUBERT.

_The following dispatch was received on May 26, 1915, from Field
Marshal Sir John French, commanding in chief the British Army in the
field:_

The First Army continues to make progress east of Festubert. A
territorial division carried last night a group of German trenches,
capturing thirty-five prisoners, and this morning it captured one
officer, twenty-one men, and a machine gun.

Since May 16 the First Army has pierced the enemy's line on a total
front of over three miles. Of this the entire hostile front line
system of trenches has been captured on a front of 3,200 yards, and of
the remaining portion the first and second lines of trenches are in
our possession.

The total number of prisoners taken is 8 officers and 777 of other
ranks. Ten machine guns in all have fallen into our possession, as
well as a considerable quantity of material and equipment, particulars
of which are not yet available.


GERMAN GAS WARFARE AGAIN.

_Under date of May 28, an Eyewitness with the British Headquarters in
France continues and supplements his narrative as follows:_

Monday, May 24, witnessed a fresh development in the situation in our
front. It was a most brilliant May day, the heat of the sun being
tempered by a light breeze, which had blown from the northeast during
the night, and in the course of the morning had veered round toward
the north. This breeze gave the enemy the opportunity they awaited of
repeating their gas tactics against our position in front of Ypres,
which, though reduced in prominence, was still a salient in the
general line.

Between 2 and 3 o'clock in the morning a violent bombardment with gas
shells was started against a section of our line about two and
three-quarters miles long, and divided into four approximately equal
parts by the roads from Ypres to St. Julien and Moorslede and the
railway from Ypres to Roulers. The supply of gas available must have
been great, for it continued to pour southwestward for some hours in
great volume, in some places reaching to a height of several feet.
Owing to the direction of the wind, also, it swept southward along our
line as well as penetrating behind it.

The manner in which such an attack develops with a favoring wind
cannot better be described than by the reports of its progress brought
in on Monday morning by our aerial reconnaissances. One observer who
crossed the opposing front in this quarter shortly after dawn reported
when he came back that a thick cloud of what looked like smoke
outlined the whole of the German trenches. The next observing officer,
who arrived some time afterward, stated that to the west and southwest
of the German line he could see a broad band of yellow grass and trees
which looked as if they had been bleached. A third, who came in later,
stated that the whole area behind our line was covered by a mist so
thick as to interfere with observation.

This attempt to asphyxiate was of course preliminary to an assault
against the salient, for which infantry had been massing on the east.
It was carried out from three directions, being pushed forward under
cover of a heavy bombardment against the northern face from the
neighborhood of St. Julien, against the northeast face from Zonnebeke
along the Roulers Railway, and against the west direct from the
Polygon Wood. On the greater part of the front assailed our troops
were able to stand their ground, and to maintain their positions in
spite of the poisonous fumes, but in certain sections they were forced
to evacuate the trenches, and the German infantry succeeded in getting
a footing in our front line near the farm to the north of Wieltje, for
some distance astride the Roulers Railway, and to the north and south
of the Menin Road on the south of the Bellewaarde Lake.

In doing this the enemy lost considerably both from our artillery fire
and the rifle fire of the sections of the defense which were able to
maintain their position. Counter-attacks were organized during the
morning, and by about midday our infantry had succeeded in reoccupying
our former line to the north of the railway. By evening there were no
Germans west of our original position on the south of the Menin Road,
though we had not been able to reoccupy our line in that quarter, nor
near Wieltje. The advance of the enemy, however, had been stopped. In
the neighborhood of Hill 60 a party of our infantry during the night
bombed their way for some forty yards up a trench which the Germans
had taken from us, destroyed the enemy's barricade, reconstructed it,
and held the trench.

In the centre, near Bois Grenier, a slight success was gained in the
evening, our troops seizing some ground between our front line and
that of the Germans near the Bois Grenier--Bridoux Road. This ground
had been partially intrenched during the previous night, and at 8:50
P.M. the infantry advanced under cover of our artillery and
established themselves in the new line.

On our right, in the neighborhood of Festubert, our troops continued
their pressure, gaining one or two points in the maze of trenches and
defended houses here and there, in spite of the heavy artillery and
machine-gun fire to which they were subjected. Before dark the German
infantry was observed to be massing opposite Festubert, as if to
counter-attack in force; but their two offensive efforts made during
the night were not serious, and were easily beaten back.

On Tuesday matters were quieter. On our left the German infantry
attacking the Ypres salient did not, in the face of our resistance,
attempt to push on further, nor was gas employed, but the bombardment
of our positions was maintained. Except where he had retained or
regained our original line our position was established behind the
portions which the Germans had succeeded in occupying.


A GAIN AT GIVENCHY.

_The following dispatch was received on June 4, 1915, from Field
Marshal Sir John French, commanding in chief the British Army in the
field:_

On the night of the 30th of May we seized some outbuildings in the
grounds of a ruined château at Hooge. Since then our trenches there
have been subjected to a heavy bombardment.

Fighting on a small scale has been continuous. At one time we were
forced to evacuate the buildings, taken by us, but last night we
recaptured them.

Northeast of Givenchy last night we expelled the enemy from his
trenches on a front of 200 yards, taking forty-eight prisoners. Our
infantry, however, was unable to remain in occupation of these
trenches after daylight, owing to the enemy fire.

_Field Marshal Sir John French in a report, dated June 8, on the
fighting along the British line, says:_

The situation on our front has not changed since the last
communication of June 4. There has been less activity on the part of
the artillery.

On the 6th, in front of the Plogsteert wood, we successfully exploded
a mine under the German trenches, destroying thirty yards of the
parapet.

We have brought down two German aeroplanes, one opposite our right by
gunfire, and the other in the neighborhood of Ypres, as the result of
an engagement in the air with one of our aeroplanes.


AN ADVANCE NEAR YPRES.

_Sir John French's report of June 16--the first since that of June
8--said:_

Last week there was no change in the situation. The enemy exploded
five mines on different parts of our front, but none of these caused
any damage to our trenches, and only one caused any casualties.

Yesterday evening we captured the German front-line trenches east of
Festubert on a mile front, but failed to hold them during the night
against strong counter-attacks.

Early this morning in the neighborhood of Ypres we successfully
attacked the enemy's positions north of Hooge, (to the east of Ypres.)
We occupied the whole of his first line of trenches on a front of
1,000 yards, and also parts of his second line.

By noon today 157 prisoners had passed to our rear. The German
counter-attack has been repulsed with heavy losses.


ALLIES IN CONCERTED ATTACK.

_Field Marshal French's report of June 18 indicates that a strong,
concerted attack was then being made by British and French troops upon
the German front from east of Ypres to south of Arras. This report
preceded the French announcement of victory in the battle of the
Labyrinth, an account of which appears elsewhere. It says:_

The fighting in the northern and southern portions of our front
continued throughout June 16 in co-operation with the attack of our
ally about Arras.

East of Ypres all the German first-line trenches which we captured
remain in our hands, in spite of two counter-attacks, which were
repulsed with heavy loss to the enemy. We were, however, unable to
retain those of the enemy's second-line trenches which we had occupied
in the morning.

East of Festubert, as a result of a further attack on the afternoon of
the 16th, we made a slight advance and, judging by the number of dead
Germans in the trenches entered by us, our artillery fire was very
effective.

[Illustration]




The Dardanelles Campaign

Progress of the Allies in June Slow and Difficult

     In his speech at Dundee on June 5, from which the passage
     concerning the Dardanelles is reproduced below, Winston
     Spencer Churchill's reference to "losses of ships"
     constituted the official comment on the sinking by submarine
     attack on May 26 and 27 of the British battleships Triumph
     in the Gulf of Saros, and Majestic off Sedd-el-Bahr. That
     increased to six the sum of battleships lost to the Allies
     in the Dardanelles operations. The review of the operations
     from May 15 to June 17, shows a development of slow trench
     warfare on land, which postpones the attainment of a few
     miles to a victory confidently predicted by Mr. Churchill.


A FEW MILES FROM VICTORY.

_In the course of his speech at Dundee on June 5, 1915, Winston
Spencer Churchill said:_

The operations which are now proceeding at the Dardanelles will give
him (Mr. Balfour) the opportunity of using that quality of cool, calm
courage and inflexibility which fifteen years ago prevented Ladysmith
from being left to its fate and surrendered to the enemy. I have two
things to say to you about the Dardanelles.

First, you must expect losses both by land and sea. But the fleet you
are employing there is your surplus fleet, after all other needs have
been provided for. Had it not been used in this great enterprise it
would have been lying idle in your southern ports. A large number of
the old vessels, of which it is composed, have to be laid up in any
case before the end of the year, because their crews are wanted for
the enormous reinforcements of new ships which the industry of your
workships is hurrying into the water. Losses of ships, therefore, as
long as the precious lives of the officers and men are saved--which in
nearly every case they have been--losses of that kind, I say, may
easily be exaggerated in the minds both of friend and foe. Military
operations will also be costly, but those who suppose that Lord
Kitchener--(loud cheers)--has embarked upon them without narrowly and
carefully considering their requirements in relation to all other
needs and in relation to the paramount need of our army in France and
Flanders--such people are mistaken, and not only mistaken, they are
presumptuous.

My second point is this. In looking at your losses squarely and
soberly you must not forget at the same time the prize for which you
are contending. The army of Sir Ian Hamilton, the fleet of Admiral de
Robeck are separated only by a few miles from a victory such as this
war has not yet seen. When I speak of victory I am not referring to
those victories which crowd the daily placards of any newspapers. I am
speaking of victory in the sense of a brilliant and formidable fact
shaping the destinies of nations and shortening the duration of the
war. Beyond those few miles of ridge and scrub on which our soldiers,
our French comrades, our gallant Australian and New Zealand
fellow-subjects are now battling, lie the downfall of a hostile
empire, the destruction of an enemy's fleet and army, the fall of a
world-famous capital, and probably the accession of powerful allies.
The struggle will be heavy, the risks numerous, the losses cruel, but
victory when it comes will make amend for all. There never was a great
subsidiary operation of war in which a more complete harmony of
strategic, political, and economic advantages were combined, or which
stood in truer relation to the main decision, which is in the central
theatre. Through the Narrows of the Dardanelles and across the ridges
of the Gallipoli Peninsula lie some of the shortest paths to a
triumphant peace.

[Illustration: Scene of the Dardanelles operations. The black line
marks the approximate allied position, the dotted line the approximate
Turkish position, on June 18, 1915.]


TWO WEEKS' FIGHTING.

By The Associated Press.

_PARIS, June 14.--An official note given out today presents a summary
of the operations in the Dardanelles from May 15 to June 1 as
follows:_

Heavy fighting has taken place during this time. Today our progress is
somewhat slower than it was in the beginning, but every inch of ground
gained has been organized in such a manner as to permit the repelling
of counter-attacks, and each advance has been held. The physical
aspects of the country make fighting extremely difficult and
dangerous, as the battle front presents the form of a triangle.

During the second half of May there were attacks on the Turkish line
of intrenchments in front of Kereves Dere and the redoubt called the
'Bouchet,' which we took May 8. All the Turkish counter-attacks failed
completely.

Our position being assured here, we endeavored to capture a small
fortress situated on the extreme left of the enemy's line. On account
of the strategic position of this fortress it was impossible to take
it in the ordinary way by an artillery attack, followed by a bayonet
charge; such a method would have resulted in heavy loss of life. The
attack had to be a surprise. On the night of May 28 a mixed company
composed of thirty-four white and thirty-two negro troops, all
volunteers, under the command of a Lieutenant, received orders to slip
out of our first trench one by one and crawl on their hands and knees
to the opposing trench. Here they were to surprise the occupants and
kill them without a shot. Two other companies bringing up the rear
were to go at once to the assistance of the first company if the plan
failed.

At 11:45 P.M. our men, having gone forward in accordance with
instructions, rushed over the embankments of the enemy trenches. The
Turks were completely surprised. They discharged their guns into the
air and immediately took to flight. Thanks to the rapidity of our
attack our only casualties were one Sergeant and two men wounded.

The Turks attacked twice without success, and dawn saw us firmly
established in our new positions.


A GENERAL ASSAULT.

_LONDON, June 6.--Official announcement was made tonight that the
British troops at the Dardanelles, as a result of their new offensive
movement last week, captured two lines of Turkish trenches along a
three-mile front. The statement follows:_

On the night of June 3-4 the Turks, having heavily bombarded a small
fort in front of the extreme right French position, which previously
had been captured, launched an infantry attack against it which was
repulsed with heavy loss to the enemy. At the same time the Turks set
fire to scrub in front of the left centre of the position occupied by
the British division and attacked, but with no success.

On the morning of the 4th of June Sir Ian Hamilton ordered a general
attack on the Turkish trenches in the southern area of the Gallipoli
Peninsula, preceded by a heavy bombardment by all guns, assisted by
battleships, cruisers, and destroyers.

At a given signal the troops rushed forward with the bayonet. They
were immediately successful all along the line except in one spot,
where the heavy wire entanglement was not destroyed by the
bombardment.

Indian troops on our extreme left made a magnificent advance. They
captured two lines of trenches, but, owing to the fact that the troops
on their right were hung up by this wire entanglement, they were
obliged to retire to their original line. The regular division made
good progress on the left centre, capturing a strong redoubt and two
lines of trenches beyond it, about 500 yards in advance of their
original line.

The Territorial Division on our centre did brilliantly, advancing 600
yards and capturing three lines of trenches, but though the advanced
captured trench was held all day and half of the ensuing night, they
had to be ordered back in the morning to the second captured line, as
both their flanks were exposed.

The Naval Division on our right centre captured a redoubt and a
formidable line of trenches constructed in three tiers 300 yards to
their front, but they, too, had to be ordered back, owing to the heavy
enfilading fire.

The French Second Division advanced with great gallantry and élan.
They retook for the fourth time that deadly redoubt they call 'Le
Haricot,' but unfortunately the Turks developed heavy counter-attacks
through prepared communication trenches, and under cover of an
accurate shell fire were able to recapture it.

[Illustration: GENERAL GOURAUD

Commander of the French Land Forces Operating Against the Dardanelles

(_Photo from Medem_)]

On the French extreme right the French captured a strong line of
trenches which, though heavily counter-attacked twice during the
night, they still occupy.

We captured 400 prisoners, including ten officers. Among the prisoners
were five Germans, the remains of a volunteer machine gun detachment
from the Goeben (the Turkish cruiser Sultan Selim). Their officer was
killed and the machine gun was destroyed.

During the night information was received that enemy reinforcements
were advancing from the direction of Maidos toward Kithia. Thereupon
Lieutenant General Birdwood arranged to attack the trenches in front
of Quinn's post at 10 P.M., which was successfully carried out, and
the captured trenches held throughout the night. The Turkish
casualties were heavy.

At 6:30 A.M. the enemy heavily counter-attacked, and by means of heavy
bombs forced our men out of the most forward trench, though we still
hold communication trenches made during the night.

The result of these operations is that we have made an advance of 500
yards, which includes two lines of Turkish trenches along a front of
nearly three miles. We are now consolidating our new positions and
strengthening the lines.


MR. ASQUITH'S PREDICTION.

_LONDON, June 15.--There have been so many rumors recently that the
Allies had forced the Dardanelles that Sir James H. Dalziel asked
Premier Asquith this afternoon in the House of Commons if there was
any truth in such reports._

_"None whatever," was the reply. The Premier said that it was not in
the public interest to say anything now about the Dardanelles. "The
operations are of the highest importance," he added, "and they will be
pushed to a successful conclusion."_

_The following announcement concerning the operations was given out
officially today:_

The situation on the Gallipoli Peninsula has developed into trench
warfare. After our success on the 4th instant the Turks have evinced a
great respect for our offensive, and by day and by night they have to
submit to captures of trenches.

On the night of the 11th-12th of June two regiments of a British
regular brigade made a simultaneous attack on the advanced Turkish
trenches, and after severe fighting, which included the killing of
many snipers, succeeded in maintaining themselves, in spite of bombs,
in the captured position.

On the morning of the 13th a counter-attack was made by the Turks, who
rushed forward with bombs, but coming under the fire of the naval
machine gun squadron were annihilated. Of the fifty who attacked,
thirty dead bodies were counted in front of that part of our trenches.

The situation is favorable to our forces, but is necessarily slow on
account of the difficulties of the ground. The Turkish offensive has
sensibly weakened.


FROM THE TURKISH SIDE.

[Staff Correspondence of The Brooklyn Eagle.]

_CONSTANTINOPLE, June 5, (by Courier to Berlin and Wireless to
Sayville, L.I.)_--The forces of the Allies on the Gallipoli Peninsula
at Ari Burnu and Sedd-el-Bahr are in the greatest danger, as a result
of the withdrawal of the bombarding fleets--made necessary by the
activity of German submarines--and the consequent difficulty of
maintaining communications oversea from the Aegean Islands.

The English position is at present desperate.

The inability to land heavy artillery was at first compensated for by
the protection given by the guns of the fleet, but the withdrawal of
the ships from Ari Burnu leaves the shore forces resting almost on the
water's edge without means of meeting attacks.

Heavy Turkish batteries are mounted on the surrounding heights.

These statements are made after a week spent in the Turkish field
under the first personal pass issued to a newspaper correspondent by
Field Marshal Liman von Sanders, the Commander in Chief of the Turkish
Army.

The Turks are fighting confidently, aided by a few German machine gun
squads.

The farthest advance made by the English at Ari Burnu is 1,000 yards
from shore; at Sedd-el-Bahr, about two miles.

Have seen Forts Chanak and Kalid Bahr, and find they are still intact.

The net results of the English attempt to force the Dardanelles are at
present almost nil.

The general impression at Constantinople and Berlin is that the attack
as at present conducted is a failure.

The bombardment of March 18 was ineffectual, owing to the inadequacy
of the landing forces, and the failure of the Entente powers to
embroil Bulgaria against Turkey.

       *       *       *       *       *

[By The Associated Press.]

_KRITHIA, Dardanelles, June 17, (via London, June 19.)_--The allied
troops who landed at Sedd-el-Bahr, on the Gallipoli Peninsula, hold
about ten square miles of the extreme southern part of the peninsula,
the occupancy of which is maintained with the greatest difficulties.

The ground held by the Allies consists principally of a small plateau
to the north of Sedd-el-Bahr and two adjoining ridges to the
northwest, between which the Turks are pushing advance trenches.

The Associated Press correspondent, who spent two days in the
trenches, found the Turkish troops in excellent condition and spirits,
in spite of the fact that the Allies were using every conceivable
means to carry on the operations, including bombs thrown from
catapults and from aeroplanes.

From the Turkish station of artillery fire control the effect of the
Turkish fire upon the allied trenches could be observed today, and the
shells were reaching the mark. The sanitary and supply services of the
Turks are being carried on efficiently. The number of wounded at the
hospital bases at the front was small, although the fighting during
the night had been fairly severe.

During the daytime both sides are usually inactive, the Turks
preferring night bayonet attacks. Many Turkish batteries are in
position, but the nearness of the opposing trenches makes their work
difficult, and for the most part they are directing their attention to
the reserves of the Allies and to changing shifts which are exposed at
certain points. The Turks, in this, have the support of their heavy
batteries on the Asiatic side, which, since the retirement of the
allied fleet, work without fear of being molested, bombarding chiefly
the allied right wing, composed of French, home, and Colonial troops.

Weber Pasha, the German General commanding the south group, gave the
correspondent every opportunity to visit the Sedd-el-Bahr district,
placing no restrictions whatever upon his movements. The result was a
thorough inspection of the ground. Weber Pasha made no comment on the
situation himself beyond saying that "the failure of the Allies to
consummate their plan of forcing the Dardanelles is too obvious for
discussion."

Weber Pasha, who is a member of the German military mission which
undertook the improvement of the Ottoman Army organization, is fully
confident that the Turks will be able to meet the Gallipoli situation,
and that the Allies will never advance against the Dardanelles forts.

It has been ascertained that only a few German officers are active in
the south group. German privates are employed in special lines.

Krithia, once a thriving village of about 4,000 inhabitants, is
probably the most ruined place in all Europe. The Allies left no house
standing during their bombardment.




THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS


[American Cartoon]

An Old Time Aeronaut

[Illustration: _--From The Plain Dealer, Cleveland._

Poor Darius Green, he tried to fly.]


[American Cartoon]

A Parthian Brick

[Illustration: _--From The World, New York._

"God Bless You."]


[American Cartoon]

The Benevolent Assassin

[Illustration: _--From The Sun, New York._

"Et tu, Brute!"]


[American Cartoon]

The Black Flag

[Illustration: _--From The Herald, New York._

Will He Haul It Down?]


[American Cartoon]

A Statesman's Exit

[Illustration: _--From The Evening Sun, New York._

The White Feather.]


[American Cartoon]

"My Heart Bleeds for Karlsruhe"

[Illustration: _--From The Sun, New York._

"Emperor William has telegraphed his deep indignation at the wicked
attack upon beloved Karlsruhe. The poor innocent victims among
civilians have greatly affected him."--Berlin Press Dispatch.]


[German-American Cartoon]

The Sandwich Man

[Illustration: _--From The Express, Los Angeles._

Peace and Prosperity.]


[English Cartoon]

The Two-handed Sword

[Illustration: _--From Punch, London._

(The allusion is to the New British Coalition Cabinet.)]


[German Cartoon]

Wilson's Wrapping Paper

[Illustration: _--From Simplicissimus, Munich._

"Here is a sample of a new shell. It is wrapped up in a little bit of
a protest--but you needn't take that very seriously."]


[English Cartoon]

A Haul of U-Boats

[Illustration: _--From The Sketch, London._

The British Sea Lion returns from Shrimping.]


[German Cartoon]

In the Carpathians

[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

Look out Sisyphus, the fall may be a terrible one!]


[German Cartoon]

The Sphinx on the Bosporus

[Illustration: _--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

"Come in, little boats! But you'll never get out again!"]


[English Cartoon]

Twice Bitten--Thrice Shy

[Illustration: _--From The Bystander, London._

Bulgaria contemplates the outlook with some trepidation.]

[Illustration: Map of the frontier between Italy and Austria where the
Italians were advancing on June 18, 1915, to capture Trieste. The
boxed numbers indicate altitudes in meters.]




Italy vs. Austria-Hungary

The Italian Invasion and Italo-Germanic Differences


Official reviews of the first month, ending June 23, of Italy's war
with Austria-Hungary are still lacking.[4] On May 24 it was officially
reported in London that Italy had given her adhesion to the agreement,
already signed by the allied powers, not to conclude a separate peace.
Active war operations were begun by Austria on the same day; bombs
were dropped on Venice and five other Adriatic ports, shelled from air
and some from sea. The attackers were driven off.

[Footnote 4: In an Associated Press dispatch from Rome (via Paris) on
June 23 one of the chief Generals in the Italian War Office was
reported to have summarized the first month of the campaign about as
follows:

     One month ago the Italians invaded Austrian territory,
     uprooted the yellow and black poles bearing the Austrian
     eagle, and occupied the enemy positions along a front of 500
     miles. An Austrian squadron bombarded the Italian coast on
     the Adriatic, and Austrian aeroplanes dropped eleven bombs
     on Venice.

     During this month the Italians overran the whole of Friuli.
     The capture of Tolmino and Goritz, the two Austrian
     strongholds, is considered imminent, which would open the
     way to Trieste; while in the Alpine region in the province
     of Trent they have conquered peaks and passes, from which
     the picked Austro-Hungarian troops have been unable to
     dislodge them.

     Austrian activity has been chiefly displayed in bombarding
     the Italian Adriatic towns.

From Vienna (via London) on June 23 the following Austro-Hungarian
official résumé of the operations of the first month of war along the
Italian frontier was issued:

     During the first month of the war the Italians have gained
     no great success. Our troops in the southwest maintain their
     positions as in the beginning, on or near the frontier.

     On the Isonzo front in the fortified frontier district from
     Flitsch to Malborgeth, on the Carinthian ridge, and on all
     the fronts of Tyrol, all enemy attempts at an advance have
     collapsed with heavy losses.]

The rapid advance of the Italian armies which invaded Austria on the
east had by May 27 carried part of the forces across the Isonzo River
to Monfalcone, sixteen miles northwest of Trieste. Another force
penetrated further to the north in the Crownland of Goritz and
Gradisca. On June 4 the censored news from Udine, Italy, reported that
encounters with the enemy thus far had been merely outpost skirmishes,
but had allowed Italy to occupy advantageous positions in Austrian
territory. The first important battle of the Italian campaign, for the
possession of Tolmino, was reported on June 7.

A general Italian advance took place on June 7 across the Isonzo River
from Caporetto to the sea, a distance of about forty miles. On June 12
reports from the Trentino indicated an Italian advance on Rovereto in
Tyrol, thirteen miles southwest of Trent, and upon Mori, near by.
Monfalcone was taken by the Italians on June 10--the first serious
blow against Trieste--as Monfalcone is a railway junction and its
electrical works operate the light and power of Trieste. In the
extreme north, on the threshold of the Carnic Alps, after three days'
fighting it was reported on June 10 that the Italians had swept the
Austrians from Monte Croce and possessed themselves of Freikofel. The
Austrian city of Gradisca was reported taken on June 11, as indicated
in an official statement signed by Lieut. Gen. Count Cadorna, Chief of
Staff of the Italian Army. The defenses of Goritz were shelled by the
Italian artillery on June 13, and on June 14 the Italian eastern army
had pushed forward along the Gulf of Trieste toward the town of
Nabresina, nine miles from Trieste.

[Illustration: LIEUT. GEN. COUNT CADORNA

Chief of the Italian General Staff

(_Photo from Paul Thompson_)]

The Italian advance was checked--but not until June 16, more than
three weeks after the beginning of the war--by an elaborate system of
intrenchments prepared by the Austrians along the Isonzo River. On
June 17 the Italians in the Trentino had arrived at the town of Mori,
where their forces were blocked by the fortifications between that
town and Rovereto. On June 18 a dispatch of The Associated Press from
Rome reported that the Austrians had then so strengthened their forces
that they were taking the offensive both from Mori and Rovereto
against the Italians, who were encamped at Brentanico at the foot of
Mount Altissimo, at Serravale, situated in the Lagardina Valley, and
also in the Arsa Valley. Tolmino, on Austria's battlefront to the
north of Goritz, was being heavily fortified by the Austrians with a
garrison of some 30,000 men, this place being considered indispensable
to their operations as the key to the Isonzo Valley. On June 20, the
fourth week of the war, was reported by General Cadorna as marking a
brilliant victory at Plava. But on the following day reports from Rome
indicated that the Italians were encountering strong and
better-organized resistance from the Austrians. On June 22 dispatches
from the Italian front to Berlin declared that serious reverses had
been experienced by the Italians in their attempts to storm the
Austro-Hungarian line along the Isonzo River.

Two things have puzzled the public: First, the status of Germany in
regard to Italy declaring war against Austria-Hungary, arraying
herself on the side of the Entente powers, and pledging herself, in
turn, as each of them had done, not to make a separate peace with the
enemy, and, second, the apparent weakness of the Austrian defensive in
the Trentino and on the eastern frontier of Venetia.

Diplomatic relations between Rome and Berlin have been severed, but
neither Chancellery has yet (June 23) found the other guilty of an
aggression sufficiently grave to warrant a declaration of war. There
is nothing astonishing in this situation. A similar situation obtained
between Paris and Vienna and London and Vienna long after a state of
war existed between Germany and Russia, France, and England.

The Italian plan of campaign apparently consists (1) in neutralizing
the Trentino by capturing or "covering" her defenses and cutting her
two lines of communication with Austria proper--the railway which runs
south from Innsbruck and that which runs southwest from Vienna and
joins the former at Franzensfeste, and (2) in a movement in force from
the eastern frontier, with Trieste captured or "covered" on the right
flank, in the direction of the Austrian fortress of Klagenfurt and
Vienna, only 170 miles northeast from the present base of
operations--a distance equal to that from New York City to Cape Cod.

The initial weakness of the Austrian defensive, which will doubtless
be strengthened as troops can be spared from the seat of war in
Galicia, is due to the fact that the invaded regions are normally
defended by the Fourteenth and Third Army Corps, which were, in
August, sent with two reserve corps to defend the Austrian line in
Galicia. To fill the casualties in these corps the drain on the
population has been great, so that when Italy began her invasion the
defenses of the country were chiefly in the hands of the hastily
mobilized youths below the military age of 19 and men above the
military age of 42.

During the last six months, when Vienna gradually came to realize that
war with Italy was inevitable, the Austro-Hungarian military
authorities enrolled a new army of men who had already seen military
service, but, for various reasons, had not been availed of in the
present war. They were men of an unusually high mental and physical
standard and had received additional training under German officers.
Their ages were from 35 to 40, and they numbered from 700,000 to
800,000. On the desire of the German War Office this new army, which
should have been sent to the Italian frontiers, was diverted to
Galicia toward the last of April, and since then has been the backbone
of the Teutonic drive against Russia in that region.

Below are given a sketch of the Alpine frontier by G.H. Perris,
appearing in The London Chronicle of May 29; Colonel Murray's article
on Italy's armed strength, and the speeches of mutual defiance uttered
by the German Imperial Chancellor in the Reichstag on May 28 and the
Italian Premier at the Capitol in Rome on June 2.




The Armed Strength of Italy

By Colonel A.M. Murray, C.B.

     The article presented below originally appeared in The
     London Daily News of May 21, 1915.


The organization of the military forces of Italy is based upon the law
of organization of 1887 and the recruiting law of 1888. Modifications
have been made in these laws from time to time in regard to the
strength of the annual contingent trained with the colors and the
duration of the periods of training, but the original laws have not
been altered in principle, and have now had time to completely
materialize.

Every man in Italy is liable to military service for a period of
nineteen years from the age of 20 to 39. All young men on reaching the
age of 20, if passed medically fit for military service, are divided
into three categories--first, those who are taken by lot for color
service; second, those for whom there is no room with the colors, and,
third, those who are exempted from military service for family reasons
specified by law. Men placed in the first category serve for two
years with the colors, after which they go to the active army reserve
for six years. Men in the second category are sent at once into the
active army reserve for the period of eight years, after which both
they and the men in the first category are passed into the mobile
militia reserve for four years, and subsequently into the territorial
militia for seven years, making nineteen years altogether. The men in
the third category pass all their nineteen years' obligatory period of
military service in the territorial militia, receiving no training
whatever till they are called up to their depots when mobilization is
ordered. The following table shows the periods of service of the men
according to the categories in which they are placed by the recruiting
authorities. The figures are years:

             ACTIVE ARMY.        RESERVE ARMY.

             With     In
             the      the        Mobile    Territorial  Tot.
Categories.  Colors.  Reserve.   Militia.  Militia.     Yrs.

First         2        6          4         7           19
Second       --        8          4         7           19
Third        --       --         --        19           19

In the above table the mobile militia corresponds to the German
Landwehr, and the territorial militia to the Landsturm.

After deducting emigrants, men put back for the following year, those
who are medically unfit, and one-year volunteers, the average number
of recruits placed each year in the first category is approximately
150,000, in the second category 36,000, and in the third category
28,000. All men in the first category are fully trained, while those
in the second category, who correspond to the German Ersatz Reserve,
are only partially trained, being called up at the discretion of the
War Minister for one or more periods of training not exceeding twelve
months altogether during their eight years' service.

Last year's returns, which were published in the Italian press, gave
the approximate war strength of the army as under:

Officers                                         41,692

Active army (with colors)                       289,910

Reserve (including men of first
and second categories)                          638,979

Mobile militia                                  299,596

Territorial militia                           1,889,659
                                              _________
Total war strength                            3,159,836

According to a calculation, which need not be given in detail here,
the above number of total men available includes upward of 1,200,000
fully trained soldiers, who have been through the ranks, with perhaps
another 800,000 partially trained men of the second category, the
remaining million being completely untrained men, who have passed all
their nineteen years of obligatory service in the third category.

The organization for putting the above numbers of men into the field
is as follows: The fully trained men are organized in four armies,
each army consisting of three corps, one cavalry division, and a
number of troops for the lines of communication. The twelve corps are
recruited and organized on a territorial basis, each corps having its
allotted area, as shown in the sketch, which also indicates the
locality of corps headquarters. The Italian army corps, which is
larger than that in other European armies, is composed of two active
army divisions, with thirty guns each, one mobile militia division,
brought up to strength from the territorial militia, one regiment of
Bersaglieri, or light infantry, one cavalry regiment, one field
artillery regiment of six batteries, (corps artillery,) and other
technical and administrative units. The strength of the corps amounts
to 50,000 men, with 8,400 horses and 126 guns, and this gives each of
the four armies a strength of 150,000 men, 25,200 horses, and 378
guns, with the addition of a cavalry division of 4,200 sabres. The
first line Italian army, therefore, which can be put into the field
seven days after mobilization is ordered amounts to 600,000 men,
100,800 horses, 1,512 guns, and 16,200 sabres. But these cadres only
absorb half the fully trained men called out on mobilization;
duplicate corps will consequently be formed to take the place of the
twelve first-line corps as soon as they have been dispatched to their
concentration rendezvous. It is believed that sufficient guns have now
been provided for these twelve duplicate corps, but it is unlikely
that more than two cavalry divisions could be formed in addition to
the four divisions with the first-line armies. These duplicate corps
would be ready to take the field three or four weeks after the
concentration of the first twelve corps. The above calculations show
that within a few weeks after the declaration of war Italy can place
in the field a force of 1,200,000 men, (24 corps,) and would still
have 1,800,000 men of fighting age left at the depots after the field
armies had been dispatched to the front.

[Illustration: Map showing the Military Districts of Italy.]

The infantry are armed with the Mannlicher (1891) rifle, the field
artillery with the 75-millimeter quick-firing Krupp gun, (1906,) and
the mountain batteries, of which there are twenty-four, with a new
65-millimeter (2.56-inch) quick-firing gun of Italian construction.
The heavy artillery is armed with a 149-millimeter field howitzer,
also of Italian construction.

The organization of the Italian Army and the quality of the troops
composing it were both tested in the Tripoli campaign, (1911-12,) and
all military judges agree that the results prove the army to have
reached a high standard of efficiency. The mobilization was only
partial, but it was well carried out, and between October and
December, 1911, 90,000 men, with 12,000 horses, were transported to
Tripoli and Benghasi without a single hitch. Italian officers are well
educated, and the men are brave and disciplined. Unlike the
Austro-Hungarian Army, which is composed of men split into a variety
of racial sections, the Italian Army is absolutely homogeneous, and
the troops will enter the European struggle with the moral
consciousness that they are fighting, not with aggressive intentions,
but for the principle of nationality, which is the keynote to that
marvelous progress which Italy has made since she became a nation in
1860.

The Italian Navy has ten up-to-date battleships in commission, all
armed with twelve-inch guns, six of these being pre-dreadnoughts and
four quite recently built dreadnoughts. These four latter ships carry
a more powerful primary armament than the battleships of any other
European country, the Dante Alighieri, the first of the type built,
carrying twelve and the Conte di Cavour, Leonardo-da-Vinci, and Giulio
Cesare thirteen twelve-inch guns mounted on the triple-turret system.
Two more ships of the same class--the Caio Duilio and Andrea
Dorea--are due to be commissioned this Autumn, and their completion
will doubtless now be accelerated. Then there are four more
battleships under construction, known as the Dandolo class--the
Dandolo, Morosini, Mazzini, and Mameli--two of which are due to be
launched in 1916 and two others in 1917. When completed these ships
will be equal in gun power and speed to the ships of the Queen
Elizabeth class, for they will carry eight fifteen-inch guns paired in
four turrets--the triple-turret system having been abandoned--twenty
six-inch and twenty-two fourteen-pr. guns, their speed being 25 knots.
Besides these ten, or practically twelve, completed battleships, Italy
has ten armored cruisers in commission and three twenty-eight knot
light cruisers, but no fastgoing battle cruisers corresponding to
those in the British and German Navies. She has also twenty-seven
completed destroyers and thirteen thirty-two knot destroyers laid
down, along with fifty-one torpedo boats and sixteen submarines, with
four others building. With this fleet, which is half as strong again
as the Austrian fleet, Italy can secure complete control of the
Adriatic Sea and lock up the Austrian ships in Pola.




The Alpine Frontier

By G.H. Perris.

[This article appeared originally in The London Daily Chronicle of May
29, 1915.]


We have all learned a good deal of French, Russian, and Austrian
geography in the last ten months; and, in the same sad school, we
shall now become better acquainted with the region of mountain and
plain which, through and for 140 miles east of Lake Garda, is the
Austro-Italian borderland, and with the northeastern coast of the
Adriatic, where there will be important side issues. There is this
great difference, among others, between the Adriatic and the Alpine
military problems: On the one side, the Germanic powers can now only
assume the defensive; on the other, they can, and probably will,
attempt the invasion of provinces dear not only to Italians, for their
homes and a splendid galaxy of historic associations, but to
cultivated minds throughout the world for treasures of art abounding
even in the humblest towns and villages.

