THE LIFE OF

THOMAS, LORD COCHRANE,

TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD, G.C.B., ADMIRAL OF THE RED,
REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET, ETC., ETC.,

COMPLETING "THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A SEAMAN."

BY

THOMAS, ELEVENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD,

AND

H. R. FOX BOURNE,

AUTHOR OF "ENGLISH SEAMEN UNDER THE TUDORS," ETC. ETC.

_IN TWO VOLUMES._

VOL. II.


LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,
Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.
1869.




CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.


                                                                   PAGE

CHAPTER XVII.

[1827.]

Lord Cochrane's Arrival in Greece.--His Account of Hydra and
Poros.--The Congratulations offered to him.--Visits from Tombazes,
Mavrocordatos, and Miaoulis.--Letters from the National Assembly and
other Public Bodies and Leading Men.--The Divisions in Greece.--The
French or Moreot, and English or Phanariot Factions.--Lord Cochrane's
Relations with them.--The Visit of Kolokotrones and other Deputies
from the National Assembly.--Lord Cochrane's Efforts to procure
Unanimity.--Sir Richard Church.--Lord Cochrane's Commission as First
Admiral.--The National Assembly at Troezene.--The Election of
Capodistrias as President--Lord Cochrane's Oath-taking.--His Advice to
the National Assembly and Proclamation to the Greeks                  1


CHAPTER XVIII.

[1827.]

The Siege of Athens--The Defenders of the Acropolis.--The Efforts of
Gordon and KaraÔskakes.--Lord Cochrane's Plan for Cutting off the
Turkish Supplies.--The Arguments by which he was induced to proceed
instead to the Phalerum.--His Arrival there.--His other Arrangements
for Serving Greece.--His First Meeting with KaraÔskakes.--The
Condition of the Greek Camp.--Lord Cochrane's Position.--His Efforts
to give Immediate Relief to the Acropolis, and the Obstacles raised by
the Greeks.--KaraÔskakes's Delays, and General Church's
Difficulties.--The Convent of Saint Spiridion.--The Battle of
Phalerum.--The Capture of Saint Spiridion.--The Massacre of the Turks,
and its Consequences.--Lord Cochrane's renewed Efforts to Save the
Acropolis.--The Death of KaraÔskakes.--The March to the
Acropolis.--Its Failure through the Perversity of the Greeks.--The
Battle of Athens.--The Fall of the Acropolis                         31


CHAPTER XIX.

[1827.]

Lord Cochrane's Return to Poros.--His Attempts to Organise an
Efficient Greek Navy.--The Want of Funds and the Apathy of the
Greeks.--His Letter to the Psarians, and his Visits to Hydra and
Spetzas.--His Cruise Round the Morea.--His First Engagement with the
Turks.--The Disorganization of his Greek Sailors.--His Capture of a
Vessel bearing the British Flag, laden with Greek Prisoners.--Seizure
of Part of Reshid Pasha's Harem.--Ibrahim Pasha's Narrow Escape.--Lord
Cochrane's Further Difficulties.--His Expedition to Alexandria.--Its
Failure through the Cowardice of his Seamen.--His two Letters to the
Pasha of Egypt.--His Return to Poros.--Further Efforts to Improve the
Navy.--His Visit to Syra.--The Troubles of the Greek Government.--Lord
Cochrane's Visit to Navarino.--His Defeat of a Turkish Squadron      77


CHAPTER XX.

[1827.]

The Action of Great Britain and Russia on Behalf of Hellenic
Independence.--The Degradation of Greece.--Lord Cochrane's Renewed
Efforts to Organise a Fleet.--Prince Paul Buonaparte, and his
Death.--An Attempt to Assassinate Lord Cochrane.--His Intended
Expedition to Western Greece.--Its Prevention by Sir Edward
Codrington.--Lord Cochrane's Return to the Archipelago.--The
Interference of Great Britain, France, and Russia.--The Causes of the
Battle of Navarino.--The Battle                                     114


CHAPTER XXI.

[1827-1828.]

The First Consequences of the Interference of the Allied Powers and
the Battle of Navarino.--Lord Cochrane's intended Share in Fabvier's
Expedition to Chios.--Its Abandonment.--His Cruise among the Islands
and about Navarino.--His Efforts to Repress Piracy.--His Return to the
Archipelago.--The Misconduct of the Government.--Lord Cochrane's
Complaints.--His Letters to the Representatives of the Allied Powers,
acquitting Himself of Complicity in Greek Piracy.--His Further
Complaints to the Government.--His Resolution to Visit England.--His
Letter to Count Capodistrias Explaining and Justifying that
Resolution.--His Departure from Greece, and Arrival at
Portsmouth.--His Letter to M. Eynard                                134


CHAPTER XXII.

[1828-1829.]

Lord Cochrane's Occupations on Behalf of Greece in London and
Paris.--His Second Letter to Capodistrias.--His Defence of Himself
with Reference to his Visit to Western Europe.--His Return to
Greece.--Capodistrias's Presidency and the Progress of Greece.--Lord
Cochrane's Reception by the Government.--The Settlement of his
Accounts.--His Letter of Resignation.--The Final Indignities to which
he was Subjected.--The Correspondence thereupon between Admiral Heyden
and Dr. Gosse.--Lord Cochrane's Departure from Greece.--His Opinions
Regarding her.--The Character and Issues of His Services to the Greeks
                                                                    162


CHAPTER XXIII.

[1828-1832.]

A Recapitulation of Lord Cochrane's Naval Services.--His Efforts to
obtain Restitution of the Rank taken from him after the Stock Exchange
Trial.--His Petition to the Duke of Clarence.--Its Rejection by the
Duke of Wellington's Cabinet.--Lord Cochrane's Occupations after the
close of his Greek Service.--His Return to England.--His Memorial to
William IV.--Its Tardy Consideration by Earl Grey's Cabinet.--Its
Promoters and Opponents.--Lord Cochrane's Accession to the Peerage as
Tenth Earl of Dundonald.--His Interview with the King.--The Countess
of Dundonald's Efforts in Aid of her Husband's Memorial.--Their
Ultimate Success.--The Earl of Dundonald's "Free Pardon," and
Restoration to Naval Rank                                           197


CHAPTER XXIV.

[1833-1847.]

The Inventions and Discoveries of Lord Dundonald's Father.--His own
Mechanical Contrivances.--His Lamps.--His Rotary Steam-Engine, his
Screw-Propeller, his Condensing-Boiler, and his Lines of
Ship-building.--Their Tardy Development.--His Correspondence upon
Steam-Shipping with Sir James Graham, the Earl of Minto, the Earl of
Haddington, and the Earl of Auckland.--The Progress of his
Inventions.--The _Janus_.--The Beneficial Results of his Experiments
                                                                    221


CHAPTER XXV.

[1833-1848.]

Lord Dundonald's Secret War-Plans.--His Correspondence concerning them
with Lord Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Haddington, and Lord
Auckland.--His Letter to the "Times."--The Report of a Committee,
consisting of Sir Thomas Hastings, Sir John Burgoyne, and Lieut.-Col.
Colquhoun, upon the Secret War-Plans.--A French Project for Naval
Warfare with England.--Lord Dundonald's Opinions Thereupon.--His Views
on the Defence of England                                           246


CHAPTER XXVI.

[1839-1848.]

The Earl of Dundonald's Request for the Restoration of the Order of
the Bath.--His Good Service Pension.--The Investigation of his Secret
War-Plans.--His Pamphlet on Naval Affairs,--His Installation as a
G.C.B.--His Candidature for Election as a Scotch Representative
Peer.--The Queen's Permission to his Wearing the Brazilian Order of
the "Cruziero."--His Appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the North
American and West Indian Station                                    273


CHAPTER XXVII.

[1848.]

Lord Dundonald's Departure for North America.--Extracts from the
Correspondence of Lord Auckland and others Respecting West Indian
Affairs and European Politics.--Bermuda.--The French Revolution of
1848 and its Issues.--Ireland and the Chartists.--The Death of Lord
Auckland                                                            294


CHAPTER XXVIII.

[1848-1850.]

Lord Dundonald's Visit to the North American and West Indian Colonies,
and his Opinions thereon.--Newfoundland and its
Fisheries.--Labrador.--Bermuda; its Defences and its Geological
Formation.--Barbadoes.--The Negroes.--Trinidad.--Its Pitch Lake.--The
Depressed Condition of the West Indian Colonies.--Lord Dundonald's
Suggestions for their Improvement                                   307


CHAPTER XXIX.

[1851-1853.]

Lord Dundonald's Return from America.--His Arguments for the Relief of
the Newfoundland Fisheries and the West India Trade.--The Trinidad
Bitumen.--Lord Dundonald's other Scientific Pursuits and Views
                                                                    328


CHAPTER XXX.

[1851-1860.]

The Russian War.--Lord Dundonald's Proposals to Employ his Secret
Plans against Cronstadt, Sebastopol, and other Strongholds.--His
Correspondence thereupon with Sir James Graham and Lord
Palmerston.--Their Rejection.--Lord Dundonald's Appointment as
Rear-Admiral of the United Kingdom.--Prince Albert's Invitation to him
to become an Elder Brother of the Trinity House.--His Correspondence
with Lord Palmerston respecting the Restitution of his Half-Pay.--His
Last Work.--His Death and Burial.--Conclusion                       337

       *       *       *       *       *

APPENDIX.

(Page 161.)--Captain Frank Abney Hastings's Letters to Lord Cochrane
(1827)                                                              370




THE LIFE

OF

THOMAS, TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD.




CHAPTER XVII.

LORD COCHRANE'S ARRIVAL IN GREECE.--HIS ACCOUNT OF HYDRA AND
POROS.--THE CONGRATULATIONS OFFERED TO HIM.--VISITS FROM TOMBAZES,
MAVROCORDATOS, AND MIAOULIS.--LETTERS FROM THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND
OTHER PUBLIC BODIES AND LEADING MEN.--THE DIVISIONS IN GREECE.--THE
FRENCH OR MOREOT, AND ENGLISH OR PHANARIOT FACTIONS.--LORD COCHRANE'S
RELATIONS WITH THEM.--THE VISIT OF KOLOKOTRONES AND OTHER DEPUTIES
FROM THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.--LORD COCHRANE'S EFFORTS TO PROCURE
UNANIMITY.--SIR RICHARD CHURCH.--LORD COCHRANE'S COMMISSION AS FIRST
ADMIRAL.--THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AT TROEZENE.--THE EJECTION OF
CAPODISTRIAS AS PRESIDENT.--LORD COCHRANE'S OATH-TAKING.--HIS ADVICE
TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND PROCLAMATION TO THE GREEKS.

[1827.]


Lord Cochrane entered the Egean Sea with his little schooner _Unicorn_
and the French brig _Sauveur_ on the 17th of March, 1827. In the
afternoon he halted off the island of Hydra, there to leave the Greek
deputy Orlando, who had accompanied him from Marseilles. "I was
surprised," he said, "to observe that, except the open batteries near
the town of Hydra, the whole coast of the island remained unprotected,
although, in a smooth sea, a landing might be effected in almost every
part of its circumference. The town of Hydra is built in an irregular
manner on the fall of the mountain about the port, and presents a
clean appearance, the houses being all whitewashed. There is not a
tree on the island, though there are a few straggling bushes. There is
scarcely any land capable of cultivation; but there are some vineyards
on the south side and a few small gardens near the town. The port is
small, the water deep, and the vessels made fast by hawsers to the
shore. It is evident, that, if Greece obtains independence, this
island, to which the inhabitants fled to enjoy that species of
precarious liberty that depends on eluding the view of tyranny, must
be abandoned. Even water is only to be had from tanks which are filled
by the winter's rain."

From Hydra Lord Cochrane proceeded to Egina, making a circuit in order
that he might have a view of Athens. "The Acropolis," he wrote, "with
the whole scenery at sunset, was beautiful. Alas, what a change! what
melancholy recollections crowd on the mind! There was the seat of
science, of literature, and the arts. At this instant the barbarian
Turk is actually demolishing, by the shells that now are flying
through the air, the scanty remains of the once magnificent temples in
the Acropolis."

He called at Egina on the 18th, in order to despatch letters,
announcing his arrival, to the Governing Commission, as it was called,
then located in the island, before proceeding to Poros, where he
anchored on the morning of the 19th. "The main entrance," we further
read in his journal, "is scarcely wide enough to work a ship in, if
the wind is from the land. The water, however, is sufficiently deep
close to the shore; and the port, when you have entered through this
narrow channel, is one of the finest in the world. There is another
entrance towards the south, but it is shallow and crooked, and
consequently used only by small vessels. The town of Poros consists of
a number of irregularly-built houses on the side of a hill, and merits
the appellation of picturesque. There are remains of temples on the
island, and the stone is yet to be seen on which Demosthenes is said
to have been sitting when he was recalled by Antipater to Athens, and
in consequence of which recall he took poison and died."

No sooner was the joyful intelligence conveyed to the inhabitants that
Lord Cochrane, the long-expected deliverer of Greece, had actually
arrived, than all the leading men who happened to be in Poros at the
time hurried on board the _Unicorn_ to welcome their champion and to
give personal assurance of their devotion to him. The first to arrive
was Jakomaki Tombazes, who was now acting with Dr. Gosse as
superintendent of marine affairs, having surrendered the chief command
of the fleet into the hands of Andreas Miaoulis. Miaoulis himself soon
followed, and with him Alexander Mavrocordatos and many others.
"Prince Mavrocordatos," wrote Lord Cochrane's secretary, Mr. George
Cochrane, "was a short, stout, well-built man, of very dark
complexion, with black eyes, an oval face expressing great
intelligence, and his hair very long, hanging upon his shoulders. He
was dressed in the European style, and wore on his head a little cloth
cap. He also habitually wore spectacles. His manners indicated a man
perfectly accustomed to the society of persons of rank. He immediately
entered into familiar conversation with Lord Cochrane in the French
language. He carried his pipe with him, which he continually smoked.
Miaoulis was dressed in the Hydriot fashion; but, of course, as became
a primate of the island, his attire was of a description much superior
to that of his poorer fellow-countrymen.[1] His countenance was open
and dignified, and so calm that it appeared like a rock which nothing
could move. Not that it had any character of sternness in it; on the
contrary, it possessed a placidity, blended with firmness, which was
anything but forbidding. The moment Miaoulis came on deck, he
cordially shook hands with Lord Cochrane, and a broken conversation
commenced between them in Spanish, Miaoulis speaking that language but
imperfectly. At the period in question he commanded the _Hellas_
frigate. He knew perfectly well that Lord Cochrane's arrival would
take the command out of his hands. Nevertheless, he evinced not the
least jealousy, but was one of the first to offer his services under
Lord Cochrane. 'I know my countrymen,' he said, 'and that I can be of
service to your lordship on board the frigate. I will therefore sail
under your command.' Such an offer was not to be refused, and he was
requested to remain on board. Miaoulis informed Lord Cochrane that the
hope of Greece rested in the _Hellas_, and in the quondam merchant
brigs belonging to private individuals in the islands of Hydra,
Spetzas, Poros, and Egina, amounting to about two hundred and fifty.
These vessels had been armed as men-of-war; some had been turned into
fireships, and it was the latter that struck so much terror into the
Turks, several Turkish vessels of the line and frigates having been
destroyed under the guidance of the brave Kanaris, a native of the
ill-fated island of Psara."

  [1] "These men," says the same authority, "generally speaking, from
  their complexions, evinced that they had been mariners all their
  lives, the sun having well tanned them. They wore small red caps, from
  which their hair flowed wildly down their shoulders. On the upper lip
  they wore very long mustachios, which the older ones were continually
  curling, and bringing out the point. They wore trousers of blue
  cotton, and a jacket; and by the immense capacity of the former, I
  should suppose they must have contained at least twelve yards. This
  was gathered into plaits round the waist, and only descended to the
  knees, which were left open. The hinder part presented a most singular
  appearance. It hung down almost trailing upon the ground in a huge
  bag, which kept moving backwards and forwards in a ludicrous manner at
  every motion of the body. They wore shoes, but no stockings; and their
  legs were as dark as their countenances, and covered with hair. Round
  their waist they wore a large red sash in several folds. Their jacket
  was similar to a waistcoat, with sleeves, and ornamented with small
  buttons from the wrist to the elbow, and the same on the
  bosom."--"Wanderings in Greece."