The irregularity of this northern frontier is the product of an
unhappy history; it does not follow the line of the mountain summits
or any other natural feature, and still less is it a limit marked by
race or language. A glance at the map shows its salient
characteristic--the piece of the Austrian Tyrol, from forty to sixty
miles wide, which is thrust southward toward the great plain of
Lombardy and Venetia, and toward the four provincial capitals,
Brescia, Verona, Vicenza, and Belluno. The Trentino--as it is called,
after the very ancient city of Trent, once the chief town of Tyrol,
now a market centre dignified by many towers and poverty-stricken
palaces and castles--is thoroughly Italian; but it still gathers much
of its importance, as it has done ever since Roman times, from the
fact that the best and oldest road from Germany and West Austria over
the Alps runs through it to Verona. For nearly half a century one of
the grandest of mountain railways has followed this olden track of
conquest and pilgrimage, from Innsbruck over the Brenner Pass, through
Botzen, and down the Adige Valley. More recently a branch line has
been built which runs from Trent southeastward to Padua and Venice.

It is not only the Italian resistance to Austrian aggression and
tyranny that has made this doorway into the lowlands about the Po a
vast battlefield. From the Middle Ages onward France and Austria
constantly fought out their quarrels here. In 1796, Napoleon, after
routing Marshal Wurmser at Lonato and Castiglione, small towns to the
south of the Lake of Garda, drove him up the Adige Valley to Trent,
and then round the side track already named, the Brenta Valley, by
Bassano back to Mantua. In 1848 the Piedmontese Army advanced upon the
famous quadrilateral of fortresses, then Austrian, covering the
entry--Mantua and Peschiera on the Mincio, Verona and Legnago on the
Adige. Charles Albert was far from being another Napoleon; and the
three days' battle of Custoza, when four weary and ill-found Italian
brigades held out against Radetzky's five army corps, did not serve to
turn the tide of the national fortunes. That year saw the first
appearance of Garibaldi as a military leader and the accession of the
present Austrian Emperor; and it is strange now to recall that in the
war of 1859, when Lombardy was liberated by the French and Sardinian
Armies, this same Francis Joseph was actually in command of the
Austrian forces. The battle of Solferino, fought on a front of five
leagues, along the hills to the south of Lake Garda, was a terrible
butchery, even by the worst of modern standards, for in twelve hours
25,000 of the 300,000 combatants were killed or wounded. In the war of
1866 Garibaldi took a body of volunteers up the Adige; but the treaty
which gave Venetia to the new Kingdom of Italy left the Trentino still
to be recovered.

The Adige and Brenta Valley roads to Trent and Botzen are, then,
clearly marked out for Italian effort in the present juncture; and if
the Austrians have the advantage of innumerable defensive positions on
the mountain heights, they have the disadvantage of very long and
frail lines of supply and reinforcement. It may be supposed that the
Alpine regiments, which are in some ways the flower of the Italian
Army, will also attempt the lesser approaches to Tyrol from the west,
by the Val di Sole and the Valtelline, and from the east from Belluno
and Pieve. The Brenner railway, with its twenty-two tunnels and sixty
large bridges, is peculiarly vulnerable. With many cities and good
railways behind them, and a popular welcome in front, the Italian
troops, on the other hand, will face the hill roads, now generally
free from snow, with confidence.

Very different are the natural conditions on the only other part of
the frontier where the hostile forces can well come to grips. The Alps
gradually fall and break up into separate ridges as we pass east; and
beyond Udine there is a flat gap, 50 miles wide, beyond which lies
Trieste, with its fine harbor and predominantly Italian population.
Further north, where the main line for Vienna passes the border at
Pontebba, to penetrate the double barrier of the Carinthian and
Styrian Alps, there can be little temptation to adventure on either
side. But in the lowlands of Friuli a beginning has been made, the
advance at one point, Caporetto, reaching as far as the River Isonzo,
while Terzo, Cormons, and other small places have been occupied. If
there is to be any large-scale warfare on the Alpine frontier, it must
apparently occur either in this gap or in and about the Adige Valley,
on the way to Trent.




"Italy's Violation of Faith"

By Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial Chancellor.

[Speech in the Reichstag, May 28, 1915.]


When I spoke eight days ago there was still a glimpse of hope that
Italy's participation in the war could be avoided. That hope proved
fallacious. German feeling strove against the belief in the
possibility of such a change. Italy has now inscribed in the book of
the world's history, in letters of blood which will never fade, her
violation of faith.

I believe Machiavelli once said that a war which is necessary is also
just. Viewed from this sober, practical, political standpoint, which
leaves out of account all moral considerations, has this war been
necessary? Is it not, indeed, directly mad? [Cheers.] Nobody
threatened Italy; neither Austria-Hungary nor Germany. Whether the
Triple Entente was content with blandishments alone history will show
later. [Cheers.] Without a drop of blood flowing, and without the life
of a single Italian being endangered, Italy could have secured the
long list of concessions which I recently read to the House--territory
in Tyrol and on the Isonzo as far as the Italian speech is heard,
satisfaction of the national aspirations in Trieste, a free hand in
Albania, and the valuable port of Valona.

Why have they not taken it? Do they, perhaps, wish to conquer the
German Tyrol? Hands off! [Prolonged cheers.] Did Italy wish to provoke
Germany, to whom she owes so much in her upward growth of a great
power, and from whom she is not separated by any conflict of
interests? We left Rome in no doubt that an Italian attack on
Austro-Hungarian troops would also strike the German troops. [Cheers.]
Why did Rome refuse so light-heartedly the proposals of Vienna? The
Italian manifesto of war, which conceals an uneasy conscience behind
vain phrases, does not give us any explanation. They were too shy,
perhaps, to say openly what was spread abroad as a pretext by the
press and by gossip in the lobbies of the Chamber, namely, that
Austria's offer came too late and could not be trusted.

What are the facts? Italian statesmen have no right to measure the
trustworthiness of other nations in the same proportion as they
measured their own loyalty to a treaty. [Loud cheers.] Germany, by her
word, guaranteed that the concessions would be carried through. There
was no occasion for distrust. Why too late? On May 4 the Trentino was
the same territory as it was in February, and a whole series of
concessions had been added to the Trentino of which nobody had thought
in the Winter.

It was, perhaps, too late for this reason, that while the Triple
Alliance, the existence of which the King and the Government had
expressly acknowledged after the outbreak of war, was still alive,
Italian statesmen had long before engaged themselves so deeply with
the Triple Entente that they could not disentangle themselves. There
were indications of fluctuations in the Rome Cabinet as far back as
December. To have two irons in the fire is always useful. Before this
Italy had shown her predilection for extra dances. [Cheers and
laughter.] But this is no ballroom. This is a bloody battlefield upon
which Germany and Austria-Hungary are fighting for their lives against
a world of enemies. The statesmen of Rome have played against their
own people the same game as they played against us.

It is true that the Italian-speaking territory on the northern
frontier has always been the dream and the desire of every Italian,
but the great majority of the Italian people, as well as the majority
in Parliament, did not want to know anything of war. According to the
observation of the best judge of the situation in Italy, in the first
days of May four-fifths of the Senate and two-thirds of the Chamber
were against war, and in that majority were the most responsible and
important statesmen. But common sense had no say. The mob alone ruled.
Under the kindly disposed toleration and with the assistance of the
leading statesmen of a Cabinet fed with the gold of the Triple
Entente, the mob, under the guidance of unscrupulous war instigators,
was roused to a frenzy of blood which threatened the King with
revolution and all moderate men with murder if they did not join in
the war delirium.

The Italian people were intentionally kept in the dark with regard to
the course of the Austrian negotiations and the extent of the Austrian
concessions, and so it came about that after the resignation of the
Salandra Cabinet nobody could be found who had the courage to
undertake the formation of a new Cabinet, and that in the decisive
debate no member of the Constitutional Party in the Senate or Chamber
even attempted to estimate the value of the far-reaching Austrian
concessions. In the frenzy of war honest politicians grew dumb, but
when, as the result of military events, (as we hope and desire,) the
Italian people become sober again it will recognize how frivolously it
was instigated to take part in this world war.

We did everything possible to avoid the alienation of Italy from the
Triple Alliance. The ungrateful rôle fell to us of requiring from our
loyal ally, Austria, with whose armies our troops share daily wounds,
death, and victory, the purchase of the loyalty of the third party to
the alliance by the cession of old-inherited territory. That
Austria-Hungary went to the utmost limit possible is known. Prince
Bülow, who again entered into the active service of the empire, tried
by every means, his diplomatic ability, his most thorough knowledge of
the Italian situation and of Italian personages, to come to an
understanding. Though his work has been in vain the entire people are
grateful to him. Also this storm we shall endure. From month to month
we grow more intimate with our ally. From the Pilitza to the Bukowina
we tenaciously withstood with our Austro-Hungarian comrades for months
the gigantic superiority of the enemy. Then we victoriously advanced.

So our new enemies will perish through the spirit of loyalty and the
friendship and bravery of the central powers. In this war Turkey is
celebrating a brilliant regeneration. The whole German people follow
with enthusiasm the different phases of the obstinate, victorious
resistance with which the loyal Turkish Army and fleet repulse the
attacks of their enemies with heavy blows. Against the living wall of
our warriors in the west our enemies up till now have vainly stormed.
If in some places fighting fluctuates, if here or there a trench or a
village is lost or won, the great attempt of our adversaries to break
through, which they announced five months ago, did not succeed, and
will not succeed. They will perish through the heroic bravery of our
soldiers.

Up till now our enemies have summoned in vain against us all the
forces of the world and a gigantic coalition of brave soldiers. We
will not despise our enemies, as our adversaries like to do. At the
moment when the mob in English towns is dancing around the stake at
which the property of defenseless Germans is burning, the English
Government dared to publish a document, with the evidence of unnamed
witnesses, on the alleged cruelties in Belgium, which are of so
monstrous a character that only mad brains could believe them. But
while the English press does not permit itself to be deprived of news,
the terror of the censorship reigns in Paris. No casualty lists
appear, and no German or Austrian communiqués may be printed. Severely
wounded invalids are kept away from their relations, and real fear of
the truth appears to be the motive of the Government.

Thus it comes about, according to trustworthy observation, that there
is no knowledge of the heavy defeats which the Russians have
sustained, and the belief continues in the Russian "steam-roller"
advancing on Berlin, which is "perishing from starvation and misery,"
and confidence exists in the great offensive in the west, which for
months has not progressed. If the Governments of hostile States
believe that by the deception of the people and by unchaining blind
hatred they can shift the blame for the crime of this war and postpone
the day of awakening, we, relying on our good conscience, a just
cause, and a victorious sword, will not allow ourselves to be forced
by a hair's breadth from the path which we have always recognized as
right. Amid this confusion of minds on the other side, the German
people goes on its own way, calm and sure.

Not in hatred do we wage this war, but in anger--[loud cheers]--in
holy anger. [Renewed cheers from all parts of the House.] The greater
the danger we have to confront, surrounded on all sides by enemies,
the more deeply does the love of home grip our hearts, the more must
we care for our children and grandchildren, and the more must we
endure until we have conquered and have secured every possible real
guarantee and assurance that no enemy alone or combined will dare
again a trial of arms. [Loud cheers.] The more wildly the storm rages
around us the more firmly must we build our own house. For this
consciousness of united strength, unshaken courage, and boundless
devotion, which inspire the whole people, and for the loyal
co-operation which you, gentlemen, from the first day have given to
the Fatherland, I bring you, as the representatives of the entire
people, the warm thanks of the Emperor.

In the mutual confidence that we are all united we will conquer,
despite a world of enemies. [Loud and prolonged applause.]




Why Italy Went to War

By Signor Salandra, Italian Premier

[Speech in the Roman Capitol on June 2, 1915.]


I address myself to Italy and to the civilized world in order to show
not by violent words, [cheers,] but by exact facts and documents, how
the fury of our enemies has vainly attempted to diminish the high
moral and political dignity of the cause which our arms will make
prevail. I shall speak with the calm of which the King of Italy has
given a noble example, [loud cheers, and shouts of "Long live the
King!"] when he called his land and sea forces to arms. I shall speak
with the respect due to my position and to the place in which I speak.
I can afford to ignore the insults written in Imperial, Royal, and
Archducal proclamations. Since I speak from the Capitol, and represent
in this solemn hour the people and the Government of Italy, I, a
modest citizen, feel that I am far nobler than the head of the house
of the Habsburgs. [Loud cheers.]

The commonplace statesmen who, in rash frivolity of mind and mistaken
in all their calculations, set fire last July to the whole of Europe
and even to their own hearths and homes, have now noticed their fresh
colossal mistake, and in the Parliaments of Budapest and Berlin have
poured forth brutal invective of Italy and her Government with the
obvious design of securing the forgiveness of their fellow-citizens
and intoxicating them with cruel visions of hatred and blood.
["Bravo!"] The German Chancellor said he was imbued not with hatred,
but with anger, and he spoke the truth, because he reasoned badly, as
is usually the case in fits of rage. ["Hear, hear!" and laughter.] I
could not, even if I chose, imitate their language. An atavistic
throwback to primitive barbarism is more difficult for us who have
twenty centuries behind us more than they have. ["Hear, hear!"]

The fundamental thesis of the statesmen of Central Europe is to be
found in the words "treason and surprise on the part of Italy toward
her faithful allies." It would be easy to ask if he has any right to
speak of alliance and respect for treaties who, representing with
infinitely less genius, but with equal moral indifference, the
tradition of Frederick the Great and Bismarck proclaimed that
necessity knows no law, and consented to his country trampling under
foot and burying at the bottom of the ocean all the documents and all
the customs of civilization and international law. [Cheers.] But that
would be too easy an argument. Let us examine, on the contrary,
positively and calmly, if our former allies are entitled to say that
they were betrayed and surprised by us.

Our aspirations had long been known, as was also our judgment on the
act of criminal madness by which they shook the world and robbed the
alliance itself of its closest raison d'etre. The Green Book prepared
by Baron Sonnino, with whom it is the pride of my life to stand united
in entire harmony in this solemn hour after thirty years of
friendship--[prolonged cheers and shouts of "Long live Sonnino!"]--shows
the long, difficult, and useless negotiations that took place between
December and May. But it is not true, as has been asserted without a
shadow of foundation, that the Ministry reconstituted last November
made a change in the direction of our international policy. The
Italian Government, whose policy has never changed, severely
condemned, at the very moment when it learned of it, the aggression of
Austria against Serbia, and foresaw the consequences of that
aggression, consequences which had not been foreseen by those who had
premeditated the stroke with such lack of conscience.

[Illustration: BARON SYDNEY SONNINO

Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs

(_Photo from Paul Thompson_)]

_As proof of this statement, Signor Salandra read the following
telegram sent by the Marquis di San Giuliano to the Duke of Avarna
(Italian Minister in Vienna) on July 25 last:_

"Salandra, von Flotow, and myself have had a long conversation.
Salandra and I emphatically pointed out to von Flotow that Austria had
no right, according to the spirit of the treaty of the Triple
Alliance, to make a démarche like that made in Belgrade without coming
to an agreement beforehand with her allies."

In effect, [continued Signor Salandra,] Austria, in consequence of the
terms in which her note was couched, and in consequence of the things
demanded, which, while of little effect against the Pan-Serbian
danger, were profoundly offensive to Serbia, and indirectly so to
Russia, had clearly shown that she wished to provoke war. Hence we
declared to von Flotow that, in consequence of this procedure on the
part of Austria and in consequence of the defensive and conservative
character of the Triple Alliance Treaty, Italy was under no obligation
to assist Austria if, as the result of this démarche, she found
herself at war with Russia, because any European war would in such an
event be the consequence of the act of provocation and aggression
committed by Austria.

The Italian Government on July 27 and 28 emphasized in clear and
unmistakable language to Berlin and Vienna the question of the cession
of the Italian provinces subject to Austria, and we declared that if
we did not obtain adequate compensation the Triple Alliance would have
been irreparably broken. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] Impartial
history will say that Austria, having found Italy in July, 1913, and
in October, 1913, hostile to her intentions of aggression against
Serbia, attempted last Summer, in agreement with Germany, the method
of surprise and the fait accompli.

The horrible crime of Serajevo was exploited as a pretext a month
after it happened--this was proved by the refusal of Austria to accept
the very extensive offers of Serbia--nor at the moment of the general
conflagration would Austria have been satisfied with the unconditional
acceptance of the ultimatum. Count Berchtold on July 31 declared to
the Duke of Avarna that, if there had been a possibility of mediation
being exercised, it could not have interrupted hostilities, which had
already begun with Serbia. This was the mediation for which Great
Britain and Italy were working. In any case, Count Berchtold was not
disposed to accept mediation tending to weaken the conditions
indicated in the Austrian note, which, naturally, would have been
increased at the end of the war.

If, moreover, Serbia had decided meanwhile to accept the
aforementioned note in its entirety, declaring herself ready to agree
to the conditions imposed on her, that would not have persuaded
Austria to cease hostilities. It is not true, as Count Tisza declared,
that Austria did not undertake to make territorial acquisitions to the
detriment of Serbia, who, moreover, by accepting all the conditions
imposed upon her, would have become a subject State. The Austrian
Ambassador, Herr Merey von Kapos-Mere, on July 30, stated to the
Marquis di San Giuliano that Austria could not make a binding
declaration on this subject, because she could not foresee whether,
during the war, she might not be obliged, against her will, to keep
Serbian territory. [Sensation.]

On July 29 Count Berchtold stated to the Duke of Avarna that he was
not inclined to enter into any engagement concerning the eventual
conduct of Austria in the case of a conflict with Serbia.

Where is, then, the treason, the iniquity, the surprise, if, after
nine months of vain efforts to reach an honorable understanding which
recognized in equitable measure our rights and our liberties, we
resumed liberty of action? The truth is that Austria and Germany
believed until the last days that they had to deal with an Italy weak,
blustering, but not acting, capable of trying blackmail, but not
enforcing by arms her good right, with an Italy which could be
paralyzed by spending a few millions, and which by dealings which she
could not avow was placing herself between the country and the
Government. [Very loud cheers.]

I will not deny the benefits of the alliance; benefits, however, not
one-sided, but accruing to all the contracting parties, and perhaps
not more to us than to the others. The continued suspicions and the
aggressive intentions of Austria against Italy are notorious and are
authentically proved. The Chief of the General Staff, Baron Conrad von
Hoetzendorf, always maintained that war against Italy was inevitable,
either on the question of the irredentist provinces or from jealousy,
that Italy intended to aggrandize herself as soon as she was prepared,
and meanwhile opposed everything that Austria wished to undertake in
the Balkans, and consequently it was necessary to humiliate her in
order that Austria might have her hands free, and he deplored that
Italy had not been attacked in 1907. Even the Austrian Minister of
Foreign Affairs recognized that in the military party the opinion was
prevalent that Italy must be suppressed by war because from the
Kingdom of Italy came the attractive force of the Italian provinces of
the empire, and consequently by a victory over the kingdom and its
political annihilation all hope for the irredentists would cease.

[Illustration: GENERAL KONRAD VON HOETZENDORF

On the Staff of the Archduke Eugene in the Campaign Against Italy]

[Illustration: THE ARCHDUKE EUGENE

Titular Commander in Chief of the Austrian Forces Operating Against
Italy]

We see now on the basis of documents how our allies aided us in the
Lybian undertaking. The operations brilliantly begun by the Duke of
the Abruzzi against the Turkish torpedo boats encountered at Preveza
were stopped by Austria in a sudden and absolute manner. Count
Aehrenthal on Oct. 1 informed our Ambassador at Vienna that our
operations had made a painful impression upon him and that he could
not allow them to be continued. It was urgently necessary, he said, to
put an end to them and to give orders to prevent them from being
renewed, either in Adriatic or in Ionian waters. The following day the
German Ambassador at Vienna, in a still more threatening manner,
confidentially informed our Ambassador that Count Aehrenthal had
requested him to telegraph to his Government to give the Italian
Government to understand that if it continued its naval operations in
the Adriatic and in the Ionian Seas it would have to deal directly
with Austria-Hungary. [Murmurs.]

And it was not only in the Adriatic and in the Ionian Seas that Austria
paralyzed our actions. On Nov. 5 Count Aehrenthal informed the Duke of
Avarna that he had learned that Italian warships had been reported off
Saloniki, where they had used electric searchlights--[laughter]--and
declared that our action on the Ottoman coasts of European Turkey, as
well as on the Aegean Islands, could not have been allowed either by
Austria-Hungary or by Germany, because it was contrary to the Triple
Alliance Treaty.

In March, 1912, Count Berchtold, who had in the meantime succeeded
Count Aehrenthal, declared to the German Ambassador in Vienna that, in
regard to our operations against the coasts of European Turkey and the
Aegean Islands, he adhered to the point of view of Count Aehrenthal,
according to which these operations were considered by the
Austro-Hungarian Government contrary to the engagement entered into by
us by Article VII. of the Triple Alliance Treaty. As for our
operations against the Dardanelles, he considered it opposed, first,
to the promise made by us not to proceed to any act which might
endanger the status quo in the Balkans, and, secondly, to the spirit
of the same treaty, which was based on the maintenance of the status
quo.

Afterward, when our squadron at the entrance to the Dardanelles was
bombarded by Fort Kumkalessi and replied, damaging that fort, Count
Berchtold complained of what had happened, considering it contrary to
the promises we had made, and declared that if the Italian Government
desired to resume its liberty of action, the Austro-Hungarian
Government could have done the same. [Murmurs.] He added that he could
not have allowed us to undertake in the future similar operations or
operations in any way opposed to this point of view. In the same way
our projected occupation of Chios was prevented. It is superfluous to
remark how many lives of Italian soldiers and how many millions were
sacrificed through the persistent vetoing of our actions against
Turkey, who knew that she was protected by our allies against all
attacks on her vital parts. [Cheers.]

We were bitterly reproached for not having accepted the offers made
toward the end of May, but were these offers made in good faith?
[Laughter and cheers.] Certain documents indicate that they were not.
Francis Joseph said that Italy was regarding the patrimony of his
house with greedy eyes. Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg said that the aim of
these concessions was to purchase our neutrality, and, therefore,
gentlemen, you may applaud us for not having accepted them. [Loud
cheers.] Moreover, these concessions, even in their last and belated
edition, in no way responded to the objectives of Italian policy,
which are, first, the defense of Italianism, the greatest of our
duties; secondly, a secure military frontier, replacing that which was
imposed upon us in 1866, by which all the gates of Italy are open to
our adversaries; thirdly, a strategical situation in the Adriatic less
dangerous and unfortunate than that which we have, and of which you
have seen the effects in the last few days. All these essential
advantages were substantially denied us.

To our minimum demand for the granting of independence to Trieste the
reply was to offer Trieste administrative autonomy. Also the question
of fulfilling the promises was very important. We were told not to
doubt that they would be fulfilled, because we should have Germany's
guarantee, but if at the end of the war Germany had not been able to
keep it, what would our position have been? And in any case, after
this agreement, the Triple Alliance would have been renewed, but in
much less favorable conditions, for there would have been one
sovereign State and, two subject States. [Murmurs.]

On the day when one of the clauses of the treaty was not fulfilled, or
on the day when the municipal autonomy of Trieste was violated by an
imperial decree or by a lieutenant's orders, to whom should we have
addressed ourselves? To our common superior--to Germany? [Laughter.] I
do not wish to speak of Germany to you without admiration and respect.
I am the Italian Prime Minister, not the German Chancellor, and I do
not lose my head. [Loud cheers.] But with all respect for the learned,
powerful, and great Germany, an admirable example of organization and
resistance, in the name of Italy I declare for no subjection and no
protectorate over any one. [Cheers.] The dream of a universal hegemony
is shattered. The world has risen. The peace and civilization of
future humanity must be founded on respect for existing national
autonomies. [Loud cheers.] Among these Germany will have to sit as an
equal, and not as a master. [Loud cheers.]

But a more remarkable example of the unmeasured pride with which the
directors of German policy regard other nations is given in the
picture which Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg drew of the Italian political
world.

_Signor Salandra here read the portion of the German Chancellor's
speech to which he referred, and added:_

I do not know if it was the intention of this man, blinded by rage,
personally to insult my colleagues and me. If that was the case, I
should not mention it. We are men whose life you know, men who have
served the State to an advanced age, men of spotless renown--[loud
cheers]--men who have given the lives of their children for their
country. [Loud cheers.]

The information on which this judgment was based is attributed by the
German Chancellor to him whom he calls the best judge of Italian
affairs. Perhaps he alludes to Prince Bülow, with the brotherly desire
to shoulder responsibilities upon him. Now, I do not wish you to
entertain an erroneous idea of Prince Bülow's intentions. I believe
that he had sympathies for Italy, and did all he could to bring about
an agreement. But how great and how numerous were the mistakes he made
in translating his good intentions into action! He thought that Italy
could be diverted from her path by a few millions ill-spent and by the
influence of a few persons who have lost touch with the soul of the
nation--[loud cheers]--by contact, attempted, but, I hope, not
accomplished, with certain politicians. [Loud cheers.]

The effect was the contrary. An immense outburst of indignation was
kindled throughout Italy, and not among the populace, but among the
noblest and most educated classes and among all the youth of the
country, which is ready to shed its blood for the nation. This
outburst of indignation was kindled as the result of the suspicion
that a foreign Ambassador was interfering between the Italian
Government, the Parliament, and the country. [Loud cheers.] In the
blaze thus kindled internal discussions melted away, and the whole
nation was joined in a wonderful moral union, which will prove our
greatest source of strength in the severe struggle which faces us, and
which must lead us by our own virtue, and not by benevolent
concessions from others, to the accomplishment of the highest
destinies of the country. [Loud and prolonged cheers.]

[Illustration]




Britain's Cabinet and Munitions

A Coalition Ministry with Lloyd George in a New Office

     The formation of a British coalition Cabinet was announced
     on May 25, 1915, with the creation of a new office of
     Minister of Munitions, to which Lloyd George was transferred
     from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer. Below is given the
     official list of the new Ministers and their offices. In the
     third column are indicated the same offices as held under
     the late Liberal Administration. The eight members of the
     Opposition included in the new Cabinet are indicated by an
     asterisk:

                               Coalition          Late Liberal
                               Cabinet.           Cabinet.

Prime Minister                 Mr. Asquith        Mr. Asquith.
Minister without portfolio     Lord Lansdowne*    ----
Lord Chancellor                Sir S. Buckmaster  Lord Haldane.
President of Council           Lord Crewe         Lord Beauchamp.
Lord Privy Seal                Lord Curzon*       Lord Crewe.
Chancellor of the Exchequer    Mr. McKenna        Mr. Lloyd George.
Home Secretary                 Sir J. Simon       Mr. McKenna.
Foreign Minister               Sir E. Grey        Sir E. Grey.
Colonial Secretary             Mr. Bonar Law*     Mr. Harcourt.
India Office                   Mr. Chamberlain*   Lord Crewe.
War Office                     Lord Kitchener     Lord Kitchener.
Minister of Munitions (new)    Mr. Lloyd George   ----
Admiralty                      Mr. Balfour*       Mr. Churchill.
Board of Trade                 Mr. Runciman       Mr. Runciman.
Local Government Board         Mr. Long*          Mr. H. Samuel.
Duchy of Lancaster             Mr. Churchill      Hon. E. Montagu.
Irish Secretary                Mr. Birrell        Mr. Birrell.
Scottish Office                Mr. McKinnon Wood  Mr. McKinnon Wood.
Agriculture                    Lord Selborne*     Lord Lucas.
Works Office                   Mr. Harcourt       Lord Emmott.
Education Board                Mr. A. Henderson   Mr. J.A. Pease.
Attorney General               Sir E. Carson*     Sir John Simon.

[Illustration: THE NEW BRITISH COALITION CABINET

EARL KITCHENER
Secretary of State for War

SIR EDWARD GREY
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs

BARON BUCKMASTER
Lord High Chancellor

MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE
Minister Without Portfolio

H.H. ASQUITH
Prime Minister

ARTHUR J. BALFOUR
First Lord of the Admiralty

WALTER HUME LONG
President of the Local Government Board

DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
Minister of Munitions

ANDREW BONAR LAW
Secretary for the Colonies

WINSTON S. CHURCHILL
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster]

[Illustration: THE NEW BRITISH COALITION CABINET

AUGUSTINE BIRRELL
Chief Secretary for Ireland

SIR EDWARD CARSON
Attorney General

THOMAS McK. WOOD
Secretary for Scotland

REGINALD McKENNA
Chancellor of the Exchequer

AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN
Secretary for India

LEWIS HARCOURT
First Commissioner of Works

WALTER RUNCIMAN
President of the Board of Trade

EARL OF SELBORNE
President of the Board of Agriculture

MARQUESS OF CREWE
Lord President of the Council

SIR JOHN SIMON
Secretary of State for Home Affairs

ARTHUR HENDERSON
President of the Board of Education

EARL CURZON
Lord Privy Seal]


_The reconstruction of the Liberal Ministry that had ruled the British
Empire for ten years was announced by Prime Minister Asquith in the
following statement in the House of Commons on May 19:_

I cannot say more at the moment than that steps are in contemplation
which involve a reconstruction of the Government on a broader personal
and political basis. Nothing is yet definitely arranged, but to avoid
any possible misapprehension I wish here and now--as the House is to
adjourn--to make clear to every one three things:

First, that any change that takes place will not affect the offices of
the head of the Government or of the Foreign Secretary. [Cheers.] They
will continue to be held as they are now. [Renewed cheers.]

The second is, there is absolutely no change of any kind in
contemplation in the policy of the country in regard to the continued
prosecution of the war with all possible energy, and by means of every
available resource. [Loud cheers.]

The third and the last point--one of great importance, not only to my
friends behind me, but also of importance no doubt to the
Opposition--is this: Any reconstruction that may be made will be for
the purpose of the war alone, and is not to be taken in any quarter as
any reason for indicating anything in the nature of surrender or
compromise on the part of any person or body of persons of their
several political purposes and ideals.

That is really as far as I can go at the moment. Nothing definite has
yet taken place. When and if an arrangement of this kind should
become an accomplished fact the House will have the fullest
opportunity of expressing itself, if it so desires, upon it. [Cheers.]

_Mr. Bonar Law, leader of the Opposition, rose immediately after the
Prime Minister and said:_

I think it only necessary to say on behalf of my friends and myself
that at the stage which this has reached our sole consideration in
taking into account what further steps should be taken will be what is
the best method of finishing the war successfully, and we shall leave
out of our minds absolutely all considerations, political or
otherwise, beyond the war; while, of course, if such an arrangement
should take place, it is obvious our convictions on other subjects
will remain unchanged, and will be settled when this danger is over.


CAUSES OF THE CHANGE.

_At least four causes which were regarded as contributing to bring
about a coalition Ministry, or War Government, are tersely outlined by
A.P. Nicholson, Parliamentary correspondent of The London Daily News,
as follows:_

First--The quarrel between Mr. Churchill and Lord Fisher at the
Admiralty, a conflict which began with the undertaking of the
Dardanelles expedition. Mr. Churchill carried the War Council on this,
and it was undertaken before the Cabinet were informed. The Cabinet
were committed to it by the movement of ships before they had any
formal notification. Lord Fisher, for his part, considered that the
enterprise should not have been begun unless it was supported by land
forces, but he also was committed to it. Mr. Churchill was counting on
the support of Greek forces on land, a calculation which was not
justified by the event.

Lately the quarrel between Lord Fisher and Mr. Churchill proved to be
irreconcilable, and Lord Fisher sent in his resignation at the
week-end. It is now hoped that he will withdraw his resignation, and
the possibility of Mr. Churchill replacing Lord Crewe at the India
Office or taking another office is being discussed.

Second--The Cabinet have not been kept informed by Lord Kitchener as
to the supplies of high explosive shells sent out to our troops at the
front. It is the fact that huge supplies of shells have been and are
being sent out, but the proportion of shrapnel is greater than the
proportion of high explosive shells, and the army command require that
the proportion of high explosive shells should be greater. The fact
that the Cabinet have been to some extent in the dark of late on this
matter accounts for some apparent discrepancies in recent Ministerial
statements.

Third--The Opposition leaders were in possession of the facts as to
the high explosive shells, and threatened a debate in the House of
Commons, in which their statements should be proved. Such a debate
would have gravely undermined the authority of the Government, and,
coupled with the tendered resignation of Lord Fisher, and the
consequent disappearance either of the First Sea Lord or Mr.
Churchill, would in all human probability have led to the disastrous
downfall of the King's Government in the midst of the national peril
of this war, with consequences most lamentable.

Fourth--There have been on both sides some leading statesmen in favor
of a coalition Ministry for the prosecution of the war. They are few,
but influential. They perceived that the curious circumstances that
had arisen offered a brilliant opportunity to achieve a coalition, and
they seized the opportunity. It should certainly be assumed that they
were actuated by national motives, since their action may have averted
the downfall of one of the greatest Governments of modern times in a
time of national peril.




Lloyd George's Appeal to Labor

     In a speech at Manchester on June 4, and again on June 5,
     before the employers and workmen of Lancashire, the new
     Minister of Munitions announced his policy of discontinuing
     the methods of red tape that had hindered the mobilization
     of labor for the production of arms and ammunition. His
     speech at Lancashire appears below in full.


I have come here not for speech but for business, and I shall only
indulge in speech to the extent that speaking is the essential
preliminary to business. I placed yesterday before a meeting in
Manchester my general views of the position, and I have very little to
add to what I then said. But I have come here to appeal for the
assistance of the men of Liverpool and the surrounding districts.

The situation is a serious one. It is as grave a situation as this
country has ever been confronted with. You need have no special
knowledge in order to ascertain that yourselves. A careful,
intelligent perusal of the published dispatches in the newspapers must
have caused you to come to the conclusion that this country is
engaging one of the most formidable enemies that it has ever waged war
against.

The issues are great, the perils are great, and nothing can pull us
through but the united effort of every man in the British Empire. If
you look at what our brave fellows are doing at the front you can see
the perils there facing them, the trials, the privations, and they are
doing it without flinching. ["Hear, hear!"] Never in the history of
this country have our men shown greater courage and endurance than
they have during this war. They have done all you can expect of mortal
man.

We who are comfortable at home, free from privations, free from
danger, let us, each of us, do his part as nobly as those heroes of
ours are doing it at the front. [Cheers.] It would be horrible for us
to think that those who fall fall through our neglect. It would be a
still more ghastly reflection to think that those who fell have given
their lives in vain through any slackness or selfishness on the part
of any one of us in this land.

Yesterday we had a very important gathering of the employers and the
representatives of labor in the great engineering firms in Manchester
and other parts of this great county. The response made to our appeal
was gratifying. Every man there showed a disposition to do all in his
power to assist the country to pull through its difficulties
triumphantly, and I feel perfectly certain that the same ready
response will be given to the same appeal which I am now about to make
to the men of Liverpool and the area surrounding it.

What makes Germany a formidable enemy is not merely its preparation
for war, it is not merely its organization, potent as that is, but it
is the spirit of every class and section of its population. You have
only got to read the papers to see that as far as they are concerned
they are all of them subordinating everything to the one great
national purpose of winning victory for their Fatherland. That is the
least we can do in this country for our land. [Cheers.]

I never doubted where ultimate victory would lie, never for a moment.
Nor have I ever underestimated the difficulties. But although I have
never doubted where victory would rest, all the same I know that
victory will come the sooner for recognizing the difficulties there
are.

You cannot remove difficulties without looking at them, and you cannot
look at difficulties without seeing them, and that is why the business
of a Minister is to point them out, and then to appeal to every
section of the community to assist the Government in overcoming the
obstacles in the way.

Now we want especially the help of those who can contribute to the
increase of the munitions, the equipment, and the material of war. We
want the help of employers, we want the help of the workers. We want
employers and workmen to feel their responsibility in this matter. It
is my intention to utilize as much as I possibly can the business
brains of the community. I hope to get their assistance. Some of them
will be at my elbow in London to advise, to counsel, to guide, to
inform and instruct and to direct, but I want the help of the business
brains in the localities.

This is no time for the usual methods of doing business with the
Government. ["Hear, hear!"] I am assuming that Governments in the past
have done their business in the most perfect way. This is not a time
for the usual roundabout methods of Government business. ["Hear,
hear!"]

We have got to trust business men in the localities to organize for
us, to undertake the business in the particular locality on our
behalf. We want to suspend during the war not merely trade-union
regulations, but some Government regulations, too. ["Hear, hear!"]