The compliments and congratulations offered in person to Lord Cochrane
immediately after his anchoring off Poros were followed by compliments
and congratulations yet more profuse conveyed to him in writing by all
classes and from all quarters. One of the first and most important
communications was addressed to him on the 18th of March, in the name
of the National Assembly, as it styled itself, met at Kastri, by its
president, Georgios Sissinis. "Greece," he said, "rejoices at your
appearance in her seas. The aspirations of the Greeks are realised.
Their hopes in the success of their sacred struggle revive. The Greek
nation, assembled here in a third National Assembly, desires to see
you and invites you here, sending to you, with that object, the
General-in-Chief of the armies of the Peloponnesus, Theodore
Kolokotrones, Messrs. Kanaris, Botazes, and Bulgaris, General Zavella
and Count Metaxas, who will tender to you the thanks of all for your
zeal on behalf of their cause." "The Government is seized with
unutterable joy at your auspicious arrival," wrote the members of the
rival assembly at Egina, on the same day: "the Government wishes you
happy success in all your enterprises, and hopes soon to find in you a
triumphant conqueror." "For a long while past," wrote the governors of
Hydra, "our brave mariners have centred all their hopes on your
arrival. You can understand then the joy that we felt when we saw your
brig and schooner, and when we knew that you had actually arrived. We
hasten to tender to you the homage of our island, and to express to
you our impatience to see our little navy placed under your orders,
and guided by you to new victories, by which the safety and
independence of Greece may be secured." "Your arrival in our beloved
country," wrote the primates of Spetzas, "has filled the soul of every
inhabitant of our island with joy, and every one presents his thanks
to Heaven for having at last sent such an one to fight with us and to
protect our fatherland." "You have come to Greece," wrote
Konduriottes, "at a moment when this unfortunate country most needs
all that it can hope from the wisdom and courage of so great a
defender. The announcement of your arrival will form an epoch in the
history of our Revolution, and, I dare to hope, in that of our moral
regeneration."

That moral regeneration was needed Lord Cochrane already well knew,
and he had not been a day in Greece before the knowledge was forced
upon him afresh. The unworthy disposition of most of the men in power
had never been more plainly shown, nor threatened more imminent danger
to the independence of Greece, than at the time of Lord Cochrane's
arrival. With a few notable exceptions, of whom Miaoulis was perhaps
the chief, the Greek leaders had forgotten all their national duty in
personal ambition and jealousy. If they united in parties, it was only
because each one hoped that, as soon as his own party was triumphant,
he himself would be able to obtain the mastery over all his
associates.

Two factions, especially, prevailed in Greece at this time, which,
partly from the circumstance that they were supported by unwise
Philhellenes of the two nations, partly because their native members
looked for their chief support to those nations, were known as the
French and English parties.

Among Philhellenes the leading promoter of the French party was
Colonel Fabvier, who was now, with some of the troops whom he
commanded, defending the Acropolis from the siege of the Turks. He was
an officer of considerable merit, with the interests of the Greeks at
heart, but of surpassing vanity and ambition. His hope was to become
the Napoleon of the East, to convert the whole male population of
Greece into a huge army, with himself at its head. With him
sympathized most of the military leaders, who, originally little
better than brigands, found everything to gratify their present tastes
and their future hopes in a scheme which would give them endless
employment in lawless warfare and martial dominion. These, coming
chiefly from the Morea, caused the faction also to be known as the
Moreot party.

More formidable was the English party, with little that was English
about it but the name. Its ambition was not military, but diplomatic,
the possession of place and power in such ways as were then possible.
Its real, if not avowed, leader was Prince Mavrocordatos, with an able
abettor in his brother-in-law, Mr. Spiridion Trikoupes. All through
the previous year Mavrocordatos and his friends had sought zealously
to win for Greece the protection of England. They had corresponded to
that end with Mr. Stratford Canning, the British ambassador at
Constantinople, with Captain Hamilton, who was then stationed in Greek
waters to watch the interests of English shipping, and with others.
They had sent an irregular deputation to treat with the British
Government, and had used all the means in their power, so far as
foreign intervention was concerned, for the establishment of a smaller
but more organized Greek nation than that which their rivals desired.
Had that end been worthily sought, they would have deserved universal
sympathy. But they showed by their conduct that they cared little for
good government, or for the real interests of the community. They
exercised their abilities and squandered their resources in schemes
for selfish aggrandisement, and the possession of authority which was
to benefit none but themselves. Many of their prominent members having
studied statecraft, before the time of the Revolution, as Christian
officials in the employment of Turkey, to whom the name Phanariot was
given from the Christian quarter of Constantinople, the whole party
acquired the name of Phanariot.

This latter party had all along hoped to make Lord Cochrane its tool.
It was Mavrocordatos who first invited him to enter the service of the
Greeks; and when that service was agreed upon no effort was spared to
attach him to the group of partizans among whom Mavrocordatos was
chief. Lord Cochrane, steadily refusing this, soon incurred their
opposition, and to this opposition is to be attributed some of the
unreasonable blame which was afterwards brought upon him. Much further
opposition to him, moreover, was soon aroused by his, in like manner,
refusing to become the creature of the other leading faction. He
wisely resolved, from the first--and he maintained his resolution
throughout--to belong to no party, but having devoted himself to the
cause of the Greek nation as a whole, to seek only those objects which
were for the good of all.

That resolution was soon put to the test. Immediately after his
arrival on the 19th of March, great efforts were made to implicate him
in the schemes of the Governing Commission, as it was called, which,
having outrun the time appointed for its duration, was continuing to
assert its authority in Egina, and to use that authority in the
interests of the Phanariot party. Two days after that his partizanship
was sought for the Moreot faction, which had set up a rival
government, styled the National Assembly, at Hermione, under the joint
leadership of Kolokotrones, Konduriottes, and Kolettes. On the 20th he
was waited upon by the deputation named in the congratulatory letter
which has already been quoted from.

"With his whole party," said Lord Cochrane's secretary, reporting this
interview, "Kolokotrones rode down to the beach opposite the ship, and
sent off to say he would there wait until a boat should be sent for
him and his followers, the whole being about a hundred men, armed,
according to the custom of the country, with pistols or daggers stuck
in the left side of a sash or belt. The two boats sent being
insufficient, not more than twenty came on board with the general.
Kolokotrones was the spokesman, and there appeared to be great energy
in his gesticulations, which did not correspond with the translation
by Count Metaxas, who, from the smile on his countenance, seemed to
hold in no great respect the mental acquirements of Kolokotrones.
'Greece,' said the latter, 'required a government to bring order out
of chaos. The functions of the commission appointed by the last
Legislative Assembly ought to have ceased. Its continuance in power
was not legal, and consequently the members of the National Assembly
had met at Hermione to name their successors; to which place it was
requested that Lord Cochrane would proceed, in order to be present at
their deliberations.' A letter to this effect, signed by the President
of the Assembly, was then put into Lord Cochrane's hands.

"Lord Cochrane made answer verbally through Count Metaxas to the
deputies, that he held in due estimation the honour they had done him
by personally delivering the communication as well as by the very
flattering terms used towards him by the members assembled at
Hermione. He regretted the decision that had taken place, and,
recommending reconciliation, urged the necessity of prompt exertion
and the little good that the wisest legislative enactments could
effect, whilst the Turks overran their country, whilst they possessed
three-fourths of its strongholds, and whilst the enemy besieged the
capital of the state, which was in danger of falling into their power.
His lordship expressed his regret that so many able and brave military
officers as those he saw before him should occupy themselves with
civil discussions in the present state of their country.

"Upon this being interpreted to Kolokotrones, he became exceedingly
warm, and urged that the duty he was now occupied with was more
essential than any other. He, however, cooled on seeing, as we
presume, that no one seconded his opinion, which he evidently expected
by his glances towards his companions. Kolokotrones remained some time
without saying a word, and then rising, took Lord Cochrane by the hand
and assured him that he would do his utmost to produce a
reconciliation of parties. Lord Cochrane urged that the termination of
differences between the parties should be within the space of three
days. Kolokotrones requested five; but afterwards caused his
interpreter, Count Metaxas, to say that possibly an answer might be
received from Hermione even before the shortest period fixed. Count
Metaxas was the last who left the cabin, and as soon as the others
were gone, he turned to Lord Cochrane and assured him that his utmost
endeavours should not be wanting to accomplish so desirable an object.
The Count has evidently the management of Kolokotrones, to whom he
probably adheres in order to arrive at real power, under the sanction
of an individual on whose shoulders may be heaped all the evil
measures to be anticipated in acquiring or upholding any authority
over a multitude of rival chiefs and their rude followers.

"Kolokotrones and his party then left the schooner, having first
directed one of their soldiers to await Lord Cochrane's reply to the
communication of the Assembly. A deputation from Hydra, and a crowd of
other visitors, however, precluded Lord Cochrane's despatching the
courier until the following morning."

The reply, dated the 21st of March, was wise and bold. "I have had the
honour," wrote Lord Cochrane, "to receive the despatches which you
have addressed to me, and I cannot but be flattered by the sentiments
that they convey. This satisfaction is the more lively because I have
had the opportunity of becoming personally acquainted with his
excellency General Kolokotrones, and the officers who accompanied him.
But I freely acknowledge that it is blended with a feeling of regret,
in that it appears to me that the bravest and most renowned officers
of Greece are devoting all their energies to the formation of a civil
government and wasting their time in discussions as to the place in
which they shall effect a reunion while the enemy is overrunning the
country without resistance. Already he possesses three-fourths of the
fortresses of Greece, and is besieging the capital of the republic.
Athens is on the point of falling into the power of the Ottoman
forces; the brave Fabvier and a few heroes, full of enthusiasm, are
engaged in aiding the valiant defenders of that city; and meanwhile
the officers of Greece betake themselves again and again to frivolous
discussions on civil affairs. If the shade of Demosthenes could again
animate the ashes of this great man which are here entombed, he would,
changing only the names of persons and places, address to you his
first Philippic, and you would hear from the lips of a compatriot
profoundly versed in history and in the knowledge of mankind, what
ought to be your manner of acting. I recommend you to read his
discourse in full assembly, and I especially recommend the citizens
charged with presiding over the destinies of Greece to follow his
counsels point by point. With an authority so applicable to the
existing circumstances, it would be unpardonable presumption in me to
address to you other than his own words. 'If, Athenians, you will now,
though you did not before, adopt the principle of every man being
ready, where he can and ought to give his service to the state, to
give it without excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to
enlist; in a word, plainly, if you will become your own masters, and
cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neighbour does
everything for him, you will then, with God's permission, get back
your own, and recover what has been lost, and punish your enemy.'"

To the same effect were Lord Cochrane's answers to the congratulatory
letters sent to him by the other leading persons and parties in
Greece. "It may be well to notice," he wrote on the same day to the
Government at Egina, "that in the conversation which I had with the
deputation from Hermione, I respectfully suggested that, as laws
cannot be promulgated with advantage whilst the mass of the country is
under the iron yoke of Turkish despotism, nor executed whilst the
lives and properties of all continue insecure, the National Assembly
might be adjourned with advantage until the capital is free, and thus
we should avoid debating whilst we should be acting, and check those
animosities and divisions which naturally arise from difference of
sentiment under the peculiar conditions of modern Greece." "The time
now draws near," he wrote to the Government of Hydra, "when the
approach of a large force may reasonably be anticipated, and when
consequently the means that the Greeks possess of contending with
their enemies will be comparatively diminished. I have, therefore, in
the name of all Europe--by whose people I may in truth say that I have
been sent here--called upon the Executive Government, and upon all
those connected with public affairs, to act with union and
promptitude, and I have informed them that without harmony and
exertion amongst the chiefs, the slender means placed at my disposal,
and any services which I personally could render, would prove of no
avail. The people are split into factions, and operations are
paralyzed by the conflicting personal interests of chiefs who perceive
not that the prize about which they are contending will fall to the
share of others. I have as yet taken no authority upon me in naval
affairs, because if union do not prevail I shall deceive Greece and
deceive the world by inducing a belief that I could assist you."

While waiting, however, for the rivalries of the Greek leaders to be
removed, or at any rate set aside for a time, Lord Cochrane was not
idle. He had frequent interviews, not only with Admiral Miaoulis and
the other native seamen of ability, but also with Dr. Gosse, and with
Captain Abney Hastings, who joined him on the 22nd, and provided him
with much precise information as to the naval strength of Greece, the
character of the officers and crews, and the best methods of attacking
the Turks with advantage. Information as precise about the land forces
was derived from other Philhellenes, among whom Colonel Heideck and
Colonel Gordon were perhaps the best informed. Lord Cochrane also made
the acquaintance of a new comer in Greece, with whom he was soon to
have very intimate relations--Sir Richard Church.

General Church had begun life as an officer in the British army. He
had seen various service between 1801 and 1809, and in the latter year
had organised a battalion of Greeks at Zante, with which, and
afterwards with another which he also formed, he had played an
important part in the war for the liberation of the Ionian Islands. On
the establishment of peace, he had passed into the Neapolitan service.
Many of his old Greek soldiers were now leaders in the Revolution,
and, while Lord Cochrane was on his way to become the First Admiral of
the Greeks, General Church had been invited to become Generalissimo on
land. He arrived at Porto Kheli, near Kastri or Hermione, on the 9th
of March, eight days before the appearance of Lord Cochrane. The
generals assembled at Hermione came out to meet him and tender their
submission. "Our father is at last come," said one; "we have only to
obey him and our liberty is secured." Sir Richard Church was at once
sought as a leader by the Moreot faction, just as Lord Cochrane was
claimed by the Phanariots as their champion. He, however, like his new
comrade, wisely resolved to avoid partisanship and to study the
interests of Greece as a whole, and to him must be assigned a share of
the good work of pacification in which Lord Cochrane was the prime
mover. "This unhappy country," he wrote to his new friend on the 19th
of March, "is now divided by absurd and criminal dissensions. I hope,
however, that your lordship's arrival will have a happy effect, and
that they will do everything in their power to be worthy of such a
leader."

They did something, if not everything. It was firmly believed that
party strife had reached such a point that, had Lord Cochrane's
arrival been delayed only a few days longer, the leaders of the
National Assembly at Hermione, turning aside from their useless
discussions, would have acted upon a plot that had been in preparation
for several weeks, and, landing a hostile force at Egina, would have
violently seized the whole Governing Commission there established.
Lord Cochrane's honest reproofs averted this, and so saved Greece from
the horrors of another civil war.

"I am happy to be able to inform you," wrote General Church on the
25th of March, "that things are brought to that state that the union
of the parties is, I think, now effected. The deputies from Kastri
came over to me yesterday morning to Damala, and there they met those
of Egina. After some discussion, they have come to a conclusion,
which, if ratified by the Assembly at Egina, will finally terminate
the affair."

The affair was not terminated immediately. Lord Cochrane had to
despatch many more letters and messages of earnest entreaty and
indignant reproach to the leaders of the rival factions at Egina and
Hermione, and to other prominent men, before the good end that he and
all true Philhellenes and patriots sought could be gained. "I have
received the letter which your excellency has addressed to me," wrote
the worthy Miaoulis, on the 3rd of April, in answer to a letter
declining to take command of the fleet until the differences were
settled; "and I appreciate the objections which it contains. I wish
with all my heart that the reasons which prevent you may not exist
beyond this evening, and that a general union will induce you to place
yourself at the head of the Greek navy."

Before that, on the 28th of March, Lord Cochrane had received a formal
commission from the Government at Egina. "Knowing well," ran the
document, "the valour, wisdom, ability, and energy, and all the
warlike virtues which are joined in the estimable person of Lord
Cochrane, and by which he has been distinguished in all the various
services with which he has elsewhere been charged, the Governing
Commission ordains, first, that Lord Cochrane be appointed First
Admiral of the Fleet and of all the naval forces of Greece; secondly,
that he rank above all other naval officers, and enjoy all the
honours, privileges, and rights that appertain to his office; thirdly,
that all the admirals, officers, and seamen of Greece recognize him as
their superior, and obey his orders in all that concerns the service
of the nation, and that all servants of the State, whether civil or
military, render him the honour and respect that are his due;
fourthly, that the General Secretary of the Government execute this
order in all respects so soon as his Excellency Lord Cochrane shall
have taken oath to perform the duties, in regard of which he pledges
himself to serve and to act." The document was signed by Andreas
Zaimes, as president, by Trikoupes, Demetrakopoulos, Blakos, Zamados,
Mavromichales, Anargiros, Monarchides, and Zotos, and by Glarakes, the
Secretary of State.

Lord Cochrane refused to accept the trust thus imposed upon him,
however, until the authorities at Egina had united with those at
Hermione and with the primates of the islands in forming one true
National Assembly. They still hesitated and objected, and he still had
to warn and to expostulate. At length, on the 3rd of April, being
convinced that milder language was useless, he wrote to the rival
leaders, informing them that, as his counsels appeared to be of no
avail, seeing that they were addressed to persons, who, professing to
have the interests of the nation at heart, were determined to ruin
those interests by their obstinate selfishness, he should quit Greece
at once, unless, before the close of the day, they agreed to lay aside
their differences.