We want rifles, we want guns, we want shells, fuses, chemicals, and
explosives. There is one thing we want less of than usual, and that is
red tape. It takes such a long time to unwind--[laughter]--and we
can't spare the time. Therefore, the first thing I am going to ask you
to do is to organize for yourselves in this locality, and in every
other locality, the engineering resources, for the purpose of
assisting the Government. You know best what you can do. I know the
resourcefulness of the engineers of this country, I know, as the Lord
Mayor has already pointed out, their adaptability. I want you to come
together and form your own committee of management. Having done that,
organize among yourselves the engineering resources of the locality,
with a view to producing the greatest result in the way of helping our
gallant forces at the front.

That involves a good deal more confidence and trust than usual. We
have no time to go through the same processes of examination, of
bargaining, as you get usually in the matter of Government contracts.
["Hear, hear!"]

Whatever is done has got to be done with promptitude. That involves
our trusting to the integrity, to the loyalty, to the patriotism of
the business men to do their best for us in these localities, and do
it on fair terms. That is the first thing I have got to say to the
business men of the community. I want you to regard this as your
business as well as ours. This is not a Government entering into
negotiations with you. You are the Government, you have got an
interest in this concern, it is your concern, just as much as it is
ours, and I want you to help us.

This is a business for all of us, and we want every business man in
the community to give his very best to help the old country through in
the great emergency and crisis. [Cheers.] That means that you will, as
soon as you possibly can, get your committee of management, and,
through that committee of management, organize your district for the
purpose of producing such material of war, or such other component
parts of any particular material of war, you can help us to produce.

I would make the same appeal to labor. I want them also to feel that
this is their business. Should Germany win, God help labor! ["Hear,
hear!"] It will come out of it worst of all. The victory of Germany
will be the victory of the worst form of autocracy that this world has
seen for many a century. There is no section of the community has
anything like the interest in the overthrow of this military caste
which labor has--["Hear, hear!"]--and the more they realize that,
difficulties will vanish, obstacles will go, and bickerings and
slackness. We have to get to work as one man to help to win a triumph
for democratic free government against the autocratic systems of
Germany and Austria. [Cheers.]

Now, I should like to say one or two words beyond what I said
yesterday on this particular aspect of the business. I have had the
privilege, both yesterday and today, of meeting some of the leading
representatives of labor in Manchester and Liverpool. And let me say
this: As far as the official representatives of organized labor are
concerned, we have had nothing but help. The difficulty has been when
you get beyond.

I am not saying a word about trade-union regulations during a period
of peace. I have no doubt they were essential safeguards to the
protection of labor against what otherwise might have been a serious
interference with their rights and with their prospects. But as I have
already pointed out to you, Government regulations have to be
suspended during the period of the war because they are inapplicable
in a time of urgency. The same thing applies to many trade-union
regulations and practices. ["Hear, hear!"]

The first I should like to call attention to are those rules which had
been set up for very good reasons to make it difficult for purely
unsullied men to claim the position and rights of men who have had a
training--that is true in every profession.

I happen, my Lord Mayor, to belong to about the strictest trade union
in the world--[laughter]--the most jealous trade union in the world.
If any unskilled man--and by an unskilled man we mean a man who has
not paid our fees--if any man of that sort, however brainy he was,
tried to come in and interfere with our business, well, we would soon
settle him. [Laughter.] But if during the period of the war there were
any particular use for lawyers--[laughter]--if you find that upon
lawyers depended the success of the war, and it requires a good deal
of imagination; even my Celtic imagination will hardly attain to the
exalted height--[more laughter]--but if that were possible for a
moment, do you suppose that even the Incorporated Law Society, the
greatest and narrowest of all trade unions, could stand in the way of
bringing in outside help in order to enable us to get through our
work?

Well, now, the same thing applies here. If all the skilled engineers
in this country were turned on to produce what is required, if you
brought back from the front every engineer who had been recruited, if
you worked them to the utmost limits of human endurance, you have not
got enough labor even then to produce all we are going to ask you to
produce during the next few months. Therefore, we must appeal to the
patriotism of the unions of this country to relax these particular
rules, in order to eke out, as it were, the skill, to make it go as
far as it possibly can go, in order to enable us to turn out the
necessary munitions of war to win a real and a speedy triumph for our
country in this great struggle.

Now, the same thing applies to the work of women in the factories.
There is a good deal of work now done by men, and men only, in this
country which is done in France at the present moment in shell
factories by women. Why is that? They have not enough men to go round.
The men are working as hard as they can, for as long hours as they
possibly can support, but in spite of that they would not turn out a
sufficient number of shells and other material of war without doling
out a good part of the work to women in those factories. Well, now, if
there are any trade-union regulations to prevent the possibility of
that being done, I hope during the period of war these will be
suspended. ["Hear, hear!"]

Now, I am coming to another thing--and I am here to talk quite
frankly--it is very much better to do so. ["Hear, hear!"] There must
be no deliberate slowing down of work. I have had two or three very
painful cases put before me. One was from an arsenal upon which we
were absolutely dependent for the material of war. There was a very
skilled workman there who worked very hard and who earned a good deal
of money. He was doing his duty by the State. He was not merely warned
that if he repeated that offense he would be driven out, I am not
quite sure that he was not actually driven out.

The same thing happened in another factory. Now, in the period of war
this is really intolerable. ["Hear, hear!"] We cannot do with it. We
cannot afford it, I say again. There may be reasons, there might be
very good reasons, that a policy of that sort should be adopted in the
period of peace. I am expressing no opinions about that. I am simply
stating the case of this particular emergency, and I am sure that the
only thing in this emergency is that everybody should put forward all
his strength in order to help the country through. [Cheers.]

Therefore, I do hope that whatever regulation, whatever practice,
whatever custom there may be in existence at the present moment which
interferes in the slightest degree in the increase of war material,
will be suspended during the period of war.

We have given our undertaking as a Government, and that undertaking
has been inherited by a new Government. That is that those safeguards
which have been established by trade-union action prior to the war
will be restored exactly to the position they were when the war is
over, in so far as the action of the Government is concerned. We can
only ask for a suspension of these regulations during the period of
the war, then afterward the same process of discussion will go on
between capital and labor as has gone on, I have no doubt, during the
last fifty or one hundred years.

Those are two or three of the things which I wanted to put. The lives
of our men at the front depend upon the amount of war material we are
able to equip them with, success depends upon it, the lives of men
depend upon it. Everybody ought to do his best. There is no room for
slackers. ["Hear, hear!"] I don't want to get rid of the slackers, I
only want to get rid of their slackness--[laughter and cheers]--and we
really must.

In this war every country is demanding as a matter of right--not as a
matter of appeal--as a matter of right from every one of the citizens,
that he should do his best--[cheers]--and that is one of the problems
with which we have to deal in this country. It ought to be established
as a duty, as one of the essential duties of citizenship, that every
man should put his whole strength into helping the country through.
[Cheers.] And I don't believe any section of the community would
object to it, if it were made a legal right and duty expected of every
one. [Cheers.]

I don't know that I have anything further that I want specially to say
to you, because I want to get to business as quickly as possible. Sir
Frederick Donaldson of Woolwich Arsenal and Sir Percy Girouard are
here to answer any question you may put to them on the business of the
meeting. They can inform you on the technical side in a way that I
can't pretend to. I can only ask you to help us. I know that appeal to
you won't be in vain.

We are engaged in the greatest struggle this country has ever been
precipitated into. It is no fault of ours. ["Hear, hear!"] We sought
peace, we asked for peace, we avoided all the paths that led to war,
but we should have forever been dishonored if we had shirked the
conflict when it came. [Cheers.]

Harried into it, we are there to champion the deepest, the highest,
the greatest interest ever committed to the charge of any nation. Let
us equip ourselves in such a way that Great Britain through the war
will be still great, and when the war is over it will be a Greater
Britain than ever. [Cheers.]

[Illustration]




Balkan Neutrality--As Seen By the Balkans

Inspired Press Opinions from the Capitals of Greece, Bulgaria, and
Rumania


THE GREEK VIEW.

_From the Embros, an independent daily of Athens, of May 23, 1915._

In what degree the Triple Entente would have respected the rights of
Greece had we entered the war before Italy's intervention is
demonstrated by the conduct of the Allies toward Serbia. The whole of
the Adriatic is now an Italian sea, by virtue of a mutual agreement
between the Entente powers and Italy, and only the slightest hope of
obtaining Durazzo and Cattero is left to Serbia.

Greece therefore must congratulate herself for holding back and
watchfully awaiting developments. It is generally admitted that the
European war will last long and that the new ally will not give a
decisive turn to its final conclusion. Those, therefore, who have
their swords sharpened will be always in time to join. In a struggle
that has such a wide field of adventures those who will intervene
later will be more welcome than those who have already joined and
offered all the strength they possessed. And, lastly, if this war will
not show in the end a single victor, then the interests of each one of
the participants will be settled by a European congress, where, again,
those who will have preserved untouched their forces will be the real
victors.... Greece is not going to be neutral for a long time;
meanwhile she must husband her resources and her strength up to the
day when events themselves will force her to enter the war, whether
she likes it or not.


A PLEA FOR WAR.

_From the Patris, Mr. Venizelos's organ, of Athens, of May 14._

We say in one word that the dangers that threaten us as long as we are
neutral are immensely greater than those which we might incur in
joining in the war. Greece cannot accept a comparison with Bulgaria
and Rumania. Bulgaria, by remaining neutral, is sure to receive the
Enos-Midia line, and in case of co-operating with the entente powers
she may also be sure of getting Dobrudja and Serbian Macedonia.
Rumania, on the other hand, if neutral will take a slice of
Transylvania, and if she sides with the Allies in the war, may obtain
the whole of Bukowina. But Greece has no alternative. She must by
political necessity act in common with the Triple Entente. Of course,
by so doing she runs certain risks, but we defy the Government [of Mr.
Gounaris] to prove that the dangers threatening Greece are less in the
case of a protracted neutrality than in the case of her joining in the
war.


GREECE AFTER ITALY'S INTERVENTION.

_From the Athenae, the Ministerial paper, of May 25._

Italy has entered the war on the Allies' side, because in the
territorial negotiations England and France outbid Austria and
Germany. And now does any one imagine that the Triple Entente would
hesitate to sacrifice Hellenic interests in favor of Italy even if
Greece had been the first to indorse their cause? But have we not seen
how the Serbian national aspirations have been sacrificed by the
Entente in its effort to secure the co-operation of Italy? And has not
the Entente sacrificed Greek interests when Italy was occupying
Vallona? Was that a token of sympathy with Greek interests? And did
ever the Triple Entente say to Greece that they would not allow Italy
to impose her rule on Greek countries and Greek populations? And the
twelve Islands of the Aegean, the Dodekanisos--have they not been
shown to Italy as a present and reward for her co-operation whether or
not Greece joined the Entente?

How could Greece, in such circumstances, abandon her neutrality and
risk everything for the Allies?

[Illustration: The shaded portion of the map shows how, if Rumania and
Bulgaria join the Allies in the field, Germany and Austria-Hungary
will be almost entirely surrounded by enemies, the only considerable
outlet then remaining being over the Dutch frontier.]


BULGARIAN VIEWS.

FAVORING NEUTRALITY.

_From Narodni Prava, the mouthpiece of the Liberal Party and the
Premier of Bulgaria, Mr. B. Radoslavoff, April 1, 1915._

In his statement to the Sobranjie (the Bulgarian Parliament) the Prime
Minister yesterday categorically said that those wishing to march with
either side of the belligerents are free to do so, if they are
courageous enough and if they are aware of their duties to the
interests of the country.... The Parliamentary majority and the nation
at large are satisfied with the policy of the Government, which
consists in preserving a strict neutrality and the peace of the
country and in developing meanwhile the patriotic and military spirit
of the nation, in order that we may be ready when the time comes to
act for the interests of the fatherland.


OPPOSING NEUTRALITY.

_From Mir, organ of the Nationalists and of ex-Premier I. Gueshoff,
April 26, 1915._

Greece is hoping to profit from the present situation without any
sacrifices, or with as few as possible, and Venizelos fell because the
Greek people did not wish to give the Allies the assistance he
promised them. In order to explain and justify their stand, the Greeks
found an argument in the Bulgarian danger.... "Do you want us to prove
that we are not willing to play the game of Germany? Here are the
proofs: We are ready to shield Serbia against any possible attack from
Bulgaria and to help you, not against Turkey but against
Bulgaria"--that is what the Greeks said and wrote to the Entente
powers. And the chief newspapers of the Allies are full of articles
trying to prove that the Bulgarians, under the guidance of Germany and
Austria, are endangering the Balkan situation. According to what we
learn, Germany is straining every nerve to incite an armed conflict
between Greece and Bulgaria. In this way Germany hopes to guarantee
Turkey against any possible attack from Bulgaria, and thus promote her
own interests. To this fact we most earnestly call the attention of
the Bulgarian people.


OPPOSING GREECE, SERBIA, AND RUSSIA.

_From the Nationalist Kambana of Sofia, May 4, 1915._

Greece and Serbia are, first of all, threatened by Bulgaria, and they
both know that they must step out of Bulgarian Macedonia. The
struggle for Macedonia does not date from yesterday or today; this is
an age-long struggle, which will end only when Bulgaria shall have
assured her frontier, when Greece shall return to her peninsula, and
when Serbia shall be entirely wiped off the map of the Balkans. Aside
from the Greeks and Serbs, Bulgaria constitutes a danger also for
Russia, inasmuch as we do not want to be the bridge for any further
Russian expansion. Russian diplomacy has done everything in its power
to alienate Bulgarian sympathy and to make us unfriendly to Rumania
and Turkey; but Russia is today severely punished for her misdeeds.
Russia, Serbia, and Greece are finding themselves in a pretty hard
position, and are looking for our help. But we must not hurry. Every
day that passes weakens our enemies, and the future of Bulgaria
becomes daily brighter.


THE RUMANIAN VIEW.

A PRO-GERMAN OPINION.

_From the Moldava of Bucharest, organ of the Conservative Party, of
April 1, 1915._

For a long time public opinion in Rumania has been lulled into
believing that we shall take Transylvania, but not a word has been
said about Bessarabia. We do not know why our political predecessors
wanted to create a strong barrier in the face of Russia, behind which
live, condemned to perpetual isolation, 3,000,000 Rumanians. That
territory which lies between the Rivers Pruth and Bug contains a
population of more than 5,000,000, of which 3,500,000 are Moldavians;
it comprises, also, the mouth of the Danube, fertile lands, an
extended shore, and the City of Odessa itself. The budget of that part
of Bessarabia which lies between the Rivers Pruth and Dniester amounts
to 250,000,000 lei, ($50,000,000,) or nearly as much as half of the
entire budget of Rumania. But this wealth is not used for the benefit
of the country which produces it. There are neither schools nor
highways nor hospitals in Bessarabia. Ignorance and misery are the
sole companions of that population, every national sentiment of which
is smothered under the sway of Russian absolutism.

We in Rumania are ignorant of all these facts because our education is
such as to make us ignore such vital issues. But only because we do
not know ought we forsake Bessarabia?... Or is it that the national
ideal of Rumania is to live at the mercy of Russia, by abandoning old
Moldavia?


FOR A BALKAN UNION.

_From Le Journal des Balkans of the Liberal T. Jonescu, of March 13,
1915._

It is of the utmost importance that the Balkan States get
together--quite apart from the present circumstances--for their own
vital benefit. No matter what the outcome of the present war will be,
the duty of the Balkan States is to act in unison, for mutual support
and for the preservation of their future.

Under whatever form constituted, the alliance of the Balkan States is
essential to the existence of the countries of Southeastern Europe.

To begin with, a Balkan congress must be called together, which should
deal principally with the question of organizing a common network of
communication, both on rail and water, strictly Balkan in character,
which would contribute to a specific political purpose, and at the
same time assure to the Balkan countries the monopoly of East Indian
trade.


IN CASE OF WAR.

_From the Government organ, Indépendance Roumaine, of May 18, 1915._

It is most essential that, should neutral countries decide to enter
the European war, their first duty should be that of asking beforehand
explicit and definite guarantees from the powers that solicit their
assistance. Without such guarantees not one of the Balkan States would
be willing to enter the war, because there is not a statesman who in
like circumstances would plunge his country into an action which, on
the face of it, is only an adventurous enterprise.




Portsmouth Bells

[From Punch.]


     A lazy sea came washing in
       Right through the Harbor mouth,
     Where gray and silent, half asleep,
     The lords of all the oceans keep,
       West, East, and North and South.
     The Summer sun spun cloth of gold
       Upon the twinkling sea,
     And little t.b.d.'s lay close,
     Stern near to stern and nose to nose,
       And slumbered peacefully.
           Oh, bells of Portsmouth Town,
           Oh, bells of Portsmouth Town,
         You rang of peace upon the seas
           Before the leaves turned brown.

     A grayish sea goes sweeping in
       Beyond the boom today;
     The Harbor is a cold, clear space,
     For far beyond the Solent's race
       The gray-flanked cruisers play.
     For it's oh! the long, long night up North,
       The sudden twilit day,
     Where Portsmouth men cruise up and down,
     And all alone in Portsmouth Town
       Are women left to pray.
           Oh, bells of Portsmouth Town,
           Oh, bells of Portsmouth Town,
         What will ye ring when once again
           The green leaves turn to brown?

[Illustration: The dotted line shows the route of the Emden's
survivors.]




The Wanderers of the Emden

Odyssey of the German Raider's Survivors Told by Captain Muecke, Their
Leader

By Emil Ludwig

Special Correspondent of the Berliner Tageblatt.


El Ula, (via Damascus,) May 7, 11:40 P.M., (Dispatches to the Berliner
Tageblatt.)--The Emden caravan arrived here tonight. In advance,
Captain Mücke. We were sitting in high expectation when suddenly some
Arabs burst in upon us, calling out "They're here!" A small caravan
climbed down from the hills; I ran to meet it. A big, blonde fellow
had already dismounted, and laughed heartily at my welcome. Completely
rigged out in full tropical garb and with an involuntarily full beard
and the bluest of seamen's eyes, he stood beside his white camel.

"Bath or Rhine wine?" was my first question.

"Rhine wine," the decided answer.

Then we sat down together in the station master's room, and without
more ado Mücke began to narrate his Robinson Crusade by water and
land. Between times he opened letters. "Have I the Cross?" he suddenly
exclaimed, as he found newspapers that brought him the news that he
had been decorated with the Iron Cross, First Class, a Bavarian and a
Saxon order. He laughed, got red in the face, and was happy as a child
over Christmas presents. "It's really too much," he said, "but I am
most pleased over the Saxon order; my father also wore it." In between
he asked questions about Captain Müller's fate, about the Carpathians
and the Dardanelles, and then threw in scraps about the Emden and the
Ayesha. Presently another caravan was reported. "I must ride out to
meet my men," he said, and we approached a big caravan. Thirty
Bedouins, with the Turkish flag at the head of the column; then, all
mixed up, sturdy German blond sailors in disguise, with fez or turban,
all on camels, among them dusky, melancholy looking Arabs. "Children!"
their Captain called out to them, "you've all got the Cross, and you,
Gyssing, have a Bavarian order to boot." "Hurrah!" resounded through
the red desert. The German flag was raised. Handshaking all around.

"Children, here is Paradise; come, here flows champagne! And here,
these are real railroad tracks!"

"How soon do you want to travel?" a Turkish Major asked.

"In three hours, as quick as possible, through night and day," Captain
Mücke replied. Even before he had reported his safe arrival to his
parents at home, he files a telegraphic request for a new command
before the enemy. Never have I seen so much modesty alongside so much
glory as among these fifty Emden men.

"Have you papers here?" one of them asks.

"A heap."

"How is it with Germany?" comes a voice from the crowd.

That's what they all want to know. The men bathe, and then look
happily at the special train in the desert.


THE SURVIVORS.

TABUK, (via Damascus,) May 8, noon.--They're still asleep. Last night
the joy lasted a long while. But I couldn't help admiring the
discipline, which did not break down even on that well-deserved joy
day. Earnestness, the basic characteristic of the soldier, lay under
all their merriment. As the engine was reported to be ready to start,
Mücke called out: "All abroad! Youngsters, only once in my life do I
command a railroad train." Then he and the officers sat down among the
sailors. At every station they made jokes, because they were real
stations that followed one another automatically and without the
danger of adventures!

But all have only one wish--to get quickly back to Germany. Mücke
wants to shorten all the festivities in his honor; he longs for
nothing more than a command in the North Sea. I go down the aisle of
the cars and watch them sleeping--comrades held together by the bonds
of nine months on seas and desert, and I think how young they all are.
None of them over 30, and their commander only 33. Of the officers,
only Lieutenant von Gyssing was on the Emden. Wellman joined the party
at Padang, Dr. Lang and Lieutenant Gerdts were taken over from the
steamer Choising. This steamer of the North German Lloyd, the third
and last ship to carry the expeditionary corps of the Emden, took over
the men and provisions on Dec. 16, and on the same evening the Ayesha
was sunk. On Jan. 9 they left this ship, too, before Hodeida, in the
hope of being able to take the overland route through Arabia. After
the loss of two months, on March 17, they again had to take a small
sailboat of 75 feet length and beat about the Red Sea amid new
adventures. All are in good health and spirits; they're astonished,
however, and laugh, because they see themselves featured as heroes in
the papers.


CRUISE OF THE EMDEN.

OASIS OF MAAN, 620 Kilometers South of Damascus, May 9.--As we ride
through Arabia, Mücke and Lieutenant Gyssing, the only returning Emden
officers, narrate:

"We on the Emden had no idea where we were going, as on Aug. 11, 1914,
we separated from the cruiser squadron, escorted only by the coaler
Markomannia. Under way, the Emden picked up three officers from German
steamers. That was a piece of luck, for afterward we needed many
officers for the capturing and sinking of steamers, or manning them
when we took them with us. On Sept. 10 the first boat came in sight.
We stop her. She proves to be a Greek tramp, chartered from England.
On the next day we met the Indus, bound for Bombay, all fitted up as a
troop transport, but still without troops. That was the first one we
sunk. The crew we took aboard the Markomannia. 'What's the name of
your ship?' the officers asked us. 'Emden! Impossible. Why, the Emden
was sunk long ago in battle with the Ascold!'

"Then we sank the Lovat, a troop transport ship, and took the Kabinga
along with us. One gets used quickly to new forms of activity. After a
few days capturing ships became a habit. Of the twenty-three which we
captured, most of them stopped after our first signal. When they
didn't, we fired a blank shot. Then they all stopped. Only one, the
Clan Mattesen, waited for a real shot across the bow before giving up
its many automobiles and locomotives to the seas. The officers were
mostly very polite and let down rope ladders for us. After a few hours
they'd be on board with us. We ourselves never set foot in their
cabins, nor took charge of them. The officers often acted on their own
initiative and signaled to us the nature of their cargo; then the
Commandant decided as to whether to sink the ship or take it with us.
Of the cargo, we always took everything we could use, particularly
provisions. Many of the English officers and sailors made good use of
the hours of transfer to drink up the supply of whisky instead of
sacrificing it to the waves. I heard that one Captain was lying in
tears at the enforced separation from his beloved ship, but on
investigation found that he was merely dead drunk. But much worse was
the open betrayal which many practiced toward their brother Captains,
whom they probably regarded as rivals. 'Haven't you met the Kilo yet?
If you keep on your course two hours longer, you must overhaul her,'
one Captain said to me of his own accord. To other tips from other
Captains we owed many of our prizes. I am prepared to give their
names," Captain Mücke added.

"The Captain of one ship once called out cheerily: 'Thank God, I've
been captured!' He had received expense money for the trip to
Australia, and was now saved half the journey!

"We had mostly quiet weather, so that communication with captured
ships was easy. They were mostly dynamited, or else shot close to the
water line. The sinking process took longer or shorter, according to
where they were struck and the nature of the cargo. Mostly the ships
keeled over on their sides till the water flowed down the smokestacks,
a last puff of smoke came out, and then they were gone. Many, however,
went down sharply bow first, the stern rising high in the air.

"On the Kabinga the Captain had his wife and youngster with him. He
was inclined at first to be disagreeable. 'What are you going to do
with us? Shall we be set out in boats and left to our fate?' he asked.
Afterward he grew confidential, like all the Captains, called us 'Old
Chap,' gave the Lieutenant a nice new oilskin, and as we finally let
the Kabinga go wrote us a letter of thanks, and his wife asked for an
Emden armband and a button. They all gave us three cheers as they
steamed away. 'Come to Calcutta some time!' was the last thing the
Captain said, 'and catch the pilots so that those [unprintable
seaman's epithet] fellows will feel something of the war, too.'

"A few days later, by Calcutta, we made one of our richest hauls, the
Diplomat, chock full of tea--we sunk $2,500,000 worth. On the same day
the Trabbotch, too, which steered right straight toward us, literally
into our arms.

"But now we wanted to beat it out of the Bay of Bengal, because we had
learned from the papers that the Emden was being keenly searched for.
By Rangoon we encountered a Norwegian tramp, which, for a cash
consideration, took over all the rest of our prisoners of war. Later
on another neutral ship rejected a similar request and betrayed us to
the Japanese into the bargain. On Sept. 23 we reached Madras and
steered straight for the harbor. We stopped still 3,000 yards before
the city. Then we shot up the oil tanks. Three or four burned up and
illuminated the city. They answered. Several of the papers asserted
that we left with lights out. On the contrary, we showed our lights so
as to seem to indicate that we were going northward; only later did we
put them out, turn around, and steer southward. As we left we could
see the fire burning brightly in the night, and even by daylight,
ninety sea miles away, we could still see the smoke from the burning
oil tanks. Two days later we navigated around Ceylon, and could see
the lights of Colombo. On the same evening we gathered in two more
steamers, the King Lund and Tyweric. The latter was particularly good
to us, for it brought us the very latest evening papers from Colombo,
which it had only left two hours before.

"Everything went well, the only trouble was that our prize, the
Markomannia, didn't have much coal left. We said one evening in the
mess: 'The only thing lacking now is a nice steamer with 500 tons of
nice Cardiff coal.' The next evening we got her, the Burresk,
brand-new, from England on her maiden voyage, bound for Hongkong. Then
followed in order the Riberia, Foyle, Grand Ponrabbel, Benmore,
Troiens, Exfort, Grycefale, Sankt Eckbert, Chilkana. Most of them were
sunk; the coal ships were kept. The Eckbert was let go with a load of
passengers and captured crews. We also sent the Markomannia away
because it hadn't any more coal. She was later captured by the English
together with all the prize papers about their own captured ships. All
this happened before Oct. 20; then we sailed southward, to Deogazia,
southwest of Colombo. South of Lakadiven on Deogazia some Englishmen
came on board, solitary farmers who were in touch with the world only
every three months through schooners. They knew nothing about the war,
took us for an English man-of-war, and asked us to repair their motor
boat for them. We kept still and invited them to dinner in our
officers' mess. Presently they stood still in front of the portrait of
the Kaiser, quite astounded. 'This is a German ship!' We continued to
keep still. 'Why is your ship so dirty?' they asked. We shrugged our
shoulders. 'Will you take some letters for us?' they asked. 'Sorry,
impossible; we don't know what port we'll run into.' Then they left
our ship, but about the war we told them not a single word.

"Now we went toward Miniko, where we sank two ships more. The Captain
of one of them said to us: 'Why don't you try your luck around north
of Miniko? There's lots of ships there now?' On the next day we found
three steamers to the north, one of them with much desired Cardiff
coal. From English papers on captured ships we learned that we were
being hotly pursued. The stokers also told us a lot. Our pursuers
evidently must also have a convenient base. Penang was the tip given
us. There we had hopes of finding two French cruisers.

"One night we started for Penang. [A graphic narrative of this raid on
Penang from the special correspondent of THE NEW YORK TIMES, who was
ashore there, appeared in THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY of March,
1915.] On Oct. 28 we raised our very practicable fourth
smokestack--Mücke's own invention. As a result, we were taken for
English or French. The harbor of Penang lies in a channel difficult of
access. There was nothing doing by night, we had to do it at daybreak.
At high speed, without smoke, with lights out, we steered into the
mouth of the channel. A torpedo boat on guard slept well. We steamed
past its small light. Inside lay a dark silhouette; that must be a
warship! But it wasn't the French cruiser we were looking for. We
recognized the silhouette--dead sure; that was the Russian cruiser
Jemtchug. There it lay, there it slept like a rat. No watch to be
seen. They made it easy for us. Because of the narrowness of the
harbor we had to keep close; we fired the first torpedo at 400 yards.
Then to be sure things livened up a bit on the sleeping warship. At
the same time we took the crew quarters under fire, five shells at a
time. There was a flash of flame on board, then a kind of burning
aureole. After the fourth shell, the flame burned high. The first
torpedo had struck the ship too deep because we were too close to it,
a second torpedo which we fired off from the other side didn't make
the same mistake. After twenty seconds there was absolutely not a
trace of the ship to be seen. The enemy had fired off only about six
shots.

"But now another ship, which we couldn't see, was firing. That was the
French d'Ibreville, toward which we now turned at once. A few minutes
later, an incoming torpedo destroyer was reported. He mustn't find us
in that narrow harbor, otherwise we were finished! But it proved to be
a false alarm; only a small merchant steamer that looked like a
destroyer, and which at once showed the merchant flag and steered for
shore. Shortly afterward a second one was reported. This time it
proved to be the French torpedo boat Mousquet. It comes straight
toward us. That's always remained a mystery to me, for it must have
heard the shooting. An officer whom we fished up afterward explained
to me that they had only recognized we were a German warship when they
were quite close to us. The Frenchman behaved well, accepted battle
and fought on, but was polished off by us with three broadsides. The
whole fight with both ships lasted half an hour. The commander of the
torpedo boat lost both legs by the first broadside. When he saw that
part of his crew were leaping overboard, he cried out: 'Tie me fast; I
will not survive after seeing Frenchmen desert their ship!' As a
matter of fact, he went down with his ship as a brave Captain, lashed
fast to the mast. Then we fished up thirty heavily wounded; three died
at once. We sewed a Tricolor, (the French flag), wound them in it and
buried them at sea, with seamen's honors, three salvos. That was my
only sea fight. The second one I did not take part in."

Mücke, who had been recounting his lively narrative, partly like an
officer, partly like an artist, and not trying to eliminate the flavor
of adventure, now takes on quite another tone as he comes to tell of
the end of the Emden:

"On Nov. 9 I left the Emden in order to destroy the wireless plant on
the Cocos Island. I had fifty men, four machine guns, about thirty
rifles. Just as we were about to destroy the apparatus it reported,
'Careful; Emden near.' The work of destruction went smoothly. The
wireless operators said: 'Thank God! It's been like being under arrest
day and night lately.' Presently the Emden signaled to us, 'Hurry up.'
I pack up, but simultaneously wails the Emden's siren. I hurry up to
the bridge, see the flag 'Anna' go up. That means 'Weigh anchor.' We
ran like mad into our boat, but already the Emden's pennant goes up,
the battle flag is raised, they fire from starboard.

"The enemy is concealed by the island and therefore not to be seen,
but I see the shells strike the water. To follow and catch the Emden
is out of the question; she's going twenty knots, I only four with my
steam pinnace. Therefore, I turn back to land, raise the flag, declare
German laws of war in force, seize all arms, set up my machine guns on
shore in order to guard against a hostile landing. Then I run again in
order to observe the fight. From the splash of the shells it looked as
if the enemy had fifteen-centimeter guns, bigger, therefore, than the
Emden's. He fired rapidly, but poorly. It was the Australian cruiser
Sydney."

"Have you heard?" Mücke suddenly asked in between, "if anything has
happened to the Sydney? At the Dardanelles maybe?" And his hatred of
the Emden's "hangman" is visible for a second in his blue eyes. Then
he continues:

"According to the accounts of the Englishmen who saw the first part of
the engagement from shore, the Emden was cut off rapidly. Her forward
smokestack lay across the ship. She went over to circular fighting and
to torpedo firing, but already burned fiercely aft. Behind the
mainmast several shells struck home; we saw the high flame. Whether
circular fighting or a running fight now followed, I don't know,
because I again had to look to my land defenses. Later I looked on
from the roof of a house. Now the Emden again stood out to sea about
4,000 to 5,000 yards, still burning. As she again turned toward the
enemy, the forward mast was shot away. On the enemy no outward damage
was apparent, but columns of smoke showed where shots had struck home.
Then the Emden took a northerly course, likewise the enemy, and I had
to stand there helpless gritting my teeth and thinking: 'Damn it; the
Emden is burning and you aren't on board!' An Englishman who had also
climbed up to the roof of the house, approached me, greeted me
politely, and asked: 'Captain, would you like to have a game of tennis
with us?'

"The ships, still fighting, disappeared beyond the horizon. I thought
that an unlucky outcome for the Emden was possible, also a landing by
the enemy on Keeling Island, at least for the purpose of landing the
wounded and taking on provisions. As, according to the statements of
the Englishmen, there were other ships in the neighborhood, I saw
myself faced with the certainty of having soon to surrender because of
a lack of ammunition. But for no price did I and my men want to get
into English imprisonment. As I was thinking about all this, the masts
again appear on the horizon, the Emden steaming easterly, but very
much slower. All at once the enemy, at high speed, shoots by,
apparently quite close to the Emden. A high, white waterspout showed
among the black smoke of the enemy. That was a torpedo. I see how the
two opponents withdrew, the distance growing greater between them; how
they separate, till they disappear in the darkness. The fight had
lasted ten hours.

"I had made up my mind to leave the island as quick as possible. The
Emden was gone; the danger for us growing. In the harbor I had noticed
a three-master, the schooner Ayesha. Mr. Ross, the owner of the ship
and of the island, had warned me that the boat was leaky, but I found
it quite a seaworthy tub. Now quickly provisions were taken on board
for eight weeks, water for four. The Englishmen very kindly showed us
the best water and gave us clothing and utensils. They declared this
was their thanks for our 'moderation' and 'generosity.' Then they
collected the autographs of our men, photographed them and gave three
cheers as our last boat put off. It was evening, nearly dark. We
sailed away. After a short address, amid three hurrahs, I raised the
German war flag on 'S.M.S. Ayesha.'"


NARRATIVE CONTINUED.

DAMASCUS, May 10.--"The Ayesha proved to be a really splendid ship,"
Mücke continued, and whenever he happens to speak of this sailing ship
he grows warmer. One notices the passion for sailing which this seaman
has, for he was trained on a sailing ship and had won many prizes in
the regattas at Kiel. "But we had hardly any instruments," he
narrated, "we had only one sextant and two chronometers on board, but
a chronometer journal was lacking. Luckily I found an old 'Indian
Ocean Directory' of 1882 on board; its information went back to the
year 1780.

"At first we had to overhaul all the tackle, for I didn't trust to
peace, and we had left the English Captain back on the island. I had
said: 'We are going to East Africa.' Therefore I sailed at first
westward, then northward. There followed the monsoons, but then also
long periods of dead calm. Then we scolded! Only two neutral ports
came seriously under consideration: Batavia and Padang. At Keeling I
cautiously asked about Tsing-tao, of which I had naturally thought
first, and so quite by chance learned that it had fallen. Now I
decided for Padang, because I knew I would be more apt to meet the
Emden there, also because there was a German Consul there, because my
schooner was unknown there, and because I hoped to find German ships
there and learn some news. 'It'll take you six to eight days to reach
Batavia,' a Captain had told me at Keeling. Now we needed eighteen
days to reach Padang, the weather was so rottenly still.

"We had an excellent cook on board; he had deserted from the French
Foreign Legion. But with water we had to go sparingly, each man
received three glasses daily. When it rained, all possible
receptacles were placed on deck and the main sail was spread over the
cabin roof to catch the rain. The whole crew went about naked, in
order to spare our wash, for the clothing from Keeling was soon in
rags. Toothbrushes were long ago out of sight. One razor made the
rounds of the crew. The entire ship had one precious comb.

"As at length we came in the neighborhood of Padang, on Nov. 26, a
ship appeared for the first time and looked after our name. But the
name had been painted over, because it was the former English name. As
I think, 'You're rid of the fellow,' the ship comes again in the
evening, comes within a hundred yards of us. I send all men below
deck. I promenade the deck as the solitary skipper. Through Morse
signals the stranger betrayed its identity. It was the Hollandish
torpedo boat Lyn. I asked by signals, first in English, then twice in
German: 'Why do you follow me?' No answer. The next morning I find
myself in Hollandish waters, so I raise pennant and war flag. Now the
Lyn came at top speed past us. As it passes, I have my men line up on
deck, and give a greeting. The greeting is answered. Then, before the
harbor at Padang, I went aboard the Lyn in my well and carefully
preserved uniform and declared my intentions. The commandant opined
that I could run into the harbor, but whether I might come out again
was doubtful."

"On the South Coast," interjected Lieutenant Wellman, who at that time
lay with a German ship before Padang and only later joined the landing
corps of the Emden, "we suddenly saw a three-master arrive. Great
excitement aboard our German ship, for the schooner carried the German
war flag. We thought she came from New Guinea and at once made all
boats clear, on the Kleist, Rheinland, and Choising, for we were all
on the search for the Emden. When we heard that the schooner carried
the landing corps, not a man of us would believe it."

"They wanted to treat me as a prize!" Mücke now continued. "I said, 'I
am a man of war,' and pointed to my four machine guns. The harbor
authorities demanded a certification for pennant and war flag, also
papers to prove that I was the commander of this warship. I answered,
for that I was only responsible to my superior officers. Now they
advised me the most insistently to allow ourselves to be interned
peacefully. They said it wasn't at all pleasant in the neighborhood.
We'd fall into the hands of the Japanese or the English. As a matter
of fact, we had again had great luck. On the day before a Japanese
warship had cruised around here. Naturally, I rejected all the
well-meant and kindly advice, and did this in presence of my
Lieutenants. I demanded provisions, water, sails, tackle, and
clothing. They replied we could take on board everything which we
formerly had on board, but nothing which would mean an increase in our
naval strength. First thing, I wanted to improve our wardrobe, for I
had only one sock, a pair of shoes, and one clean shirt, which had
become rather seedy. My comrades had even less. But the Master of the
Port declined to let us have not only charts, but also clothing and
toothbrushes, on the ground that these would be an increase of
armament. Nobody could come aboard, nobody could leave the ship
without permission. I requested that the Consul be allowed to come
aboard. This Consul, Herr Schild, as also the Brothers Bäumer, gave us
assistance in the friendliest fashion. From the German steamers boats
could come alongside and talk with us. Finally we were allowed to have
German papers. They were, to be sure, from August. Until March we saw
no more papers.

"Hardly had we been towed out again after twenty-four hours, on the
evening of the 28th, when a searchlight appeared before us. I think:
'Better interned than prisoner.' I put out all lights and withdrew to
the shelter of the island. But they were Hollanders and didn't do
anything to us. Then for two weeks more we drifted around, lying still
for days. The weather was alternately still, rainy and blowy. At
length a ship comes in sight--a freighter. It sees us and makes a big
curve around us. I make everything hastily 'clear for battle.' Then
one of our officers recognizes her for the Choising. She shows the
German flag. I send up light rockets, although it was broad day, and
go with all sails set that were still setable, toward her. The
Choising is a coaster, from Hongkong for Siam. It was at Singapore
when the war broke out, then went to Batavia, was chartered loaded
with coal for the Emden, and had put into Padang in need, because the
coal in the hold had caught fire. There we had met her.

"Great was our joy now. I had all my men come on deck and line up for
review. The fellows hadn't a rag on. Thus, in Nature's garb, we gave
three cheers for the German flag on the Choising. The men on the
Choising told us afterward 'we couldn't make out what that meant,
those stark naked fellows all cheering!' The sea was too high, and we
had to wait two days before we could board the Choising on Dec. 16. We
took very little with us; the schooner was taken in tow. In the
afternoon we sunk the Ayesha and we were all very sad. The good old
Ayesha had served us faithfully for six weeks. The log showed that we
had made 1,709 sea miles under sail since leaving Keeling. She wasn't
at all rotten and unseaworthy, as they had told me, but nice and white
and dry inside. I had grown fond of the ship, on which I could
practice my old sailing manoeuvres. The only trouble was that the
sails would go to pieces every now and then because they were so old.

"But anyway she went down quite properly, didn't she?" Mücke turned to
the officer. "We had bored a hole in her; she filled slowly and then
all of a sudden plump disappeared! That was the saddest day of the
whole month. We gave her three cheers, and my next yacht at Kiel will
be named Ayesha, that's sure.

"To the Captain of the Choising I had said, when I hailed him: 'I do
not know what will happen to the ship. The war situation may make it
necessary for me to strand it.' He did not want to undertake the
responsibility. I proposed that we work together, and I would take the
responsibility. Then we traveled together for three weeks, from
Padang to Hodeida. The Choising was some ninety meters long and had a
speed of nine miles, though sometimes only four. If she had not
accidentally arrived I had intended to cruise high along the west
coast of Sumatra to the region of the northern monsoon. I came about
six degrees north, then over Aden to the Arabian coast. In the Red Sea
the northeastern monsoon, which here blows southeast, could bring us
to Djidda. I had heard in Padang that Turkey is allied with us, so we
would be able to get safely through Arabia to Germany.

"I next waited for information through ships, but the Choising did not
know anything definite, either. By way of the Luchs, the Königsberg,
and Kormoran the reports were uncertain. Besides, according to
newspapers at Aden, the Arabs were said to have fought with the
English. Therein there seemed to be offered an opportunity near at
hand to damage the enemy. I therefore sailed with the Choising in the
direction of Aden. Lieutenant Cordts of the Choising had heard that
the Arabian railway now already went almost to Hodeida, near the Perim
Strait. The ship's surgeon there, Docounlang, found confirmation of
this in Meyer's traveling handbook. This railway could not have been
taken over by the Englishmen, who always dreamed of it. By doing this
they would have further and completely wrought up the Mohammedans by
making more difficult the journey to Mecca. Best of all, we thought,
we'll simply step into the express train and whizz nicely away to the
North Sea. Certainly there would be safe journeying homeward through
Arabia. To be sure, we hadn't maps of the Red Sea; but it was the
shortest way to the foe, whether in Aden or in Germany.

"Therefore, courage! Adenwards!

"On the 7th of January, between 9 and 10 o'clock in the evening, we
sneaked through the Strait of Perim. That lay swarming full of
Englishmen. We steered along the African coast, close past an English
cable layer. That is my prettiest delight--how the Englishmen will be
vexed when they learn that we have passed smoothly by Perim. On the
next evening we saw on the coast a few lights upon the water. We
thought that must be the pier of Hodeida. But when we measured the
distance by night, 3,000 meters, I began to think that must be
something else. At dawn I made out two masts and four smokestacks;
that was an enemy ship, and, what is more, an armored French cruiser.
I therefore ordered the Choising to put to sea, and to return at
night.

"The next day and night the same; then we put out four boats--these we
pulled to shore at sunrise under the eyes of the unsuspecting
Frenchmen. The sea reeds were thick. A few Arabs came close to us;
then there ensued a difficult negotiation with the Arabian Coast
Guards. For we did not even know whether Hodeida was in English or
French hands. We waved to them, laid aside our arms, and made signs to
them. The Arabs, gathering together, begin to rub two fingers
together; that means 'We are friends.' We thought that meant 'We are
going to rub against you and are hostile.' I therefore said:
'Boom-boom!' and pointed to the warship. At all events, I set up my
machine guns and made preparations for a skirmish. But, thank God! one
of the Arabs understood the word 'Germans'; that was good.

"Soon a hundred Arabs came and helped us, and as we marched into
Hodeida the Turkish soldiers, who had been called out against us,
saluted us as allies and friends. To be sure, there was not a trace of
a railway, but we were received very well, and they assured us we
could get through by land. Therefore, I gave red-star signals at
night, telling the Choising to sail away, since the enemy was near by.
Inquiries and determination concerning a safe journey by land
proceeded. I also heard that in the interior, about six days' journey
away, there was healthy highland where our fever invalids could
recuperate. I therefore determined to journey next to Sana. On the
Kaiser's birthday we held a great parade in common with the Turkish
troops--all this under the noses of the Frenchmen. On the same day we
marched away from Hodeida to the highland."


A PATH OF TRIUMPH.

DAMASCUS, May 10.--The Arabian railway was today transformed into a
German Via Triumphalis--military receptions, flowers, flags at the
stations, and a feast in the great rug-carpeted tent. Then once more
straight through the desert and in the midst of 1,000 curious glances
stood these cheerful and serious men and youths, unembarrassed,
friendly, plain; amid them always the tallest, Mücke, who conceals his
impatience to get to Germany behind every courteous phrase. The German
builder of the railway, the German Consul, the German bank director,
and officials came riding to meet them. Finally they had garlanded the
machine, decked with the Turkish and the Emden's flag. Thus the German
train rode into this splendid green and white oasis, into the old city
of Arabian fairy tales, Arabian weapons, Arabian powers, all of which
are no more fantastic than the adventures which the fifty homecomers
told on the journey.

The Wali was waiting and the commanding General; militia by hundreds
stood in rows, presenting arms with white gloves; music played in
march time they well knew; softly howling Dervishes with their high
hats stood in orderly traditional rows and played their wild flute
notes, and the long man and his blond, young officers, all in their
fantastic Arab headdress, the aghal, came out first; they came with
their guns in their right hands.

Now Mücke gave orders to the landing corps of S.M.S. Emden. They
marched in rhythmic step. The Turkish company took the Germans into
its midst, saw them marching in the dazzling sunlight, these blue-eyed
youths of yesteryear, now dressed in khaki and fez, many of them
yellow from the malaria from which they had recovered; and as, amid
the applause of the Turkish soldiers, they marched into the seraglio I
could understand the amazement of the crowd. I have seen men of
spirit and men of determination and courage, but I have found few at
the same time so modest, so uncorruptible by fame, as these German
soldiers. Can there be a greater temptation to lead young officers
astray than that of being gazed at with admiration as strange
adventurers celebrated as heroes, received as Princes? But not a face
changed its expression. If German heroes often lack the handsome
intoxication, they are, therefore, shielded also against the
seductions of fame. Grateful and well trained they quietly refused the
words of praise; and surrounded by the roar of applause, they thought
only of their bath for today and their return home for tomorrow.

In the great hall Mücke sat in the centre, between the wall and the
Commander, then the officers, and around them the forty-four mates,
superior mates, sailors, firemen. At one pillar stood the color bearer
with his flag. They took dainty coffee cups into their big hands, and
told one another that the Turks were very good to them. None of them
wishes to extend the feasts that are everywhere being prepared for
them. All want to return to Germany; and when I saw them march away,
the German men beneath the Arabian sun, I saw fame and achievement
like shadows floating over them. I was seized by pity for those who
were at the goal, whose great hour was the way to the goal, and they
knew it not. Behind the little comfort company there floated three
figures--the three German soldiers whose bodies lie mouldering in the
desert.


A FIGHT WITH BEDOUINS.

Damascus, May 11.

Concerning his further experiences, Lieut. Capt. von Mücke told this
story:

"Two months after our arrival at Hodeida we again put to sea. The time
spent in the highlands of Sana passed in lengthy inquiries and
discussions that finally resulted in our foregoing the journey by land
through Arabia, for religious reasons. But the time was not altogether
lost. The men who were sick with malaria had, for the most part,
recuperated in the highland air.

"The Turkish Government placed at our disposal two 'sambuks' (sailing
ships) of about twenty-five tons, fifteen meters long and four meters
wide. But, in fear of English spies, we sailed from Jebaua, ten miles
north of Hodeida. That was on March 14. At first we sailed at a
considerable distance apart, so that we would not both go to pot if an
English gunboat caught us. Therefore, we always had to sail in coastal
water. That is full of coral reefs, however."

"The Commander," Lieutenant Gerdts said, "had charge of the first
sambuk; I of the second, which was the larger of the two, for we had
four sick men aboard. At first everything went nicely for three days.
For the most part I could see the sails of the first ship ahead of
men. On the third day I received orders to draw nearer and to remain
in the vicinity of the first boat, because its pilot was sailing less
skillfully than mine. Suddenly, in the twilight, I felt a shock, then
another, and still another. The water poured in rapidly. I had run
upon the reef of a small island, where the smaller sambuk was able
barely to pass because it had a foot less draught than mine. Soon my
ship was quite full, listed over, and all of us--twenty-eight men--had
to sit on the uptilted edge of the boat. The little island lies at
Jesirat Marka, 200 miles north of Jebaua. To be sure, an Arab boat lay
near by, but they did not know us. Nobody could help us. If the
Commander had not changed the order a few hours before and asked us to
sail up closer, we would probably have drowned on this coral
reef--certainly would have died of thirst. Moreover, the waters
thereabouts are full of sharks, and the evening was so squally that
our stranded boat was raised and banged with every wave. We could
scarcely move, and the other boat was nowhere in sight. And now it
grew dark. At this stage I began to build a raft of spars and old
pieces of wood, that might at all events keep us afloat.

"But soon the first boat came into sight again. The commander turned
about and sent over his little canoe; in this and in our own canoe, in
which two men could sit at each trip, we first transferred the sick.
Now the Arabs began to help us. But just then the tropical helmet of
our doctor suddenly appeared above the water in which he was standing
up to his ears. Thereupon the Arabs withdrew; we were Christians, and
they did not know that we were friends. Now the other sambuk was so
near that we could have swam to it in half an hour, but the seas were
too high. At each trip a good swimmer trailed along, hanging to the
painter of the canoe. When it became altogether dark we could not see
the boat any more, for over there they were prevented by the wind from
keeping any light burning. My men asked 'In what direction shall we
swim?' I answered: 'Swim in the direction of this or that star; that
must be about the direction of the boat.' Finally a torch flared up
over there--one of the torches that were still left from the Emden.
But we had suffered considerably through submersion. One sailor cried
out: 'Oh, pshaw! it's all up with us now; that's a searchlight.' The
man who held out best was Lieutenant Schmidt, who later lost his life.
About 10 o'clock we were all safe aboard, but one of our typhus
patients, Seaman Keil, wore himself out completely by the exertion; he
died a week later. On the next morning we went over again to the wreck
in order to seek the weapons that had fallen into the water. You see,
the Arabs dive so well; they fetched up a considerable lot--both
machine guns, all but ten of the rifles, though these were, to be
sure, all full of water. Later they frequently failed to go off when
they were used in firing.

"Now we numbered, together with the Arabs, seventy men on the little
boat, until evening. Then we anchored before Konfida, and met Sami
Bey, who is still with us. He had shown himself useful even before in
the service of the Turkish Government, and has done good service as
guide in the last two months. He is an active man, thoroughly familiar
with the country. He procured for us a larger boat, of fifty-four
tons, and he himself, with his wife, sailed alongside on the little
sambuk. We sailed from the 20th to the 24th unmolested to Lith. There
Sami Bey announced that three English ships were cruising about in
order to intercept us. I therefore advised traveling a bit overland. I
disliked leaving the sea a second time, but it had to be done."

"Lith is, to be sure, nothing but this," said Mücke, with a sweeping
gesture toward the desert through which we were traveling, "and
therefore it was very difficult to get up a caravan at once. We
remained aboard ship so long. We marched away on the 28th. We had only
a vague suspicion that the English might have agents here also. We
could travel only at night, and when we slept or camped around a
spring, there was only a tent for the sick men. Two days' march from
Jeddah, the Turkish Government, as soon as it is received news about
us, sent us sixteen good camels.

"Suddenly, on the night of April 1, things became uneasy. I was riding
at the head of the column. All our shooting implements were cleared
for action, because there was danger of an attack by Bedouins, whom
the English here had bribed. When it began to grow a bit light, I
already thought: 'We're through for today'; for we were tired--had
been riding eighteen hours. Suddenly I saw a line flash up before me,
and shots whizzed over our heads. Down from the camels! Form a
fighting line! You know how quickly it becomes daylight here. The
whole space around the desert hillock was occupied. Now, up with your
bayonets! Rush 'em!... They fled, but returned again, this time from
all sides. Several of the gendarmes that had been given us as an
escort are wounded; the machine gun operator, Rademacher, falls,
killed by a shot through his heart; another is wounded; Lieutenant
Schmidt, in the rear guard, is mortally wounded--he has received a
bullet in his chest and abdomen.

"Suddenly they waved white cloths. The Sheik, to whom a part of our
camels belonged, went over to them to negotiate, then Sami Bey and his
wife. In the interim we quickly built a sort of wagon barricade, a
circular camp of camel saddles, rice and coffee sacks, all of which
we filled with sand. We had no shovels, and had to dig with our
bayonets, plates, and hands. The whole barricade had a diameter of
about fifty meters. Behind it we dug trenches, which we deepened even
during the skirmish. The camels inside had to lie down, and thus
served very well as cover for the rear of the trenches. Then an inner
wall was constructed, behind which we carried the sick men. In the
very centre we buried two jars of water, to guard us against thirst.
In addition we had ten petroleum cans full of water; all told, a
supply for four days. Late in the evening Sami's wife came back from
the futile negotiations, alone. She had unveiled for the first and
only time on this day of the skirmish, had distributed cartridges, and
had conducted herself faultlessly.

"Soon we were able to ascertain the number of the enemy. There were
about 300 men; we numbered fifty, with twenty-nine guns. In the night,
Lieutenant Schmidt died. We had to dig his grave with our hands and
with our bayonets, and to eliminate every trace above it, in order to
protect the body. Rademacher had been buried immediately after the
skirmish, both of them silently, with all honors.

"The wounded had a hard time of it. We had lost our medicine chest in
the wreck; we had only little packages of bandages for skirmishes; but
no probing instrument, no scissors were at hand. On the next day our
men came up with thick tongues, feverish, and crying 'Water! water!'
But each one received only a little cupful three times a day. If our
water supply was exhausted, we would have to sally from our camp and
fight our way through. Then we should have gone to pot under superior
numbers. The Arab gendarmes simply cut the throats of those camels
that had been wounded by shots, and then drank the yellow water that
was contained in the stomachs. Those fellows can stand anything. At
night we always dragged out the dead camels that had served as cover,
and had been shot. The hyenas came, hunting for dead camels. I shot
one of these, taking it for an enemy in the darkness.

"That continued about three days. On the third day there were new
negotiations. Now the Bedouins demanded arms no longer, but only
money. This time the negotiations took place across the camp wall.
When I declined, the Bedouin said: 'Beaucoup de combat,' (lots of
fight.) I replied:

"'Please go to it!'

"We had only a little ammunition left, and very little water. Now it
really looked as if we would soon be dispatched. The mood of the men
was pretty dismal. Suddenly, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, there
bobbed up in the north two riders on camels, waving white cloths. Soon
afterward there appeared, coming from the same direction, far back, a
long row of camel troops, about a hundred; they draw rapidly near by,
ride singing toward us, in a picturesque train. They were the
messengers and troops of the Emir of Mecca.

"Sami Bey's wife, it developed, had, in the course of the first
negotiations, dispatched an Arab boy to Jeddah. From that place the
Governor had telegraphed to the Emir. The latter at once sent camel
troops, with his two sons and his personal surgeon; the elder,
Abdullah, conducted the negotiations; the surgeon acted as
interpreter, in French. Now things proceeded in one-two-three order,
and the whole Bedouin band speedily disappeared. From what I learned
later, I know definitely that they had been corrupted with bribes by
the English. They knew when and where we would pass and they had made
all preparations. Now our first act was a rush for water; then we
cleared up our camp, but had to harness our camels ourselves, for the
camel drivers had fled at the very beginning of the skirmish. More
than thirty camels were dead. The saddles did not fit, and my men know
how to rig up schooners, but not camels. Much baggage remained lying
in the sand for lack of pack animals.

"Then, under the safe protection of Turkish troops, we got to Jeddah.
There the authorities and the populace received us very well. From
there we proceeded in nineteen days, without mischance, by sailing
boat to Elwesh, and under abundant guard with Suleiman Pasha in a
five-day caravan journey toward this place, to El Ula, and now we are
seated at last in the train and are riding toward Germany--into the
war at last!"

"Was not the war you had enough?" I asked.

"Not a bit of it," replied the youngest Lieutenant; "the Emden simply
captured ships each time; only a single time, at Penang, was it
engaged in battle, and I wasn't present on that occasion. War? No,
that is just to begin for us now."

"My task since November," said Mücke, "has been to bring my men as
quickly as possible to Germany against the enemy. Now, at last, I can
do so."

"And what do you desire for yourself?" I asked.

"For myself," he laughed, and the blue eyes sparkled, "a command in
the North Sea."


CAPTAIN MUECKE'S REPORT.

_The impressive scene when the intrepid survivors of the Emden crew
ended their long and perilous wanderings over the sea and through the
desert, and reported once more to their superior naval officer for
duty, is described in a dispatch from Constantinople, published in the
Berlinger Tageblatt of May 25. The account, written by Dr. Emil
Ludwig, the special correspondent whom the paper had sent to meet the
Emden men as they emerged from the desert, and filed under date of May
24, reads:_

Now the Emden men have at last reached Europe. The many feasts which
the German colonies and the Turkish authorities insisted on preparing
for the heroes on their way through Asia Minor, in Adana, Tarsus,
Bosanti, Konia, and Eskishehir, have improved the condition of the
crew, half of whom are still suffering from malaria or its
consequences. The officers, to be sure, pressed forward. When the
train today drew near to Constantinople, the cordiality and
enthusiasm waxed to a veritable Whitsuntide fraternizing with the
Turks.

The Chief Mayors delivered addresses at every station, or children
recited poems amid the Turkish sounds of which only the words
"Allaman" (Germans) and "Emden" were intelligible to us. One little
child was specially courageous, and recited in German. The flags were
wreathed with laurel, and prettily dressed little children brought up
to the crew great baskets full of cherries and the first strawberries;
but the eyes of the sailors hung more fondly upon beer and tobacco,
which they received in large quantities. Even at those stations where
the train whizzed past without stopping, Oriental applause floated up
to us, and everywhere stood honorary reception committees.

When we at last drew near Haidar-Pasha, the final station of the
railroad on the Asiatic side, the railway station seemed to be
transformed into a festive hall. Lieut. Capt. von Mücke ordered his
men, who had only now transformed themselves again into blue lads,
since navy uniforms had been sent to them on the way, to step up, and
he led them up to a group of navy officers who, with Admiral Souchon
at their head, remained quietly standing.

Then this young "triumphator," who even a moment ago stood amid cheers
and a shower of acacia blossoms, bowing and shaking hands on the
platform, the man who for fourteen days has been the one man wherever
stopped, now steps up in military order to the little Admiral and
lowers his sword:

"Beg to report most obediently, Herr Admiral, landing corps of the
Emden, 44 men, 4 officers, 1 surgeon."

Admiral Souchon received the announcement just as a daily report. Only
then did he press the Lieutenant Captain's hand, bid him welcome, and
marched along the front of the company.

No sooner had the column with the Emden flag appeared at the entrance
of the station than there burst from 10,000 throats a rousing
"Hurrah!" On a torpedo boat that had been waiting for them the crew
crossed the Bosporus, in which all ships had decked themselves with
flags, and landed on the wide park-like point of the seraglio. There,
surrounded by new countless crowds, were the Ministers Enver Pasha and
Talaat Bey, the German Ambassador, Freiherr von Wangenheim, and
Marshal von der Golz Pasha, the combined navy corps of officers,
General Bronsart von Schellendorf, all waiting their arrival.

[Illustration: ENVER PASHA

The All-Powerful Turkish Minister of War]

[Illustration: PRINCE SAID HALIM

The Grand Vizier of Turkey]

Amid the strains of the German national anthem, played by the Turkish
military band, Lieut. Capt. von Mücke, together with the War Minister,
Enver Pasha, paced along the long German and Turkish fronts. Then he
led forth his forty-four men and marched, amid new ovations, all
through Stamboul, across the great bridge to Galata, to the deck of
the steamship General, at the head of his little band, now grown epic,
amid the cheers of Byzantium, on which he and his officers had never
set foot before--always in the clear blue and sunlight of this
war-heavy Whitsuntide day.

But nothing stirred me more deeply on the whole journey than that cold
official report of the man who was being celebrated, before his
Admiral, and I saw in that lowered swordpoint the symbol of the old
and incorruptible Prussian spirit.

[Illustration]




Civilization at the Breaking Point

By H.G. Wells.

[Copyright, 1915, by THE NEW YORK TIMES Company.]


The submarine and aircraft have put a new proposition before the
world. It is a proposition that will be stated here as plainly and
simply as possible. These two inventions present mankind with a choice
of two alternatives, or, to vary the phrase, they mark quite
definitely that we are at the parting of two ways; either mankind must
succeed within quite a brief period of years now in establishing a
world State, a world Government of some sort able to prevent war, or
civilization as we know it must break up into a system of warring
communities, perpetually on the warpath, perpetually insecure and
engaged in undying national vendettas. These consequences have been
latent in all the development of scientific warfare that has been
going on during the last century; they are inherent in the
characteristics of the aircraft and of the submarine for any one to
see.

They are so manifestly inherent that even before this war speculative
minds had pointed out the direction to which these inventions pointed,
but now, after more than three-quarters of a year of war, it is
possible to approach this question, no longer as something as yet
fantastically outside the experience of mankind, but as something
supported by countless witnesses, something which the dullest, least
imaginative minds can receive and ponder.

What the submarine and aircraft make manifest and convincing is this
point, which argument alone has never been able to hammer into the
mass of inattentive minds, that if the human intelligence is applied
continuously to the mechanism of war it will steadily develop
destructive powers, but that it will fail to develop any corresponding
power of decision and settlement, because the development of the
former is easy and obvious in comparison with the development of the
latter; it will therefore progressively make war more catastrophic and
less definitive. It will not make war impossible in the ordinary
meaning of the word, the bigger the gun and the viler the lethal
implement the more possible does war become, but it will make war
"impossible" in the slang use of five or six years ago, in the sense,
that is, of its being utterly useless and mischievous, the sense in
which Norman Angell employed it and so brought upon himself an
avalanche of quite unfair derision. No nation ever embarked upon so
fair a prospect of conquest and dominion as the victorious Germans
when, after 1871, they decided to continue to give themselves to the
development of overwhelming military power. And after exertions
unparalleled in the whole history of mankind their net conquests are
nothing; they have destroyed enormously and achieved no other single
thing, and today they repeat on a colossal scale the adventures of
Fort Chabrol and Sidney Street, and are no better than a nation of
murderous outcasts besieged by an outraged world.

Now, among many delusions that this war has usefully dispelled is the
delusion that there can be a sort of legality about war, that you can
make war a little, but not make war altogether, that the civilized
world can look forward to a sort of tame war in the future, a war
crossed with peace, a lap-dog war that will bark but not bite. War is
war; it is the cessation of law and argument, it is outrage, and
Germany has demonstrated on the large scale what our British
suffragettes learned on a small one, that with every failure to
accomplish your end by violent means you are forced to further
outrages. Violence has no reserves but further violence. Each failure
of the violent is met by the desperate cry, the heroical scream: "We
will not be beaten. If you will not give in to us for this much,
then see! We will go further." Wars always do go further. Wars always
end more savagely than they begin. Even our war in South Africa,
certainly the most decently conducted war in all history, got to farm
burning and concentration camps. A side that hopes for victory fights
with conciliation in its mind. Victory and conciliation recede
together. When the German--who is really, one must remember, a human
being like the rest of us, at the worst just merely a little worse in
his upbringing--when he finds he cannot march gloriously into Paris or
Warsaw, then, and only then, does he begin to try to damage Paris and
Warsaw with bombs, when he finds he cannot beat the French Army and
the British fleet, then, and not till then, does he attack and murder
the slumbering civilians of Scarborough and Dunkirk, and lies in wait
for and sinks the Lusitania. If war by the rules will not bring
success, then harsher measures must be taken; let us suddenly torture
and murder our hated enemies with poison gas, let us poison the South
African wells, let us ill-treat prisoners and assassinate civilians.
Let us abolish the noncombatant and the neutral. These are no peculiar
German iniquities, though the Germans have brought them to an
unparalleled perfection; they are the natural psychological
consequences of aggressive war heroically conceived and bitterly
thwarted; they are "fierceness"; they are the logical necessary
outcome of going to war and being disappointed and getting hit hard
and repeatedly. Any military nation in a corner will play the savage,
the wildcat at bay, in this fashion, rather than confess itself done.
And since the prophetic Bloch has been justified and the long
inconclusiveness of modern war, with its intrenchments and
entanglements, has been more than completely demonstrated, this is the
way that every war in the future is likely to go. Fair and open
conquest becoming more and more out of the question, each side will
seek to cow, dismay, and subjugate the spirit of the other, and
particularly the spirit of the noncombatant masses, by more and more
horrible proceedings. "What do you think of that?" said the German
officer, with a grin, as he was led prisoner past one of our soldiers,
dying in agonies of asphyxiation. To that point war brings men.
Probably at the beginning of the war he was quite a decent man. But
once he was committed to war the fatal logic of our new resources in
science laid hold of him. And war is war.

Now there does not appear the slightest hope of any invention that
will make war more conclusive or less destructive; there are, however,
the clearest prospects in many directions that it may be more
destructive and less conclusive. It will be dreadfuller and bitterer;
its horrors will be less and less forgivable; it will leave vast
sundering floods of hate. The submarine and the aircraft are quite
typical of the new order of things. You can sweep a visible fleet off
the seas, you can drive an invading army into its own country, but
while your enemy has a score of miles of coast line or a thousand
square miles of territory left him, you cannot, it seems, keep his
aircraft out of your borders, and still less can you keep his
submarines out of the sea. You can, of course, make reprisals, but you
can not hold him powerless as it was once possible to do. He can work
his bloody mischief on your civil life to the very end of the war, and
you must set your teeth and stick to your main attack. To that pitch
this war has come, and to that pitch every subsequent war will come.
The civil life will be treated as a hostage, and as it becomes more
and more accessible, as it will do, to the antagonist it will be more
and more destroyed. The sinking of the Lusitania is just a sign and a
sample of what war now becomes, its rich and ever richer opportunities
of unforgettable exasperation. Germany is resolved to hurt and destroy
to the utmost, every exasperated militarism will come naturally to
such resolves, and only by pain and destruction, by hurting, shaming
and damaging Germany to the point of breaking the German spirit can
this inflamed and war-mad people be made to relinquish their gigantic
aggression upon the world. Germany, that great camp of warriors, must
be broken as the Red Indians and the Zulus were broken, if
civilization is to have another chance, and its breaking cannot be
done without unparalleled resentments. War is war, and it is not the
Allies who have forced its logic to this bitter end.

Unless this war does help to bring about a lasting peace in the world,
it is idle to pretend that it will have been anything else but a
monstrous experience of evil. If at the end of it we cannot bring
about some worldwide political synthesis, unanimous enough and
powerful enough to prohibit further wars by a stupendous array of
moral and material force, then all this terrible year of stress and
suffering has been no more than a waste of life, and our sons and
brothers and friends and allies have died in vain. If we cannot summon
enough good-will and wisdom in the world to establish a world alliance
and a world congress to control the clash of "legitimate national
aspirations" and "conflicting interests" and to abolish all the
forensic trickeries of diplomacy, then this will be neither the last
war, nor will it be the worst, and men must prepare themselves to face
a harsh and terrible future, to harden their spirits against
continuing and increasing adversity, and to steel their children to
cruelty and danger. Revenge will become the burden of history. That is
the price men will pay for clinging to their little separatist cults
and monarchies and complete independencies, now. The traffic and
wealth of our great and liberal age will diminish, the arts will
dwindle and learning fade, science will cease to advance, and the rude
and hard will inherit the earth. The Warpath or the World State; that
is the choice for mankind.

This lesson of the submarine which destroys much and achieves nothing
has ample support in history. There never was so blind a superstition
as the belief that progress is inevitable. The world has seen the
great civilization of the Western empire give place to the warring
chaos of the baronial castles of the ninth and tenth centuries; it has
seen the Eastern empire for 500 years decay and retrogress under the
militarism of the Turk; it has watched the Red Indians, with rifles in
their hands, grimly engage in mutual extermination. Is it still a
blind world, doomed to blunder down again from such light and order
and hope as we were born to, toward such another millennium of
barbaric hates and aimless wars? That is no mere possibility; it is
the present probability unless men exert themselves to make it
impossible. It is quite conceivable that ours is the last generation
for many generations that will go freely about the world, that will
have abundance of leisure, and science and free speech and abundant
art and much beauty and many varied occupations. We stand about in our
old haunts and try to keep on with our old ways of living and
speculate when the war will be "over," and when we shall be able to go
back to everything just as it was before the war. This war and its
consequences will never be "over," and we have not even begun to
realize what it has cost us.

The course of human history is downward and very dark, indeed, unless
our race can give mind and will now unreservedly in unprecedented
abundance to the stern necessities that follow logically from the
aircraft bomb and the poison gas and that silent, invisible,
unattainable murderer, the submarine.

[Illustration]




"Human Beings and Germans"

By Rudyard Kipling.

     Addressing 10,000 persons at a recruiting rally in
     Southport, England, on June 21, 1915, Mr. Kipling spoke as
     reported in the subjoined cable dispatch to THE NEW YORK
     TIMES.


The German went into this war with a mind which had been carefully
trained out of the idea of every moral sense or obligation, private,
public, or international. He does not recognize the existence of any
law, least of all those he has subscribed to himself, in making war
against com-[Transcriber's Note: Text missing from original.] and
children.

All mankind bears witness today that there is no crime, no cruelty, no
abomination that the mind of man can conceive which the German has not
perpetrated, is not perpetrating, and will not perpetrate if he is
allowed to go on.

These horrors and perversions were not invented by him on the spur of
the moment. They were arranged beforehand. Their outlines are laid
down in the German war book. They are part of the system in which
Germany has been scientifically trained. It is the essence of that
system to make such a hell of countries where their armies set foot
that any terms she may offer will seem like heaven to the people whose
bodies she has defiled and whose minds she has broken of set purpose
and intention.

So long as an unbroken Germany exists, so long will life on this
planet be intolerable, not only for us and for our allies, but for all
humanity.

There are only two divisions in the world today, human beings and
Germans, and the German knows it. Human beings have long ago sickened
of him and everything connected with him, of all he does, says,
thinks, or believes.

From the ends of earth to the ends of the earth they desire nothing
more greatly than that this unclean thing should be thrust out from
membership and memory of the nations.

We have no reason to believe that Germany will break up suddenly and
dramatically. She took two generations to prepare herself in every
detail and through every fibre of her national being for this war. She
is playing for the highest stakes in the world--the dominion of the
world. It seems to me that she must either win or bleed to death
almost where her lines run today.

Therefore, we and our allies must continue to pass our children
through fire to Moloch until Moloch perish.

In Belgium at this hour several million Belgians are making war
material or fortifications for their conquerors. They receive enough
food to support life, as the German thinks it should be supported, (by
the way, I believe the United States of America supplies a large part
of that food.) In return they are compelled to work at the point of
the bayonet. If they object, they are shot. They have no more property
and no more rights than cattle, and they cannot lift a hand to protect
the honor of their women.

There has been nothing like the horror of their fate in all history.

If Germany is victorious, every refinement of outrage which is within
the compass of the German imagination will be inflicted on us in every
aspect of our lives. Realize, too, that if the Allies are beaten there
will be no spot on the globe where a soul can escape from the
domination of this enemy of mankind.

There has been childish talk that the Western Hemisphere would offer a
refuge from oppression. Put that thought from your mind. If the Allies
were defeated Germany would not need to send a single battleship over
the Atlantic. She would issue an order, and it would be obeyed.

Civilization would be bankrupt, and the Western world would be taken
over with the rest of the wreckage by Germany, the receiver.

So you see that there is no retreat possible. There are no terms and
no retreat in this war. It must go forward, and with those men of
England, who are eligible for service but who have not yet offered
themselves, the decision of war rests.

This is, for us, in truth a war to death against the power of darkness
with whom any peace except on our own terms would be more terrible
than any war.




Garibaldi's Promise.

By KATHERINE DRAYTON MAYRANT SIMONS, JR.


     _O Loveland of the Poets,
       In the hour of your pain,
     Does Garibaldi's promise
       To your heroes hold again?_

     There were fisher lads among them,
       In the shirt of peasant red,
     And mountaineers from Tyrol,
       When Garibaldi said:

     "I have no prayer to make you,
       For to God alone I kneel!
     I have no price to pay you,
       For your wage is Austrian steel!

     "There is naught of knightly emblem
       For the honor of the brave,
     And the only land I grant you
       Will be length to mark your grave!

     "I promise cold and hunger
       In the stead of drink and meat!
     I promise death, my brothers,
       Shall be yours before defeat!"

     _O Sweetheart of the Nations,
       In the hour of your pain,
     Does Garibaldi's promise
       To Italia hold again?_




The Uncivilizable Nation

By Emile Verhaeren.

     The Belgian poet whom Maurice Maeterlinck preferred should
     rank among the Immortals of the French Academy when that
     honor was bestowed upon himself, has contributed to Les
     Annales the following account of Germany and the German
     people. The translation is that appearing on June 11 in The
     Suffragette of England.


Life is not a means; life is an end. That is what we must tell
ourselves in order really to live in this world. Hence the obligation
to perfect life, to make it high and beautiful, to make a masterpiece
of it. Hence too our contempt and hatred for those who wish to tarnish
life, either by their thoughts or by their deeds.

Germany behaves as though it were the most backward among nations. And
indeed it is in spite of appearances essentially feudal. There is
perhaps a German culture, but there is no German _civilization_.