That wise threat was successful. The factions coalesced, and decided
to meet in joint assembly at Damala, also known by its ancient name of
Troezene. On the 4th of April Lord Cochrane was able to write to them
in a different tone. "Having come to Greece," he said, "with a firm
determination to have nothing to do with party rivalries, except so
far as to seek to conciliate them for the public good, and not to
trouble myself about civil affairs, beyond assuring myself of the
legality of my functions as Admiral of Greece, and having resolved to
do all in my power to obtain its deliverance from the Mahometan yoke,
as well as from all foreign domination, I am well pleased at the
reunion of all your members in a single National Assembly, and
congratulate you on the restoration of harmony. Allow me, at the same
time, to offer my prayers for the unanimity of the members of the
Government, and for the prompt completion of the business of the
National Assembly, in order that its members may depart to their
respective provinces, and use their great influence to impress upon
their compatriots the imminent danger of the State, and induce them to
rush to arms, and by one simultaneous effort expel the oppressors of
Greece. After that the Legislative Assembly will have leisure, and the
requisite security, to deliberate upon the constitution, the laws, and
the arrangements necessary to establish upon a permanent footing the
happiness and the prosperity of their fellow-citizens."

Having thus done so much for Greece, Lord Cochrane was asked to do
more. "The deputies whom you did me the honour to send," he wrote, on
the following day, "having informed me of the difficulties which you
find in forming a Government with the necessary promptitude because of
the jealousies shown in choosing citizens to fill situations of
authority, permit me to advise that each member should write down the
name of the person of his choice, and place it in an urn, and that he
who thus obtains the highest number of votes should be president, the
second, vice-president, and the others ranged in order until the
number of functionaries is complete. In this way you will avoid
discussions, animosities, and the loss of time, which is so precious
in the present circumstances of Greece. At present naval and military
operations alike are all suspended, while the enemy is preparing to
put an end at once to the question which engrosses your attention, and
to the independence and liberty of Greece!" That sensible advice was
not taken, but the first difficulties in the way of administrative
reform were overcome.

On the 7th of April, the National Assembly met at Damala, on the coast
opposite to Poros, and half way between Hermione and Egina--the
meeting-place, for want of a building large enough, to hold the two
hundred members, being a lemon-grove, watered by the classic fountain
of Hippocrene. Its first business, attended by turmoil which
threatened to bring the whole proceeding to a violent close, was the
election of Count Capodistrias as President, for seven years, of the
Greek nation. Capodistrias was the favourite of the Moreot party, but
disliked by the Phanariots, and hated by the island primates. The two
latter would have prevented the election, but for the support given to
it by Lord Cochrane, who on this account has been frequently and
seriously blamed.[2] There can be no doubt, however, that, whatever
may have been the subsequent shortcomings of Capodistrias, he was
greatly superior to any of the other and native candidates for the
office. None of these candidates had given any proof of statesmanlike
powers or disinterested regard for the welfare of Greece. Lord
Cochrane judged, with good reason, that that welfare could only be
promoted by placing at the head of affairs a man who had hitherto had
no share in party strife, who had proved himself to be possessed of
great abilities and of generous love for the nation of which, as a
native of Corfu, he was in some sort a citizen. Unfortunately, though
for this Lord Cochrane was in no way responsible, the management of
affairs during the time that must elapse before Capodistrias, if he
accepted the office tendered to him, could enter upon it, was
entrusted to a Vice-governing Commission composed of three inefficient
men, Georgios Mavromichales, Milaites of Psara, and Nakos of Livadia.

  [2] See especially Trikoupes, vol. iv., p. 126, and Gordon, vol. ii.,
  p. 364. Mr. Finlay approves of the choice, but, not caring to say
  anything in favour of Lord Cochrane, makes no mention of his share in
  the work. Vol. ii., p. 139.

The most important business done by the Troezene Assembly was the
installation of Lord Cochrane as First Admiral of Greece. This was
done on the 18th of April. Landing for the first time on the
continent, Lord Cochrane proceeded in state on horseback for the
distance of a mile and a-half that was between the shore and the
lemon-grove. At the entrance he was met by Kolokotrones, who embraced
him, saying, "You are welcome;" words that were repeated by many other
leading Greeks, who attended and conducted him into the centre of the
grove. There he was formally introduced to the delegates as the First
Admiral. Through an interpreter he addressed to them a few sentences,
urging the necessity of continued harmony, and of a prompt expedition
against the Turks, to be conducted both by sea and by land. After
that, placing his hand on the hilt of his sword, he took the necessary
oath: "I swear to shed my blood for the safety of the Greeks and for
the liberation of their country; I swear that I will not abandon their
cause so long as they do not themselves abandon it, but sustain my
efforts."

The election of Sir Richard Church as Generalissimo of the Land Forces
was, in like manner, completed on the 15th of April.

The essential business for which Lord Cochrane had desired that the
united National Assembly should meet at Troezene being now
accomplished, he hoped that it would speedily adjourn, in order that
the military leaders should be enabled to proceed at once to the work
pressing urgently upon them. "The critical moment," said Lord
Cochrane, in a letter addressed to them on the 16th of April, "has
arrived in which you are called upon to decide whether the population
of Greece shall be annihilated or enslaved, your country peopled with
barbarous hordes, and the name of Greece blotted out from the list of
independent nations." The National Assembly, however, spent more than
another month in idle discussions, and in disputing upon matters the
settlement of which ought to have been postponed to a less perilous
time. Again and again Lord Cochrane had to impress upon them the
necessity, in war as in council, of prompt and united action; but with
very poor result.

"Once more I address you by letter," he wrote a few days later, "in
the hope that you may be persuaded instantly to take measures to save
your country from the ruin which protracted deliberations must at the
present moment entail--ay, with as much certainty as a continuance of
those dissensions which have hitherto so unhappily prevailed; and I
follow this course the more readily in order that, as I have ever
advocated liberal forms of government, my advice, that your Assembly
shall bring its labours to a close, shall not be misrepresented to
Greece and to the world. First, then, the agitated state of the
country, by reason of the presence of the enemy, precludes the hope of
obedience in ordinary course of law, which is as essential to the
existence even of a shadow of republican forms as the practice of
virtue and forbearance are to their reality--which, in states that
would be free, ever must be accompanied by universal conviction in the
public mind that power and wealth are not essential to the enjoyment
of personal security, and are desirable or useful only as they promote
the common welfare or administer to the wants or comforts of
individuals themselves. The Grecian people, however good, naturally
cannot be expected instantly to practise virtues which are the
offspring of long-established freedom. Greece requires not, at the
present moment, sage deliberations regarding permanent forms of
government, nor permanent rulers; but she requires energetic
authority, that she may be free at least from her foreign oppressors.
If, without delay, the military officers take the field, if your
labours be brought to a close and every citizen in his respective
capacity exert himself to the utmost for the defence of his country,
Athens perhaps may yet be saved, although that object assuredly is
rendered far more doubtful by the unfortunate delay that has already
occurred."

In entering upon his own share of the work no time was wasted by Lord
Cochrane. He had already made himself acquainted with the naval
resources of Greece, and done much in devising measures for augmenting
them. He had resolved upon the first enterprise to be entered upon;
and, while rapidly completing his arrangements for it, he did
everything in his power to quicken in the hearts of the Greeks a
patriotism as pure and zealous as was his own philanthropy. "To arms!
to arms!" he wrote in a proclamation issued at this time. "One
simultaneous effort, and Greece is free. Discord, the deadly foe you
have had most to fear, is conquered. The task that now remains is
easy. The youth everywhere fly to arms. The fate of the Acropolis is
no longer doubtful. The Turks surrounded, their supplies cut off, the
passes occupied, and retreat impossible, you can ensure the freedom of
the classic plains of Athens, again destined to become the seat of
liberty, the sciences, and the arts. Rest not content with such
limited success. Sheathe not the sword whilst the brutal Turk, the
enemy of the progress of civilization and improvement of the human
mind, shall occupy one foot of that classic ground which once was
yours. Let the young seamen of the islands emulate the glory that
awaits the military force. Let them hasten to join the national ships,
and, if denied your independence and rights, blockade the Hellespont,
thus carrying the war into the enemy's country. Then the fate of the
cruel Sultan, the destroyer of his subjects, the tyrant taskmaster of
a Christian people, shall be sealed by the hands of the executioners
who yet obey his bloody commands. Then shall prophecy be fulfilled,
and Moslem sway be overthrown by the corruptions itself has
engendered. Then shall the sacred banner of the Cross once more wave
on the dome of Saint Sophia. Then shall the Grecian people live secure
under the protection of just laws. Then shall noble cities rise from
their ruins, and the splendour of future times rival the days that are
past."




CHAPTER XVIII.

THE SIEGE OF ATHENS.--THE DEFENDERS OF THE ACROPOLIS.--THE EFFORTS OF
GORDON AND KARAœSKAKES.--LORD COCHRANE'S PLAN FOR CUTTING OFF THE
TURKISH SUPPLIES.--THE ARGUMENTS BY WHICH HE WAS INDUCED TO PROCEED
INSTEAD TO THE PHALERUM.--HIS ARRIVAL THERE.--HIS OTHER ARRANGEMENTS
FOR SERVING GREECE.--HIS FIRST MEETING WITH KARAœSKAKES.--THE
CONDITION OF THE GREEK CAMP.--LORD COCHRANE'S POSITION.--HIS EFFORTS
TO GIVE IMMEDIATE RELIEF TO THE ACROPOLIS, AND THE OBSTACLES RAISED BY
THE GREEKS.--KARAœSKAKES'S DELAYS, AND GENERAL CHURCH'S
DIFFICULTIES.--THE CONVENT OF SAINT SPIRIDION.--THE BATTLE OF
PHALERUM.--THE CAPTURE OF SAINT SPIRIDION.--THE MASSACRE OF THE
TURKS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.--LORD COCHRANE'S RENEWED EFFORTS TO SAVE
THE ACROPOLIS.--THE DEATH OF KARAœSKAKES.--THE MARCH TO THE
ACROPOLIS.--ITS FAILURE THROUGH THE PERVERSITY OF THE GREEKS.--THE
BATTLE OF ATHENS.--THE FALL OF THE ACROPOLIS.

[1827.]


After the conquest of Missolonghi, by which all Western Greece was
brought under Turkish dominion, Reshid Pasha lost no time in
proceeding to drive the Greeks from Athens, their chief stronghold in
the east. The siege of the town had been begun by Omar Pasha of
Negropont, with a small Ottoman force, on the 21st of June, 1826.
Reshid arrived on the 11th of July, and, after much previous fighting,
stormed Athens so vigorously on the 14th of August, that the
inhabitants were forced to abandon it. Many of them, however, took
refuge in the Acropolis, where a strong garrison was established under
the tyrannical rule of Goura, and in this fortress the defence was
maintained for nearly two months. Goura died in October, and the
rivalries of the officers whom he had held in awe, now allowed to have
free exercise, threatened to make easy the further triumph of the
besiegers. The citadel must have surrendered, but for the timely
arrival of KaraÔskakes and Fabvier, each with a strong body of troops,
who diverted the enemy by formidable attacks in the rear. KaraÔskakes
and his force continued, with various success, to watch and harass the
enemy from without. On the 12th of December Fabvier, by a brilliant
exploit, forced his way into the Acropolis with about six hundred men.
He had intended only to give it temporary relief, but many of the
native chiefs, gladly taking advantage of the arrival of a body for
which, conjointly with the garrison already established, there was not
room in the fortress, hastily departed. Thus the leadership of the
garrison, comprising about a thousand soldiers, with whom were four or
five hundred women and children, and more than forty Philhellenes from
France, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy, devolved upon Colonel
Fabvier. The besiegers numbered about seven thousand picked soldiers,
including a regiment of cavalry veterans and a good train of
artillery. The Greek regulars and irregulars, including a corps of
Philhellenes, commanded by Captain Inglesi, who attempted to raise the
siege, varied, at different times, from two or three thousand to seven
or eight thousand.

That was the state of affairs when Lord Cochrane arrived in Greece.
That the expulsion of the Turks from Attica and the recovery of Athens
was the first great work to be attempted was clear to every one,
whether native or Philhellene, who had the welfare of Greece at heart;
but opinions varied as to the best mode of procedure. Nearly all
previous efforts had been aimed at the direct attack of the besiegers
in Athens and its neighbourhood. General Gordon had established a camp
of about three thousand men at Munychia, the hill from which, two and
twenty centuries before, Thrasybulus had gone down to deliver Athens
from the thirty tyrants; and KaraÔskakes, with some two thousand five
hundred followers, was stationed at Keratsina, on the other side of
the PirÊus. But the operations of both leaders were restrained by
Reshid Pasha's establishment of a garrison in the monastery of Saint
Spiridion, midway between the two camps; and, without wiser leaders
than the Greeks had hitherto possessed, there seemed small chance of
their chasing the enemy from his strong positions. Another plan,
feebly recommended and yet more feebly attempted before Lord
Cochrane's arrival, was to starve him out by intercepting the supplies
of provisions that were brought from Turkey by way of the northern
channel of the Negropont, to be sent overland from Oropos, a
well-fortified magazine on the northern shore of Attica.

Lord Cochrane saw at once that this latter course was the one most
likely to be of service, or, at any rate, the one rightly devolving
upon him, while General Church was pursuing his operations nearer to
Athens; and he was strengthened in this conviction by discussion on
the subject with General Gordon, who came for a short visit to Poros,
on the 21st of March, in his own yacht. To this end he laboured while
he was waiting for the reconciliation of parties and the official
recognition of his employment as First Admiral. "The fate of Athens,"
he wrote, both to Kolokotrones and to KaraÔskakes, on the 29th of
March, "depends upon our depriving the enemy of the provisions
obtained by him from the north. The general and the soldiers who first
devote themselves to this object will have the glory of raising the
siege. For myself, I offer the heartiest co-operation of the fleet,
accompanied by two thousand brave marines, and the use of all the
war-steamers and transports in any port of eastern Attica. There is
not a moment to be lost." This proposal was rejected by Kolokotrones.
On the 2nd of April, KaraÔskakes sent an ambiguous acceptance of it,
which he cancelled on the 13th. "We are so mixed up with the enemy,"
he wrote, "that if we abandon the smallest of our positions we must
resign ourselves to the loss of all. The Turks are so embarrassed by
us that they can offer only a feeble siege to the Acropolis. Of this I
am assured by several Greeks who have lately come from their camp.
Therefore, my lord, I am deterred from assailing the enemy from the
north; and I have the boldness to assure and promise you that, if you
will aid me here, Athens will be free in a few days. With the help of
two thousand good recruits, the enemy will not be able to resist our
enthusiasm. I implore you, in the name of Greece, to assist me as soon
as possible with the means of destroying him and of saving Athens."

That letter, and the advice of all in office, whether military or
civil, to the same effect, altered Lord Cochrane's plans. "As he,"
said Gordon, who afterwards blamed him on this account, "unacquainted
with the country and the language, could not form a correct judgment
on the innumerable reports transmitted to him, it is not surprising
that he was deceived by letters written from the Acropolis, and
entrusted to soldiers who, disguised as Turks or Albanians, slipped
from time to time through the enemy's lines. In these epistles,
Fabvier and the other chiefs painted their situation in the blackest
colours, carefully concealing the fact of their having provisions for
many months."[3] By them native Greeks and foreigners long resident in
the country were deceived. Lord Cochrane, still clinging to his
project for injuring the Turks by cutting off their supplies, was
constrained to defer it for the present, and in compliance with the
requests of the Government, of General Church, and of KaraÔskakes, to
co-operate in the direct attack upon the enemy in the PirÊus. "I now
agree with you," he wrote to the latter, on the 14th of April, "that
the time is past when a movement in the rear of the Turks, and the
cutting off of their provisions, could have the effect of saving the
Acropolis, and I see clearly the justice of your observation that a
decisive blow must be struck at once against the enemy. The eyes of
Europe are turned towards Greece, and on the success or failure of the
measures now to be adopted depends the support of your glorious cause,
or its abandonment in despair."

  [3] Gordon, vol. ii., p. 386. As Gordon was with Lord Cochrane at the
  time, and on intimate relations with him, it is strange, unless he
  himself, with far less excuse, shared the error for which he blamed
  him, that he did not advise him to pursue his former plan. Compare
  Trikoupes, vol. iv., p. 137, who blames and involuntarily acquits Lord
  Cochrane almost in the same breath.

Something was done by Lord Cochrane at once, however, towards the
fulfilment of his first design. He despatched Captain Abney Hastings,
with the _Karteria_ and five other vessels, to the Gulf of Volo and
the Channel of Negropont, with orders to seize as many Turkish
provision-ships as he could there find within the next fourteen days.
One expedition was very successful. Off Volo, on the 20th of April,
Hastings found eight transports protected by the guns of the fort. He
silenced the guns, captured five of the vessels, and destroyed the
other three. He then passed down the channel, and near Tricheri fell
in with a Turkish brig-of-war, which, after some skilful fighting, he
destroyed by shells that exploded her powder magazine. After that he
proceeded to Kumi, where he captured a store of grain, and reached
Poros within the time appointed.

In the meanwhile Lord Cochrane had gone to the Bay of Athens as soon
as he could complete his arrangements for the present and future
employment of the Greek shipping. "Four of the largest brigs at Poros
are in process of equipment," he wrote to the Government on the 16th
of April, "and five of the fastest small sailing vessels of Spetzas,
and eight transports, with a thousand men, are ready at Hydra to
proceed on service. The frigate _Hellas_ is victualled for two months,
four gun-boats have been ordered to be built, and fireships are in
progress in addition to those which were already fitted out. The
expenses of these preparations have been, or will be, defrayed out of
the funds in my possession. In addition to these disbursements, a very
considerable sum, out of the money destined for the naval service, has
been advanced by me for military purposes. I consider that the fate of
Greece depends, in a great measure, on pecuniary aid from the rest of
Europe, and such aid on the probability of ultimate success; but
assuredly it will not be afforded if Greece proves unable or unwilling
to exert herself against the handful of sickly and enfeebled Turks who
continue to besiege the Acropolis of Athens."

On the 17th of April, Lord Cochrane passed from Poros to Salamis in
the _Hellas_, attended by twelve brigs and schooners from Hydra and
Spetzas. In his pay were a thousand Hydriots, two hundred Cretans, and
a corps of Roumeliots. On the same day, General Church embarked with
three thousand soldiers collected in the Morea, under Gennaios
Kolokotrones, Chrisanthos Sessini, and others. These new supplies,
with the troops already at Keratsina and Munychia, composed a force of
about ten thousand men.

Five days were spent in organising this force, over which Sir Richard
Church, though nominally generalissimo, had very little real command.
The delay and the want of discipline which caused it were alike
annoying to Lord Cochrane, whose little fleet was anchored in the
small Bay of Phalerum, his Hydriot recruits, under Major Gordon
Urquhart, being established on the adjoining shore. On the 18th he
received a four hours' visit on board the _Hellas_ from KaraÔskakes, a
tall, bony, athletic man, small-featured, and swarthy, with flashing
eyes, and a lively tongue, about forty years of age. On the 19th he
and General Church went to inspect the camp of the famous Greek leader
at Keratsina. It gave but slight evidence of military organization,
and both officers and men appeared to Lord Cochrane more willing to
talk than to fight. His presence among them, however, stirred up a new
and fitful enthusiasm. On this occasion he brought with him a large
blue and white flag, with an owl, the national emblem of Greece,
painted on the centre, which had been conveyed from Marseilles. The
flag was unfurled in the presence of seven thousand Greek soldiers,
within sight of the Turkish camp. Through his interpreter, Lord
Cochrane briefly addressed the soldiers, urging them, for love of
their country, and for their own honour and welfare, to unite in a
prompt and vigorous attack on the enemy. Then, firmly planting the
flag in the ground, he exclaimed, "Soldiers, whoever of you will lodge
this flag on the summit of the Acropolis, shall receive from me, as a
reward of his bravery, a thousand dollars, and ten times that sum
shall be my share of the recompense to the force that accompanies
him!" Great applause, of course, followed that announcement, but not
much more than applause.

Lord Cochrane's popularity with the troops and their leaders, for the
time at any rate, was unbounded. KaraÔskakes, Niketas, Zavella,
Notaras, Makriyannes, Gennaios Kolokotrones, and all the other
captains vied with one another in offering fulsome adulation to him,
and pledging themselves to yield implicit obedience to his
instructions. By word, indeed, they were more submissive than he
wished. He had to remind them that he was admiral of the fleet, not
generalissimo on land, and that the latter office was held by Sir
Richard Church. Unfortunately, KaraÔskakes and his followers were,
from the first, jealous of General Church; and General Church,
accustomed only to the management of a small disciplined band, was
unequal to the troublesome duties appertaining to him as controller of
a heterogeneous crowd of irregular soldiers, most of them trained as
brigands, and accustomed to the half-lawless rule of their own petty
officers. Hardly a day passed in which he did not complain bitterly to
Lord Cochrane of the obstructions thrown in his way; and Lord Cochrane
had to take upon himself the thankless functions of a mediator between
a good-hearted commander-in-chief and his disaffected subordinates.

This state of things would at any time have been irksome to him. It
was especially so in the condition of affairs represented to him. Each
day fresh reports were brought of the desperate state of the
Acropolis. "The affairs of the fortress of Athens," we read in one
document, signed by seven leaders of the besieged, and dated the 22nd
of April, "have arrived at a very critical height, and no longer any
remedy is expected from within, and therefore the besieged are obliged
to address themselves to the Government of Greece and to the
commanders of her forces, and to urge them to adopt the best, the
speediest, and the most efficient measures to relieve the citadel. The
Government and the commanders have always replied with promises of the
most positive kind to raise the siege in a very few days. We can no
longer believe their word. To give you further intelligence, we send
now five men, who will tell you verbally what we cannot describe. If,
however, they do not persuade you, we tell you this is our last
letter. We will wait five days longer, and we can hold out no more. We
have been brothers, and remain so during dearth, sickness, and all
evils. Our nature is like that of all men: we can suffer no more than
others. We are neither angels nor workers of miracles, to raise the
dead, or do impossible things. If any evil should happen, we are not
to blame, nor has God to condemn us in anything." The bearers of this
letter, and others who brought a like report, were carefully examined
by Lord Cochrane, and by them he was solemnly assured that the
garrison of the Acropolis, destitute of provisions and every other
necessary, could not possibly hold out more than five days longer.

He and all others were deceived; but he alone thoroughly felt the
urgent need of instant action. "As I perceive the ruin of Greece," he
wrote to KaraÔskakes on the 23rd of April, "in the delay now taking
place, and as I have every reason to believe that intrigues are
carrying on by persons of desperate fortune and worthless character,
with a view to promote their private ends, they not being aware that
the subjection of Greece to a foreign power will ultimately destroy
the hopes which they entertain, I take the liberty of urging, as an
officer who has some character to lose in this affair, that your
excellency should caution the officers of your army against the vain
belief that intrigues at the present moment can produce any other
effect than the ruin of themselves and their country. The education
which my countrymen, in common with myself, have received, leads to an
attachment to the cause of Greece amounting to enthusiasm, and this
feeling cannot but be increased by viewing the monuments of her
ancient grandeur. I am ready to do my utmost to promote the interests
of your country, but I am by no means willing to allow myself to be
made the puppet of intriguers. I shall put an end to intrigue in the
navy or I shall quit it, and I trust your excellency will excuse me if
I adopt the same resolutions respecting the army, if you yourself
cannot put it down. I have been but a short time in Greece, but have
taken effectual measures to obtain that sort of information which is
necessary for my guidance. This has led me to the resolution to act by
myself and for Greece, so far as I can, whenever I find that others
are either disinclined or unable to co-operate. I have moved the
transports close to the Phalerum in order that they may be more
conveniently situated when I shall learn the determination of your
excellency and the officers in your camp. If that determination is to
relieve Athens the night of the 26th is passed, the marines whom I
have hired, paid, and victualled, shall co-operate; if not, I shall
try to render them serviceable in some other quarter, and I will
denounce to the world as traitors to their country those intriguers
who are the cause of the captivity and perhaps annihilation of the
garrison in the Acropolis. My advice to your excellency is, that
passing the tambourias by night, without firing a shot, you join our
troops in the olive-grove, where I will take care they shall meet your
excellency, if such is your pleasure. I have been anxious that the
glory of relieving Athens should accrue to a Greek, and especially to
your excellency. That object I am ready to promote by every means in
my power. The friendly manner in which we the other day met will cause
me to regret, if in my next letter I shall be obliged to bid your
excellency adieu for ever."

That letter to KaraÔskakes was followed by one, written on the 24th,
to General Church. "In forty-eight hours," wrote Lord Cochrane, "the
question of relieving Athens will be at a close. I have told
KaraÔskakes what I think of the state of affairs, and have made up my
mind to act accordingly; taking upon myself all the responsibility of
not looking longer on tambouria disputes whilst it seems resolved by
the Greeks themselves not to march to the relief of Athens. I have not
sent the transports to Attica to raise the miserable inhabitants at
this hour, when too late for them to be of the least use in relieving
the Acropolis. If I had done so, I should have the load on my
conscience of causing their heads to be struck off. I can assure you,
Sir Richard, that Colonel Gordon and myself laboured long ago to
prevail on KaraÔskakes to do this, but he resisted every application,
for reasons which it will be well if he can satisfactorily explain
hereafter. If your men will not come on, and KaraÔskakes's men will
not in the night pass those miserable tambourias, which in that case
are no impediment, what is the use of my detaining the squadron here?
I have viewed the bugbear of a convent this day from opposite sides,
and it is no more in KaraÔskakes's way than the church of Poros.

"Since writing the above," Lord Cochrane added, "I have received your
note requesting that six hundred men shall be transported hence to
KaraÔskakes's head-quarters in the rear. The naval funds have been
expended and our funds exhausted in bringing forces nearer to the
enemy. I am sure if you reflect on this demand of his, and that
KaraÔskakes's head-quarters are twice as far from Athens as the
Phalerum, you will be of the opinion that it would be better to bring
an equal number, or even the whole of KaraÔskakes's force here, and
endeavour immediately to do something effectual to save Fabvier and
the garrison from the inevitable destruction consequent on the present
mode of proceeding. If KaraÔskakes wants more men he wants them to
take tambourias, and not to march past them as he ought, for his
present position is of no use whatever. Do cause some rational mode of
proceeding to be adopted, or let us give it up; for we are now only in
the way by occasioning jealousy and promoting the vilest intrigues."

The "bugbear of a convent," which KaraÔskakes wished first to capture,
was the monastery of Saint Spiridion, occupied by a few scores of
Turks, who from it overlooked the Greek encampments on each side, the
one at PirÊus, the other at Munychia, with a distant view of Lord
Cochrane's station at Phalerum and of Sir Richard Church's on the
other side. Finding that KaraÔskakes would not join with Church and
press on to Athens, at a distance of about seven miles, Lord Cochrane
had urged the co-operation of all the forces at Cape Colias, whence
the way to Athens was only about five miles long. KaraÔskakes,
however, refused this plan also. He maintained that the only safe
course was to preserve his position and strengthen it by the formation
of innumerable small circular earthworks, known as tambourias, within
which the soldiers could crouch by day and lie securely on the bare
ground at night. In this way he hoped to starve out the garrison at
Saint Spiridion, the capture of which he deemed essential before any
formidable attempt was made upon the main body of the Turkish camp, in
Athens and around it, and especially under the walls of the Acropolis.
In vain Lord Cochrane urged that this mode of warfare, tardy and
expensive enough at the best of times, was cruelly reprehensible when
they considered the wretched state in which the garrison of the
Acropolis was supposed to be, and the prospect of its speedy
evacuation. KaraÔskakes refused to move, answering each appeal by
unreasonable demands upon Lord Cochrane for supplies of ammunition and
provisions, which it was no part of his duty to supply out of the
residue of the insignificant sum of 8,000l. supplied to him out of the
Greek loan for naval purposes.[4] It may be that KaraÔskakes--a bold
and shrewd man--was not personally responsible for his inactivity. His
army was little more than a commonwealth of small bands, of which each
leader claimed an authoritative share in all deliberations, and owed,
even to him, only a nominal subjection. But if we acquit him
individually of cowardice, we only throw the greater blame on the
Greek force as a whole. That it was blameworthy is clear. "Your
lordship," wrote Sir Richard Church in answer to the letter just
quoted, "is not aware of all the difficulties I had to encounter in
passing our troops who had all struck for pay. Not one would move.
However, that difficulty is now nearly over and the greater part are
passing to the camp at this moment."

  [4] Trikoupes, Gordon, Finlay, and all the other authorities, say that
  Lord Cochrane had 20,000l. He had only been supplied with 8,000l; and
  nearly all this sum had been already disposed of in fitting out the
  fleet at Poros, and paying the seamen's wages.

Unexpected boldness was forced upon them on the 25th of April. "I am
now in a position," wrote Lord Cochrane to General Church at eight
o'clock in the morning from the PirÊus, "to carry you all over to the
rear of the enemy, if KaraÔskakes's army have the courage to walk to
this point, which is in their own possession, in order to land on the
opposite shore at two hundred yards distance, and whereon is not a
living soul. I can make such a diversion by means of the seamen at
night as would enable KaraÔskakes's army to move on by land towards
the Phalerum, whilst those on the Phalerum, with the exception of a
few, might take up a position near Athens or in the town. I can embark
you and yours, and leave KaraÔskakes's men without food, taking all
the provisions to the advanced post, leaving him to starve or come
on."

That desperate expedient was averted. Two or three hours after
suggesting it, Lord Cochrane was superintending the debarkation of
some thirty soldiers, under cover of two gunboats. A party of
Ottomans, seeing the operation, hurried down with the intention of
harassing the new comers. Lord Cochrane's Hydriots, however, rushed to
the rescue. Other Turkish troops came up, to be met by other Greeks,
and the battle became general. Lord Cochrane, with nothing but his
telescope in his hand, gathered the Christian troops round him, and,
with encouraging words, led them on in an orderly attack upon the
entrenchments about the monastery of Saint Spiridion. Within an hour,
nine entrenchments were in the hands of the Greeks, who lost only
eight men. Sixty Turks were slain, and then their comrades fled, most
of them hurrying up to the camp of Athens, a few betaking themselves
to the convent.

"The Greeks," wrote Lord Cochrane to the Government, "have this day
done as their forefathers were wont to do. Henceforth commences a new
era in the system of modern Grecian warfare. If every one behaves
to-morrow as all, without exception, have behaved to-day, the siege of
the Acropolis will be raised and the liberty of Greece secured."

By this success the Turks, with exception of the garrison in the
convent, were driven back to the neighbourhood of Athens, and
KaraÔskakes was encouraged to remove his camp from Keratsina to the
PirÊus. At a council of war held the same evening Lord Cochrane urged
a sudden and united attack upon the Turkish camp on the morrow.
KaraÔskakes, however, declined to move a step further until the
monastery was captured, and, as General Church agreed with this view,
Lord Cochrane assented to it.

Early next morning the bombardment of the monastery was begun. The
_Hellas_, commanded by Miaoulis, discharged her heavy guns upon it
during several hours, with such effect that it seemed to be only a
mass of ruins. It was feebly invested by KaraÔskakes on land. But its
garrison held out with excellent bravery. Thrice the Greeks tried to
storm it; but thrice they were driven back.

In the evening the Turks solicited an armistice, and offered to
capitulate on condition that they should be allowed to retire with all
their arms and properties: and this proposal KaraÔskakes was inclined
to accept. Lord Cochrane, however, contended that they should have
nothing but bare life. While this was being discussed, the Turks
perfidiously assassinated a Greek messenger sent to treat with them,
and fired upon a boat in which Lord Cochrane's secretary, Mr. Edward
Masson, was carrying the flag of truce. Thereupon, the Chief Admiral
refused to hear any more of a compromise. Returning to his ship, he
ordered the bombardment of the convent to be resumed, and besought
KaraÔskakes to continue storming it by land.

This was done throughout the 27th, but unsuccessfully, because
unwillingly. The Greeks asserted that the Turkish garrison was utterly
without provisions and water. Lord Cochrane urged that, if it was so,
a small detachment of the Greek army and the ships of war would
suffice for its investment, while the main force marched boldly on to
Athens before the terror inspired by its recent achievements had died
out. He reproached them with cowardice, and threatened to leave them
unless they took prompt measures for completing their triumph. "The
services of the navy," he wrote to KaraÔskakes, "are immediately
required for other purposes than those of attending upon an inactive
army. My duty I am determined to execute in all possible ways in which
my services can benefit Greece. I shall therefore be gratified if, in
reply to this letter, you will inform me if it is in your power to
make the army advance, and if that advance will take place before
to-morrow night. It will give me the greatest pleasure to co-operate
with you in all manner of ways, but my desire to that effect is
rendered null if those under your orders will not conform to your
wishes or obey your commands."