One may be well informed and yet be hardly civilized. A sense of duty
to humanity, a sense of pride, a sense of liberty are independent,
certainly not of intelligence, but are independent of mere knowledge
of accumulated facts.

The German professor is a walking library. He collects, he arranges,
he comments. Arrangement and discipline with him take the place of
everything else, and they inculcate in him the spirit of dependence
and of servility. It is perhaps because he classifies so much that he
is so dully submissive. Everything according to his view is an
ascending or descending scale. Everything is in its compartment.

How, then, can we be surprised if everything becomes materialized and
the mind of each Teuton can lay claim to be nothing more than a sort
of stiff and dingy compartment, in a sort of social chessboard.

It has already been said: The German invents almost nothing. He works
upon the inventions of other people. In order to invent he would have
to possess the spirit of rebellion against that which is. He is
incapable of that spirit. He is a being who always accepts.

But as soon as a new discovery has been made by others the German gets
hold of it. He examines it patiently. He turns and returns it this
way, that way, and every way. He, as it were, criticises it. He thus
succeeds in augmenting its power. Moreover, he wishes that it shall
serve a practical purpose and be classified accordingly, just as he
himself serves and is classified in life.

Never have the Germans opened up a great road in science. They open up
only bypaths. Leibnitz and Kant joined their paths to the royal high
road of Descartes. Haeckel would hardly have existed if Darwin had not
existed. Koch and Behring are dependent upon the labors of Pasteur.

This second-hand science is excellent as a means of attracting
mediocre minds. To work, each in his little corner, at solving some
secondary question, and to believe one's self a somebody when one is
hardly anybody, flatters the universal vanity. All the little
provincial universities of Germany can live in the illusion that they
are full of learned men--thanks to the German conception of what is
learned and serious!

It is a system of regimenting in great barracks of laboratories. It is
the absolute negation of the spirit of initiative of spontaneity and
it is above all the negation of the spirit of protest and revolt.

If the German people had been truly civilized they would never have
maintained silence before the assassination of Belgium. Even among
those whose ideas are contrary to the existing political order in
Germany, none has risen up against this crime admitted and proclaimed
at the beginning of the war in full Parliament by the Chancellor
Bethmann-Hollweg himself. The universal astonishment at such a silence
was so great that even today the world has not recovered from it.
Apart from Liebknecht the whole of German Social Democracy is
dishonored: it is desired to expel the German Socialists from the
International Socialist Movement. They excuse themselves; they
aggravate their fault. They say:

"We should have been arrested and imprisoned." The world replies:

"Are they then afraid of dying?"

In the German Socialist Party everything has been reduced to method
and organized as in the German universities and the German Army.

There were I know not how many Socialist electors; German Socialism
was thought to be already triumphant and invincible. People said:
"They _are_ Germany!"

The German Socialists were held up as an example to all the
democracies of the earth.

Those who swore by the German Socialists affirmed that they would
devour Kaiserism when it should become necessary. But last August in
one hour in the Reichstag it was the German Socialist Party that was
devoured!

When recently certain German Socialists visited the _Maison du Peuple_
of Brussels they expressed astonishment that the Socialists of Belgium
should attach so much importance to the invasion of their country.

"When then binds you to your country?" they asked.

"Honor," was the reply.

"Honor! Honor! that is a very bourgeois ideal," interrupted the
Germans.

Yet a true civilization has as its framework precisely honor. Honor is
not a bourgeois ideal, but an aristocratic ideal. It was slowly
created by the flower of humanity throughout the centuries. When force
becomes educated, force opposes itself. It limits and incloses itself.
It becomes intelligent and tempered by reserve and by tact. Brutal
force thus changes into moral force, power becomes justice.

The more a nation lends itself to such a change, the more it rises
from the material plane toward the spiritual plane. The more it
enshrines in its institution respect for humanity as a whole, the
greater and more civilized it becomes. Such a nation remains faithful
to its pledged word; neither interest nor even necessity moves it to
commit felony. It loves to protect and not to oppress those who are
weaker than itself. It has at heart the work of propagating throughout
the world certain principles of social life which certainly are
utopian, but are yet beautiful to have before the eyes and in the
heart, in order to live not only for the present, but also for the
future.

These admirable principles which may never be put wholly into
practice, but toward which we must try to grow always nearer, are the
expression of the deepest human generosity. They are the radical
negation of brutal and primitive force; they incline the world toward
a unanimous and serene peace. They have based on faith the infinite
perfectibility of conscience. Only a nation of a high degree of
civilization can conceive of relations so perfect between human beings
and cherish dreams so great.

Germany was never capable of this. The individual German is the least
subtle and the least susceptible to education of any in the world.

It has been my lot to take part in certain European capitals in a
number of reunions where English, French, Italians, and Germans came
together and conversed. They were all, I was assured, distinguished
people, of whom their respective nations might be proud. Now, the
German was rarely to be seen in an excellent attitude. He was at once
embarrassed and arrogant. He lacked refinement. His politeness was
clumsy. He was as though afraid of seeming not to know everything. The
most eccentric taste seemed to him the best taste. To him to be up to
date was to be up to the minute. He would have been wretched if any
one in his presence had claimed to be up to the second.

As soon as he had the chance to speak and got a hearing, he
inaugurated, as it were, a course of lectures. Clearness was not at
all necessary to him. One rarely understood precisely what he meant.
The fastidiousness and subtlety which led others to seek perfection in
phrase and thought had little attraction for him. With what heaviness
the German diplomat discusses matters at the council table! With what
clumsiness the German conqueror plants himself in a conquered country!
While France, at the end of half a century, makes herself beloved in
Savoy, at Mentone, and at Nice, while in the space of two centuries
she assimilates Lille and Dunkirk and Strasburg and Alsace; while
England in a few decades unites to her Egypt and the Cape, Germany
remains detested in Poland, Schleswig, and in Alsace-Lorraine. Germany
is essentially the persona ingrata everywhere it presents itself. It
knows only the methods that divide, and not those which unite. Germany
makes proclamations that act upon the mind as the frost acts upon
plants. Germany knows neither how to attract nor how to charm nor how
to civilize, because she has no personal and profound moral force.

Europe under the successive spiritual hegemonies of Athens, Rome, and
Paris remained the most admirable centre of human development that has
ever been.

Under German hegemony Europe would move toward a sort of gloomy and
hard organization under which everything would be impeccable, arranged
only because everything would be tyrannized over from above.

For the true Germany--we have today the sad but immovable conviction
of this--was never that of Goethe, of Beethoven, nor of Heine. It was
that of implacable Landgraves and fierce soldiers.

For thousands of years Germany has let loose its hordes upon Europe;
Vandals, Visigoths, Alains, Franks, Herules. Germany continues to do
this at the present day. It is Germany's terrible and sinister
function.

Only let us not deceive ourselves as to this point in future, Germany
is the dangerous nation because it is the uncivilizable nation,
because its castles, its fields, and its barracks have remained the
inexhausted, and perhaps the inexhaustible, reservoirs of human
ferocity.

EMILE VERHAEREN.




Retreat in the Rain.

By O.C.A. CHILD.


     Those Uhlans now are working in too near,
       Their carbines crackle louder every shot.
     I say! our chaps a-plodding in the rear
       Are getting it--and most uncommon hot!
     It's not much fun retreating in the night,
       Through all this mess of rain and reeking slime--
     It seems to me this boot's infernal tight!
       I must have hurt me when I slipped that time.
     Whew! that was close and there's a fellow gone!
       I know too well that heavy, sickening thud;
     It's bitter hard that we must keep right on
       And leave our wounded helpless in the mud.
     My foot hurts so that I can hardly see--
       I'll have to stop for just a breathing space.
     What's that? It's blood!--those fiends have got me now!
       It's double time and I can't stand the pace!
     I'll use my rifle as a crutch. But, no!
       I'll stand and fight; they have me sure as day!
     It's death for death--then I will meet it so
       And make a Uhlan pay the price I pay.
     And here they come! Great God, they're coming fast--
       Are almost on me! Ah, I got that one!
     Just one more shot--a good one for the last!
       Those iron hoofs have crushed me--I am done!




War a Game for Love and Honor

By Jerome K. Jerome

     The chivalrous spirit of the present conflict informs this
     article, which appeared originally in The London Daily News
     under the title "The Greatest Game of All: The True Spirit
     of War," and is here reproduced by special permission of Mr.
     Jerome.


War has been described as the greatest of games. I am not going to
quarrel with the definition. I am going to accept it. From that point
of view there is something to be said for it. As a game it can be
respectable; as a business it is contemptible. Wars for profit--for
gold mines, for mere extension of territory, for markets--degrade a
people. It is like playing cricket for money. A gentleman--man or
nation--does not do such things. But war for love--for love of the
barren hillside, for love of the tattered flag, for love of the
far-off dream--played for a hope, a vision, a faith, with life and
death as the stakes! Yes, there is something to be said for it.

Looked at practically, what, after all, does it matter whether Germany
or Britannia rules the waves? Our tea and our 'baccy, one takes it,
would still be obtainable; one would pay for it in marks instead of
shillings. Our sailor men, instead of answering "Aye, aye, Sir," in
response to Captain's orders, would learn to grunt "Jawohl." Their
wages, their rations would be much the same.

These peaceful Old World villages through which I love to wander with
my dogs; these old gray churches round which our dead have crept to
rest; these lonely farmsteads in quiet valleys musical with the sound
of mother creatures calling to their young; these old men with ruddy
faces; these maidens with quiet eyes who give me greeting as we pass
by in the winding lanes between the hedgerows; the gentle, patient
horses nodding gravely on their homeward way; these tiny cottages
behind their trim bright gardens; this lilliputian riot round the
schoolhouse door; the little timid things in fur and feather peering
anxious, bright-eyed from their hiding places! Suppose the miracle to
happen. Suppose the weather-beaten board nailed to the old beech tree
warning us in faded lettering as we pass beneath it of the penalties
awaiting trespassers were to be superseded by a notice headed
"Verboten!" What essential difference would there be--that a wise man
need vex his soul concerning? We should no longer call it England.
That would be all. The sweep of the hills would not be changed; the
path would still wind through the woodland. Yet just for a name we are
ready to face ruin and death.

It certainly is not business. A business man would stop to weigh the
pros and cons. A German invasion! It would bring what so many of us
desire: Conscription, tariff reform. It might even get rid of Lloyd
George and the Insurance act. And yet that this thing shall not be,
Tory Squire and Laborer Hodge, looking forward to a lifelong wage of
twelve-and-six-pence a week, will fight shoulder to shoulder, die
together, if need be, in the same ditch. Just for a symbol, a faith we
call England. I should say Britain.

Can we explain it even to ourselves? Thousands of Germans come over to
England to live. They prosper among us, take their pleasures with us,
adapt themselves to our English ways, and learn to prefer them.
Thousands of Englishmen make their homes in German cities; find German
ways of living, if anything, suit them better. Suddenly there arises
the question, shall English ways of life or German ways of life
prevail: English or German culture--which shall it be? And the English
who have lived contentedly in Germany for years hasten back to fight
for England, and the desire of every German in England is to break up
his pleasant home among us and fight to bring all Europe into German
ways of thinking.

Clearly the definition is a right one. It is just a game.

Just as all life is a game; joy and sorrow the zest of it, suffering
the strength-giving worth of it. Till Death rings his bell, and the
game is over--for the present. What have we learned from it? What have
we gained from it? Have we played it to our souls' salvation, learning
from it courage, manhood? Or has it broken us, teaching us mean fear
and hate?

I quote from the letter of a young cavalry officer writing from the
trenches:

     Although I can't pretend to like this nightmare, I cannot
     help realizing that it is doing something for those of us
     who are going through it that we otherwise would have
     missed; it brings out either the best or worst in a man. It
     makes character.

He speaks of a little black dog. They are living in two feet of water,
he and his men. The German lines are a hundred yards off; wounds,
disease, and death are around them. They are worried about this
wretched little dog. He has, it seems, lost his people, and is not to
be comforted. It is a curious picture. One sees the straggling line of
grimy, mud-stained men. They are there to kill; their own life hangs
on a thread. A nightmare of blood and dust and horror, and in the
midst of it, growing there as if the soil suited it, this flower of
pity for a little fellow-creature.

I quote from another letter:

     I can assure you there is none of that insensate hatred that
     one hears about out here. We are out to kill, and kill we do
     at every opportunity. But when it is all over the splendid
     universal soldier spirit comes over all the men. Just to
     give you some idea of what I mean, the other night four
     German snipers were shot on our wire. The next night our men
     went out and brought one in who was near and getatable and
     buried him. They did it with just the same reverence and
     sadness as they do our own dear fellows. I went to look at
     the grave next morning, and one of the most uncouth-looking
     men in my company had placed a cross at the head of the
     grave, and had written on it:

          Here lies a German,
          We don't know his name,
          He died bravely fighting
          For his Fatherland.

     And under that "Got mitt uns," (sic,) that being the highest
     effort of all the men at German.

"Got mitt uns." One has the idea that He is--when the game is played
in that spirit. God with us both, shaping brotherhood out of enmity.

Bernard Shaw in a moment of inspiration thinks that some way will have
to be found enabling England and Germany to live together peaceably
for the future. It is an idea that may possibly have occurred to
others. Well, perhaps this is the way. Shaw would not approve of it.
But then there is so much in human nature that Shaw does not approve
of. There are times when one is compelled to a great pity for Shaw. He
seems to have got into the wrong world. He is for ever thanking God
that he is not as we other men--we Englishmen and Germans, mere
publicans and sinners. It is a difficult world to understand, I admit,
my dear Shaw, full of inconsistencies and contradictions. Perhaps
there is a meaning in it somewhere that you have missed.

Perhaps we have got to fight one another before we understand one
another. In the old Norse mythology Love is the wife of Strife; when
we come to consider the nature of man, not such an odd union as it
appears.

So long as the law runs that in sorrow woman shall bring forth her
child; so long as the ground shall yield to the sons of Adam thorns
also and thistles, so long will there be strife between man and man.
So long, when the last word has been spoken and has failed, will there
be war between the nations. The only hope of civilization is to treat
it as a game. You cannot enforce a law without a policeman. You can
only appeal to a man's honor--to his sporting instincts.

The mistake Germany is making is in not treating war as a game. To do
so would be weakness and frivolity. War must be ruthless, must be
frightful. It is not to be bound down by laws human or Divine. And
even then she is not logical. Two German officers interned in Holland
are released on parole. Taking their country at her word, they hasten
back to rejoin their regiments. The German Staff is shocked, sends
them back to be imprisoned.

So there really are rules to the game. An officer and gentleman may
not lie. If a Sub-Lieutenant may not lie for the sake of his country,
then what argument gives the right to the German Government to tear up
its treaties, to the German Military Staff to disregard its
Ambassador's signature to The Hague Convention?

Come, shade of Bismarck, and your disciples in Germany and other
countries, (including a few in my own,) make up your mind. To be
ruthless and frightful in a half-hearted, nervous, vacillating fashion
is ridiculous. You have either got to go back to the beginning of
things, and make war a battle of wild beasts, or you have got to go
forward and make it a game--a grim game, I grant you, but one that the
nations can play at and shake hands afterward. We have tried the
ruthless and frightful method. We used to slaughter the entire
population. To shoot a selected few is to court a maximum of contempt
for a minimum of advantage. We used to lay waste the land. We did not
content ourselves with knocking down a church spire and burning a
library. We left not one stone upon another. We sowed salt where the
cities had been. We tortured our prisoners before the ramparts. We did
not "leave them their eyes to weep with"; we burned them out with hot
irons; surely a much swifter means of striking terror! Why not return
to these methods? They sound most effective.

They were not effective. God's chosen people--according to
themselves--did not annihilate the Philistines, not even with the help
of the Ark of the Covenant. The Philistines tightened their belts and
acquitted themselves like men. Today the heathen rules in Canaan.
Where Mohammed failed the shade of Bismarck is not likely to succeed.
Poland is still a sore in European politics. The whole force of the
Vatican could not suppress a handful of reformers. All the
bloodthirsty edicts of the Revolution could not annihilate a few
thousand aristocrats. These things cannot be done. War finishes
nothing, it only interrupts. A nation cannot be killed; it can only
die. This war is not going to be the end of all things either for
Germany or for us. Germany can be beaten to her knees, as she beat
France to her knees in 1870; as more than once before that France has
beaten her. Later on we have all got to live together in peace, for a
while.

Come, gentlemen, let us make an honorable contest of it, that shall
leave as little of bitterness behind it as may be. Let us see if we
cannot make a fine game of it that we shall be all the better for
having played out to the end. From which we shall all come back home
cleaner minded, clearer seeing, made kinder to one another by
suffering. Come, gentlemen, you believe that God has called upon you
to spread German culture through the lands. You are ready to die for
your faith. And we believe God has a use for the thing called England.
Well, let us fight it out. There seems no other way. You for St.
Michael and we for St. George; and God be with us both.

But do not let us lose our common humanity in the struggle. That were
the worst defeat of all--the only defeat that would really matter,
that would really be lasting.

Let us call it a game. After all, what else is it? We have been
playing it since the dawn of creation; and it has settled nothing--but
the names of things. Its victories, its defeats! Time wipes them off
the slate, with a smile.

I quote from a letter written by the officer who boarded the Emden. He
speaks of the German officers: "A thoroughly nice fellow"--"also a
good fellow." The order is given that there be no cheering from the
Sydney when entering the harbor with her prisoners. English sailormen
have fought with German sailormen; have killed a good many of them. It
is over. No crowing, gentlemen--over fellow-sailormen. Our writer
discusses the fight generally with Captain von Muller. "We agreed it
was our job to knock one another out. But there was no malice in it."

We shall do better to regard war as a game--a game to be played for
love, for honor, without hatred, without malice. So only shall we
profit by it.




THE BELGIAN WAR MOTHERS

[Illustration]

By Charlotte Porter


     I.

     _The Dominant Voice, shrieking:_
         Rancor unspeakable, white-hot wrath
         Spring in your furrow, rise in your path!
         Harvest you vengeance from Belgian dust,
         Ye who have turnèd love unto lust!

     _Subdominant Voices, murmuring:_
         _Month of Mary, may ye breed
         Vengers out of the August seed!
         Nourish'd hate of father-foe--
         Grow, ye War-babes, grow, grow!_


     II.

     _The Dominant Voice:_
         Anger implacable, brand with fire,
         Sear out the soul of the bestial sire!
         Impotent render the insolent boor--
         Dead to the love and the life to endure!

     _Subdominant Voices:_
         _Month of Mary, ye shall breed
         Vengers out of the August seed,
         Cradled hate of father-foe--
         Grow, ye War-babes, grow, grow!_


     III.

     _The Dominant Voice:_
         Miracle-May-month, fathered in death,
         Bred in corruption to breathe new breath
         Into foul body-dregs, breathe thy life
         Into the hate-sired babes of strife!

     _Subdominant Voices:_
         _Month of Mary, ye shall feed
         Saviours from the Judas-deed--
         Gods of life to quell that woe.
         Grow, ye War-babes, grow, grow!_


     IV.

     _The Dominant Voice:_
         Ruin the arrogant hate of love!
         Ruin the haters, God above!
         Bless Thou their harvest to quell their sin--
         Honor the sinned-against, God within!

     _All Voices:_
         _Warring nations, bleed, bleed,
         But to let the leaders lead!
         Springs to come from Falls to go,
         Love's lords, Life's lords, show, show!_

[Illustration]




How England Prevented an Understanding With Germany

By Dr. Th. Schiemann.

     The writings of Professor Schiemann of the University of
     Berlin, who is also the leading editorial writer of the
     Kreuz Zeitung, are regarded as inspired by the Kaiser's
     Government, and in some degree by the Kaiser himself. Dr.
     Schiemann is often spoken of as an intimate personal friend
     of the Kaiser. The subjoined article was, in the original,
     sent by Dr. Schiemann to Professor John Bates Clark of the
     Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, with the special
     request that it be translated and forwarded for publication
     in THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY.


After the great crisis of the first world war, which terminated in the
Congress of Vienna, the relations of England to the German States were
fairly good. People lived in the protecting shade of the great
alliance; England was busy digesting the enormous prey which it had
seized at the expense of all the other powers that had taken part in
the war; Continental Europe was endeavoring, as best it could, to heal
the wounds and sores which had remained behind as mementos of
oppressive but, despite all, glorious years. France recuperated most
rapidly; by the Treaties of Paris there had been recovered from it
only part of the abundant harvest which it had gathered in consequence
of the victories and the coercive policy of Napoleon; the national
soil was still fertile and the national consciousness was still imbued
with the "gloire" which the Corsican General, with the help of his own
and of foreign troops, had won for the French name. The great
disturbances of world peace that marked the years 1830, 1854, and 1870
were attributable to an incessant pursuit of new "gloire," to which
all other aims were subordinate. Parallel with this French striving
for new "gloire" was England's endeavor to keep the Continent in a
feverish condition; this was the policy of Lord Palmerston, and with
it was combined a hysterical fear of attack on the part of possible
enemies that were thought to exist in Russia, and especially in
France. At the same time an arrogant challenge was constantly held
forth to all the nations of the earth, and an almost uninterrupted war
was carried on against the small States adjoining England's colonies
in Asia and Africa. Between the years 1856 and 1900 England waged no
less than thirty-four such wars, and by so doing acquired 4,000,000
square miles of land and 57,000,000 subjects. In Europe after the year
1815 England, for the most part, kept peace; the Crimean war, which
was a coalition war, constitutes an exception, and it was not
England's fault that Prussia, too, was not drawn into that war, which
concerned a specifically English interest. At that time English
threats were quite as numerous as they were in the year 1863, when The
Daily News declared King William I. an outlaw, and The Daily Mail
proclaimed for him the fate of Charles I. The cause of this, however,
was that in London it was looked upon as an interference with English
interests that Bismarck, by his attitude during the Polish
insurrection, had prevented the effectuation of a coalition directed
against Russia. During the war of 1864 over Schleswig-Holstein the
threats were renewed, and even then we began to hear the watchwords
with which public opinion in England for a decade has been mobilized
against us: A Germany organized on a military basis, and with a fleet
at its command besides, indicates that the goal of that State's
policy, even more than in the case of France, is world rule. At that
time, too, however, France and Russia were regarded by English war
makers as the country's real enemies, and this conviction, rather
than ideal considerations of any kind whatsoever, accounts for the
fact that in the years 1870 and 1871 English policy followed a neutral
course. England wished to see France weakened, had not foreseen
Germany's great success, and had reserved for future opportunities the
settlement of accounts with Russia, its very annoying rival in Asia.

In other respects, however, Bismarck was by no means satisfied with
the way in which England pursued its policy of "neutrality." He had
expected, at least, that the English would condemn the war, begun, as
it was, in such a criminal manner, and not that they would carry on
with France a flourishing trade in weapons. "It is a surprising fact,
pregnant with warning," he wrote in May, 1874, "that Mr. Gladstone
succeeded so easily in holding the country to an attitude directly
opposed to the traditional hostility of the English masses toward
France." He had all the more reason to expect a different attitude in
view of the fact that, as was well known in England, it had been out
of regard for England that Bismarck in December, 1870, had refused an
offer of peace from Thiers, which rested on the condition that Belgium
should be united to France under the rule of King Leopold. After the
battle of Sedan Lord Odo Russell and Disraeli aroused the fears of the
English people over the possibility of a German invasion; but
Bismarck, nevertheless, was thinking of an English-German alliance,
which, on account of the blood relationship of the two dynasties, was
by no means impracticable, and which to Queen Victoria would have
seemed a natural combination. Subsequently, in the years 1873 and
1874, Bismarck negotiated with Lord Odo Russell in Berlin regarding a
German-English alliance, and through Münster he also took up the
matter with Disraeli, who denied very emphatically that he had French
sympathies. Nothing, he said, was more incorrect. The two peoples, he
alleged further, who alone could proceed hand in hand, and who must
become more and more cognizant of that fact, were Germany and
England. The power of France, he added, was on the wane, a fact
regarding which the demoralization of the empire, the decrease of
population, and the course of recent events left no room for doubt.
Notwithstanding Disraeli's views, however, the alliance with England,
as is well known, was never formed. The most serious obstacle was
created by the fact that party government in England rendered binding
obligations extraordinarily difficult. Then came all sorts of
pinpricks, as, for instance, Derby's advocacy in the year 1875 of
Gortchakoff's famous rescue campaign. But despite all Bismarck held
fast to the idea of bringing about closer relations with England, and
the formation of the alliance with Austria-Hungary confirmed him in
that purpose. "We shall have to adjust our attitude more and more," he
wrote to Schweinitz in March, 1880, "with the object of increasing the
security of our relations with Austria and England." It was this
political desire that prompted him to reject a Russian proposal to
unite the four Eastern powers in a common protest against England's
isolated procedure in connection with the occupation of Egypt. He
wished to prevent England from being humiliated by a prearranged
coalition. A letter from Bismarck to Salisbury (July 8, 1885) has been
preserved, which is very characteristic of this friendly attitude of
German policy. "As to politics," he writes, "I have not the slightest
doubt that the traditional friendly relations between the two
dynasties, as well as between the two nations, will give sufficient
security for settling every existing or arising question in a
conciliatory way."

With respect to the question of the Egyptian loan that was being
discussed at that time, as well as with respect to the burning Afghan
question, Bismarck adhered tenaciously to this policy, and later on,
too, he was determined to spin the threads further. In the latter part
of the Autumn of 1887 an exchange of letters again took place between
Lord Salisbury and Prince Bismarck, wherein the latter gave expression
to the idea that Austria and England were the natural allies of
Germany. If they were opposed to an alliance it would be necessary for
Germany to alter its policy entirely and to think about establishing
more intimate relations with Russia. This, properly considered, was an
invitation to enter into negotiations regarding an alliance treaty.
But Salisbury, who hoped for a conflict of the Continental powers
which would insure England's position of power for another generation,
answered evasively, and Bismarck justly regarded his reply as a
rejection. But such a conflict did not arise. The menacing danger
brought about by Alexander III. was overcome by the publication of the
German-Austrian treaty of alliance. Even then, however, Bismarck did
not give up the idea of bringing about closer relations with England.
In December, 1888, he wrote: "The promotion of common feeling with
England is primo loco to be encouraged." If Bismarck had left behind a
political testament this sentence would in all probability be
contained in it. Such was also the attitude which our Emperor has
consistently maintained from his accession to the throne until the
outbreak of the present war. He was a favorite of the old Queen, and
the treaty signed on July 1, 1890, whereby we obtained possession of
Heligoland by relinquishing our claims to Witu and Zanzibar, was an
outward sign of an honest endeavor on the part of both nations to
bring about closer mutual relations. The mutual limitation of spheres
of interest in East and West Africa in the year 1893, and the friendly
adjustment of the conflict which Article III. of the British Agreement
with the Congo Free State of the year 1894 had threatened to bring
about, might be considered additional symptoms of this general
disposition or tendency.

The year 1896, however, brought disturbances; the telegram which
Emperor William on Jan. 5 sent to President Kruger, after the
predatory invasion of Dr. Jameson had been fortunately repelled, was
received very unfavorably in England, and led to demonstrations on
the part of the British fleet, which, although they had a very
provocative character, remained finally without lasting effect. The
impression was created, however, that public opinion in England was
very easily excited; it saw itself disturbed in the execution of a
thoroughly considered political plan, and, as it were, caught in
flagranti. But the fact that there were still deeper reasons for a
gradually increasing mistrust of Germany is brought to light by
Wilson's book, published in 1896, which, under the title "Made in
Germany," developed a program of battle against Germany's rapidly
growing economic power. Since then all steps taken by Germany in the
pursuit of its internal as well as its external policy have been
viewed with extraordinary disapprobation on the part of England. The
adoption of our Naval bill by the Reichstag on March 28, 1898, the
foundation of the Naval League two days later, the new East-Asiatic
policy of Germany, which in the leasing of Kiao-Chau was exemplified
in a manner not at all to the liking of the English politicians, the
Emperor's trip to the Orient, which led to friendly relations between
Turkey and Germany--all this was looked upon with the more displeasure
in view of the fact that Emperor William in the Summer of 1895 had
emphatically rejected a plan, proposed to him by Lord Salisbury, to
divide up Turkey. In August, 1898, nevertheless, when the Fashoda
crisis had strained the relations of England and France to the utmost,
and when, at the same time, English-Russian relations were becoming
critical in the Far East, an understanding between Germany and
England, which might perhaps have the character of an alliance, seemed
to be quite possible. Secretary of State von Bülow and the English
Ambassador, Sir Frank Lascelles, took up the matter very earnestly,
but it was impossible to secure from England the assurance that the
entire English Government and Parliament would sanction an alliance.
Russia warded off the menacing danger of a war with England by means
of the well-known proposal which on May 18, 1899, led to the holding
of the Disarmament Conference in The Hague, and Delcassé on Jan. 20,
1899, began, with reference to the Fashoda affair, the policy of
retreat, which excluded France from the Nile territory. Then came
England's war against the Boers. It is well known how the German
Government during this war scrupulously maintained its neutrality (not
according to the English method) despite the fact that all the
sympathies of the German people were with the Boers in their struggle
for freedom. It is not so well known, on the other hand, that the
Imperial Government rejected a Russian proposal to form an alliance
against England. That, too, was a service for which England has not
thanked us. Of the tragedy in South Africa it has retained in mind
only one incident, the so-called "Kruger Message," which it regarded
as an interference with its right to do violence to a weaker power,
figuratively speaking, as a slap in the face.

In the course of the war the old Queen died, and Edward VII. entered
upon his fateful reign. Emperor William had gone over to London to
attend the funeral of his grandmother, and Prince Henry had
accompanied him, so that the dynastic relationship was made most
conspicuous. After that the political relations of the two States
seemed about to shape themselves most propitiously. Of the fact that
the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, concluded on Jan. 30, 1902, was directed
against Russia, there was never for a moment any doubt; indeed it was
Japan, not England, which took the initiative in bringing it about. On
the other hand, the co-operation of English and German war vessels in
adjusting the difficulties which both powers had with Venezuela was in
complete harmony with the political wishes and convictions of Emperor
William, who, like Bismarck at an earlier date, was of the opinion
that the interests of the two nations could readily be reconciled. But
in England that co-operation resulted in an excited anti-German
campaign on the part of the press. The Times, The National Review, The
Daily News, The Daily Telegraph, The Daily Express, and other
newspapers vehemently attacked the Government for acting conjointly
with us, and there can be no doubt that in so doing they gave
expression, not to the ideas of the Balfour Ministry, but to the
sentiments which, as was well known in those journalistic circles,
were held by King Edward. Balfour, in an address which he delivered in
Liverpool on Feb. 13, 1903, had opposed with great emphasis the
arousing of English public opinion against Germany. "We wish," he
said, "to bear in mind an old ideal, namely, that all the nations
which stand in the front ranks of civilization should learn to work
together in the interest of the whole, and that nothing any longer
stands in the way of the realization of this high ideal save those
national bitternesses, jealousies, and hostilities.... As far as
Venezuela is concerned, that is passing over ... but with respect to
the future it fills me with anxiety when I think how easy it is to
stir up the fire of international jealousy, and how hard it is to
quench it." It was all the harder in view of the fact that the King,
from the very beginning of his reign, adhered tenaciously to the
political idea of using the old French revanche notion as the cardinal
point of English policy.

In April, 1903, the King began a series of political trips to
Portugal, Spain, France, and Austria, while Berlin, very strangely,
was not visited by him. Each one of these visits resulted in political
agreements, into which Vienna alone declined to enter, and which,
after a return visit on the part of Loubet, at that time President of
the French Republic, and after a surprising visit in Paris on the part
of certain members of the English Parliament, led to the significant
English-French agreement of April 8, 1904, a treaty which culminated
in the balancing of Morocco against Egypt and made it possible for the
English Government, as soon as it chose, to regulate the Morocco
question in such a way that it would necessarily bring about a
conflict between France and isolated Germany. The ally of King Edward
was the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Delcassé, who, on the
basis of the agreements made with England, had likewise concluded
treaties with Spain and Italy, which, as he confidently assumed,
insured the pénétration pacifique, i.e., the conquest, unhindered by
Europe, of Morocco. How this plan presently fell through and how
Delcassé was overthrown shall not be related here; on the other hand,
attention should be called to the intimidating efforts to which
England resorted for the purpose of exerting pressure upon Germany.
The first effort of this nature took the form of an address delivered
on Feb. 3, 1905, by Arthur Lee, a Civil Lord of the English Admiralty,
who threatened the German fleet with destruction; the second effort
came after Emperor William had landed in Tangier on March 31 and after
Delcassé had been overthrown, and took the form of an appearance of an
English fleet before Swinemünde, on which occasion it was officially
asserted that the resolution had been adopted back in May, that is, at
a time when the intrigues of Delcassé were culminating and when a war
between Germany and France seemed likely to break out at any time. For
even after Delcassé's overthrow England did not give up the game as
lost; it declined to take part in a conference regarding Morocco and
considered in all seriousness the question of an invasion. England's
naval superiority was so great that the success of such an invasion
could not seem doubtful, and in London it was thought that they could
even do without the support of France. These plans were finally given
up; for some time it was not known very well in London what decisions
had been reached in the meeting between the Czar and Emperor William
at Bjorkö, and there was a feeling of uncertainty. Accordingly,
England also sent delegates to the conference at Algeciras, wherein we
were obliged to deal solely, except for the Austrian delegates, with
friends of the English-French combination.

The result, therefore, could only be a vague understanding, wherein
was concealed the germ of subsequent conflicts. The first consequence,
nevertheless, was a relaxation of German-English relations. In
December, 1905, a Liberal Ministry had taken the helm, and the idea
was conceived of diverting Germany by other means from the pursuit of
a "world policy." Sir Edward Grey championed the contention that more
intimate relations between England and Germany were, to be sure,
desirable, but could only be effected if we swallowed France's Morocco
policy unflinchingly, like bitter medicine. For this event Mr.
Haldane, the new Minister of War, proposed an understanding between us
similar to that which England had reached with France. This
constituted the preliminary step toward an endeavor to effect more
intimate relations, an endeavor which at first had a non-official
character. German Burgomasters visited the City of London and were
cordially received by King Edward himself. This was followed, in
August, 1906, by a meeting between the King and his imperial nephew,
in Homburg vor der Höhe, which, as was to be expected, passed off in a
satisfactory manner. It should, nevertheless, be recalled to mind that
the King expressed himself very ironically on the subject of The Hague
Conference, which, he asserted, was a humbug. And Sir Charles
Hardinge, who entered into negotiations with Secretary of State von
Tschirschky, also voiced the opinion that the conference should offer
no opportunity for serious interference with England's naval policy.
On this point English and German views concurred, though from
different motives. In the following September the English Minister of
War, Mr. Haldane, was our guest. He came for the purpose of studying
German military organization, and every conceivable courtesy was
extended to him. In the addresses which he delivered after his return
to England he referred many times to his sojourn in Berlin. He also
made the assertion that the relations of England to France were closer
and more intimate than ever before, that to Russia they were friendly,
and that to Germany they were better than they recently had been. We
now know--a fact which the Liberté also divulged at that time--that an
English-French military convention had then been signed with reference
to future possibilities. This fact was immediately denied, but it
was merely a question of word quibbling. No convention, to be sure,
was actually signed by the Government, but the "inner circle" of the
Cabinet undoubtedly agreed that "conversations" between the military
authorities of the two nations should take place, and these military
conversations were held regularly, just as if a secret alliance
existed, until the outbreak of the present war. Parallel with these
political preparations were efforts that stood in sharp contrast to
the irritating activities carried on without interruption by the
above-mentioned anti-German press, which we embrace under the name
"Pearson and Harmsworth Press." In England, as well as in Germany,
societies were organized with the object of mitigating and, if
possible, entirely abolishing the differences and antagonisms which
existed between the two nations; these were the so-called "Friendship
Committees." In England the Duke of Argyll and Lord Avebury were at
the head of such a committee, and a visit made to London by
representatives of our press initiated a well-meant movement which
found enthusiastic representatives on both sides. English and German
clergymen traveled back and forth between England and Germany,
representatives of the English press paid a return visit to Germany,
English and German workingmen's representatives endeavored to cement
feelings of friendship by making personal observations and
acquaintances, and in a similar way representatives of the
Parliamentary groups of both countries thought and acted, while the
leaders of science were working together at congresses held in Berlin
and London. In this way were formed a number of valuable personal
relations which led to political friendships and resulted in a
conscious co-operation toward an honest English-German understanding.