To the same effect Lord Cochrane wrote, on the following morning, to
General Church. "The convent and its walls," he said, "have been
levelled to the ground. The rubbish alone remains on the southern side
towards the shipping; and it appears that not more than one hundred of
those it contained, or who fled within its walls for safety, now
remain to oppose, or assault, or threaten, the rear of the Greek army,
should you be able to prevail on its leaders to advance. I should
remind those leaders that, independently of the army, I have full
fifteen hundred men under my command, a thousand of whom, being on
shore now at this port, are more than sufficient to blockade these
ruins or destroy all within; which last event might have taken place
yesterday had it not been that the seamen were removed from the
positions which they had stormed and taken, in the neighbourhood of
the convent, and soldiers placed in their stead--a circumstance which
seems to have given them offence, so that they leave the storming of
the ruins of the convent to those thus placed, as they say, in the
post of honour. These feelings, in such minds--however proper the
proceedings may have been in a military point of view--I cannot
prevent or remove. Time, provisions, and money, are wasting in
inaction. The enemy is concentrating troops and fortifying positions
around Athens, each of which positions will be a pretext for delay;
even were I not aware that abundant excuses of other kinds will not be
wanting--such as the arrival of a few hundred cavalry from Negropont
or the like; so that I really begin to despair of one step being made
in advance for the relief of the Acropolis. I know the difficulties of
your situation, and I fear that they are more than even your energy
can surmount. When you shall have done your utmost towards the end we
have in view, I shall make one effort for the safety of the
unfortunate women and children who are threatened with immediate
destruction or perpetual slavery. Pray let me have a decisive reply as
to what is to be done, and when."

General Church's reply is instructive. "I have read your letter with
great attention," he wrote, "and fully enter into your view of
affairs. The Hydriots are unquestionably the best to storm, if anybody
will storm. The soldiers that they say have taken their post were
placed to co-operate in a general assault, and I had made an
arrangement with a chief who certainly displayed considerable courage
the other day. I gave him directions to collect a band, or forlorn
hope, of volunteers to lead with, and he is to have five hundred
dollars for himself and five hundred for his band. Had it not
rained--however ridiculous it may seem to say so--I am sure that a
storming party would have advanced yesterday evening, and I hope it
will do so to-day. In fact, the rain yesterday almost dispersed the
whole camp, and many of our outposts were quite abandoned. If the
Hydriots will advance, I will order the others away immediately. You
have no idea of my anxiety to move on, and I cannot express it.
KaraÔskakes is at this moment going round his outposts. As soon as he
returns, I shall send for him and combine with him, _bon grÈ mal grÈ_,
an advance for to-night or to-morrow. I will let you know as soon as
we have had our conference. I think, my lord, that if the weather
clears up, we shall be able still to storm, and perhaps a little
firing again would have the effect of rousing the fellows."

Soldiers who could only fight in fine weather were hardly fit to
rescue Greece in the heaviest pressure of her misfortunes. On the
previous night something like a mutiny had been occasioned by Lord
Cochrane's complaints at their inactivity. Even KaraÔskakes
sympathised with his captains. "We shall not go well with these
English," he said; "I fear they will ruin us by their impatience. They
cannot restrain themselves. But we must make the best we can of them."
Sir Richard Church, fired with Lord Cochrane's ardour, would not be
made the best of, according to the views of KaraÔskakes and his
followers. The letter from him last quoted was followed within an hour
by a brief one:--"My lord, I have the honour to inform you that I have
given over the command to General KaraÔskakes."

KaraÔskakes and the Greek officers were thus left, at about ten
o'clock in the morning of the 28th, to work out their own devices. At
eleven, Lord Cochrane received orders to cease the firing which he had
reopened from the guns of the _Hellas_. The movements which, through
his telescope, he saw in process within the convent walls and at its
gate induced him to send strict orders to Major Urquhart to withdraw
his Hydriot marines from their post near the convent, and station them
on the summit of Munychia.

The Turks had again sent offers of capitulation, and KaraÔskakes, now
uncontrolled by Lord Cochrane or General Church, and in contempt of
his positive assertion, made two days before, that the garrison had
not a ration of provisions left and could easily be starved into utter
submission, had acceded to their terms. It was agreed that they were
to be allowed to surrender with all the honours of war. Bearing their
arms and all their property, they were to pass unmolested into the
Turkish camp on the hills. KaraÔskakes must be blamed for this excess
of generosity; but, to his credit be it stated, that, having agreed to
the capitulation, he took all reasonable care to have it honourably
observed. Along the road leading from the gate of the convent to the
fortifications on the hills he ranged soldiers on either side, in
order that the Turks might be protected from the crowd of less
disciplined soldiers. All looked well as the two hundred and seventy
men, women, and children who had been locked within the shattered
building passed out of it and began their march. But no sooner was the
convent evacuated than a swarm of Greeks rushed into it, each hoping
to seize the largest share of the booty which they expected to find.
They found nothing, and then angrily rushed out again to inform their
comrades of their disappointment.

Lord Cochrane watched their proceedings from the deck of the
_Unicorn_, General Gordon and Mr. Finlay, who was then serving as a
volunteer on Gordon's staff, being by his side. "All those men will be
murdered!" exclaimed Mr. Finlay, pointing to the retreating Turks.
Lord Cochrane, not yet initiated in all the depths of Greek treachery,
turned in horror to General Gordon and said, "Do you hear what he
says?" "My lord," answered Gordon, "I fear it is too true."[5]

  [5] Finlay, vol. ii., p. 148.

And so it proved. A Greek soldier, pushing through the guard, snatched
at the sword of one of the Turks passing along the line. The Turk
resisted, and a scuffle followed. Two or three other Turks raised
their muskets and fired. A score of Greeks at once retaliated. A
shadow of an excuse was thus afforded to the Christians for wreaking
vengeance for all the ills they had endured from the enemy, and for
giving vent to their anger at finding no prizes in the deserted
convent. A horrible massacre ensued. Two hundred or more Turks were
murdered. Less than seventy escaped. "Forgive me, as I forgive you,"
shouted KaraÔskakes to the Moslems, after vainly trying to stay the
slaughter; "I can do nothing more for you."

"Islanders," wrote Lord Cochrane, in a proclamation to his Hydriot
force, "I was no party to the capitulation this day. Fearing that some
outrage might be committed, I sent you an order to retire; and I glory
in the consciousness that I have saved you as well as myself from
being inculpated in the most horrid scene I ever beheld,--a scene
which freezes my blood, and which cannot be palliated by any
barbarities which the Turks have committed on you. I send you the
thousand dollars which I promised should be distributed, as a reward
for your valour and for your obedience to my directions, which you
will ever find lead to the path of honour and humanity and the duty we
owe to your country."

Utter confusion among the Greeks resulted, for a time, from the
barbarous massacre of Saint Spiridion. The soldiers quarrelled and
fought over the blood-stained spoil. The officers were occupied with
mutual recriminations and excuses regarding their several shares in
the atrocity. KaraÔskakes found himself unable to establish order, and
had to entreat Sir Richard Church to take back his surrendered
authority.

To this General Church assented on the promise that, if he did so, he
should be aided in bringing the chief wrong-doers to justice. Indeed,
both he and Lord Cochrane hoped, for a little while, that their very
misconduct, filling the Greeks with shame and penitence, would incline
them to listen to the counsels in which they both saw the only chance
of safety to the garrison of the Acropolis. "The destinies of Greece,"
wrote Lord Cochrane to KaraÔskakes, on the 29th of April, "the fate of
your army, and the character of its chiefs, are now wholly in the
hands of your excellency. You and you alone will be held responsible
for all that shall happen. The hour of clemency for Greece is past;
the sword alone can decide the contest. Courage is a characteristic of
men who deserve to be free. Let then the conduct of a few atrocious
individuals yesterday be effaced by a march direct to Athens, at least
to relieve the women and children now doomed to destruction, if prompt
exertions be not made to save them. Your excellency has hitherto
treated my friendly advice in a manner which I did not anticipate; but
the world will judge between the course you have taken and that which
I wished you, for the benefit of your country, to pursue. I shall wait
three days for your excellency's reply, when it will be my duty, if
the fortress be not relieved, to attend exclusively to naval affairs.
I hope you will reflect on the glory you may yet attain by saving your
country, and on the ruinous consequences of persevering in inaction
until the last resources of war shall be exhausted."

KaraÔskakes's only answer was that the army was in urgent need of
spades and shovels, with which he hoped that Lord Cochrane would
supply him, as without those means of making fresh tambourias he could
not move from his encampment. Lord Cochrane was reasonably indignant.
"I confess," he wrote in reply, "that I am now in despair of your
making any movement for the relief of the Acropolis, because I have
now ascertained that, all the obstacles which first presented
themselves to your excellency being overcome, others successively
present themselves, to put off the day of your march to the Acropolis.
I have made a diversion here this day in favour of your excellency,
which, by all the rules of military tactics, must increase the
relative strength of your army and facilitate its march. My time and
attention must now be devoted to naval matters, and unless you advance
this evening, I shall have deeply and bitterly to regret, for the sake
of Greece, that I ever put faith in anything being accomplished by
individuals to whom so many difficulties, which my experience has
taught me to be imaginary, present themselves. I recall to your
excellency's recollection your promises and assurances, and I call
upon you to make some effort to save your country from inevitable
ruin. I solemnly declare that it is my opinion that a thousand men who
would obey orders and do their duty are more than are necessary to
perform the task at which your excellency hesitates. I shall be
oppressed with grief if, after the scene of yesterday, I am compelled
to return, first, to the seat of Government, and next to Europe,
without having witnessed any deed that can tend to obliterate the
stain thereby affixed on the Grecian people."

"I am making my last effort," wrote Lord Cochrane to Dr. Gosse, "to
get KaraÔskakes to advance. The monastery is taken, its defenders are
destroyed, and now the sheepfold on the other side of the Phalerum is
the obstacle. We want mortars, shells, and fuses, shoes for the
seamen, and food for the mob denominated falsely the army of Greece."

The letter to KaraÔskakes had some effect. On the 30th of April,
General Church wrote to say that he had persuaded the Greek captains
to agree unanimously to an immediate movement against Athens. Two
thousand men were to go, during the following night, by water to the
neighbourhood of Cape Colias, and thence march stealthily to a hill
about a mile south of Athens, which they hoped to seize and secure
under cover of the darkness. During the next evening, a force about
twice as large was to join them by the same route, and all were to do
their best to drive the Turks from their encampments round the
Acropolis. This was Lord Cochrane's plan; and there can be no doubt
that it would have been successful had the Greeks acted upon it and
done their duty.

Unfortunately they did neither. Having promised overnight, they found
reasons in the morning for breaking their promises. Nothing was done
on the 1st of May, and Lord Cochrane, tired of their excuses for
procrastination, paid a brief visit to the authorities at Poros. The
result was, that he thought of going without the Greek leaders. "I
have seen the Government," he wrote to Sir Richard Church on the 2nd,
"and prepared them for the worst, should things go on as they have
hitherto done. They are incapable of applying any remedy. Therefore,
the more credit will be due to you if you shall be enabled to save the
garrison of the Acropolis; in which endeavour count on my utmost
exertions and most unlimited co-operation. I hope now you will be able
to act without KaraÔskakes. In addition to your own people, I can
provide two thousand marines, seamen, and volunteers. With these, if
you land at night to the eastward, you may be in the neighbourhood of
Athens in two hours; and then there is the garrison of fifteen hundred
in addition to co-operate, making in the whole a force of nearly five
thousand, without taking a soldier from KaraÔskakes's tambourias. If,
however, you judge well to have volunteers from KaraÔskakes's camp, I
shall offer 200,000 piastres amongst all who will accompany you or
meet you at Athens; by which means I have little doubt you will find
KaraÔskakes deserted, and the whole mob at the gates of Athens. All
the vessels are at your service."

Sir Richard Church feared to undertake the exploit without the
co-operation of KaraÔskakes, and, on again consulting him, he was
informed that a fresh supply of entrenching tools was necessary. Lord
Cochrane immediately sent messengers to procure them, but was none the
less annoyed at what seemed to him an unnecessary excuse, and again
threatened to take his ships where they could do good work for Greece.
"You have done everything in your power," wrote Sir Richard to him on
the 3rd of May, "and so have I. The soldiers will not embark without
the entrenching tools. All we could collect do not amount to two
hundred and fifty. I would have gone without one, but no one will
follow me. I cannot say more; but to-morrow we may be more fortunate.
I cannot say to you stay or otherwise. If you go, I cannot deplore it
more than yourself."

Lord Cochrane consented to wait till the morrow, and on the morrow an
incident occurred which caused a little further delay. On the 4th of
May a small body of Greeks, chiefly Hydriots, went on a skirmishing
expedition. At first they were successful, and they had nearly won a
redoubt, when a large force of Turks suddenly assailed them on the
flank, and drove them back to Phalerum with a loss of nearly a hundred
men. KaraÔskakes, hearing of this reverse, hurried to the rescue, and
with the bravery which was never wanting to him when in actual battle,
sought to rally the fugitives. He was on the point of leading them
back, when a ball from a pistol struck him in the belly. He was
conveyed, in a dying state, to General Church's schooner. Regret at
his previous vacillations seems to have filled his mind. "Where is
Cochrane? Bring Cochrane to me!" he exclaimed over and over again.
Lord Cochrane soon arrived. KaraÔskakes, on seeing him, murmured
repeated thanks to him for his forbearance towards himself and his
devotion to the cause of the Greeks. In his eagerness, he seized the
interpreter, Mr. Masson, by the beard, and, pointing towards Cape
Colias, said, with all the strength he could muster, "Tell them to be
sure to land the division over there to-morrow." Then, not doubting
that the expedition would be successful, he uttered solemn thanks to
Heaven that he was dying in the moment of victory. Then he made his
will--a soldier's will. "I leave my sword and my gun to my son. Tell
him to remember they belonged to KaraÔskakes." He had little else to
leave, having always been free from the avarice by which many of his
countrymen were disgraced. He died in the night, and in him Greece
lost the worthiest of her native warriors. His faults were the faults
of his nation. Many of his virtues were his own. Had his followers
been as brave and honest as he was in his best moments, he might have
led them on to easy victory. But they wavered and procrastinated, and,
in listening to their excuses, he lost his chance of triumph and
subjected himself to blame, for which his brave death only half
atoned.

On the evening of the 4th, Lord Cochrane assembled the Greek captains
at Munychia, and telling them of their leader's dying message, asked
whether they were ready to obey it. For some time they made no answer.
At length, on the question being repeated, they replied that they
thought they had only been brought thither to hear from the Admiral
words of consolation for the loss they had sustained in the death of
the brave and wise KaraÔskakes. Being asked a third time whether they
would obey the dying injunction of the leader for whom they now
mourned so much, they answered that they were not ready, that the army
was in disorder, that some of them were occupied in burying the slain,
that some were tending the wounded, and that all desired to stay near
their chief as long as the soul was in his body, and to have at any
rate the opportunity of kissing his body before its burial.

With some bitterness, Lord Cochrane replied that such an excess of
grief was inopportune, and that their love for KaraÔskakes would be
best shown in obeying his last command. He added that, if they really
refused to go to the rescue of the Acropolis, they would not need his
presence on the coast and could not complain of his going to serve
Greece elsewhere. Having said that, he returned to his ship.

He had not been long on board, however, when a messenger followed him
with intelligence that the army would adopt his plan and be ready,
without fail, to proceed to the Acropolis on the following evening.
There was no further procrastination, and throughout the next day
preparations were being made for what one historian of the Greek
Revolution calls "a whim,"[6] and another "an insane scheme."[7]

  [6] Trikoupes, vol. iv., p. 152.

  [7] Gordon, vol. ii., p. 392.

"The scheme," says one who was in close attendance on Lord Cochrane
all through this time, Mr. Edward Masson, "was anything but insane. It
was one of the most sober, safe, and practicable plans ever formed.
The first and fundamental condition on which Lord Cochrane consented
to co-operate in any plan of landing troops at Cape Colias was, that
the troops landed should not expose themselves to an attack of cavalry
in the plains, but should, on being landed, proceed by a night march,
in compact order, and without halting, to a specified rocky height
beyond the temple of Jupiter Olympus, a position which, it was
admitted by all, they could hold with perfect safety during the day.
From this position, the leaders were to try to communicate, by signals
or otherwise, with the garrison, and in concert with it, act as
circumstances might dictate. Should the garrison resolve to make a
sortie, the main body of the Greek army advancing simultaneously from
the Phalerum, it was confidently hoped that the combined attack on the
enemy would prove victorious; or, at least, would be so far
successful, as to enable the Greeks to save the garrison and bring
away the families. The great characteristic of the plan was, that
nothing should be risked in reference to the enemy's cavalry, and that
if the detachment should find they could accomplish nothing, they
should, on the following night, return as they went, in safety, and be
embarked for the Phalerum."

Unfortunately, the two main points on which Lord Cochrane had insisted
were neglected, and thereby what must otherwise have been a brilliant
victory was turned into a miserable defeat. He had insisted upon the
movement from Cape Colias being aided by the march of the main body of
the army direct from the PirÊus to the hills, thus diverting the
attention of many of the Turks while the advancing party and the
garrison were uniting; but Zavella, to whom this part of the work had
been entrusted, never moved at all. He had urged yet more strongly
that the preparations for the advance should be so hastened as that
all the ground should be travelled over during the night-time, while
the Turks were in ignorance of it; but instead of that, the Greeks,
though they were embarked at Phalerum by midnight, and landed at Cape
Colias before two o'clock in the morning, loitered near the shore till
daylight, so that their whole enterprise was exposed to the enemy. The
critics who have laid the blame of the disaster on Lord Cochrane have
neglected to show how these circumstances caused the failure of the
enterprise.

The story of the disaster of the 6th of May will be best told in the
words of an eye-witness. "About three thousand soldiers," said Dr.
Gosse, in a letter written to M. Eynard on the 23rd, "were embarked in
the night between the 5th and the 6th of May, in a clear moonlight,
and in the most perfect order, and promptly landed on the other shore.
Up to that time everything favoured our enterprise; but the treason
and negligence of the chiefs, and the indolence of some of the
soldiers, altogether destroyed it. Instead of marching directly to
Athens during the night, they employed themselves in constructing
redoubt after redoubt, as bad as they were useless, of the sort called
by them tambourias. We counted a dozen. Only the Suliots, the
Candiots, commanded by Demetrius Kalerdji, two hundred regular troops,
under the orders of Inglesi and D'aujourd'hui, and twenty-two
Philhellenes, went in advance. Without any hindrance, they reached
within cannon-shot of the Acropolis, towards Philippapus, so that, as
I have heard, they could even speak with the besieged; but, having
received no orders to enter, they waited until the day rendered their
position hazardous. The enemy thus had time to ascertain their
weakness and to send against them eight hundred horsemen. Thrice these
troops were repulsed. Vasso and Notaras, however, who covered the
right flank, abandoned their posts, as they had done in the affair of
the unfortunate Bourbakes, and thereby they caused confusion among the
troops in the centre. The latter defended themselves with renewed
valour, but yielded at last to the sabres of the Dehli cavalry. Then
was exhibited such a panic as cannot be described. The soldiers who
occupied the redoubts in the rear, and near to the place of
debarkation, began to flee almost at the same time as those of Vasso,
and threw themselves into the sea at the risk of being drowned. I was
at this time with Lord Cochrane, who did not wish to mix himself up
with the affair, when the sudden flight forced us at once to rejoin
our boat, and even this was not done without great difficulty. General
Church was also on the shore, and he too was only saved by the sloop
which was waiting for him. The Turkish cavalry, after having killed or
captured all the advanced party, rushed into the plain and made
terrible havoc among the Greeks. Seven hundred of them were killed;
and two hundred and forty were taken prisoners. The rest, numbering
about two thousand, rushed down towards the sea, and would soon have
been all destroyed by the Turkish guns placed on the hills if the fire
from the vessels off the coast had not kept the enemy at a respectful
distance. They passed the day in a terrible uncertainty, but were
sustained by the courage of certain chiefs, especially of Nicolo
Serva, a Suliot captain; and in the following night they were embarked
and carried back to Phalerum. While this portion of the army was being
thus troubled, the Greeks, under the orders of Kisso Zavella, remained
inactive. That chief quietly smoked his pipe, and when implored to
march, was content to answer coldly, 'When they pay me I will go.' The
troops of Kolokotrones the younger, and of Sessinis, deserted in the
direction of Livonia. The Turks, taking advantage of the disorganized
condition of the Greeks, attacked the Phalerum on the night of the
6th, but were repulsed."

Lord Cochrane's account of the battle sent to the Government on the
7th of May, though more general, supplies some other details. "The
plan concocted previous to the death of General KaraÔskakes," he said,
"was carried into effect on the 6th, by his excellency General Church,
with this difference in the execution of the service, that his
excellency and myself were anxious that a rapid march should be made
from the place of debarkation direct to Athens, by a body of four
thousand men, in order to return with the women and children and the
wounded, whereas the officers of the army insisted upon entrenchments
being made in the line of their progress--an operation which required
so much time as to preclude the possibility of effecting the object
surprised and unopposed. The redoubts were in progress of
construction, and the work continued with unremitting labour until
about nine o'clock in the morning, when the enemy's cavalry, having
collected from all quarters, broke in upon the unfinished redoubts and
vigorously attacked those who had advanced the furthest, and who, from
the number of subdivisions left, according to the custom of the
country, in these redoubts during their progress, had become so
weakened as to be incapable of making effectual resistance. The loss
on our side has been very considerable. I had to lament this day that
the Greeks still continue their aversion to that regularity of
movement and honesty of action which constitute the strength of
armies, and I grieve to see great bravery rendered useless to their
country and dangerous to themselves, and wasted in desultory and
unsupported personal efforts. The use of the bayonet and very slight
military instruction would have saved most of those who fell on this
occasion, and would have rendered unnecessary those redoubts which
delay the progress of your arms, and destroy more men in insignificant
enterprises which tend to no result, than would be required for the
deliverance of your country. The affairs of Greece require energy, and
that remedy be at once applied to whatever impedes the progress of
affairs."

Lord Cochrane testified to the excellent soldiership of the Turkish
horsemen. With sabres and short muskets, they dashed in and out of the
crowd of retreating Greeks, who, having no bayonets and no weapons
adapted for close fighting, were utterly defenceless. He himself,
having landed with Dr. Gosse to watch the operations from the shore,
was so hard pressed by these formidable antagonists that he was only
rescued by his own bravery and the daring of Dr. Gosse, who retained
possession of the boat which was waiting for him on the shore until
his chief had time to force his way back to it through the crowd of
fighting Turks and Greeks and through the waves beating up to his
neck. It was only when he was again on board the _Hellas_, and able to
direct the firing of the guns, that the Turks were driven back, and
the remnant of the Greek force was allowed to collect and prepare for
the return to Phalerum.

The fall of the Acropolis soon followed this terrible defeat. By it
the Greeks were utterly disorganized. Lord Cochrane, finding it
impossible to persuade them to another attempt, returned to Poros with
the fleet on the 10th of May. Sir Richard Church remained at Munychia,
his army being every hour reduced by desertions, till the 27th, when
he and the two thousand starving men who were left to him abandoned
their position. Fabvier and the garrison, through the intervention of
the French Captain Le Blanc and Admiral De Rigny, capitulated on the
5th of June. It was then found that the Acropolis still contained
stores of food and ammunition sufficient for four months' use, and
that their reports of destitution had been deliberate falsehoods,
intended only to force their friends outside to come speedily to their
relief.

Those falsehoods had been particularly mischievous. By them, as has
been shown, Lord Cochrane was induced to listen to the entreaties of
KaraÔskakes and the Government, and take his ships to Phalerum,
instead of carrying out his plan of stopping the Turkish supplies in
the Negropont and at Oropos. Had that plan been adhered to, it seems
as if a very different issue might easily have been brought about.

The work on which he had been engaged having terminated so
unfortunately, Lord Cochrane was much blamed for it by critics who had
private reasons for being jealous. We have shown, however, that he
only entered upon that work at the request of men whose power and
influence he could not gainsay; that, having undertaken it, he set
himself shrewdly and earnestly to render it successful; and that the
failure was occasioned, not by adoption of his plans, but by their
perversion or rejection. If he erred, he erred only in expecting too
much patriotism and valour from the people whom he was doing his
utmost to serve.

If anything further need be said in explanation and defence of Lord
Cochrane's position up to this time, it will be best done by quoting
part of a letter addressed to M. Eynard on the 27th of May, in which
he concisely repeated the whole story. "On my arrival in Greece," he
wrote, "I found that the authority was claimed by two factions, that
nothing like a navy existed, and that a number of individuals called
an army were collected to raise the siege of Athens,--but wholly
deficient in military talent on the part of the commanders, or in
obedience and discipline on the part of the troops. As soon as I had
accepted my commission, I commenced active exertions to save the
Acropolis. I advised KaraÔskakes to embark and land to the southward
and eastward of the Phalerum, and, marching direct to the Acropolis,
bring out the women and children. But my counsel was in vain, as he
had no idea of any combined naval and military movement, nor indeed of
any military plan, except that of advancing by slow steps, after the
manner of the Turks, who construct little fortifications, called
tambourias, at every few hundred yards, which are again opposed by
others of the adverse party; and, as neither army attacks these forts
by active force, the whole, after a few hours, are brought to a stand,
and the result of the contest depends on who can the longest continue
to furnish pay and provisions. Such was the state of the military
contest when General Church took the command. The battle at Phalerum,
though brilliant, was accidental, and, not being followed up, was
productive of no result. KaraÔskakes fell, and General Church embarked
the troops in order to execute the movement that ought to have taken
place a month before. The moment was more inauspicious than we were
aware of; for the Turkish commander had that very night been joined by
a large body of cavalry and a number of infantry from Negropont and
elsewhere. This, however, would not have proved decisive, had not
General Church, with a view to conciliate the officers under his
command, and indeed in order to induce them to embark at all upon the
expedition, conformed to their absurd views of military movement, and
permitted them to carry entrenching tools to form their usual numerous
positions on the line of their route, the construction of which wholly
defeated the intention of surprise, and enabled the enemy to surround
their advanced guard or van, weakened by the division of the troops
into fourteen garrisons left in a line in their advance, whereas the
whole body might, with perfect safety and in two hours, have reached
the Acropolis. The slaughter which the Turks made in the advanced
posts of the Greeks was horrible, and the panic which took possession
of those who remained on the Phalerum, at three leagues' distance from
the scene of action, was as disgraceful as the conduct of their chief,
Zavella, who made no movement even to create a diversion, but sat
coolly looking at the slaughter of his countrymen. With six thousand
men under his command he remained totally inactive. This expedition to
Athens cost upwards of twenty-five thousand dollars of the naval money
and destroyed most of our provisions. At the same time, I believed it
to be my duty to act as I did, and I have not since regretted any step
that I took, because, if Fabvier and the garrison fall into the hands
of the Turks and are destroyed, I shall at least have the consolation
of knowing that my utmost efforts were made to avert their fate."




CHAPTER XIX.

LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO POROS.--HIS ATTEMPTS TO ORGANIZE AN
EFFICIENT GREEK NAVY.--THE WANT OF FUNDS AND THE APATHY OF THE
GREEKS.--HIS LETTER TO THE PSARIANS, AND HIS VISITS TO HYDRA AND
SPETZAS.--HIS CRUISE ROUND THE MOREA.--HIS FIRST ENGAGEMENT WITH THE
TURKS.--THE DISORGANIZATION OF HIS GREEK SAILORS.--HIS CAPTURE OF A
VESSEL BEARING THE BRITISH FLAG, LADEN WITH GREEK PRISONERS.--SEIZURE
OF PART OF RESHID PASHA'S HAREM.--IBRAHIM PASHA'S NARROW ESCAPE.--LORD
COCHRANE'S FURTHER DIFFICULTIES.--HIS EXPEDITION TO ALEXANDRIA.--ITS
FAILURE THROUGH THE COWARDICE OF HIS SEAMEN.--HIS TWO LETTERS TO THE
PASHA OF EGYPT.--HIS RETURN TO POROS.--FURTHER EFFORTS TO IMPROVE THE
NAVY.--HIS VISIT TO SYRA.--THE TROUBLES OF THE GREEK GOVERNMENT.--LORD
COCHRANE'S VISIT TO NAVARINO.--HIS DEFEAT OF A TURKISH SQUADRON.

[1827.]


Before arriving in Greece, Lord Cochrane bad been informed by Captain
Abney Hastings and other experienced Philhellenes of the inefficiency
of the navy, and a very short stay at Poros served to convince him of
the truth of the information. On the 17th of April he obtained from
the National Assembly a decree authorizing the organization of a
better national fleet, and, before proceeding to join in the efforts
for the relief of the Acropolis, he did all that was possible towards
the achievement of this object, making such arrangements as would
prevent any hindrance thereto arising from his temporary absence on
the most pressing work that devolved upon him. Having sent Captain
Hastings with all the available ships on the expedition to the
Negropont which has already been described, he established at Poros
the centre of the administration of the fleet, entrusting its
direction to Dr. Gosse, as Commissary-General. He then visited Hydra,
Spetzas, and other islands, and left in each directions for the
inspection of all the ships there stationed, in order that, according
to the national decrees, the best of them might be bought up by the
Government, on equitable terms, and converted into vessels of war at
Poros. During his stay near the PirÊus he was in almost daily
correspondence with Dr. Grosse and Emanuel Tombazes respecting the
purchase of stores, the construction of gunboats, and every other
essential to the fulfilment of his purpose. He sent Jakomaki Tombazes,
the elder of the two brothers, to look out near Candia for a new
corvette which had just been built at Leghorn for the Pasha of Egypt.
All other means in his power were adopted by him for augmenting the
naval strength of Greece, and fitting it to oppose the force of her
enemies so soon as he was able to devote himself exclusively to that
work.

This he did promptly and zealously immediately after the failure of
the expedition in favour of the garrison of the Acropolis. "Brave
officers and soldiers and seamen of the military and naval services,"
he wrote in a proclamation issued on the 7th of May, "a defeat of the
enemy's naval force will tenfold repay the check which was sustained
in yesterday's attempt to relieve the Acropolis. Let every man
maintain his post as duty to his country demands, and in a few days I
trust you will find your affairs not only retrieved but secured on a
permanent base."

That trust was not fulfilled. The Greeks proved themselves on sea as
well as on land unable to fight worthily, and with enough real
patriotism, for the liberty of their country. But honour must not on
that account be withheld from the man who used all his large
experience and larger philanthropy in trying to put them in the way of
victory.

Lord Cochrane returned to Poros on the 10th of May, after an absence
of just three weeks. He lost no time in rendering to the Government,
then located in that island, a personal account of his recent
proceedings, and in doing his utmost to persuade the Greeks to aid him
in the new exploits on which he hoped to enter with better prospect of
success. An address to the Psarians, dated the 11th of May, will serve
as a specimen of many documents of the same nature. "It was my
intention yesterday," he said, "to have paid my respects to you, in
order personally to have made known to you the circumstances in which
the naval service is placed and the state and preparations of the
enemy, and to have called on you to show an example to the other
islanders, on whose exertions now depend the liberties and fate of
their country. The abandonment of the schooner, in which I have
hitherto been embarked by all her seamen, prevented me from fulfilling
my intention, and the certain intelligence received this morning that
the Turkish fleet from Constantinople passed Syra the day before
yesterday, to join the Egyptian fleet, compels me now to recommend you
by writing, instead of by word of mouth, to save your country and
yourselves by prompt and energetic exertions. The money I brought here
with me, being the proceeds of subscriptions made throughout Europe
for your cause, has unfortunately been nearly consumed in fruitless
endeavours to save the capital of Greece by means of an irregular and
unmanageable body of men, who will neither receive instruction nor
listen to advice. I hope that the brave seamen who understand their
duty will listen to my recommendation through you that they should at
once step forward to save their families from oppression and slavery,
and the name of their country from being struck out of the list of
independent nations. By one glorious effort Greece may be free; but if
she remain in her present state of apathy all hope must be abandoned.
I call upon you now to stand forward in defence of your religion and
all that is valuable to man. I send you a thousand dollars, which is
all that I can spare. Those who will equip their ships may depend on
repayment out of the first money that shall be remitted to me for the
public service of Greece."

As that letter implies, Lord Cochrane had to begin his reconstruction
of the Greek navy--now the only remaining resource of the nation in
its hope of working out and assuring its independence by effort of its
own--almost without funds. The small sum of 8000l. which he had
brought with him, as well as the money collected by the European
committees and transmitted to the Philhellenic Committee in Greece,
composed of Colonel Heydeck, Dr. Bailli, and Dr. Gosse, was nearly
exhausted, and the bankrupt Government was unable to provide him with
any adequate resources for carrying on his work. It had authorized him
to buy ships and stores and to employ labourers and seamen, and
expected him to do all without stint, but gave him no money for the
purpose. In lieu it authorized him to borrow upon the security of all
the future revenue to be derived from the islands; and every effort to
utilize this mortgage was made by his agent Dr. Gosse, but with very
poor success. The credit of the Greek Government was so low that the
prospects of any considerable revenue in the depressed state of
commerce--likely to be yet more depressed by the steady advances made
by the Turks in regaining their dominion over the insurgents--deterred
capitalists from staking their money thereupon. Lord Cochrane, as we
shall see, had to apply half his energies in performing the work of a
financier, never anticipated by him, and certainly not proper to his
functions as First Admiral; and, the result of all being feeble, his
legitimate duties were grievously crippled.