These efforts continued until shortly before the month of August,
1914. One may safely say, moreover, that nobody has interceded more
zealously and more constantly for English-German friendship and
co-operation and for the removal of the difficulties that are ever
cropping up anew than our Emperor. The enthusiasm with which Emperor
William was always received in England on occasion of his numerous
visits, especially in November and December, 1907, again in 1910, when
he went to London to attend the funeral of Edward VII., and again in
1911, when he visited King George, would be absolutely inconceivable
hypocrisy, which we regard as out of the question, had it not been the
spontaneous expression of popular sentiment. Official English policy,
however, followed other channels. As early as the year 1907 Sir Edward
Grey had succeeded in securing from Russia an agreement which united
England and Russia in co-operation at the expense of Persia, but
which, indirectly, also affected German interests, the injury to which
was later happily warded off by the Treaty of Potsdam. It soon became
evident, moreover, that England, in concluding the agreement relating
to Persia, was in reality less concerned about protecting its Asiatic
interests than it was about including Russia in that coalition by
means of which it expected to put a stop to the "world policy" of
Germany and to check the further development of the German fleet. This
became very distinctly evident on June 9, 1908, when a meeting took
place at Reval between Edward VII. and Nicholas II. At that time it
was agreed and decided between Hardinge and Iswolski, not officially,
but in an oral exchange of views, that Russia would be ready to
proceed hand in hand with England in European affairs (i.e., in the
policy directed against Germany) as soon as it had sufficiently
recovered from the after-effects of the war with Japan and the
revolution. It was thought that this regeneration of Russia's military
power would take six or eight years. The scope of this agreement is
very obvious. Whereas Germany, during the persistent danger of a war
with France over Morocco, had hitherto considered it highly probable
that England would maintain a neutral attitude, it was obliged, as
soon as England drew nearer to the Dual Alliance, to figure at all
events upon a malevolent neutrality and very likely indeed upon open
hostility. Sir Edward Grey, to be sure, who had not yet escaped from
the anxiety with which English friends of peace were following the
King's trip to Russia, in order to cover up his game, on July 7 had
declared in the lower house, in reply to a question directed to the
Government, that the visit of the King by no means had any diplomatic
significance which might lead to an alliance or to an agreement or to
any kind of a convention; no negotiations were being entered into, he
asserted, for the purpose of concluding a treaty or a convention with
Russia, nor would any such treaty or convention be concluded during
the King's visit. But he went on to say that the visit would have some
political effect, and it was very true that political effect was
desired. "We wish that the visit shall exert a beneficent influence
upon the mutual relations of both empires." Public opinion in England
allowed itself to be satisfied with this equivocal, oracular
statement. In other countries, however, a keener insight was
displayed. THE NEW YORK TIMES judged the situation correctly when it
said: "It is always a mistake to force a warm friend, who is at the
same time a business friend, a blood relative, out of intimate and
useful friendship into bitter antagonism, and this mistake, according
to the judgment of all non-partisan observers of contemporary history,
has been committed by King Edward." When Edward VII. acceded to the
throne, it went on to say, England was a warm friend of Germany and of
the German Emperor, who had given numerous proofs of his friendship,
and was not only willing but anxious to become England's ally; now,
however, the guns of the two nations were, so to speak, pointed at
each other.

[Illustration: H.M. GEORGE V.

King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions Beyond
the Seas, Emperor of India

(_Photo from W. & D. Downey_)]

[Illustration: H.I.M. NICHOLAS II.

Czar of All the Russias, and the Grand Duke Alexis Nicholaievitch, the
Heir Apparent

(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood_)]

Such, indeed, was the actual case; a determined malevolence on the
part of the King, the English statesmen, and that newspaper trust
organized by Pearson and Harmsworth, began to mobilize Europe against
Germany, and to incense, by means of cable and telegraph, the judgment
of the world against our Emperor and against the German policy. No
means seemed too infamous if it served this purpose. Over a private
letter which Emperor William had sent to Admiral Lord Tweedmouth for
the purpose of checking false rumors that were maliciously being
spread abroad regarding our naval policy, The Times made a terrible
fuss in order to disseminate the notion that Emperor William was
interfering with the internal policy of Great Britain with a view to
injuring English military power. The excitement of public opinion in
England was then utilized by the press for the purpose of creating a
sentiment in favor of a concentration of the British fleet in the
North Sea. That, however, was certainly done at the instigation of the
Government, which was fond of attributing resolutions it had already
adopted to the pressure of public opinion throughout the country. The
naval manoeuvres which in July, 1908, were carried out in the North
Sea, close to our coastline, were participated in by a combination of
the canal fleet and the so-called home fleet, and they bore a very
provocative and demonstrative character. At this time, moreover,
appeared that widely read book by Percival A. Hislam, entitled "The
Admiralty of the Atlantic," the expositions of which culminated in the
statement that a war between England and Germany was unavoidable, and
that the sooner it broke out the shorter it would be and the less
money and blood it would cost. All this, however, is rendered easily
intelligible by the fact that the Balkan crisis, in consequence of the
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, had at that time assumed a very
dangerous aspect, and was threatening to bring on a war between
Austria and Russia and perhaps a world war, wherein England expected
to gain its own particular ends. It was therefore a severe
disappointment to English statesmen that Nicholas II., despite the
vociferous protests of the Serbs, and despite the decidedly warlike
attitude of the Russian people on March 25, 1909, recognized the
annexation. The disappointment was all the more severe for the reason
that shortly before that time, despite the still menacing conflict
over Casablanca, the Morocco difficulties between Germany and France
were also settled. On Feb. 9, 1909, the day on which King Edward made
his first visit in Berlin, a German-French agreement regarding Morocco
was signed, and in the latter part of May the Casablanca conflict was
also adjusted by arbitration to the tolerable satisfaction of both
contestants.

It is not too much to say that King Edward, in so far as he was able,
did his best to bring about another outcome, and in England this was
generally recognized. "There must be a definitive stopping of the
King's interference in foreign politics," declared Mr. Sidebotham,
M.P., in the Reform Club at Manchester during this crisis. His words
were loudly approved by his hearers, but his voice, as well as the
voice of other men in favor of establishing good relations with
Germany, was drowned without effect under the influence of the panic
which from the end of the year 1908 until well on into the Summer of
1909 kept all England in a state of excitement. Watchwords denoting
the necessity of taking immediate action against the German fleet, as
they were published in The Standard, The Morning Post, and in the
great monthly periodicals, The Nineteenth Century, the Fortnightly
Review, and The National Review, were echoed in the negotiations of
Parliament, and they dominated the Maritime Law Conference held in
London. The naval manoeuvres of July, 1909, brought together all three
English fleets, and the plan was conceived of summoning the fleets of
the larger colonies. A meeting of newspaper publishers, called in
London, was designed to carry on propaganda for these ideas, and the
Imperial Defense Conference, also held in London, proposed that
England should be supported by its large colonies, though, to be sure,
with certain reservations. In order to weaken the impression which
Russia's recognition of the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina had
created, the Czar visited the English fleet at Spithead, and for the
same reason, probably, the Russian Army manoeuvres in the Fall were
considered a rehearsal of the measures that would be adopted to check
the advance of an enemy toward St. Petersburg. Finally, on Oct. 23,
agreements were made in Racconigi between Iswolski, who was
accompanying the Czar on a new trip abroad, and Tittoni, which
agreements were to make it possible for Russia, as a Russian newspaper
put it, "to liberate itself from the necessity of friendly relations
with Germany."

During this excitement in the political atmosphere the Imperial
Chancellor, von Bethmann-Hollweg, endeavored to bring about a turn for
the better by effecting an understanding with England, in whose
attitude he correctly recognized the real cause of the political
insecurity. At this point attention must be called to the fundamental
difficulty with which all negotiations at that time, and subsequently,
were confronted, and necessarily confronted. In Germany it was seen
very clearly from the start that the probability of a combined
French-Russian attack, for which influential political groups in St.
Petersburg, as well as in Paris, were working, was very slight, so
long as England's entrance into this anti-German combination could be
left out of consideration. What we hoped to insure, therefore, was
England's neutrality in the event of war, inasmuch as a German-English
alliance, which might have definitely insured world peace, could not
be effected. In order to win England over to the idea of neutrality,
the Imperial Chancellor declared his willingness to decrease the rate
at which our war vessels were being constructed. Both nations,
moreover, were to give assurances that neither intended to attack the
other, nor actually would make an attack. A second clause in the
German proposal formulated the neutrality obligation. These
negotiations continued until the Autumn of the year 1909, and were
accompanied by the threatening chorus of the English anti-German
press: "German dreadnoughts must not be built." [Black and White--"The
Writing on the Wall."] The positive refusal on the part of Germany to
abandon the naval program adopted by the Reichstag, and the fixed idea
designedly fostered by the British Government that we were cherishing
the intention of attacking France, gave England a pretext for
rejecting the German efforts to effect an understanding between the
two countries. But it is impossible to believe in the honesty of these
arguments, which were recently defended, in dialectic perversion of
the truth, by Sir Edward Cook in an article entitled "How Britain
Strove for Peace." England's aggressive tendency is clearly shown by
its above-mentioned agreements with France and Russia, which are today
publici juris. Regarding that point there was no self-deception in
those English circles which did not belong to the conspiracy; Edward
Dicey, one of the most eminent of English publicists, expressed it in
point-blank form in February, 1910, when he wrote in The Empire
Review: "If England and Germany are friends, the peace of Europe is
assured; but if the two nations fall apart, it will be a very
unfortunate day for humanity." At that time, when Delcassé tendencies
were again asserting themselves in France and a new political storm
was brewing in the Balkan countries, King Edward died, on May 6. The
hope could now be cherished, the leader of the anti-German policy of
England being gone, that the moment had come when it would be possible
to effect an understanding.

Dicey again began to argue for peace, the English-German Friendship
Committee, the Albert Committee, the Archbishop of Canterbury, The
Manchester Guardian, and The Economist advocated this idea, and Prime
Minister Asquith found it profitable under these circumstances to
strike the note of peace in a report which he submitted to the lower
house regarding the frustrated German-English negotiations. But he
included in this report false and disquieting statements regarding the
German fleet. Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg replied to these statements in
the Reichstag, and this led to the resumption of negotiations
regarding a permanent political agreement on the basis of the existing
German naval program, provided we would decrease our rate of building
war vessels, as we had already offered to do. It soon became evident,
however, with what little sincerity these negotiations were entered
into on the part of England. With the direct encouragement of
England, which renewed its promises regarding its attitude in the
event of war, France, in the latter part of April, and in outright
violation of the treaty, began its advance again Fez; and at the same
time, as if it was desired that no doubt should arise regarding the
solidarity of England and France, The Fleet Annual published an
illustration representing the German high sea fleet under full steam,
and under it were printed the words "The Enemy." As a sign of our
disapproval of the French violation of the treaty we sent the Panther
to Agadir, and in place of German-English negotiations German-French
negotiations were commenced. Meanwhile England, cherishing the hope
that a German-French war would now break out with certainty, armed
itself against us in August and September with might and main. This
fact was placed beyond all doubt by the well-known disclosures of
Captain Faber, (before his electors in Andover.) The Times said later
on that the year 1911 had brought three German-English crises, the
first in the third week of July, the second in the week ending on Aug.
19, (that was the time of the enormous and very disillusioning labor
strikes,) and the third in September. It is amazing that Sir Edward
Cook dared to assert under these circumstances that Great Britain had
facilitated the conclusion of the French-German Morocco agreement,
which was ratified on March 12, 1912. In the "Open Letter on Foreign
Policy," which on Nov. 24, 1911, was submitted to the members of the
English Parliament, and was signed with the initials E.D.M. and
F.W.H., (which is to be resolved into Edmund D. Morel and Francis W.
Hirst,) it is expressly stated by these esteemed and honorable
politicians:

"Our attitude was determined exclusively by the ostensible interests
of France, which were directly opposed to the interests of British
commerce and of British enterprise.... From this it follows that
alliances, nay, even political agreements, with Continental powers,
which may coerce us to take steps that are, at a given moment, harmful
to our national interests, should be avoided."

Sir Edward Grey took pains to conceal these facts from the lower house
and passed lightly over the disclosures of Faber--when the Imperial
Chancellor vigorously opposed him--with skillful legerdemain. In the
upper house Grey's policy also met with severe criticism, and from his
declarations, as well as from those of Lloyd George made at the same
time, only one conclusion could be drawn--that official England was
determined to remain steadfast in the form of its political
co-operation with France and Russia. Precisely to this was to be
attributed the insecurity of the European situation. It has not become
publicly known but has been reliably ascertained that the English
Naval Attaché in Rome at that time pointed out that England, in the
event of a war, which he expected to come, would have to occupy either
Belgium or Copenhagen. That, he added, was very brutal, to be sure,
but at the same time was rendered necessary by historic developments
and by circumstances.

In view of all this we cannot deceive ourselves into believing that
the mission which brought Lord Haldane to Berlin in February, 1912,
had any other purpose than that of satisfying the voices in England
which were calling with ever-increasing vigor for an understanding
with Germany. The proposals which he submitted to us, after a
discussion with Sir Edward Grey, were formulated by the English
Cabinet as follows: "Inasmuch as both powers naturally wish to
maintain relations of peace and friendship with each other, England
declares that it will neither make an unprovoked attack upon Germany,
nor support any other power in making such an attack. To attack
Germany is neither the direct nor the indirect object of any treaty,
understanding, or combination to which England is now a party, nor
will England make itself a party to anything that has such an object."
This carefully excogitated statement embraced in its Machiavellian
wording neither those "oral conversations" at Reval nor the "innocent
discussions" engaged in by the English and French General
Staffs--discussions which were always revived on occasion of every
political crisis. It was only natural, therefore, that we, since these
relations between the General Staffs of the powers belonging to the
Entente were no secret to us, demanded greater security and a
declaration of neutrality on the part of England before consenting to
enter into any general understanding.

This was all the more necessary in view of the fact that Poincaré, the
French President, while the negotiations, commenced by Haldane,
between Berlin and London were being carried on, had undertaken, in
August, 1912, that trip to St. Petersburg, from which he brought back
to France the system of three years' compulsory military service; and
at the same time Hartwig, the Russian Ambassador in Belgrade,
organized that Balkan Conference, the purpose of which was, first, to
break the backbone of Turkey, and, secondly, to serve as a tool for
the overthrow of Austria. The introduction and adoption of the German
military program made it evident to all the world that we had
recognized correctly, and betimes, the dangers which threatened the
peace of the world, and in particular the peace of Germany.
Furthermore, in a conversation with Prince Lichnowski, Lord Haldane
said in so many words that England, in the event of a general war,
would have to place itself on the side of France "in order to prevent
Germany from becoming too powerful." We must not neglect to mention
that during this critical year, as well as in the year 1913,
negotiations were again entered into regarding the carrying out of the
treaty concluded between England and Germany in the days of Caprivi
with respect to an economic penetration of the Portuguese colonies in
East and West Africa. The refusal of Sir Edward Grey to give these
negotiations the secure form of a treaty, which could be laid before
the English Parliament and the German Reichstag, here again shows that
he was desirous of effecting only the appearance of an understanding.
Both he and France were resolved to postpone their action against
Germany until Russia, which was preparing itself with prodigious
exertion, had finished its preparations, which in August, 1913, were
critically inspected by General Joffre, and among which is to be
included the construction of railways to run through Poland to the
Austrian and Prussian frontiers. This consideration also accounts for
England's attitude during the Balkan confusion of 1912 and 1913. At
the London Conference we were able to co-operate with Sir Edward Grey
in settling the great difficulties brought about by the war of the
Balkan nations against Turkey, and subsequently their war inter se and
the overthrow of Bulgaria. Under the impression created by this
political co-operation the peace party in England also seemed to gain
ground. On Feb. 18, 1913, Charles Trevelyan, M.P., paid me a visit and
assured me with great positiveness that England would under no
circumstances wage war. A Ministry which undertook to make
preparations for war, he said, would at once be deposed. An
inclination to bring about an understanding with Germany, he added,
prevailed in all industrial circles. My impression that such was
actually the case was confirmed during a sojourn in London in the
months of March and April, 1914. On occasion of a political supper à
deux with Lord Haldane the latter gave expression to the view that the
present grouping of the powers offered the best guarantee of peace,
that Sir Edward Grey was holding Russia in check and we were holding
Austria-Hungary in check, in saying which he emphasized the fact that
England had implicit confidence in the German Imperial Chancellor. I
replied, saying that in consequence of the existing combination Paris
and St. Petersburg would certainly count upon England's help in the
event of a war, and would thus bring on the war. We then discussed the
situation between England and Germany, and remarked how the present
plan, adopted by both Governments, of fortifying both sides of the
North Sea was detrimental to the real interests of both. The following
letter, which I received from Lord Haldane in Berlin on April 17, is
an echo of this conversation:

"It was a great pleasure to see you and have had the full and
unreserved talk we had together. My ambition is, like yours, to bring
Germany into relations of ever closer intimacy and friendship. Our two
countries have a common work to do for the world as well as for
themselves, and each of them can bring to bear on this work special
endowments and qualities. May the co-operation, which I believe to be
now beginning, become closer and closer. Of this I am sure, the more
wide and unselfish the nations and the groups questions make her
supreme purposes of their policies, the more will friction disappear
and the sooner will the relations that are normal and healthy
reappear. Something of this good work has now come into existence
between our two peoples. We must see to it that the chance of growth
is given."[5]

[Footnote 5: This passage from a letter of Lord Haldane is quoted in
the original English by Professor Schiemann and is here copied
verbatim.--TRANSLATOR.]

It is difficult to believe in the sincerity of the sentiments here
expressed, when we consider that Lord Haldane belonged to the inner
circle of the Cabinet and therefore must have known the secret
chess-moves of Grey's policy. Furthermore, he did not resign, as did
three other members of the Cabinet--Lord Morley, Burns, and Charles
Trevelyan--when, on Aug. 4, Sir Edward's false game was shown up and
when treaties grew out of those "conversations" and alliances out of
those ententes, which had until then existed under counterfeit names.
Even as late as June 13 Sir Edward Grey denied that he had entered
into any binding obligations. Six weeks after that, however, England
confronted Germany with the fait accompli of a life-and-death
struggle. Grey had consciously uttered a falsehood before Parliament,
and, as was ascertained from a Russian source, had not only accepted a
Russian proposal to conclude a naval agreement, but had expressly
given his approval that the deliberations regarding the effectuation
of this agreement should be participated in by the Naval Staffs of
both countries. In so doing he expressly counted upon a war between
the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente, and upon the complete
alliance of England. England, at the proper time, was to send
merchantmen to Russian ports on the Baltic Sea for the purpose of
landing Russian troops in Pomerania, and to send as many ships to the
Mediterranean Sea as seemed necessary to insure the ascendency of
France. With the help of French money it was intended to overthrow the
Ministry of Rodoslawow in Bulgaria and, with the assistance of the
Russophile, Malinow, to win over that country to the combination,
which was to attack Austria in the rear. All this, which took place
before the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, was the political plan of
battle adopted by the conspiring powers, which subsequently found an
excuse for their behavior in the alleged coercion of Serbia. The
hypocrisy with which the intrigue was carried out is without
precedent. The palm rests, probably, on the friendly visit of the
English squadron, under Admiral Beatty, in Kiel. Two days after the
assassination of the Archduke the squadron started on its way home,
through the Emperor William Canal, for the purpose of joining the
concentration of the entire English fleet, which lay, ready for war,
off Spithead. That England afterward made common cause with Russia and
France for the murderers of the Archduke, and with moral indignation
rose against the satisfaction demanded of Serbia by Austria, is all
part of the system of the frivolous use of any pretext which might
bring England closer to its longed-for goal--the deposition of Germany
from her position in the world. Such was England's rôle in the
preparation of this wantonly prearranged war.




Germany Free!

By BEATRICE BARRY.


     Deeds that have startled the civilized world
       Blot her escutcheon, brand her with shame;
     But though the German flag there be unfurled,
       Do Germans know what is done in their name?
     If not, the final accounting may see--
     Germany free!

     Germany, free from the canker of self--
       Free from the lusting for prestige and power;
     Purged of her passion for place and for pelf--
       Shall she not rise to great heights in that hour?
     God speed its coming, for fain would we see--
     Germany free!

     Free from the militant few who have ruled
       Seventy millions with sabre of steel;
     Free from the doctrine in which they are schooled--
       "Might shall prevail!" All the rancor we feel
     Strikes at that dogma, from which we would see--
     Germany free!

     Much in her national life we admire,
       Much we recoil from, or needs must dispute;
     Germany needs her baptism of fire,
       But you will find us the first to salute--
     (God speed the "Day" the awakening shall be)
     Germany FREE!




Chronology of the War

Showing Progress of Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events from
April 30, 1915, Up to and Including June 15, 1915.


CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN EUROPE

May 1--Germans advance in their invasion of the Russian Baltic
provinces, a Russian force retreating toward Mitau; fighting is being
renewed along the East Prussian frontier and in Central Poland;
Russians gain ground in their campaign for the Uzsok Pass; Germans
defeat Russians near Szawle, in Kovno; Austrians repulse Russian
attacks against the heights of the Orawa and Opor Valleys.

May 2--A great battle is developing in the plain of Rawa, Central
Poland; Russians are taking the offensive; Austrians have opened an
offensive in the region of Ciezkowice.

May 3--German and Austrian armies, under General von Mackensen, win a
victory in West Galicia, breaking the Russian centre for miles, and
gaining ground across practically the whole western tip of Galicia,
from near the Hungarian border to the junction of the River Dunajec
with the Vistula; the Teutonic allies take 30,000 prisoners, 22
cannon, and 64 machine guns; the Austrians gain ground in the Beskid
region, and repulse Russians north of Osmaloda; the German advance in
the Russian Baltic provinces continues unchecked along a 100-mile
front, extending from the Baltic Sea, near Libau, southeast to the
northern tributaries of the River Niemen.

May 4--Russians claim that the Austro-German drive in West Galicia is
being checked; Germans hold positions on the right bank of the
Dunajec; a fierce battle is raging in the direction of Stry; Germans
make further progress in the Russian Baltic provinces.

May 5--Russians are retreating at points along the Galician line from
the Vistula to the Carpathians, and are in retreat from positions they
occupied on the Hungarian slopes of the Carpathians; the third line of
Russian fortifications has been pierced; Austro-German Army captures
the town of Gorlice.

May 6--Austro-German armies continue to advance in West Galicia; the
northern wing has captured Tarnow; southern wing has crossed the
Wisloka River and Russians are retreating east of the Lupkow Pass;
Austro-Germans take the last Russian positions on the heights east of
the Dunajec and Biala Rivers; Jaslo and Dukla have been taken from the
Russians; Russians admit partial retreat in West Galicia.

May 7--Austro-German army is pursuing retreating Russians in West
Galicia; Austrians take more prisoners, stores, and guns; in the
eastern sector of the Carpathian front Russian attacks are repulsed by
Austrians; Russian attacks in Southeast Galicia are repulsed; in
Poland there is severe fighting.

May 8--Germans capture Libau, taking 1,600 prisoners, 18 cannon, and
much war material; severe fighting continues in West Galicia, where
General von Mackensen's army is pursuing the Russians; a Russian
division surrounded near Dukla cuts its way through the surrounding
troops and gets to the main Russian lines; all the passes in the
Beskid Mountains, except Lupkow, are in the hands of Austro-German
forces; Russians take the offensive southwest of Mitau.

May 9--Russians are retreating in Galicia along a front of 124 miles,
from the Uzsok Pass to the Vistula; Austro-German forces have passed
the line of the Uzsok Pass, Komanoza, Krosno, Debica, and Szezucin; in
Southeast Galicia violent battles are developing; Austrians are
pursuing Russians across the Dniester; Vienna reports that Hungary is
now clear of Russians; German advance northeast of Kovno; Russian
attacks on German positions on the Pilica are repulsed; Russians make
progress southwest of Mitau.

May 10--Russian Embassy at Washington says that the Russians have
retreated thirty miles in Galicia, but that only one division has
withdrawn from Hungary; the first stage of the battle in West Galicia
has been practically concluded; General von Mackensen's army is
reforming for a new offensive; Germans have met a severe check west of
Mitau.

May 11--Austro-German troops are still advancing in West Galicia;
Russians are attacking in East Galicia and along the eastern section
of the Carpathians; Russians have success in Bukowina, taking
prisoners and guns; Austrians force Russian south wing in Russian
Poland to retreat; Austrians repulse Russian attacks near Baligrod;
advance Austrian troops have crossed the San near Dvornik.

May 12--Russians state that their counter-offensive has checked the
Austro-Germans in West Galicia, while the Germans and Austrians state
that their drive continues successfully; Austro-German troops have
occupied Brozozow, Dynow, Sanok, and Lisko; there is severe fighting
in the central Carpathians and Southeast Galicia, where the Russians
are advancing on a forty-mile front; Austrians are repulsed in the
direction of the Uzsok Pass and the Stry River.

May 13--Heavy fighting is in progress east of Tarnow; north of the
Vistula the Austrians have forced the Nida line; Russians make
progress on the right bank of the Dniester; Russians repulse Germans
in the region of Shavli.

May 14--Russians break the Austrian line at various places on a
ninety-four-mile front, driving the Austrians from Bukowina positions
and forcing them over the Pruth River; Russians check the
Austro-German advance in Galicia, and are concentrating on the line of
the River San, with the object of occupying a shorter front; the
advance guards of General Mackensen's armies are before Przemysl; the
Teutonic allies are advancing in Russian Poland.

May 15--The Austro-German troops have now driven the Russians
completely from Jaroslau, which they hold firmly, as well as all the
towns on the west bank of the San River; the Austrian Tenth Army is
now before Przemysl, its native stronghold; the rapid advance of the
Teutonic allies is endangering the position of the Russians in the
Carpathians; credit for the stiff and ceaseless pursuit of the
Russians in the great West Galicia drive is being given by the
Austrians to Field Marshal Baron Conrad von Hötzendorf, Chief of the
Austrian General Staff; the Russian counter-drive to the east
continues, and the Czar's armies in Bukowina force back the
Austro-German lines for twenty miles.

May 16--Russians continue to withdraw in West Galicia; they are
massing at the San River for a stand; in Bukowina and East Galicia the
Russian cavalry is pursuing retreating Austrians; the Austrians are
retiring behind the Pruth, evacuating strongly fortified positions;
Hungarian cavalry has made sacrifices of large bodies to enable the
infantry to retreat in good order; in Russian Poland the Teutonic
allies continue to push back the Russians; Russians win success
against the Germans in the Baltic provinces.

May 17--Austro-German armies continue their advance in West Galicia;
Austrians have captured Drohobycz, in Central Galicia, forty miles
southwest of Lemberg; fighting is in progress around Przemysl;
Russians repulse Germans at Shavli; Russians have made advances on the
West Niemen; Russian official statement says that the West Galician
defeat has been offset by successes in Bukowina against the
Austrians.

May 18--Austro-German troops are bombarding the western forts of
Przemysl; the Teutonic allies have a firm foothold on the eastern bank
of the San River; Russians are making vigorous attacks on the Germans
in South Poland; Russians have driven the Austro-German forces back
from the Dniester to the Pruth in East Galicia, and are making strong
attacks in Bukowina; heavy fighting is in progress in the Russian
Baltic Provinces and along the East Prussian frontier; Austrian
official statement declares that 174,000 Russian prisoners, 128 guns,
and 308 machine guns have been taken since the beginning of May as a
result of the West Galicia drive; unofficial dispatch from Petrograd
says Russians have been beaten back on a 200-mile front in West
Galicia.

May 19--The Russian lines along the San River are in danger, the
Austro-Germans having crossed the river on a wide front; the Russians
are attempting to reform their lines north and south of Przemysl;
Teutonic Allies occupy Sieniawa; in Bukowina the Russians have broken
the extreme Austrian right; it is stated from Petrograd that the
Germans and Austrians are using between thirty and forty army corps on
a 200-mile front from Opatow, in Poland, to Kolomea, Eastern Galicia.

May 20--Russians are fighting desperately to save the remains of their
West Galicia army, now in new positions along the San River;
Austro-German forces are attacking with tremendous artillery fire, the
shells being followed by a close phalanx of 150,000 men; the Russians
hold both banks of the San south of Jaroslau.

May 21--Russians are rallying along the San River; a desperate battle
is in progress below Przemysl; Russians are taking a strong offensive
in Poland; official Austrian announcements state that Russian
prisoners now in Austrian hands, as a result of the recent fighting,
are 194,000; the German official announcement says that General
Mackensen's army, since May 1, has taken 104,000 prisoners, 72 cannon,
and 253 machine guns; official Russian statement says that on four
recent days the losses of the Austro-Germans were 10,000 a day, and on
seventeen other recent days were much heavier, and adds that the
Austro-Germans have used between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 shells during
the recent fighting; Russian reports state that 3,000,000 men,
including both sides, are now daily attacking and counter-attacking
along the whole front, from Opatow to Kolomea; the Kaiser is stated to
be personally directing operations at Jaroslau.

May 22--Stubborn fighting continues along the San, while severe
fighting is in progress in the Russian Baltic Provinces and near the
East Prussian frontier; on the left bank of the lower San the Russians
have taken the offensive and captured the villages of Krawce, Biercza,
Przyszow, and Kamerale; Russians repulse counter attacks in the
direction of Nisko; Germans repulse Russians at Shavli; in Central
Galicia the Austrians have gained some ground; east of Czernowitz
Austrians repulse Russians; the right wing of the Austrian Army in
Bukowina is falling back toward the Carpathians.

May 23--Russians, with strong reinforcements, have crossed the San at
the junction of that river with the Vistula, and are advancing
southward in an effort to outflank the Germany Army, which crossed the
San in the vicinity of Jaroslau; Russians continue their offensive in
Bukowina, and in the Opatow region; Germans defeat Russian northern
wing near Shavli, and repulse Russian attacks from the Dubysa and
Niemen Rivers; Russians are massing strong forces in the vicinity of
Warsaw, Ivangrod, and Lublin.

May 24--Russians claim that they have definitely checked the German
drive on the upper San River; a Russian movement upon Nisko, and the
occupation of Ulanoff, Rudnik, Kraftza, Bourgny, and Shushav to the
westward of the upper San, threatens the German position east of the
river; General von Mackensen is drawing in his wings to protect his
centre from attack; furious German assaults to the south of Przemysl
continue without definite result; in the region of Shavli, the Russian
troops now occupy a very extended front on the line of the Rivers
Visdala, Venta, Dubysa, and Siup.

May 25--General von Mackensen renews his offensive against the
Russians north of Przemysl, and takes six fortified villages, 21,000
prisoners, 39 cannon, and 40 machine guns; Austrians are advancing
southeast of Przemysl; on the left bank of the upper Vistula, in the
Opatow region, Russians repulse attacks and make counter-attacks.

May 26--Between Przemysl and Jaroslau, east of Radymno, Germans force
a passage of the San River; Mackensen's army is making progress on
both banks of the San in a southeasterly direction; southeast of
Przemysl the Austro-German forces are progressing toward strong
Russian positions; Russians repulse German attack near Ossowitz.

May 27--Austro-German forces continue to batter at the Russian lines
northeast and southeast of Przemysl, and it is reported that they have
severed communications between Przemysl and Lemberg; the Germans have
forced another crossing of the San, eleven miles north of Przemysl,
and are extending by several miles the zone held by them east of the
San; Austro-German troops break through the Russian front line
southeast of Drohobycz and near Stry, and force the Russians to fall
back; Russians repulse attacks on the Upper Vistula; Russians have
success in the region of the Dniester marshes.

May 28--Russians throw back the German force which crossed the San
River and established itself at Sieniawa, fifty miles north of
Przemysl; the Germans have retreated to the west bank of the San, with
the loss of twelve guns; further south, between Jarislau and Przemysl,
the Austro-German forces gain more ground on both banks of the San;
Austrians reach Medyka, eight miles due east of Przemysl, leaving a
gap of but twelve miles between the northern and eastern forces which
are trying to encircle the fortress.

May 29--Germans and Austrians continue to fight fiercely to encircle
Przemysl; in the Russian Baltic provinces heavy fighting is in
progress; Russians are sending larger forces to meet the Germans in
these provinces.

May 30--Fierce fighting is raging around Przemysl, the Austro-German
forces striving to cut off the fortress; the Russians are bringing up
huge reinforcements; north of Przemysl the Russians are making some
progress, but to the southeast the Austro-German forces are making
further headway, now commanding with their artillery the railway
between Przemysl and Grodek; Russian attempts to cross the San near
Sieniawa fail; in the Russian Baltic provinces German cavalry drives
back Russian cavalry southeast of Libau.

May 31--Russians are beginning to assume the offensive at certain
points along the San River, where severe fighting continues; near Stry
the Austrians take several Russian positions.

June 1--The Serbians are resuming military activity against Austria;
Austro-German forces are storming three of the outer forts of
Przemysl; north and southeast of Przemysl the Austro-German forces are
advancing; they have taken Stry.

June 2--Furious fighting continues around Przemysl; Austro-German
troops take two fortifications on the north front of Przemysl; German
official report states that during May the Teutonic allies took 863
Russian officers prisoners and 268,869 men, as well as capturing 251
cannon and 576 machine guns.

June 3--Austro-German troops, after a siege of twenty days, capture
Przemysl, which has been in Russian possession since March 22, the
present conquerors entering after storming the northern forts;
Austro-Germans are driving back Russians north of Stry.

June 4--Severe fighting is in progress along the whole Galician front,
Austro-Germans seeking to end the Russian campaign in Galicia;
Russians are in position at Medyka Heights, ten miles east of
Przemysl; they saved their batteries in evacuating Przemysl and claim
to have removed all war material captured from the Austrians.

June 5--Austro-Germans are attempting an encircling movement against
Lemberg; they are making progress from the southwest, but their left
wing is checked by the Russians on the lower reaches of the San River;
Austro-German extreme right in East Galicia and Bukowina is pounded by
the Russians.

June 6--Battles over a wide area are in progress in Galicia; Russians
are making considerable advances on the lower reaches of the San;
southwest of Lemberg the Austro-Germans are advancing.

June 7--Austro-German armies are making progress in attempt to
encircle Lemberg; Russians are being pressed back from their line on
the San; Teutonic allies cross the Dniester; Germans advance in their
invasion of the Baltic provinces of Russia.

June 8--Austro-Germans, having crossed the Dniester south of Lemberg,
are assuming the offensive further to the south and are pushing back
the Russians between Kolomea and Kalusz in East Galicia.

June 9--Austro-Germans take Stanislau, throwing the Russian left back
to the Dniester River; in East Galicia, along the rest of the line,
the Russians are holding their own and are counter-attacking.

June 10--Russians take offensive in their Baltic provinces, where they
force the Germans to retreat to avoid being cut off; Russians advance
again in Galicia; they attack Mackensen's forces, menacing Lemberg and
Linsingen's forces on the Dniester; the Austro-German army of Bukowina
crosses the Pruth and effects junction with Galician troops.

June 11--Russians win a series of successes against Germans and
Austrians in East Galicia; they repulse Mackensen's troops with heavy
loss and hurl Linsingen's army back across the Dniester; Russians take
17 guns and 49 machine guns; Germans are developing an offensive north
of the Pilitza in Poland; Serbians are marching across Northern
Albania toward the port of Durazzo, while Montenegrins are making for
the port of Alessio.

June 12--A battle is raging along the Dniester, Austrians making gains
on the lower reaches, while the Russians have success further up
stream; Russians leave Bukowina, giving up their last positions on the
Pruth and retreating across the frontier.

June 13--Austro-Germans commence an attack on the Russians on the
River San north of Przemysl, and along the Dniester in Southeast
Galicia; Germans are attacking Russian centre on the River Rawka, west
of Warsaw; severe fighting continues in the Russian Baltic provinces.

June 14--Mackensen's army attacks Russian positions in Middle Galicia
along a forty-three-mile front, and breaks the line, taking 16,000
prisoners; Austrians have successes on the Dniester.

June 15--Austro-Germans are renewing the drive in Galicia and
advancing on a wide front; they capture Mosciska, thirty-seven miles
from Lemberg, after a week's fight; Russian counter-attacks to protect
Lemberg from the south are repulsed.


CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN EUROPE.

May 1--Germans continue the bombardment of Dunkirk with a huge gun or
guns, doing considerable damage and killing several persons; Germans
make further gains on the west bank of the Ypres Canal; French repulse
Germans in the Argonne, near Bagatelle; French take trenches in the
Forest of Le Prêtre; French artillery bombards fortifications of
Altkirch, in Upper Alsace.

May 2--French have been bombarding for two days the southern
fortifications of Metz; British and French attack the new German
positions northeast of Ypres, but are beaten back; Germans make
progress in the Argonne; German General Staff in Belgium admits a loss
of 12,000 dead in the battle of Ypres.