Money being absolutely needed, however, he did his best to procure it,
and with this view, as well as in order to make personal acquaintance
with the principal ports, and the ships and sailors contained in them,
he left Poros, three days after returning to it, on a tour among the
other important islands.

Starting on Sunday, the 13th of May, he reached Hydra on the following
morning. There, in the house of the brothers Konduriottes, its richest
and most influential inhabitants, he met several other leading
primates, and prevailed on them to take upon themselves the outfit of
several brigs and brulottes, the cost of which he had at present no
means of paying. Having, on the 15th, passed on to Spetzas, Lord
Cochrane had a similar interview with its chief residents. "I have
been highly gratified," he wrote on the 16th to the elder
Konduriottes, "by the spirit here manifested in following the noble
example which you have set, and I have no doubt but a sufficient force
will be immediately equipped to cut off all the resources by which the
army of Reshid Pasha is maintained, and so destroy that army even more
effectually than by the sword. The utmost promptitude, however, is
necessary. One day's delay may permit several weeks' provisions and
stores to enter the Negropont."

Promptitude was not easy, in spite of the favourable promises of the
primates. "Strange as it may appear to you," said Lord Cochrane, in a
letter to his friend, M. Eynard, "it is yet a fact that, out of the
thousands of seamen idle and starving at Hydra, Spetzas, and Egina,
not a man will enter the service of his country without being paid in
advance; nor will they engage to prolong their service beyond a month,
so that the labour of disciplining a crew is interminable. Were there
funds to increase the pay for each month, the sailors would remain,
and there might be some hope of getting a ship in order. At the
present moment there are no individuals in Greece who are instructed
in their duties as officers in ships of war." "I see no termination to
the obstacles," he wrote to Dr. Gosse on the 17th, "which present
themselves at every step I advance. Neither the Hydriots nor the
Psarians, nor the Spetziots, nor the Poriots, will embark in this
frigate, which is thus useless to Greece, if not prejudicial, because
her maintenance is an expense without benefit. I wish I could do a
thousand things which I am compelled to neglect, by reason of the
difficulties and want of assistance of all kinds. You, my good friend,
are my only aid."

At Spetzas, and in its neighbourhood, Lord Cochrane remained four
days, directing the arrangements to be made in organizing a fleet
strong enough to go against the enemy's shipping, and, while waiting
for that, in appointing two minor expeditions upon services that were
urgent. On the 18th of May, he sent Admiral Saktoures with ten brigs
and four fireships to cruise about the Negropont and capture as much
as he could of the stores sent through that channel from
Constantinople for the use of the Turkish army in Attica. On the
following day he went himself in the _Hellas_, attended by the
_Karteria_, under Captain Abney Hastings, in the direction of Cape
Clarenza, the north-westernmost point of the Morea, opposite to
Zante.[8]

  [8] "The admiral," says Gordon, "weighed with the _Hellas_ and
  _Karteria_ alone, leaving the rest of his squadron to draw pay and
  rations at Porto Kheli" (vol. ii., p. 415). The fact was that all the
  rest of his squadron that was fit for service was sent to the
  Negropont; and Lord Cochrane left directions that the other vessels,
  as soon as there were men to be rationed and funds for paying them,
  should follow him to Clarenza. But they only came to run away.

Castle Tornese, there situated, was being besieged by the Turks, and
Lord Cochrane hoped to be in time to avert its capture. In this he
failed. Arriving on the 22nd of May, he found that the castle had
capitulated a few hours before. All he could do was to chase two
Turkish frigates which he found on the coast. "We fired into them," he
said, "but our guns were ill-directed, and the noise and confusion on
board this ship was excessive, which prevented my choosing to attack
them again, though they did us not the slightest injury, because I am
desirous that the _Hellas_ shall be in somewhat better order before I
voluntarily attack an enemy who may take advantage of the
impossibility of causing my orders to be obeyed, and so leave the fate
of the ship to the conduct of a rabble."

One capture, however, the _Hellas_ was able to make on the following
day. She fell in with a vessel, manned by Turks and Ionian Islanders,
bearing the British flag, loaded with captives, chiefly women and
children, just taken in the Castle Tornese. Lord Cochrane seized her,
and sent her, with a reasonably indignant letter, to the Lord High
Commissioner at Corfu. "If I do not attempt to express my feelings in
addressing you," he said, "it is because I am aware that the terms I
should employ would fall far short of the sensations that will arise
in the breast of every honourable man throughout the civilized world,
and the degradation which every Englishman will experience, on
learning that the flag of England, first prostituted by supplying the
traffickers in Christian slaves with all the necessaries for their
horrid purposes, is now further debased by a traffic in the slaves
themselves. I send you an Ionian vessel, full of women violated in
their persons, and who, with their children, had been reduced to
slavery, in order that the British public and the world may ascertain
whether these unfortunate people will be protected by the decision of
an Ionian tribunal. If there were any hope that the people in the
Ionian Islands would abandon their infamous dealings otherwise than by
force, I should ask your excellency to issue an order upon the
subject. I beg, however, to signify that I am ready to co-operate with
the admiral and officers of the British naval service in the
Mediterranean in enforcing obedience to the laws of justice and
humanity, and putting down the Ionian trade in slaves, as well as the
piracies which have originated chiefly in the total contempt shown by
the Ionian people and others for the laws of nations and the
principles of justice during the contest between Greeks and Turks. I
also put at your disposal the Turks found on board the Ionian boat,
not considering them as prisoners of war, but as men apprehended in
violating the laws of civilized nations and insulting the feelings of
Christendom." "Since writing the above," it was added in a postscript,
"I have experienced considerable difficulty in restraining the fury of
the Greeks from bursting forth upon the violators of their
countrywomen. From what I foresee, I also feel it my duty to warn you
that, should the transportation of Christian captives by neutrals be
continued, I cannot answer for the safety of Ionians found so employed
by the other vessels of the Greek squadron."

A formal acknowledgment of that letter was all the answer received by
Lord Cochrane.

On the 24th of May, when near Missolonghi, he made another capture--a
Turkish brig, with eight guns, bearing Austrian colours, which was
proceeding from Previsa to Navarino. In her, besides a good store of
flour and gunpowder, were found some Turkish officials and several
members of Reshid Pasha's harem. The alarm of these prisoners was very
great at first; but they were treated with courtesy, and landed, with
all their personal properties, at the first convenient halting-place,
the brig and its cargo being retained as prizes. Reshid Pasha, in
return for the generous treatment shown to his attendants, afterwards
released a hundred Greek prisoners without ransom.

Another curious incident occurred at this time. Several small Turkish
merchant-vessels passed Lord Cochrane's ship during his stay near
Missolonghi, but he abstained from capturing them, deeming it unworthy
to interfere with such small crafts, devoted, as it was supposed, only
to trading purposes. He was afterwards informed that in one of them
Ibrahim Pasha himself had been concealed. Had the Egyptian leader been
thus made prisoner, the future course of the war might have been
altogether changed.

Lord Cochrane had gone into the Gulf of Patras in hope of meeting with
Captain Hastings, from whom he had parted soon after leaving Spetzas;
but the _Karteria_ had been disabled by a squall, which took away both
her masts, and so had to return to Poros; and with the ill-manned
_Hellas_ alone Lord Cochrane did not deem it prudent, as he had
wished, to attack Navarino, whither the besiegers of the Castle
Tornese had gone, and where twelve Egyptian frigates, twenty
corvettes, and forty or fifty smaller vessels were for some time
lying. Several of these came out to take on board the Ottoman troops
who had done their work at Cape Clarenza, and Lord Cochrane, on the
1st of June, remained for several hours within sight of them, ready
and hoping to be attacked. No fight being offered, however, he did not
choose to run the risk of going single-handed into their midst. He
accordingly contented himself with surveying the coast, and forming
his own judgment as to the relative value of its ports and harbours,
as he sailed back in the direction of Poros.

To Poros itself Lord Cochrane did not venture to proceed. "I have
written for all the Greek vessels that are ready, including the
fireships and explosion-vessels, to join me," he said in a letter to
Dr. Gosse, written on the 7th of June, off Cerigo; "I remain at sea
with this frigate, lest the whole of her crew should desert, according
to custom, were I to pay a visit to Poros." The want of zeal which he
thus perceived in his seamen was shared by nearly all their
countrymen. All wished him to serve them, but very few made any
patriotic effort to aid him in the service. His most active supporter
was Captain Abney Hastings; and Captain Abney Hastings complained yet
more loudly than did his superior of the indolence and bad conduct of
the Greeks. "I had the honour to receive your order of the 7th,
enjoining me to repair to your lordship without delay, if ready for
sea," he wrote on the 9th, from Spetzas; "a variety of circumstances,
unavoidable in a country deprived of even the shadow of organization,
has prevented me from being yet ready to sail. The majority and best
of my crew have left me, and I must look for others."

Hastings and all his other officers wrote over and over again to Lord
Cochrane, asking for stores of all sorts, and for money with which to
pay the wages of their crews. But Lord Cochrane was still almost
without funds. Only from Konduriottes, and the other island primates,
could he procure scanty supplies with which to carry on his work--or
rather, to prevent that work from being altogether abandoned. "I have
the honour," he wrote to the Government, "to represent to your
excellencies that I find it impossible to realise the credit which you
assigned to me on the revenues of the islands, and that insurmountable
obstacles prevent my acting as affairs require. The _Hellas_ even is
idle for want of supplies. Each day, each event, increases my
conviction that, without strong and special efforts, without a prompt
and disinterested co-operation of all its citizens, Greece must of
necessity be overcome. Isolated as I am, I am useless to them.
Supported by their patriotism and zeal, I could fight for their
independence. The islands of the Archipelago are willing to aid our
efforts, but they claim from me in return a guarantee for the safety
of their goods and for the regular administration of their imposts. I
await your excellencies' instructions for promptly answering their
demand; for the resources of the western nations are drained; European
charity is wearied. The islands alone offer us the means of
maintaining the naval forces, and of resisting, if it be possible--if
it be not too late--the vigorous preparations of our enemy. We must
act promptly or abandon everything." The Government only answered by
urging its chief admiral to lose no time in securing the independence
of Greece.

This, in spite of the difficulties thrown in his way, he set himself
heartily to attempt. Two courses were now open to him. Reshid Pasha,
having taken possession of the Acropolis, and thus completed the
capture of Athens, had laid siege to Corinth; and Sir Richard Church,
with a weak and vacillating body which went by the name of an
army--the remnants of that which had proved so useless in the
neighbourhood of the PirÊus--was vainly trying to raise the siege. By
him and by the Government Lord Cochrane was urged to muster as large a
fleet as possible in the Bay of Corinth, and to co-operate with the
land forces by blockading the besiegers, after the method that had
failed at Athens. Experience convinced him that such action would be
useless; whereas from modification of the plan which he had in the
former instance been induced to abandon he hoped much. He knew that a
large Egyptian force was being prepared at Alexandria, to be employed
first in aiding the siege of Corinth, and afterwards in completing the
conquest of all Greece. If only he could train the Greeks to act under
his bold leadership, as he had trained the Chilians and Brazilians, he
trusted that, by one daring movement, he could seize Alexandria as he
had seized Valdivia and Maranham. And to this project he zealously
addressed himself, deeming it sufficient to send a small force to
blockade the gulfs of Patras and Corinth, and leaving Dr. Gosse as his
agent in command of naval affairs at home, with special orders to
visit the various islands, and, in accordance with authority received
from the Government, to collect the revenues of each, in order that
the necessary expenses of the fleet might be met.

He collected all the vessels he could muster in the neighbourhood of
Cape Saint Angelo. His force consisted, besides the _Hellas_, of one
corvette, the _Sauveur_, which he had brought from Marseilles,
commanded by Captain Thomas, of fourteen Greek brigs and of eight
brulÙts or fireships. With these he started for Alexandria on the 11th
of June, the _Hellas_ having often to slacken speed in order that the
slower Greek vessels might be kept in attendance. Candia was passed on
the 13th, and Alexandria was sighted at five o'clock in the morning of
the 15th. Lord Cochrane stood out to sea so that he might not be
discovered, and spent the day in putting his fleet in order, preparing
an explosion-vessel, and arranging for the work of the morrow. "Brave
officers and seamen," he said, in an address to his followers, "one
decisive blow, and Greece is free. The port of Alexandria, the centre
of all the evil that has befallen you, now contains within its narrow
bounds numerous ships of war and a multitude of vessels laden with
provisions, stores, and troops, intended to effect your total ruin.
The wind is fair for us, and our enterprise unsuspected. Brave
brulotteers, resolve by one moment of active exertion to annihilate
the power of the satrap. Then shall the siege of Athens be raised in
Egypt; then shall the armies of Ibrahim and Reshid be deprived of
subsistence, and their garrisons perish of hunger, whilst the brave
inhabitants of continental Greece and the islanders, freed from
impending danger, will fly to arms, and, by one simultaneous movement,
throw off the barbarian yoke. Date the return of happy days and the
liberty and security of Greece from your present exhibition of valour.
The emancipation of Egypt and the downfall of the satrap are also
inevitable consequences; for the war is concentrated in one point of
action and of time."

That spirited address was ineffectual, and Lord Cochrane's bold plan
for seizing Alexandria was prevented by the cowardice and
disorganization of the Greeks whom he was labouring to serve. They
could hardly be persuaded on the 16th to follow the _Hellas_ and the
_Sauveur_, all bearing Austrian colours, as far as the entrance to
Alexandria, and when twenty large Egyptian vessels were found to be
there lying at harbour, they lost heart altogether. Lord Cochrane knew
from past experience that, with proper support from his subordinates,
he could easily capture or disperse the enemy's shipping. He had made
arrangements for attacking them with the fireships and his
explosion-vessel. But nearly all the crews refused to serve. Kanaris
alone among the Greeks was brave. Having command of the fireships, he
induced the sailors of two of them to bear down upon the enemy, and at
about eight o'clock in the evening one man-of-war was burnt. So great
was the effect of this small success that the other ships of the enemy
prepared to escape, and great numbers of the inhabitants of Alexandria
hurried out of the town and sought a hiding in the adjoining villages.
Seeing the Egyptian ships making ready for flight, however, the Greeks
supposed that they were coming out to attack them, and themselves
immediately turned sail, heedless alike of their own honour and of
Lord Cochrane's assurances that a splendid victory was easy to them.
All the night was vainly spent by the _Hellas_ and the _Sauveur_ in
futile efforts to collect them, and on the morning of the 18th they
were found to be dispersed far out at sea over an area of more than
twenty miles.

In despite of his feeble allies, Lord Cochrane would have gone boldly
into port and attacked the enemy. But his own Greek sailors were as
timid as their comrades; and after a whole day spent in reconnoitring
the enemy, whose force of twenty-five sail dared not offer battle, but
had gained courage enough to abstain from actual flight, he was
compelled, on the 19th, also to put out to sea and to spend two other
days in signalling the brigs and fireships to join him. Not till the
afternoon of the 20th, by which time he had pursued his allies to a
distance eighty miles from Alexandria, was he able to bring them into
any sort of order, and then the bitter conviction was forced upon him
that further prosecution of his plan, for the present at any rate, was
useless.

The scanty store of provisions that had been sent with the fleet,
moreover, was nearly exhausted, and thus a new difficulty arose. Lord
Cochrane sent the most useless of his vessels back to Poros for a
fresh supply, and with an earnest entreaty that some efficient
reinforcements might also be forwarded to him, announcing his
intention of waiting in the neighbourhood in hopes of achieving some
better success. "Your excellencies may rest assured," he said in his
letter to the Government, "that our visit to Alexandria will have a
powerful effect in paralysing the equipment of an expedition, and I
have every reason to conclude that the example made before their eyes
of the brig-of-war will deter any of the numerous neutral vessels from
engaging as transports in the expedition equipping by the Pasha. The
sensation created must indeed have been powerful as two neutral
vessels of war made the signal for pilots before we weighed anchor on
the morning of the 17th, under the impression, no doubt, that a more
effectual attack would shortly be attempted. I am going to make a
short tour, with a view, as far as I am enabled with the inadequate
means at my disposal, to distract and paralyse the enemy."

In accordance with that purpose, being already near Cyprus, Lord
Cochrane conducted his fleet a little further north, and anchored, on
the 23rd of June, off Phineka, in Asia Minor, where, after a brief
fight with the Turks, he effected a landing, and received some
much-needed food and water. Thence he addressed letters, urging the
prompt despatch of the necessary stores and vessels, to the
Government, to the primates of Hydra, and to Dr. Gosse.

From this halting-place, also, he sent a noteworthy letter to Mahomet
Ali, the Pasha of Egypt, a supplement to one which he had addressed to
him nearly a year before, when he was on his way to enter the service
of the Greeks.