May 3--Germans renew assaults near Ypres, the British lines being
pounded north and south of that place, and Germans gain ground
southeast of St. Julien; Germans damage French positions in Champagne
at Ourchen, Sopain, and Perthes; French repulse an attack in the
Forest of Le Prêtre.

May 4--Germans gain more ground northeast of Ypres, and take the
villages of Zonnebeke, Zevecote, and Westhoek, and the Forest of
Polygonous and Nonnebosschen; French gain in the region of
Steenstraete.

May 5--Germans gain ground northeast of Ypres, British losing four
positions and being forced to retire; Hill 60 is again menaced by the
Germans, who, the British state, have obtained a footing there through
the use of gases; French check one German attack near Perthes, and
another at Four de Paris; French take two lines of German trenches in
the Mortmare Wood; French gain ground on the north bank of the Fecht
River, in Alsace.

May 6--Germans make further gains near Ypres, taking two positions
from the Allies; British recapture some of the trenches at Hill 60,
recently lost; French repulse a German night attack near Steenstraete;
Germans repulse French near Flirey; Germans advance west of Combres;
Germans take French positions in the Ailly Wood, capturing 2,000 men.

May 7--Germans make more gains near Ypres; there is severe fighting
for Hill 60; German artillery checks a French attack near Steinbrück,
in the valley of the Fecht; French repulse German attacks at Frise,
west of Peronne, and in Champagne, around the Fort of Beauséjour.

May 8--French capture a German position west of Lens; French check
three attacks in the Forest of Le Prêtre; French advance two-thirds of
a mile along a mile front on the right bank of the Fecht River;
British repulse a daybreak attack near St. Julien; British recapture a
further section of recently lost trenches at Hill 60.

May 9--British repulse German attack east of Ypres; British gain
ground toward Fromelles, after a vigorous attack on the German line;
Germans capture the villages of Fresenburg and Terleranhoek; French
make gains north of Arras; south of Carency the French make an advance
by which they capture two lines of trenches over a front of 4-1/3
miles; French take the village of La Targette and half of the village
of Neuville-St. Vaast.

May 10--The Allies are attacking along a front of twenty-six miles in
the direction of Carency and Souchez; Allies repulse German attacks
near Ypres; Germans make gains near Nieuport, and renew the
bombardment of Dunkirk; French repulse Germans at the Forest of Le
Prêtre and at Berry-au-Bac.

May 11--A strong French offensive against the German lines north of
Arras is being pushed; the French carry the German trenches guarding
the road from Loos to Vermelles; French take a strongly fortified
position on Lorette Heights; French make gains at Souchez and Carency;
Germans shell the town of Bergues, near Dunkirk; Germans heavily
bombard British trenches east of Ypres.

May 12--Severe fighting is now raging over the whole front from Ypres
to Arras, the Allies taking the offensive; to the north the British
centre has Lille for its objective, while to the south the French
centre is aiming at Lens; French repulse counter attacks at
Neuville-St. Vaast, and between Carency and Ablain; French make gains
in the wood east of Carency, and take three successive lines of
trenches bordering the wood to the north of Carency; French take
another portion of the village of Carency; French lose some of the
ground they captured near Loos; Germans take a hill east of Ypres;
Germans bombard Dunkirk.

May 13--The French are in complete possession of Carency, having
captured the last German position there; French take large stores of
German ammunition, twenty big guns and many machine guns; French also
make progress north of Carency, where they have established themselves
at Ablain-St. Nazaire; French have also taken all of the Forest of Le
Prêtre, although Germans retain positions on the north and south
slopes adjacent; Germans are making fierce assaults on the British
positions east of Ypres, piercing the line at one point; Belgians
repulse an attack on the right bank of the Yser; French now hold the
forest at Notre Dame de Lorette.

May 14--French offensive is continued by the capture of German
positions southeast of Angres, while they also make progress on the
southern and eastern slopes of the Lorette hills, and at Neuville-St.
Vaast; British attacks near Ypres are unsuccessful; Germans gain in
the direction of Hooge; French artillery levels German trenches in the
Valley of the Aisne.

May 15--French continue to advance near Carency; French also gain
north of Ypres; they take several trenches in front of Het Sase, and
occupy part of Steenstraete; French extend their attack southeast of
Notre Dame de Lorette; Germans make progress on the St. Julien-Ypres
road against the British; Germans state that they have taken since
April 22 in the Ypres region 5,560 unwounded officers and men;
artillery fighting is in progress southwest of Lille.

May 16--The first British army breaks the German line over most of a
two-mile front northwest of La Bassée, and wins nearly a mile of
territory; French repulse a counter-attack at Steenstraete; French
make gains north of Arras; lively fighting in Champagne; Germans
repulse French at Het Sase; British attack Germans south of Lille.

May 17--British make further advances northwest of La Bassée and carry
additional German trenches, all trenches on a two-mile front now being
in hands of the British; French and Belgians force Germans to evacuate
positions they held west of the Yser Canal; French maintain gains on
the east bank; French repulse German counter-attacks on the slopes of
Lorette.

May 18--Heavy rains and mists hamper operations in Northern France;
the French have consolidated the positions recently occupied by them
to the east of the Yser Canal; French make gains near Ablain; an
almost constant artillery duel is in progress north of Arras; Germans
repulse British south of Neuve Chapelle.

May 19--Germans capture trenches from the French on the heights of
Lorette; Germans repulse British attacks near Neuve Chapelle.

May 20--Recent heavy rains have made the ground in Flanders unsuited
to infantry attacks and there is a lull, but artillery engagements are
in progress; French make advances in Champagne by mining; French take
trenches near Bagatelle, in the Argonne; fierce artillery duels
between the Meuse and Moselle.

May 21--French drive Germans from the last of their positions on the
heights of Lorette; The French now hold the entire Lorette Hill and
the lesser ridges, which the Germans had defended for six months;
French repulse German attack to the east of the Yser Canal; Canadians
capture a German position to the north of Ypres after the British
Guards fail twice.

May 22--British repulse attacks north of La Bassée; French make gains
north of Arras; Germans repulse British and French attacks southwest
of Neuve Chapelle; German official report states that the Allies,
southwest of Lille and in the Argonne, are using mines charged with
poisonous gases.

May 23--British advance east of Festubert; French gain ground
northeast of Notre Dame de Lorette and near Neuville-St. Vaast;
Germans are repulsed east of the Yser Canal.

May 24--Before attacking the British northeast of Ypres, the Germans
roll a huge cloud of asphyxiating gas toward them, the volume of fumes
being forty feet high along a six-mile front; because of the use of
respirators, few British succumb; fighting in progress north of Arras.

May 26--British make further gains in their offensive against La
Bassée, and it is officially announced that the net result of their
operations in the territory to the west of that town since May 1 is
the capture of a total front of more than three miles, along a
considerable part of which two lines of German trenches have been
taken; in the district north of Arras there is desperate fighting near
Angres, the Germans attempting to regain ground lost yesterday.

May 27--French make further gains north of Arras; artillery
engagements along the Yser Canal; Belgians repulse two German infantry
attacks near Dixmude; artillery duels in the Vosges; French fail in
attempt to break German lines between Vermelles and Lorette Hills.

May 28--British make further gains toward La Bassée; fierce fighting
occurs north of Arras; French advance in Alsace on the mountain of
Schepfenrieth; Germans repulse French attacks southeast of Lorette
Ridge.

May 29--The village of Ablain-St. Nazaire, for which fighting has been
in progress for three weeks, is now in the hands of the French, the
Germans evacuating their last position this morning.

May 30--French gain ground at four points--near Neuville-St. Vaast, on
the Yser, at Le Prêtre Forest, and in Alsace at Schnepfenriethkopf;
British make small gains at Festubert; Belgian and German artillery
are fighting a duel north and south of Dixmude.

May 31--Severe fighting continues in the region north of Arras,
Germans acting, for the most part, on the defensive; French gain
ground on the road from Souchez to Carency; artillery fighting at the
Forest of La Prêtre.

June 1--French gain more ground at Souchez, where violent fighting is
in progress, and also gain southeast of Neuville; French lose trenches
on the outskirts of Le Prêtre Forest.

June 2--Germans recapture from the French the sugar refinery at
Souchez, which has changed hands four times in twenty-four hours;
British, by a bayonet charge, take Château Hooge, in the Ypres region;
French make further progress north of Arras, taking trenches in "the
labyrinth," as the system of intrenchments in that region is termed;
Rheims is again bombarded.

June 3--Fierce fighting continues north of Arras; French and Germans
still battle for possession of the sugar refinery at Souchez.

June 4--In consequence of the successes in the Galician campaign, the
Germans are sending reinforcements to the Western line; Germans retake
some of trenches northeast of Givenchy captured by the British;
Germans take the village and Château of Hooge; French bombard the
southern front of the intrenched camp of Metz.

June 5--French make important gains in the area north of Arras where
desperate fighting has so long been in progress; they have taken
two-thirds of the village of Neuville-St. Vaast; they advance a
quarter of a mile in the northern part of the labyrinth; they hold the
sugar refinery at Souchez, where 3,000 Germans have been killed.

June 6--French capture two-thirds of a mile of trenches in a new zone
of activity, near Tracy-le-Mont, north of the Aisne; they take more of
Neuville-St. Vaast; they capture more trenches in the labyrinth, of
which they now hold two-thirds; they gain ground at Souchez; Germans
repulse French attacks on the eastern slopes of Lorette.

June 7--French make further gains at Neuville-St. Vaast, and in the
labyrinth; near Hebuterne, east of Doullers, two lines of German
trenches are carried by the French; French repulse a fierce attack at
Tracy-le-Mont, retaining their recent gain; at Vauquois, in Champagne,
the French spray flaming liquid on the German trenches, "by way of
reprisal," their statement says.

June 8--French advance on a three-quarters of a mile front south of
Arras, near Hebuterne, taking two lines of trenches; French make
slight gains at Lorette, Neuville-St. Vaast, and in the labyrinth.

June 9--French make gains at Neuville-St. Vaast, in the labyrinth, at
Hebuterne, and in the Forest of Le Prêtre.

June 10--French hold substantially all their recent gains; artillery
fighting is in progress north of Arras and on the heights of the
Meuse; Germans take French trenches near Souvain and Les Mesnil, west
of the Argonne.

June 11--French are organizing the positions recently won from the
Germans north and south of Arras; in the Neuville-St. Vaast positions
the French find 800,000 cartridges, three field and fifteen machine
guns.

June 12--Germans regain some of the ground they lost at Ecurie, north
of Arras; Germans repulse attacks northeast of Ypres, east of Lorette
Heights, and in the Souchez district.

June 13--French take a strongly fortified ridge near Souchez and three
trenches near Hebuterne; Germans bombard Soissons and the military
works around Lunéville.

June 14--Germans regain some of the trenches at Souchez recently lost;
Germans repulse heavy French attacks on both sides of the Lorette
Hills and on the Neuville-Rochincourt line.

June 15--Severe fighting continues north and south of Arras, both
sides claiming successes.


ITALIAN CAMPAIGN.

May 23--A clash, regarded in Rome as being the first skirmish of the
war, occurs between Italian and Austrian troops at Forcellini di
Montozzo, in the pass between Pont di Legno and Pejo; an Austrian
patrol crosses the frontier, but is driven back over the border by
Italian Alpine Chasseurs; Lieut. Gen. Cadorna, Chief of the Italian
General Staff, starts for the front.

May 24--Austrian artillery shells Italian outposts on the Adige in
front of Rivoli; there are clashes at other points, including a
skirmish of border forces in the Isonzo Valley on the eastern
frontier; a general forward movement by the Italians begins; Austrians
are massing for defense.

May 25--Italians are advancing on a 67-mile front, their line having
as extreme points Caporetto on the north and the Gulf of Trieste on
the south; in three lines they sweep across the frontier for four
miles; Italians occupy Caporetto, the heights between the Idria and
Isonzo Rivers, Cormons, Corvignano, and Terzo; Austrians withdraw,
destroying bridges and burning houses.

May 26.--Italians occupy Austrian territory all along the frontier
from Switzerland to the Adriatic; Italians have seized various towns
in the Trentino and forced their way through mountain passes; King
Victor Emmanuel has assumed supreme command of the Italian army and
navy, and has gone to the front.

May 27--Italian armies make rapid progress in the invasion of Austria,
part of the forces having crossed the Isonzo River; another force,
which penetrated further north in the Crownland of Goritz and
Gradisca, has repaired the railroad beyond Cormons and is marching on
Goritz, the capital; sharp fighting has occurred on the Tyrol-Trentino
border, where the Austrians are being driven back in advance guard
engagements; a battle is raging around Ploken and also west of the
Praedil Pass in Austria.

[Transcriber's Note: Text missing from original.] tinues in Austrian
territory, the Austrians not making any determined resistance; they
are laying waste large areas as they retreat; in the Provinces of
Trentino and Friuli the Italians are pushing forward fast; the
Austrians fall back in the direction of Trent; Italians are occupying
the heights of Monte Baldo, overlooking the Valley of the Adige and
commanding the railway from Verona to Trent; Italians have crossed the
Venetian Alps, and among the lower spurs of the Dolomites are in touch
with the left wing of the Austrian force thrown forward for the
defense of Trent; in Carinthia the Italians have taken three passes
and fourteen villages.

May 29--A large Italian army is trying to cross the Isonzo River;
bayonet fighting is in progress south of Goritz, the Austrians slowly
falling back; Italian forces are at Gradisca, eighteen miles from
Trieste; Austrians repulse Italians at Caporetto and near Plava;
Italians are penetrating from Tonale Pass into the Virmiglio Valley,
with an objective north of Trent, in an attempt to place that city
between two Italian armies; Italians capture the town of Storo and are
bombarding Riva; the headquarters of the Austrian commander, Field
Marshal Baron von Hötzendorf, are established at Trent.

May 30--Italian advance in Friuli encounters strong opposition at the
Isonzo defenses, where progress is also being impeded because the
river is swollen; Italian artillery destroys the fort of Luserna, on
the Asiago plateau; in Cadore the Italians take several positions; a
battle along the Adige River has been in progress, the Italians taking
the village of Pilcante; artillery duels are in progress on the
frontier in Tyrol and Trentino; Austrians repulse Italians at Cortina.

May 31--The Italian invasion of the Province of Trent is progressing
from the south along the Adige and Chiese Rivers, from the west across
the Tonale Pass, and from the east by way of the Lavaronne Plateau;
the Italian attack is continuing all along the zigzag frontier, up to
the highest point north, where they have occupied the Ampezzo Valley,
together with the town of Cortina; Italians now are in possession of
Monte Baldo, which dominates Lake Garda; to the east of Caporetto the
Italians make a vain attempt to climb the slopes of the Kern; a great
Austrian army is being massed in Tyrol.

June 1--Thirty-seven villages surrounding Cortina in the Ampazzo
Valley are in Italian hands; the whole high plateau of Lavarone is in
the hands of the Italian force advancing into the Trentino from the
east.

June 2--In Friule the Italians are now established firmly on the Monte
Nero ridge across the Isonzo River; on the Carnia front an artillery
duel is in progress; to check Italians who are advancing from the
border northeast of Trent, Austrians are massing troops behind Monte
Croce Pass.

June 3--Italians repulse Austrian attempts to dislodge them from the
Monte Nero ridge; Austrians repulse Italians at several points on the
Tyrolian and Carinthian frontiers.

June 4--It is officially announced that Italian mobilization is
complete: in the operations against Rovereto, the Italians occupy
Mattassone and Val Morbia in the Val Arsa; Italian artillery silences
the forts of Luserna and Spitzverle; on the middle Isonzo fierce
fighting is in progress; Italians hold the summit and slopes of
Monterno.

June 5--A battle is raging on the western bank of the Isonzo River, in
front of Tolmino, the key to the railway and main highway to Trieste;
Italians are making steady though slow progress in Southern Tyrol.

June 6--Austrians are making a desperate defense at Tolmino; Italians
fail in an attempt to cross the Isonzo River near Sagrado; viewing the
situation as a whole, the Italians are making progress along a
150-mile front, smashing Austrian defenses at many points with
artillery fire.

June 7--Desperate fighting continues for Tolmino; Italians are making
a general advance across the Isonzo River from Caporetto to the sea, a
distance of forty miles; Austrians recapture Freikofel.

June 8--Fierce fighting is in progress at the Isonzo River; severe
fighting also is going on in the Friulian sector.

June 9--Italians take Monfalcone, sixteen miles northwest of Trieste;
a fierce artillery duel is in progress at Tolmino; fighting continues
at the Isonzo River.

June 10--Italians are in full possession of Monfalcone; Italians
occupy Podestagno, north of Cortina; fighting continues along the
Isonzo.

June 11--Italians take Ploeken, imperiling communications to Laibach;
fierce fighting is in progress for Goritz, Austrians still holding the
city; fighting continues along the Isonzo.

June 12--Italians push their advance almost to Rovereto thirteen miles
southwest of Trent, and to Mori, eighteen miles southwest of Trent;
Italians are advancing from Monfalcone toward Trieste; at points on
the Carinthian frontier Austrians repulse Italians.

June 13--Italian artillery is bombarding the fortifications defending
Goritz, capital of the crownland of Goritz and Gradisca, twenty-two
miles northwest of Trieste; severe fighting is in progress on Monte
Paralba; in the last few days Austrians have brought up 45,000 troops
and 64 batteries along the Isonzo River.

June 14--Italians in Carnia occupy Valentina; all the positions
captured by Italians in Trentino are held against repeated assaults by
Austrians; the Italian Eastern Army is pushing forward along the Gulf
of Trieste toward the City of Trieste.

June 15--Italians repulse Austrian attack at Monfalcone.


TURKISH CAMPAIGN.

May 1--French Senegalese troops occupy Yeni Shehr on the Asiatic side
of the Dardanelles.

May 2--French troops lose ground on the Asiatic side of the
Dardanelles; Allies make further advances on the Gallipoli Peninsula;
Allies now hold Gaba Tepe; the Australian contingent has lost heavily.

May 4--Allies repulse Turks and are on the active offensive on
Gallipoli; Turks win success near Avi Burnu.

May 5--Turks check attempt of Allies to advance at Sedd-el-Bahr; Turks
check Allies near Avi Burnu.

May 6--Russians have defeated a Turkish army corps in the Caucasus,
routing it and taking many prisoners; desperate fighting is in
progress on the Gallipoli Peninsula, the advance of the Allies being
met by stubborn resistance; Allies have captured the heights facing
Souain Dere Fort, four miles west of Kilid Bahr.

May 7--Severe fighting at Avi Burnu and at Sedd-el-Bahr, at the latter
place the Turks capturing ten British machine guns.

May 10--Russians drive Turks from their positions in the direction of
Olti; Russians drive Turks from the South Pass near Tabriz and occupy
villages; 8,000 Turkish wounded have arrived at Constantinople from
the Dardanelles.

May 13--The Gallipoli coast line is now in Allies' possession.

May 15--Turks repulse Allies near Avi Burnu.

May 16--Allies make progress in hills behind Kilid Bahr and Maidos;
Turks have been attacking for three days British positions on the
Gallipoli Peninsula, but have been repulsed with heavy loss.

May 18--Counter-attack by Allies near Sedd-el-Bahr is repulsed.

May 19--Turks drive back Allies from their advanced positions near
Kara Burun; Allies are being reinforced daily.

May 20--Allies are reported to have occupied Maidos after fierce
fighting; French troops have been landed at Sedd-el-Bahr, and are
fighting around the Turkish positions at Krithia; British forces which
debarked at Gaba Tepe are also directing their action toward Krithia,
with the object of surrounding the Turks; the Allies are attacking the
fortified position at Atchi Baba.

May 22--Official announcement is made in London that the Allies have
gained further ground on the southern end of the Gallipoli Peninsula.

May 23--Turks repulse Allies near Sedd-el-Bahr; it is estimated that
the British and French now have 90,000 troops along the Dardanelles.

May 24--Turkish troops attack allied camp near Goritza and capture
five sailing vessels with provisions; Italian troops have landed on
the Turkish Island of Rhodes in the Aegean Sea; Turks capture two
British positions near Kurna, Mesopotamia.

May 25--Allies are advancing steadily on the Gallipoli Peninsula;
thousands of Turkish wounded are arriving at Constantinople.

May 27--Allies carry five lines of Turkish trenches by the bayonet;
German estimates show that the Allies have lost 30,000 men in killed,
wounded, and missing during land operations at the Dardanelles; it is
admitted by the British that the Australians have lost heavily.

May 28--The Russian Army in the Caucasus reports further gains in the
Van region, including the occupation of Baslan, and announces that in
the capture of Van the Russians took twenty-six guns, large stores of
war material and provisions, and the Government treasury.

May 29--Turkish forces defending the Gallipoli Peninsula against
Allies now number 80,000 men; reinforcements are being sent from
Syria; in the Caucasus the Turks are remaining on the defensive.

May 30--An official French statement, reviewing recent operations on
the Gallipoli Peninsula, pays tribute to the bravery and coolness of
the Turkish troops; Turks take allied trenches at Avi Burnu with the
bayonet; Turks make gains at Sedd-el-Bahr.

May 31--Heavy fighting is in progress on the Gallipoli Peninsula, the
Turks being driven back at several points; Turks still hold trenches
captured from the Allies near Avi Burnu; it is reported from
Constantinople that the Turkish casualties thus far are 40,000.

June 1--British repulse a severe attack at Gaba Tepe.

June 2--Heavy fighting continues on Gallipoli Peninsula; all the Turks
who recently broke the allied line between Gaba Tepe and Krithia have
been either killed or captured.

June 4--A combined general assault on Turkish Gallipoli positions is
in progress.

June 6--Official British announcement states that during the last week
the Allies have made considerable gains in the southern area of
Gallipoli Peninsula; British win a 500-yard strip three miles long;
French take trenches; Turks offer spirited resistance, and lose
heavily; it is officially announced in London that on the Tigris,
Asiatic Turkey, the British have made important gains, and have
received the surrender of the Governor of Amara, with 700 soldiers.

June 7--Turks repulse the Allies near Sedd-el-Bahr.

June 9--Allies are landing more troops at Sedd-el-Bahr under cover of
the fleet's guns.

June 11--The advance guard of the Allies is fighting near the town of
Gallipoli; severe fighting is in progress near Maidos.

June 13--In the Caucasus the Russians are pushing back the Turks in
the direction of Olti, on the frontier, and are occupying Turkish
positions; a counter-attack by Turks at Zinatcher has been repulsed.

June 14--Reports from Athens declare that the position of the Allies
on the Gallipoli Peninsula continues to improve steadily; the Turks
still occupy Krithia, and the British are engaging them.


CAMPAIGN IN AFRICA.

May 1--Official statement issued at Cape Town announces that the
British have inflicted a defeat on the Germans near Gibeon, German
Southwest Africa; British captured a railroad train, transport wagons,
two field guns, Maxims, and 200 prisoners.

May 5--British Secretary for the Colonies issues a statement saying
that when General Botha, commander of the forces of the Union of South
Africa, occupied Swakopmund he discovered that six wells had been
poisoned by the Germans with arsenical cattle wash; Botha says the
German commander told him he was acting under orders.

May 11--A French column captures the post of Esoka, in the German
colony of Kamerun.

May 13--On official statement made public at Cape Town states that
Windhoek, capital of German Southwest Africa, was captured yesterday
without resistance by Union of South Africa forces under General
Botha; German Southwest Africa is declared now to be practically in
the hands of the British.

June 11--Garua, an important station on the Benue River, Kamerun,
German West Africa, surrenders unconditionally to an Anglo-French
force.


LUSITANIA.

May 1--Cunarder Lusitania sails from New York for Liverpool; no
passenger bookings are canceled, although discussion is aroused by a
newspaper advertisement inserted by the German Embassy at Washington
stating that "travelers sailing in the war zone on ships of Great
Britain or her allies do so at their own risk."

May 7--Lusitania is sunk ten miles off the Old Head of Kinsale,
Ireland, by either one or two torpedoes discharged without warning by
a German submarine, stated to be the U-39; the Cunarder is hit about
2:05 P.M., and sinks in about eighteen minutes; 1,154 persons,
including many women and children, are drowned, or are killed by
explosions, while among the saved are 47 injured passengers; among the
dead are 102 Americans; the saved total 764, among whom are 86
Americans; of the saved 462 are passengers and 302 belong to the crew;
Captain William T. Turner of the Lusitania is saved by clinging to a
bit of wreckage for two hours after remaining on the bridge until his
ship sank; the ship was valued at $10,000,000, and the 1,500 tons of
cargo, among which were munitions of war, at $735,000; official
Washington and the nation generally, as well as other neutral and
allied nations, are profoundly stirred by the news; President Wilson
receives bulletins at the White House; London is astounded, and there
are criticisms of the Admiralty for not having convoyed the Lusitania;
panic conditions prevail on the New York Stock Exchange for thirty
minutes after the first news is received, but the market closes with a
rally.

May 8--Secretary Tumulty, after a conference with President Wilson,
states that the Chief Executive "is considering very earnestly, but
very calmly, the right course of action to pursue"; Secretary Bryan
directs Ambassadors Gerard and Page to make full reports; an official
communication issued in Berlin states that the Lusitania "was
naturally armed with guns," that "she had large quantities of war
material in her cargo," that her owners are responsible for the
sinking, and that Germany gave full warning of the danger; the British
Government announces that the statement that the Lusitania was armed
"is wholly false"; American newspapers strongly condemn the sinking,
many referring to it as murder; there is talk of war by many private
citizens of the United States; there is rejoicing in Germany, where
towns are hung with flags and children in Southern Germany are given a
half-holiday, so reports state; Berlin newspapers acclaim the sinking,
while hundreds of telegrams of congratulation are received by Admiral
von Tirpitz, Minister of Marine; Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, former German
Colonial Secretary, in a statement in Cleveland, argues that the
sinking was justified.

May 9--Dudley Field Malone, Collector of the Port of New York, makes
an official denial that the Lusitania was armed when she sailed;
President Wilson has not yet consulted his Cabinet on the situation,
but is studying the problem alone; Theodore Roosevelt terms the
sinking "an act of simple piracy," and declares we should act at once;
survivors criticise the British Admiralty for not supplying a convoy,
and also criticise the handling of the Lusitania; newspapers in Vienna
rejoice over the torpedoing.

May 10--In a speech at Philadelphia, President Wilson declares that
"there is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight; there is
such a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to
convince others by force that it is right"; Coroner's jury at Kinsale,
which investigated five deaths resulting from the torpedoing of the
Lusitania, in returning its verdict charges the Emperor and Government
of Germany, and the officers of the submarine, "with the crime of
wholesale murder before the tribunal of the civilized world"; a spirit
of vengeance is springing up in England; the German Foreign Office
sends to the German Embassy at Washington, which communicates it to
the State Department, a message of sympathy at the loss of lives, but
says the blame rests with England for her "starvation plan" and for
her having armed merchantmen; telegrams are pouring in by the hundred
to the White House and the Department of State, but the majority
advise against the use of force; there is a fifteen-minute panic on
the New York Stock Exchange on the rumor of the assassination of
President Wilson, prices falling from 4 to 15 points; British
exchanges bar German members; the National Security League issues an
open letter in New York, declaring that the army, navy, and coast
defenses are inadequate, and urging support for a military efficiency
program; various State Legislatures pledge their support to President
Wilson.

May 11--Secretary Bryan receives an official circular issued by the
German Government which declares that there is no intention of
attacking, either by submarine or aircraft, neutral ships in the war
zone, and that if such attacks occur through mistake damages will be
paid; President Wilson is at work on his communication to Berlin;
American Line announces it will not hereafter carry contraband of war;
Navy League of the United States passes a resolution asking President
Wilson to call an extra session of Congress to authorize a bond issue
of $500,000,000 for a bigger navy; riots occur all over England,
demonstrations being made against Germans and German shops; former
President Roosevelt states that the United States should act promptly
and should forbid all commerce with Germany, while former President
Taft states that delay can do no harm and that the United States
should not hurry into war; President Wilson's Philadelphia speech
results in a rise in prices on the New York Stock Exchange; the
Committee of Mercy issues a country-wide appeal for help for destitute
survivors of the Lusitania; customs guard on German ships at Boston is
doubled; Cunard Line cancels intended sailing of the Mauretania from
Liverpool; extra police guards are placed over the German ships at
Hoboken.

May 12--Postponement is made until tomorrow of the sending of the
American note to Germany; German Embassy discontinues its
advertisement warning the public not to sail on British or allied
ships: anti-alien rioting continues in England; seventy customs men,
on orders from Washington, search German ships at Hoboken for
explosives, none being found.

May 13--The text of the American note to Germany is made public at
Washington; besides the Lusitania, it mentions the Falaba, Cushing,
and Gulflight cases; it states that the United States Government
expects a disavowal of the acts of the German commanders, reparation
for the injuries, and a prevention of such acts in the future; it
indicates that submarine warfare should be given up; it refers to the
"surprising irregularity" of the German Embassy's advertisement
warning Americans to keep off British ships, and states that notice of
an unlawful act cannot be an excuse for its commission; it states that
Germany will not expect the United States "to omit any word or any
act" necessary to maintain American rights.

May 14--The American note to Germany has been delayed in transmission,
and is not presented yet; President Wilson and the Cabinet are pleased
with the response of the country to the note, which is praised
generally by newspapers and public men: damage in anti-German rioting
in South Africa is reported from Cape Town to exceed $5,000,000.

May 15--Ambassador Gerard hands the American note to the German
Foreign Office; newspapers in England and France praise the note; Dr.
Dernburg, who has for months been in the United States as unofficial
spokesman for Germany, expresses a desire to go home, this being due,
it is understood in Washington, to the criticisms resulting from his
defense of the sinking of the Lusitania; German-American newspapers
and prominent German-American individuals are going on record as being
for the United States as against Germany in event of war.

May 16--New York clergymen from their pulpits praise President
Wilson's note to Germany as a powerful instrument for the
preservation of peace in this country; the loss of the Lusitania is
proving a stimulus to recruiting in Great Britain.

May 17--The American note has not yet been published in Berlin, and
most of the newspapers, under confidential orders from the Government,
have refrained from comment.

May 18--Statements made by the officers of the British tank steamer
Narragansett and of the British steamship Etonian, on arriving at New
York and Boston, respectively, show that these ships and a third were
prevented from going to the rescue of the Lusitania's passengers by
German submarines; a torpedo was fired at the Narragansett.

May 19--Several leading German newspapers join in an attack on the
United States, demanding that Germany refuse to yield to the American
protest, the text of the note having been made known.

May 30--Full text of the German reply to the American note arrives in
Washington and is made public; as to the Cushing and the Gulflight it
is declared that the German Government has no intention of attacking
neutral vessels by submarine or aircraft, and where it is proved that
the attacked ship is not to blame is willing to offer regrets and pay
indemnity, it being added that both the cases mentioned are now under
investigation, which inquiry can be supplemented by reference to The
Hague: as to the Falaba, it is declared that the persons on board were
given twenty-three minutes to get off, and it is indicated that the
passengers and crew would have had fuller opportunity to leave had the
ship not tried to escape and had she not signaled for help by rockets:
as to the Lusitania, it is declared she was built as an auxiliary
cruiser and so carried on the British navy list, that Germany
understands she was armed with cannon, that she carried war material
and Canadian troops, while, in addition, the British Admiralty has
instructed merchantmen to ram submarines; thus the sinking of the
Lusitania was a measure of "justified self-defense"; it is also
declared that the Cunard Company is "wantonly guilty" of the deaths,
in allowing passengers to embark under the conditions cited;
unofficial expressions of opinion from public men at Washington show
there is disappointment and dissatisfaction over the note, which is
held to be evasive; German Foreign Secretary von Jagow, in an
interview given to The Associated Press correspondent in Berlin,
declares that the note is not a final one because the German
Government considers it essential "to establish a common basis of fact
before entering into a discussion of the issues involved."

May 31--American press as a whole finds the German reply
unsatisfactory, declaring that it is evasive and fails to meet the
issue; London newspapers find the reply to be a "weak evasion";
German-American press as a whole supports the reply; Governors of
States and other public men generally agree in condemning the note,
but many of them suggest the need for caution; Berlin newspapers hold
that the reply is complete.

June 1--President Wilson brings the German note before the Cabinet,
which has a long conference.

June 2--A conference is held at the White House between President
Wilson and Ambassador von Bernstorff, at the latter's request;
Ambassador von Bernstorff arranges to send through the State
Department a report to his Government of his talk with the President
and of the condition of public opinion in this country; von Bernstorff
tells the President that he has been given affidavits that the
Lusitania was armed; these affidavits are given to the American
Department of State for investigation.

June 3--Ambassador von Bernstorff is arranging to send an emissary,
Dr. Anton Meyer-Gerhard, to Berlin to explain the position of the
American Government and the state of public opinion; the affidavits
that the Lusitania was armed are under official investigation;
newspaper investigations throw doubt on their authenticity.

June 5--British Ambassador transmits a note from his Government to the
United States Government assuring this country that the Lusitania was
unarmed.

June 8--Secretary of State Bryan resigns because he cannot join in the
new note to Germany, so he states in a letter to President Wilson,
without violating what he deems his duty to the country and without
being unfair "to the cause which is nearest my heart, namely, the
prevention of war"; President Wilson's letter accepting the
resignation expresses "deep regret" and "personal sorrow"; Counselor
Robert Lansing is Acting Secretary of State; newspapers generally
welcome Mr. Bryan's resignation; the note to Germany is read at a
Cabinet meeting and finally decided upon.

June 9--Acting Secretary of State Lansing signs the note to Germany
and sends it to Ambassador Gerard; Mr. Bryan's resignation causes
interest in England and Germany; Mr. Bryan says that he favors inquiry
by an international commission into the points at issue between the
United States and Germany, and that Americans should be warned not to
travel on belligerent ships; German-American press praises Mr. Bryan.

June 10--President Wilson's answer to the German note is made public
at Washington; it "asks for assurances" that Germany will safeguard
American lives and American ships; the German Government is assured
that it has been misinformed as to the alleged arming of the
Lusitania; it is stated that the United States is contending for the
rights of humanity, on which principle "the United States must stand";
Mr. Bryan issues a statement to the public, explaining his views;
Gustav Stahl, said to be a former German soldier, who made an
affidavit that he saw four guns on the Lusitania, is arrested by
Federal officers on a charge of perjury.

June 11--The pacific nature of the American note causes satisfaction
in Germany; Mr. Bryan issues a statement to German-Americans; Colonel
Roosevelt, in a statement, upholds President Wilson.

June 12--Mr. Bryan issues a third statement; some German-American
newspapers criticise his statement addressed to German-Americans.

June 13--Newspapers of Germany today contain columns of comment on the
last American note, the general tone being milder, the friendly tenor
of the note being welcomed.

June 15--Court of inquiry opens in London; Captain Turner swears on
the stand that his ship was not armed.


NAVAL RECORD--GENERAL.

May 1--Four British torpedo boat destroyers sink two German torpedo
boats in the North Sea, after a fifth British destroyer is sunk by a
German submarine; Russian Black Sea fleet bombards Bosporus forts;
allied fleet bombards Nagara, on the Dardanelles.

May 3--The ships of the allied fleet are now working in shifts at the
bombardment of the Dardanelles, which is maintained twenty-four hours
a day; French battleship Henri IV. and British battleship Vengeance
are damaged by fire of the forts.

May 4--Bombardment of Turkish forts on the Gulf of Smyrna is resumed
by an allied squadron; British warship Agamemnon is damaged by forts
at the Dardanelles.

May 6--Heavy bombardment of the Dardanelles is continued by the
allied fleet; during the last three days a number of villages and
forts have been set on fire by shells; British superdreadnought Queen
Elizabeth is taking a prominent part in the bombardment.

May 8--British torpedo boat destroyer Crusader is sunk by a mine off
Zeebrugge and the crew taken prisoners by the Germans.

May 9--Russians sink six Turkish transports off the Bosporus and two
in the Sea of Marmora.

May 12--Turkish destroyers in the Dardanelles torpedo and sink the
British pre-dreadnought Goliath, 500 men being lost; allied fleet
bombards the forts at Kilid Bahr, Chanak Kalessi, and Nagara; Italian
steamer Astrea sinks near Taranto, it being believed that she hit a
mine.

May 15--Russian Black Sea fleet destroys four Turkish steamers and
twenty sailing vessels; the fleet bombards Keffen, Eregli, and
Kilimali.

May 16--For three days the allied fleet has been bombarding Turkish
troop positions on the Dardanelles; shell fire is stated to have
smashed whole trenches filled with Turkish soldiers.

May 17--Parliamentary Secretary of the British Admiralty announces in
House of Commons that 460,628 tons of British shipping, other than
warships, have been sunk or captured by the German Navy since the
beginning of the war; that the number of persons killed in connection
with the sinkings is 1,556; that the tonnage of German shipping, not
warships, sunk or captured by the British Navy is 314,465, no lives
being lost, so far as is known.

May 20--Bombardment of Nagara by the allied fleet continues night and
day; British battleship Queen Elizabeth is supporting the allied
troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula with the fire of her big guns from
the Gulf of Saros; a new bombardment of the Turkish encampments on the
Gulf of Smyrna is under way by ships of Allies.

May 24--Small naval units of Austria, especially destroyers and
torpedo boats, bombard the Italian portions of the Adriatic coast;
they are attacked by Italian torpedo boats and withdraw after a brief
cannonade; the value of German and Austrian ships now in Italian
ports, which have become prizes of war, is estimated at $20,000,000.

May 25--American steamer Nebraskan, en route from Liverpool to
Delaware Breakwater, without cargo, is struck by either a torpedo or a
mine forty miles off the south coast of Ireland; the ship is not
seriously damaged and starts for Liverpool at reduced speed; Italy
declares a blockade of the Austrian and Albanian coasts; allied
warships bombard Adalia, Makri, Kakava, and other places along the
coast of Asia Minor, destroying Government buildings and public works;
Austrian ships sink an Italian destroyer near Barletta.

May 27--Captain Greene of the Nebraskan, which arrives at Liverpool,
states that he thinks his ship was hit by a torpedo; the American flag
had been hauled down shortly before she was struck, but the ship's
name and nationality were plainly painted on her sides; British
auxiliary ship Princess Irene is blown to pieces off Sheerness, 321
men being killed; it is presumed that careless handling of explosives
caused the disaster.

May 28--Austrians sink an Italian torpedo boat destroyer, while the
Italians sink an Austrian submarine. Danish steamer Ely is sunk by a
mine off Stockholm, crew being saved.

May 29--Statement from the German Foreign Office is transmitted to
Washington through Ambassador Gerard, urging that American shipping
circles be again warned against traversing the waters around the
British Isles incautiously, and especially that they make their
neutral markings on the vessels very plain, and that they light them
promptly and sufficiently at night: American naval experts find the
facts to indicate that the Nebraskan was torpedoed and not struck by a
mine, so Ambassador Page reports to Washington; British Admiralty puts
stricter rules in force for navigation in the war zone.

May 30--British Legation at Athens issues a notice that, beginning on
June 2, a blockade will be established off the coast of Asia Minor
between the Dardanelles and the Strait of Samos.

May 31--An Admiralty statement shows that since the beginning of the
war 130 British merchant ships and fishing vessels, with a tonnage of
471,000, have been sunk.

June 2--Two Italian torpedo boats sink two Austrian merchant vessels
in the Gulf of Trieste and damage an auxiliary cruiser.

June 4--German transports, torpedo boats, and submarines seek to enter
the Gulf of Riga, but sheer off on perceiving the Russian fleet; three
German transports are sunk by mines.

June 5--A strong German fleet has appeared in the middle Baltic and
has exchanged shots with the Russian fleet near the Gulf of Riga;
Winston Churchill, in a speech at Dundee, declares that the British
Navy is growing at an amazing rate, and is much stronger, both
actually and relatively, than at the beginning of the war; Greek
steamer Virginia is blown up by a floating mine while heading for the
Gulf of Trieste, her crew being killed.

June 6--Italian warships are destroying cables and lighthouses on the
Adriatic; Italian warships bombard the railway between Cattaro and
Ragusa, and shell Monfalcone.

June 11--Turkish cruiser Midullu sinks a Russian torpedo boat
destroyer in the Black Sea.

June 14--British steamship Arndale sinks from striking a mine in the
White Sea.

June 15--Official announcement states that the total loss from all
causes in the British Navy up to May 31 was 13,547 officers and men.


NAVAL RECORD--SUBMARINES.

May 1--The Gulflight, an American oil steamer owned by the Gulf
Refining Company, is torpedoed off the Scilly Islands, but does not
sink, and is towed to an anchorage in Crow Sound, Scilly Islands; the
Captain dies of heart failure, and two men jump overboard and are
drowned; she was flying the American flag; French steamer Europe is
torpedoed by a German submarine, crew being rescued; British steamer
Fulgent is torpedoed by a German submarine; some of the crew are
missing; British steamer Edale is sunk by a German submarine off the
Scilly Islands, crew being saved; Russian steamer Svorono is sunk by a
German submarine off the Blasket Islands, crew being saved; British
trawler Colombia is sunk by a German submarine, seventeen of the crew
being lost.

May 3--In the last forty-eight hours one Swedish steamer and three
Norwegian steamers have been sunk by German submarines; British
steamer Minterne is sunk by a German submarine off the Scilly Islands,
two of crew being killed.

May 4--Ten British trawlers have been sunk by German submarines in the
last forty-eight hours; the submarine which caused the most damage has
an iron cross painted on her conning tower.

May 5--Danish steamer Cathay is sunk by a German submarine in the
North Sea; passengers and crew saved.

May 6--British steamers Candidate and Centurion are sunk off the Irish
coast by German submarines, crews being saved; British schooner Earl
of Latham is sunk by a German submarine; two British trawlers are sunk
by German submarines.

May 8--British steamer Queen Wilhelmina is sunk by a German submarine
in the North Sea, crew being given time to take to the boats.

May 12--British submarine E-14 has penetrated to the Sea of Marmora
and has sunk two Turkish gunboats and five Turkish transports.

May 15--German submarine sinks without warning the Danish steamer
Martha in Aberdeen Bay, Scotland; crew escapes.

May 19--German submarines sink British steamers Drumcree and Dumfries
and British trawler Lucerne; no lives lost.

May 20--French steam trawler is blown to pieces by German submarine
near Dartmouth; thirteen of crew killed; British trawlers Chrysolite
and Crimond are sunk by German submarines; crews saved.

May 21--German submarine, with thirty-nine shots from her gun, sinks
British sailing ship Glenholm off Irish coast; crew saved.

May 22--German submarine sinks Norwegian steamer Minerva; crew saved.

May 23--Repeated reports keep coming from Copenhagen that the German
naval authorities admit the loss of seventeen submarines since the
opening of the war.

May 24--An allied submarine sinks Turkish gunboat Pelenk-i-Deria.

May 25--British battleship Triumph is sunk in the Dardanelles by a
German submarine, going down in seven minutes; 56 men are lost; the
Triumph was built in 1904 and cost $4,750,000.

May 26--A British submarine has sunk a Turkish gunboat in the Sea of
Marmora within sight of Constantinople.

May 27--German submarine torpedoes and sinks British battleship
Majestic off Sedd-el-Bahr; 49 men are lost; Majestic was completed in
1895 and belonged to the oldest type of battleship in commission in
British Navy; British Admiralty announces that submarine E-11 has sunk
a large Turkish munition ship, while she caused a small storeship to
run ashore; also that E-11 entered Constantinople harbor and
discharged a torpedo at a transport alongside the arsenal; British
steamer Cadeby is sunk off the Scilly Islands by gunfire from a German
submarine; crew saved.

May 28--The torpedoing of the American tanker Gulflight is now
established in Germany as having been due to a German submarine, the
report of the submarine's Captain having been received by the German
Admiralty; he reports that when he saw the Gulflight she was being
convoyed by two patrol boats, and he concluded she must be British or
was carrying contraband; British steamer Spennymoor is sunk by a
German submarine off the Orkney Islands, six men being drowned;
British steamer Tullochmoor is shelled and sunk by a German submarine,
crew being saved; British steamer Glenlee is sunk by a German
submarine, crew being saved; Portuguese steamer Cysne is sunk by a
German submarine off Cape Finisterre, crew being saved; German
submarine U-24 sinks British steamer Ethiope in the English Channel;
fifteen of crew are missing.

May 29--British steamer Dixiana is sunk by a German submarine, which
is disguised with sails; crew saved.

May 31--Danish steamer Soborg is sunk by a German submarine in the
English Channel; crew saved.

June 1--British steamer Saidieh, carrying passengers, is torpedoed
without warning in the North Sea by a German submarine and sinks in
fifteen minutes; seven of the crew, including a stewardess, are lost;
Welsh trawler Victoria is sunk by a German submarine, several of the
crew being killed by shell fire.

June 2--British submarine torpedoes a large German transport in the
Sea of Marmora; German submarines sink the Norwegian steamer Cubano
and the Welsh trawler Hiorld, the crews being saved; Danish schooner
Salvador is sunk by a German submarine, crew saved.

June 3--Swedish steamer Lapland is sunk by a German submarine off
Scotland, crew being saved; Danish steamer Cyrus is sunk by a German
submarine off Scotland, crew being saved; British steamer Iona is sunk
by a German submarine, crew being shelled while taking to the boats
and four men being wounded; British fishing steamer Chrysophrasus is
sunk by a German submarine, crew being shelled while taking to the
boats; Portugal is aroused over recent sinking of two Portuguese ships
by German submarines; French steamer Penfeld is sunk by a German
submarine, crew saved.

June 4--British trawler Ebenezer is sunk by shell fire from a German
submarine, crew escaping; British steamer Inkum is sunk by a German
submarine, crew escaping; steam drifter Edna May, trawler Strathbran,
sailing ship George and Mary, steam fishing vessels Cortes, Kathleen,
and Evening Star, steamer Sunnet Head, trawlers Horace and Economy,
all British, have been sunk by German submarines; Russian mine layer
is sunk by a submarine near the Gulf of Riga.

June 5--German submarine U-51 arrives at Constantinople from
Wilhelmshaven, after a voyage of forty-two days, during which she sunk
the British battleships Triumph and Majestic.

June 6--Five more British trawlers have been sunk by German
submarines, all the crews being saved.

June 7--The trawler Arctic, bark Sunlight, steamer Star of the West,
and the trawler Dromio, all British, have been sunk by German
submarines; four of the Arctic's crew were killed by shell fire from
the submarine; Russian schooner Afold has been sunk by a German
submarine.

June 8--German submarines sink Belgian steamer Menapier, Norwegian
steamer Trudvang, Norwegian bark Superb, Norwegian steamer
Glittertind, British trawlers Pentland and Saturn; sixteen die on the
Menapier.

June 9--British sink a German submarine and capture her crew; First
Lord of the Admiralty Balfour states that hereafter submarine crews
will be treated like other prisoners of war; German submarine sinks
British steamer Lady Salisbury; one of the crew is killed and two are
missing; official Austrian statement declares that submarine No. 4
torpedoed and sank a small British cruiser off the Albanian coast;
British statement says the ship is now safe in harbor, not seriously
damaged.

June 10--British torpedo boats Nos. 10 and 12 are sunk off the east
coast of England by a German submarine; twenty-nine seamen are
missing; German submarines sink steamers Strathcarron and Erna Boldt,
and the trawlers Letty, Tunisian, Castor, Nottingham, Velocity,
Cardiff, Qui Vive, and Edward, all British; German submarines sink
Russian bark Thomasina, Russian steamer Dania, and Swedish steamer
Otago, crews being saved.

June 12--German submarines sink British steamer Leuctra and trawlers
James Leyman, Britannia, and Waago, crews being saved.

June 13--German submarine U-35 sinks British bark Crown of India and
Norwegian bark Bellglade off Milford Haven, crews escaping; German
submarine sinks British trawler Plymouth, crew escaping.

June 14--German submarines sink British steamer Hopemount and French
schooner Diamant, crews being saved; German submarine burns the Danish
schooner Cocos Merstal, crew being saved.

June 15--German submarine sinks British trawler Argyll, seven of crew
being drowned; German submarine sinks Norwegian steamer Duranger; crew
saved.


AERIAL RECORD.

May 1--Germans bring down three aeroplanes of the Allies on the
western line.

May 2--German aeroplanes bombard towns in Eastern France; twenty
incendiary bombs are dropped on Epinal.

May 3--Germans state that they have sunk a British submarine in the
North Sea by dropping a bomb on it from an airship; this is denied by
the British Admiralty; a German aeroplane is driven off from Dover by
gunfire.

May 4--Two Austrian aeroplanes throw incendiary bombs near Mamaligia,
in Bessarabia.

May 5--An official French note states that on March 22 French aviators
damaged Briey, Conflans, and Metz; that on April 15 French aviators
destroyed 150 railroad cars at St. Quentin, twenty-four soldiers being
killed; that on April 28 French aviators destroyed a Zeppelin at
Friedrichshaven; two Turkish aeroplanes are brought down by shells
from the allied fleet at the Dardanelles.

May 7--Three Russian aviators drop bombs on Constantinople.

May 9--British airmen bombard the St. André railway junction near
Lille, the canal bridge at Dok, and also Furnes, Herlies, Illies,
Marquelles, and La Bassée.

May 10--Zeppelins drop bombs on Westcliffe-on-Sea and Southend,
seaside resorts in Essex; slight damage.

May 11--French aviator bombards airship hangar at Maubeuge; German
aviator bombards railroad station at Doullens; Germans bring down a
British aviator, and British bring down two German aviators.

May 13--A Zeppelin falls in the Gierlesche woods in Belgium, is badly
damaged, and is dismantled by the crew, being taken away in sections.

May 17--Two Zeppelins drop bombs on Ramsgate, damaging buildings and
wounding three persons; it is reported from Rotterdam that a fight
recently occurred in the region of the Yser between a Zeppelin and
twenty-seven allied aeroplanes, the Zeppelin being sent crashing to
earth with sixty men, while two aeroplanes were wrecked and their
pilots killed by machine gun fire from the Zeppelin; British
aeroplanes drop proclamations on the town of Gallipoli announcing an
approaching bombardment and advising the population to leave.

May 18--London reports that two Zeppelins have been destroyed, one
falling within the allied lines at Dunkirk, and the other falling into
the sea as the result of shell fire from a French torpedo boat
destroyer.

May 20--Squadrons of Austro-German aeroplanes are bombarding Przemysl.

May 21--Turkish aeroplanes are aiding their troops on the Gallipoli
Peninsula; British bring down a German aeroplane near Ypres; Germans
bring down an allied aeroplane at Fresnoy.

May 22--German aviators, in an aeroplane disguised as a French
machine, drop eight bombs on Paris, two persons being slightly
injured; because of the disguise the French air patrol allowed the
German machine to pass.

May 23--German aviator bombards the town of Château Thiery.

May 24--Austrian aeroplanes drop bombs on Venice, Porto Corsini,
Ancona, Gesi, Potenza Picena, the Tremiti Islands, and Barletta; a
German Taube drops bombs in the northern suburbs of Paris; no one
injured.

May 25--Six French aeroplanes drive off two German machines which seek
to raid Paris; French aeroplanes are active along the entire front and
drop 205 projectiles upon German positions.

May 26--A Zeppelin drops fifty bombs on Southend; one woman is killed
and several persons injured; the property damage is slight; this
Zeppelin later is reported as having fallen into the sea near
Heligoland, having been struck by a shell while over England; French
airmen bring down a German aeroplane which attacked the suburbs of
Paris yesterday, the two German aviators being killed; allied airmen
drop nineteen bombs on the aerodrome at Gontrode, southeast of Ghent,
destroying the greater part of the aerodrome, killing forty-four
soldiers, and wounding thirty; Italian aviators bombard railroad
station at Monfalcone.

May 27--Eighteen French aeroplanes, each carrying 110 pounds of
projectiles, bombard an important German manufactory of explosives at
Ludwigshafen, on the Rhine, starting fires in several of the factory
buildings, and killing eleven civilians; fifty German soldiers are
killed at Ostend by a bomb dropped by allied aeroplane; Italian and
Austrian aeroplane squadrons are active in the operations of the
armies, doing much scouting and some bombarding; squadron of Italian
hydro-aeroplanes throws bombs on the Trieste-Nabresina Railroad;
allied aeroplane squadron flies over the Dardanelles and subjects
Turkish position to heavy bombardment.

May 28--Experts estimate that orders amounting to $16,000,000 have
been placed in the United States for aeroplanes for the Allies.

May 29--Austrian aeroplane squadron drops bombs on Venice, causing
several fires; a French and a German aeroplane fight a duel at 9,000
feet near Fismes, the French machine, by its gunfire, shooting down
the German from a height of 6,000 feet.

May 30--A Zeppelin drops bombs on Helsingfors, destroying cotton sheds
and setting fire to a passenger ship; British bring down a German
aeroplane near Courtrai; Turkish aviators drop bombs on the allied
trenches at Sedd-el-Bahr.

May 31--Zeppelins drop ninety incendiary bombs on London in a night
raid; four civilians are killed and several others wounded; numerous
fires are started, but none prove serious; Berlin announces that the
attack is a reprisal for the aerial attack on Ludwigshafen; Italian
dirigible makes a raid on the Austrian naval base of Pola, damaging
the railroad station and arsenal.

June 2--Germans shoot down a British aeroplane at Bixschoote.

June 3--Twenty-nine French aeroplanes aim 178 shells and several
thousand darts at the headquarters of the German Crown Prince, killing
several soldiers.

June 4--Zeppelins drop bombs on the east and southeast coasts of
England; little damage is done and casualties are few.

June 5--A Taube drops bombs on Calais, killing one person and doing
slight property damage.

June 6--Ten Zeppelins of a new type are reported from Copenhagen to
have been completed, these machines having greater speed than the old
ships; they are stated to be fitted with appliances for dropping
poisonous gas bombs; German aeroplanes drop bombs on Calais and on the
aviation grounds at Lunéville; a Zeppelin drops bombs on the east
coast of England, five persons being killed and forty injured.

June 7--Sub-Lieutenant Warneford of the British Flying Corps fights a
duel with a Zeppelin at a height of 6,000 feet; with incendiary bombs
he explodes the airship, which falls near Ghent, the twenty-eight men
on board being killed; Warneford returns safely to the British lines;
Italian dirigible bombards Pola.

June 8--King George sends a warmly congratulatory telegram to
Sub-Lieutenant Warneford and confers upon him the Victoria Cross;
Austrian aeroplane bombards Venice; Austrian aeroplane destroys an
Italian airship.

June 12--Austrian aeroplanes drop bombs on the breakwater of Bari, on
Polignano, where a woman is killed, and on Monopoli.

June 13--Italian airship seriously damages the arsenal at the naval
station of Pola.

June 15--Twenty-three allied aeroplanes bombard the town of Karlsruhe,
killing eleven and injuring six civilians.


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

May 23--Emperor Francis Joseph, in a manifesto to his troops,
denounces Italy, and declares that his former ally's perfidy has no
parallel in history.

May 25--The Foreign Ministry publishes documents presenting Austria's
side of the controversy with Italy; it is contended that Italy, from
the beginning, sought to evade her obligations by artificial
interpretation of the Triple Alliance treaty.


BELGIUM.

May 24--The German Government has published a "White Book" charging
Belgian civilians with many forms of attacks on German troops; German
measures at Louvain and elsewhere are declared to have been only for
the purpose of stopping these attacks.

June 6--Belgian Legation at Washington gives out a statement answering
the German White Book recently issued at Berlin making accusations
against the Belgian civilian population; reply denounces allegations
of franc-tireur warfare as false and unsupported; Belgian Government,
instead of encouraging civilian resistance, warned the population
against it.


CANADA.

May 3--Official statement places Canadian casualties in the battle of
Langemarck, as the recent fighting near Ypres is now officially
termed, at 6,000 killed, wounded, and missing; total Canadian
casualties in the entire war to date are 6,584.

May 17--Canadian losses since the battle of Langemarck total 4,792,
made up of 680 killed, 3,208 wounded, and 904 missing.

June 10--Nine camps have been opened, at intervals from Nova Scotia to
British Columbia, for training troops; plans provide for training
100,000 recruits this Summer.

June 11--Every battalion of the second Canadian division is now in
France.


FRANCE.

May 10--General Gouraud, it is announced, will relieve General d'Amade
in command of the expeditionary force to the Orient; General d'Amade
has been summoned back to France for a Governmental mission.

May 19--The Minister of Finance introduces a bill in the Chamber of
Deputies providing for a $220,000,000 appropriation for the first six
months of 1915 in addition to the $1,700,000,000 which has been
already voted.

May 22--Captain Thery, a prominent economist, estimates that the cost
of the first year of the war, including the expenses of all
combatants, will be about $2,000,000 an hour.

May 29--A great demonstration is held in the Sorbonne amphitheatre,
attended by the President, and the notables of political and artistic
France, to express the appreciation of the French people for the
sympathy and help of Americans during the war.


GERMANY.

May 2--The last of the Landsturm is called to the colors.

May 4--Lübeck, on the Baltic Sea, formerly a port of relatively small
importance, has become a great port, and dozens of ships are there
discharging vast quantities of foodstuffs and other supplies;
twenty-three Socialist members of the Reichstag opposed the voting of
the full war credit last asked by the Government, according to a
report from Berlin.

May 7--The Germans state that they and the Austrians now hold 46,000
square miles of Russian territory, containing a population of more
than 5,000,000.

May 12--Typhus has appeared in some of the German prison camps.

May 14--Lieutenant von Muecke and fifty men of the Emden's crew, who
escaped when that cruiser was sunk in November, have arrived at
Damascus, after six months of adventurous wanderings.

May 18--The London Chronicle, on the basis of statistics which it has
received, estimates the total German losses in the war to be
2,050,000.

May 24--Germany asks Switzerland to take over German diplomatic
affairs in Rome; this action is regarded in Washington as a slap at
the United States.

May 26--Prince von Bülow, recently Ambassador to Italy, arrives in
Berlin; Germany and Italy are still theoretically allies, war not
having been declared between them.

May 28--Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, speaking in the Reichstag,
declares that the Teutonic allies are waging war in "holy anger" and
will fight until they have made it certain that no enemy "will dare
again a trial of arms"; he makes a scathing attack on Italy, and says
that "her violation of good faith" is written in "letters of blood."

May 30--Americans are leaving Germany by the score, declaring the hate
for Americans is so intense as to make life unbearable.

June 2--Officers and men on furlough in Berlin are forbidden to visit
cafés and restaurants.

June 4--Prussian losses alone have reached a total of 1,388,000.

June 5--There are now 900,000 prisoners of war held in Germany, in 247
prison camps.

June 7--An extensive exodus of Americans from Germany is in progress,
many going to Italy; refugees declare the Germans now hate Americans
as bitterly as they do the British.

June 14--Germany discontinues her exceptional treatment of 39 British
officers, put into effect as reprisal for England's exceptional
treatment of German submarine crews, now ended.


GREAT BRITAIN.

May 2--Lord Kitchener is becoming the storm centre of the Cabinet
upheaval; attacks on him by the Northcliffe newspapers are resented by
other newspapers and by many of the public; a "White Paper,"
containing reports from firms and officers throughout the country,
shows that drink is having a serious effect on repairs to warships and
transports and on the output of munitions.

May 4--Since the beginning of the war the British Army has had 2,246
officers killed, 4,177 wounded and 762 missing; Chancellor Lloyd
George, in a budget speech in Parliament, places the expenditure for
the next six months at $10,500,000 a day.

May 7--Government abandons the plan to place extra taxes on spirits
and instead substitutes a complete prohibition of the sale of spirits
less than three years old.

May 12--The Committee on Alleged German Atrocities, headed by Viscount
Bryce, appointed by Premier Asquith, makes public its report, which
contains an account of hundreds of cases investigated; the report
finds that there were in many parts of Belgium "systematically
organized massacres of the civil population"; that in the general
conduct of the war innocent civilians, men and women "were murdered in
large number, women violated, and children murdered"; that "looting,
house burning, and the wanton destruction of property were ordered" by
German officers; that "the rules and usages of war were frequently
broken," civilians, including women and children, being used as a
shield for troops, and that the Red Cross and white flag were
frequently abused.

May 13--Premier Asquith announces in the house of Commons the new
policy of the Government with reference to alien enemies now resident
in Great Britain; those of military age will be interned, while those
not of military age, and women and children will be deported; King
George orders the names of the German and Austrian Emperors, and of
five German Kings and Princes stricken from the rolls of the Order of
the Garter.

May 18--Premier Asquith is forming a "National Cabinet," or coalition
government, in which some of the Cabinet posts at present occupied by
Liberals will go to Unionist and Labor Party leaders; the crisis is
the result of the resignation of Lord Fisher as First Sea Lord of the
Admiralty, due to differences between him and Winston Churchill, First
Lord of the Admiralty; Churchill has been much criticised,
particularly for the fiasco at Antwerp and the policy pursued in the
Dardanelles, while the loss of the Lusitania has further stirred his
opponents.

May 19--The Northcliffe newspapers state that there has been
difficulty over high explosives for the army, those in charge at the
War Office not having awakened in time to the need for such explosives
in large quantities; these papers criticise Lord Kitchener's conduct
of the War Office; racing will be stopped after this week for the
duration of the war, except at Newmarket.

May 25--The make-up of the new coalition Cabinet is announced; it is
headed by Mr. Asquith and contains twelve Liberals, eight Unionists,
one Laborite, and one non-partisan, Lord Kitchener; Arthur J. Balfour
becomes First Lord of the Admiralty; John Redmond refuses a place in
the Cabinet; Liberal newspapers criticise the entry into the Cabinet
of Sir Edward Carson, who becomes Attorney General.

May 27--Admiral Sir Henry Jackson is appointed First Sea Lord of the
Admiralty in the place of Admiral Lord Fisher.

June 3--Premier Asquith ends a visit of four days at the British
front, during which he consulted with Field Marshal French and General
Joffre; Minister of Munitions Lloyd George, in a speech at Manchester,
declares that England must have more munitions and that the fate of
the nation rests on the workshops.

June 8--House of Commons passes the Munitions bill on third reading;
the measure establishes a new department to handle munitions.

June 9--Premier Asquith announces in the House of Commons that the
total British casualties up to May 31 were 50,342 killed, 153,980
wounded, and 53,747 missing.

June 15--House of Commons votes a war credit of $1,250,000,000, making
a total of $4,310,000,000 thus far voted; Asquith says expenditure
will be not less than $15,000,000 a day.


GREECE.

June 15--Returns of the general election show that the party of former
Premier Venizelos, who has been in favor of entering the war on the
side of the Allies, has a considerable majority in Parliament.


HOLLAND.

May 19--A bill is being prepared providing for universal compulsory
military service; the measure will increase the army approximately to
1,000,000 men.


ITALY.

May 10--Italy calls to the colors all classes of reserves back to the
class of 1876; an Italian army of 600,000 is concentrated at Verona.

May 12--Government receives what is believed to be the final proposal
of Austria for territorial concessions; ex-Premier Giolitti, one of
the most influential men in Italy, is against war; war demonstrations
are being held all over Italy.

May 14--The Cabinet tenders its resignation to the King because of the
strength of the anti-war party, led by former Premier Giolitti; the
entire country is in a turmoil, there being much indignation over the
fall of the Cabinet.

May 15--Signor Marcora having refused to form a Cabinet, and a similar
refusal having been made by Paolo Carcano, the King asks Salandra to
resume the Premiership; Salandra consents; the people and press are
furious with Giolitti; the country is on the verge of revolt; troops
save the Austrian Embassy from attack.

May 16--There is general rejoicing throughout the country over the
retention of office by Salandra; it is reported that Italy now has
1,700,000 men mobilized and equipped.

May 19--Italy issues a Green Book, tracing the course of events
between Italy and Austria, from the Italian standpoint, during recent
months; Italy holds that Austria has violated Article VII. of the
Triple Alliance, which bound Austria to refrain from occupation of
Balkan territory without agreement with Italy and due compensation; in
the invasion of Serbia and occupation of her cities, Italy claims that
Austria has broken faith, and the negotiations between the two
countries have been concerned chiefly with compensation, Austria not
meeting Italian demands.

May 20--Chamber of Deputies, amid wild enthusiasm, adopts, by a vote
of 407 to 74, a bill conferring full power upon the Government to make
war; Premier Salandra denounces Austria in a speech which is
tremendously acclaimed; he says she broke her alliance, and was false
to the treaty in its substance, form and spirit; he declares that
Italy has long been for peace and strove to find a compromise which
would restore agreement's reason for being.

May 21--By a vote of 262 to 2 the Senate passes the bill granting
plenary powers to the Government; there is great enthusiasm in the
Chamber; Italian and Austrian troops continue to mass at the border;
all Italy is aflame with enthusiasm.

May 22--General mobilization of the army and navy is ordered; martial
law is proclaimed, beginning May 23, in Northeastern Italy; the King
signs the bill giving full power to the Salandra Ministry in the
present emergency and for "the duration of the war."

May 23--Duke of Avarna, Italian Ambassador at Austria, presents to
Baron von Burian, Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, a declaration of
war by Italy, dated May 23, but not to take effect until tomorrow; the
declaration states that the treaty of alliance between Italy and
Austria has been violated by Austria; estimates put the total Italian
war strength at 3,300,000 when all reservists are called.

May 24--Italy has given her adhesion to the agreement, already signed
by the allied powers, not to conclude a separate peace.

May 25--Italy sends a note to the United States Government explaining
her break with Austria; Italy states that she was forced into
hostilities, cites a long list of grievances, and declares that,
despite warnings, the ultimatum was sent to Serbia without
notification to Rome; this ultimatum, so sent, declares Italy,
violated Article I. of the Triple Alliance treaty, which provided that
none of the contracting parties had the right to undertake, without a
previous agreement, any step whose consequences might impose a duty
upon the other signatories arising out of the alliance, or which would
in any way encroach upon their vital interests; Italy further states
that the Triple Alliance was essentially defensive; similar notes are
sent by Italy to all important neutral countries.

May 28--The Pope declines an invitation from Spain to make his
headquarters at the Palace of the Escurial.

June 13--Official journal publishes decree for seizing merchant ships
of Italy's enemies in the ports of the kingdom and colonies.


RUMANIA.

June 1--Rumania has 1,000,000 fully equipped men ready for battle
against Austria on a 600-mile front; a note to Austria containing
Rumania's demands is now before the Austrian Government.

June 6--A great demonstration is held in Bucharest in favor of
Rumania's joining the war with the Allies; speakers eulogize Italy for
entering the war.


RUSSIA.

May 10--Figures made public in Petrograd show that the total number of
prisoners taken by Russian armies and interned in Russia up to April 1
was 10,734 officers and 605,378 men; in addition, the statement says
that large numbers of Galician prisoners have been given their liberty
and sent home.


SAN MARINO.

June 3--The Republic of San Marino officially approves of the Italian
attitude toward Austria and declares war.


SERBIA.

May 24--The Serbian Army has been reorganized; Great Britain and
France have supplied it abundantly with artillery and ammunition.


SWEDEN.

June 6--Stockholm reports that a treaty has been ratified between
Sweden and Russia, mutually acknowledging the financial, commercial,
and industrial interests of the respective countries.


TURKEY.

May 23--A joint official statement issued by Great Britain, France,
and Russia states that for the past month Kurds and the Turkish
population of Armenia have been massacring Armenians, with "the
connivance and help of the Ottoman authorities"; that the inhabitants
of 100 villages near Van were all assassinated; that massacres have
taken place at Erzerum, Dertshau, Moush, Zeitun, and in all Cilicia;
that the allied Governments announce publicly to the Sublime Porte
that "they will hold all members of the Government, as well as such of
their agents as are implicated, personally responsible for such
massacres."

June 6--The Krupps have established a large ammunition factory near
Constantinople.


UNITED STATES.

May 3--Government is obtaining official reports on the sinking of the
Gulflight from Ambassadors Page and Gerard.

May 5--State Department makes public the text of its reply to the
German note in the William P. Frye case, which was forwarded on April
28; the reply declines the suggestion that a German prize court pass
on the legality of the destruction and amount of indemnity; it
suggests that the German Embassy at Washington be authorized to deal
with the matter; it states that unquestionably the destruction of the
vessel was a violation of old treaties between the United States and
Prussia.

May 6--The State Department has replied to the German complaint that
the German steamer Odenwald was "attacked" when she attempted to leave
San Juan, Porto Rico, without clearance papers; text not made public.

May 19--American tank steamer Cushing arrives in Philadelphia, and
Captain Herland tells the details of the attack made by a German
aeroplane on April 28, while the ship was in the North Sea; he states
that the aviator manoeuvred to drop a bomb into the funnel, from a
height of 300 feet, but the three bombs thrown missed the ship; he
says the attack took place at 7 P.M., but there was ample light for
the aviator to see the ship's name in eight-foot letters, and the
American flags at the masthead and the taffrail; Secretary Bryan has
cabled to Ambassador Gerard, asking whether the action of the German
Government in placing the William P. Frye case in a prize court is the
reply to the American note stating that the United States did not
regard prize court proceedings with favor.

May 21--Recent orders from the British Government bring up to
$100,000,000 the total contracts for munitions of war given to the
Bethlehem Steel Company since hostilities began.

May 22--The French Line has chartered thirty-seven freight steamships
to aid in transporting the huge quantities of munitions of war waiting
shipment from the United States to the allied countries.

May 24--Italy asks the United States to take over Italian diplomatic
affairs at Vienna, and the United States consents; Germany, through
Ambassador Gerard, explains that her action of sending the William P.
Frye case to a prize court is not intended as an answer to the
American note on the matter, but is a necessary procedure under German
law.

May 25--United States issues a proclamation of neutrality, under date
of May 24, covering the entry of Italy into the war.

May 29--Federal Court at Milwaukee dismisses the action brought by
General Samuel Pearson, former Boer commander, in which he sought to
restrain the Allis-Chalmers Company and others from manufacturing
shrapnel shells, which, it was alleged, were being shipped to the
Allies; the court holds that the relief sought by the plaintiff is
political rather than legal.

June 2--The Allies have assured the State Department that Dr. Dernburg
will be given safe conduct if he wishes to return to Germany.

June 4--Germany in a note expresses regret for the torpedoing of the
Gulflight, which is stated to have been due to a mistake, and offers
to pay for the damage.

June 5--German war bonds are being sold in this country, and
German-Americans are buying them readily.

June 8--There are persistent rumors that German interests are trying
to buy American ammunition factories so as to stop shipments to the
Allies.

June 10--In a new note on the William P. Frye case Germany insists
that the case go before a prize court, and puts forth the contention
that she has the right to destroy any American ship carrying
contraband, the contention being based on the American-Prussian Treaty
of 1799.

June 12--Dr. Dernburg sails for Bergen on the Norwegian America liner
Bergensfjord.


RELIEF.

May 15--A national Polish relief association is being organized in the
United States; Paderewski, now in New York in the interests of
relief, estimates the losses of his compatriots by the war at
$2,500,000,000; he says that an area has been laid waste equal in size
to New York and Pennsylvania; that 7,500 villages have been completely
ruined; that thousands of persons are hiding in the woods and feeding
on roots.

May 16--The American Commission for Relief in Belgium has now got a
financial system working in Belgium by which the great bulk of food
needed is being supplied indirectly by the Belgians themselves through
their own energies and resources; 75 per cent. of the Belgian people
are being supplied with food through the arrangements made by the
commission, without recourse to charity.

May 20--England has asked American surgeons to man her newest and
largest field hospital; as a result, the medical schools of Harvard,
Columbia, and Johns Hopkins will send thirty-two surgeons and
physicians and seventy-five nurses; the universities will bear the
expenses of the corps.

May 21--Carleton Gibson of the Commission for relief of Poland sends a
report to New York stating that in that part of Russian Poland within
the Austro-German lines conditions are much worse than in the worst
parts of Belgium and France, and that the population is now actually
starving.

May 22--The Commission for Relief in Belgium states that about
1,500,000 persons are now destitute in Belgium through unemployment;
the monthly food requirements of the Belgians involve an expenditure
of between $7,000,000 and $8,000,000.




To the Captain of the U----.

By HARRY VARLEY.


     You have drunk your toast to "the Day" that came;
       The Cross is won, for you did not fail.
     Do you thrill with joy at your deathless fame?
       Your hand is trembling, your lips are pale!
     Ah! you drink again--but the wine is spilled,
       A crimson stain on the snowy white.
     Is it wine--or blood of the children killed?
       Captain! what of the night?

     When the black night comes and the Day is done,
       You sleep, and dream of the things that float
     In a misty sea where a blood-red sun
       Lights up the dead in a drifting boat.
     Will you see a face in the waves that swell--
       A baby's face that is cold and white?
     Will your sleep be sweet or a glimpse of Hell?
       Captain! what of the night?

     Will you see the stare of the small blue eyes,
       The tiny fingers of whitest wax
     That will point at you, or the wound that lies,
       A clot of red in her fairy flax?
     Will the beads that burst on your brows be hot
       As mothers' tears that are newly shed?
     Will each sear and burn like a blazing dot
       That eats its way through your tortured head?

     Will you see the ship as it onward sped--
       The Thing that flew at your fatal word?
     Will the dripping ghosts be around your bed--
       The screams of the dying still be heard?
     When the Big Night calls--and you must obey--
       Will _your_ soul shrink in its awful fright?
     You have lived your life, you have had your Day,
       But, Captain! what of the night?