"Your employing foreigners in your military and naval service," he had
said in the former letter, which will be best quoted in this place,
"the privilege which you claim and exercise of building and equipping
ships-of-war in neutral states, and of purchasing steam-vessels and
hiring transports under neutral flags, for hostile purposes, and to
transport to slavery a people whom the Ottoman arms have never yet
been able wholly to subdue, warrant a belief, whatever your sentiments
may be, that the civilized, educated, and liberal portion of mankind
will be gratified that succours similar to those which you,
unfortunately, have hitherto obtained from these states are now about
to be afforded to the brave, the oppressed, and suffering Greeks. Nor
will the advantage derived be wholly theirs; for, until you shall
cease or be forced to abandon your inhuman traffic in Christian slaves
and the commission of cruelties which stain the character of man, your
subjects must inevitably continue barbarians,--a state from which it
would be a source of great gratification to contribute to release
them. It is true that the Christian world has not of late contended in
arms with those of your faith on points of religion. It has, however,
not fallen into a state of apathy so great as to see unheeded the
perpetration of those enormities which you are daily committing on
Christians,--a sentiment with which no feeling of animosity towards
you or towards your people is combined. On the contrary, it desires to
render you every good service consistent with that duty paramount to
all others, namely, to wipe out the stain from the civilized world of
unfeelingly and inhumanly co-operating to exterminate, enslave, and
transport to bondage a whole Christian people--and such a people--the
descendants of those Greeks whose genius laid the chief foundation of
literature, the sciences, and the arts; who reared those noble
monuments and edifices which time and the more destructive barbarian
hand have yet failed to destroy, and which, compared with the wretched
hovels of your hordes, may better point out to you the elevation they
attained, and the prostrate state in which your people are--owing,
alas! to the baneful effects of bigotry and despotic sway. Surely,
surely there is ample field for the exercise of your energies at home,
in encouraging industry, the arts and sciences, in promoting the
civilization of your people, and in enacting equitable laws for the
security of persons and property--on which bases the national
prosperity of all countries must rest. But should your ambition, not
content with bestowing blessings like these on your native land, lead
you to soar almost above mortal acts, distant oceans would unite, and
the extremities of the globe approach at your command.[9] Thus might
your name be rendered immortal, and Egypt become again the emporium of
commerce, and one of the richest and happiest nations upon earth. How
infinitely great the glory from such acts! How despicable the fame of
a tyrant conqueror, the ruler of slaves! It would be pleasing to
support you as the author of great and good works, but it is shameful
to permit your present proceedings, and dastardly to leave the
unfeeling apostate sons of neutral and Christian nations unopposed,
aiding to perpetuate barbarism for horrid gain, drawn from the price
of Christians torn from their homes and sold as slaves in foreign
lands. Against these atrocious men, my companions and myself, casting
the gauntlet down, will contend, in the hope that they and you may
perceive your true interests and your great error, and pursue a
different course before it shall be too late. Quit the classic sacred
soil of Greece, let the flayings, and burnings, and impalings of that
people cease, and oh! shocking to humanity, the ripping up of pregnant
women, and the hewing up of their infant babes, and other acts yet
worse than these--too horrid to relate. Release the Christian slaves;
pursue an honourable and enlightened path, and we become friends to
aid you in your pursuits--but should the present course be continued,
let the bands of cruel assassins in your employ count on our
opposition; count, too, on our neutralizing the effects of every
vessel procured or bought from Christian states. 'Hear the voice of
the Lord, ye rulers,' in the prophecy now to be fulfilled. 'Woe to
them that go down to Egypt for help and stay.' 'When the Lord shall
stretch out his hand, both he that helpeth shall fall, and he that is
holpen shall fall down, and they shall all fall together.' Instead of
filling brim full the cup of bitterness, of which you yourself must
ultimately drink, how admirably might you not employ your people, and
your treasure--the waste whereof is rearing to you a barbarian
successor to prolong the bondage of Egypt. The Christian prayer of
those called to rescue their suffering brethren is that, conforming
yourself to the dictates of reason and humanity, you may live long to
benefit mankind; and as you are more enlightened than your
predecessors, so may you become more humane and just."

  [9] It is singular that at this early date Lord Cochrane should thus
  have advised and prognosticated the construction of the Suez Canal.

The second letter was more brief. "The discrimination of your
Highness," Lord Cochrane now wrote, "enables you to judge between
those who offer advice to promote personal objects and those who
disinterestedly desire the welfare of mankind. Egypt may become great
by the attention of her rulers to her internal concerns, but not by
war and foreign conquest, and assuredly not by the conquest of that
people with whom your Highness is now engaged in hostilities, not only
on account of the impossibility of reducing them to subjection but
because the whole of Europe is directly or indirectly engaged in their
support. I beg your Highness to be assured that, if I present myself
to your consideration in a more conspicuous point of view than others,
it is only because the habits of my life have enabled me to be openly
instrumental in the protection of a Christian people whom you attack,
and not because I feel animosity against your Highness, nor because I
desire the overthrow of the lawful power of your Highness. Should your
Highness, however, listen to interested counsellors, or to those who
hope to gain by adulation, and continue the present unjust and
sanguinary contest, I take leave once more to warn you that the first
visit I have had the honour of paying you shall not be the last, and
that it is not in the power of your Highness to prevent the
destruction of your ships destined for the invasion of Greece, nor to
defeat my intention to block up the port of Alexandria. I had the
honour to address your Highness twelve months ago; but have thought
proper to repeat once more the honest advice I then expressed, in
order that your Highness may acquit me when, in the hour of adversity,
you have to regret that you have not listened to the voice of truth."

Lord Cochrane's threats could not be enforced. Off the coast of Asia
Minor and among the southern islands of the Archipelago he waited for
more than a week. But no adequate reinforcements or supplies of
provisions arrived. The disorganised fleet became more and more
unmanageable. One vessel after another deserted, and those that
remained in nominal attendance on the flag-ship could not be brought
under control. Lord Cochrane, who had made skilful sailors and brave
warriors of enervated Chilians and Brazilians, found the Greeks
utterly unmanageable. Up to the 2nd of July he tried vainly to bring
them into order, and only succeeded in pursuing them from island to
island until, on that day, they had drawn him back to the
neighbourhood of Hydra. There they all dispersed, and with a heavy
heart he anchored at Poros on the 4th. The _Hellas_ was immediately
deserted by her crew. Another month had been wasted and another bold
project for the assistance of Greece had been spoiled by the want of
patriotism which, exhibited first and most flagrantly by the leaders,
was now rapidly pervading all classes of the Greeks.

An amusing instance of the worthlessness of the Greek sailors, whom,
from first to last, he tried to make useful, may here be given. On one
occasion, following his invariable habit of taking every possible
occasion of trying to win the confidence and friendship of those under
him, he was exhibiting a magic lantern to the crew of the _Hellas_. At
many of the dissolving views they manifested a childish delight, but
at length one unfortunate picture was brought before them. It depicted
a Greek running from the pursuit of a Turk, and then melted into a
view of the Turk cutting off his captive's head. At that sight every
Greek on board took fright. Some ran into the hold of the ship, others
jumped overboard, and many hours had to be spent in bringing them
together again and dispelling their frivolous and superstitious fears.

Lord Cochrane, however, though disheartened, still sought, with
unabated zeal, to render to Greece such help as became his name and
character. But he saw that this could not be done without a thorough
reform in naval affairs; and this, often urged by him before, he lost
no time in urging again. "The crew of the _Hellas_," he wrote to the
effete Government on the very day of his return, "having, according to
their usual practice, abandoned the vessel on her arrival in port, it
is essential that others should be enlisted to serve in the frigate
without delay. It is further essential that the individuals so
enlisted shall engage to serve during a period of not less than six
months, and that they shall be young men who will conform to the rules
and regulations by which the ships-of-war of other states are
governed. It is quite impossible to conduct a large ship-of-war amidst
the noise and confusion which I have witnessed during the two months
that have elapsed since my flag was hoisted on board this ship, and
equally impossible to induce monthly crews to conform to habits of
order and regularity. Under these circumstances, I enclose you a
proclamation, stating the pay and advantages which will accrue to such
individuals. I should prefer that the enlistment should take place
under such respectable young men as propose to obtain rank in the
national marine, and who can be in some degree responsible for the
good conduct of the individuals who accompany them, each individual
qualified for, and aspiring to, the rank of lieutenant being
accompanied by sixty young seamen, the second lieutenants to be each
accompanied by thirty. For this ship five of the first class and eight
of the second are required." The proclamation which Lord Cochrane
submitted to the Government detailed his plan for ensuring, or at any
rate making possible, honest and hearty service in seafaring.

"I wish I could inform your excellencies," he said in another letter
written two days later, "that the obstacles, however great, which
presented themselves in the course of the naval service were all I had
to contend with. The jealousies among the islanders, even the most
enlightened, embarrassed me exceedingly; and these, I regret to say,
cannot be alleviated by having recourse to your advice or authority,
at the distance at which you are placed, without a correspondence so
voluminous that I should occupy too much of your attention. I must,
therefore, act according to my own responsibility; and in so doing I
am aware that some may be displeased, and probably no one will be
satisfied."

Nearly all the month of July, indeed, was spent by Lord Cochrane in
zealous efforts to render the Greek navy more efficient. For this two
things were needed--that the officers and crews should be honest and
intelligent, and that there should be money enough in hand for paying
their wages, for fitting out proper vessels, and for supplying the
requisite stores and provisions. For the first object proclamations
were issued, letters were written, and agents were sent into various
parts of Greece and her islands. For the second, Lord Cochrane went
personally to the assistance of Dr. Gosse, who, as Commissary-General
of the Fleet, had been attempting to collect the revenues of the
islands which, by order of the Government, had been assigned to naval
uses. He succeeded to some extent in this, and also in quickening the
latent patriotism of the people whom he visited.

His most important visit was to Syra, where, as will be seen from the
letter which he addressed to the Government on the 13th of July, he
was obliged to resort to strong measures for securing the good end he
had in view. "I have the honour to inform your excellencies," he
wrote, "that, a new crew having been procured for the _Hellas_ with
less delay than I anticipated, by reason of the pay having been
increased one-third in amount, I proceeded to Syra, taking with me
several of the principal inhabitants of the three maritime islands,
who expressed to me, by letter, their anxiety to have an opportunity
of promoting a loan on the credit of the revenues of the islands,
which your excellencies had authorised me, jointly with others, to
collect. I have now the pleasure to inform you that when I left Syra
yesterday everything seemed to promise a favourable result; but in
order to attain this important object it became necessary that I
should take upon myself the responsibility of intimating to the
prefect of police, who had assumed despotic authority, that it was
essential to the public good that the magistrates should resume the
functions that they exercised previous to his arrival. I am convinced
that your excellencies will perceive as clearly as I do, that it will
be impossible to preserve harmony amongst the islanders, if strangers
are sent to exercise over the natives an authority that is not
acceptable to them. Indeed, the character of these natives demands at
all times prudence and circumspection on the part of the Government."

Unfortunately, the miserable triumvirate to which the direction of
Greek affairs had been assigned until the arrival of Count
Capodistrias was wholly wanting in prudence and circumspection. After
vainly trying to maintain a show of authority, and to use it to their
own aggrandisement at Damala and at Poros, they had, on the 4th of
July, removed to Nauplia. There, however, they only found themselves
more embarrassed than ever. While the last hopes of Greek
independence, to be secured and maintained by Greeks themselves, were
rapidly dying out, the leaders were amusing themselves and gratifying
their petty jealousies and ambitions by conduct more despicable than
ever. Nauplia was the seat of civil war between two military factions,
whose joint contempt of the worthless Government would have been, at
any rate, excusable, had not the interests of the whole nation been
thereby injured. The triumvirate was driven from the town, and taking
refuge in a little island in the Bay of Nauplia, wrote in despair to
Lord Cochrane, asking him to come to its aid and devise some means of
preserving, or rather of constructing, its authority.

To Nauplia he accordingly went on the 19th of July. "I am now at the
anchorage of this place," he wrote thence to Dr. Gosse on the 22nd.
"The town is evacuated by the inhabitants and abandoned by the
Government. The latter are in the little island in the bay in the most
deplorable condition, trembling like Sancho when invaded in his
dominions of Barataria, and not knowing which way to turn, whether to
avoid or meet the enemy. No words can depict the state of things. I
have had correspondence with the Government and all the chiefs, but
have waited on none, because I am determined to keep myself clear of
faction, and go straightforward in what I consider to be my duty." "We
are now weighing anchor," he added, in a postscript written in the
evening of the same day, "and the Austrian commodore is coming into
the bay--an evil omen. He is watching, like a vulture, the agonies of
the expiring authorities of Greece."

"As you have done me the honour," said Lord Cochrane, in a letter to
the Government, "to request my opinion regarding the manner of
settling the disputes between the contending chiefs who hold the
higher and lower fortresses of Nauplia, it becomes a sacred duty to
give that opinion without the slightest reserve, because the
consequences of any half measure will be entirely destructive of the
influence of your excellencies throughout Greece, and eventually may
frustrate the endeavours of the European powers to promote a
settlement with the Porte. Your excellencies, then, must at once
remove from the situation in which you are now placed, or, more
properly speaking, to which you have fled, and where you are still
under the cannon of the disputing chiefs, or both these chiefs must be
caused to abandon the fortresses they hold. To suffer one to remain
and to expel the other would be voluntarily to surrender your
authority, and through Greece and throughout the world you would be
considered in no other light than as instruments for giving the
semblance of legality to the dictates of a military chief."

Lord Cochrane did not wait to see the end of this dispute between the
mock Government and its nominal subjects. He left Nauplia on the 22nd
of July to complete the arrangements he had made for another attempt
in defence of Greece. He had already sent Admiral Saktoures and a
small force to maintain a show of blockading Alexandria, in order that
thereby neutral vessels, at any rate, might be deterred from giving
aid to the Turkish cause. He had sent vessels to blockade the Gulf of
Patras in the same way. He had also issued a vigorous proclamation to
the inhabitants of Western Greece, urging them to rise against their
oppressors, and he was eager to go thither himself and encourage the
work, for which he hoped that his fleet and his naval arrangements
were now better fitted. One important auxiliary to this work he hoped
to have in a corps of marines, to the number of a thousand, which
Colonel Gordon Urquhart was now trying, under his directions, to
organise. "I have several things in view which even this small force
could accomplish," he wrote to Dr. Gosse, "and amongst the rest will
be the rooting out of the pirates from the islands."

More important, however, than the restraint of piracy, was the
resistance, if possible, of the Turkish forces. Several of the
Egyptian ships which Lord Cochrane had hoped to destroy in the harbour
of Alexandria had now come out and joined the Ottoman fleet, which had
Navarino for its head-quarters. He determined, without loss of time,
to go and see what injury could be done to them; and accordingly,
after a brief visit to Poros, where he took on board some stores and
provisions, and where he left Dr. Gosse to use the scanty supply of
money which he had collected in completing the equipment of the other
vessels, he started in the _Hellas_, on the 28th of July, for the
western side of the Morea.

On the 29th, when near Cape St. Angelo, he fell in with the _Sauveur_,
returning from a cruise in the Gulf of Patras, and the two vessels
proceeded with all haste to Navarino. They reached that port, and had
sight of the Turkish fleet on the evening of the 30th. With French
colours flying, Lord Cochrane reconnoitred its position, and then
watched for an opportunity of attacking some part of it.

The opportunity occurred on the 1st of August. A corvette, carrying
twenty-eight fine guns, and a crew of three hundred and forty, with
two brigs and two schooners, had passed out on the previous day,
apparently with the intention of conveying reinforcements to the Gulf
of Patras. Lord Cochrane immediately gave them chase, and drove them
backwards and forwards between Zante and the shore north of Navarino
all through the night and till nearly noon on the 1st. Then suddenly
tacking, he closed upon the corvette, and there was hard fighting--the
first in which he had been able to persuade his Greeks to
join--between the two vessels, for fifty minutes. At about one
o'clock, after fifty of their number had been killed and thirty
wounded, the Turks surrendered.[10] Lord Cochrane found on board
twenty Greek women and several children, who had been subjected to the
vilest treatment. In the meanwhile, Captain Thomas, of the _Sauveur_,
had engaged with one of the brigs, carrying twelve guns, and captured
her with a loss of fifteen killed and wounded to the Turks, but none
to the Greeks. The other vessels escaped, but an Ionian vessel, laden
with provisions for the Ottoman army at Patras, was seized in the
afternoon, and her cargo put to good use.

  [10] "The admiral," says Gordon (vol. ii., pp. 421, 422), "was less
  gratified at his victory than mortified that so inferior a vessel
  should have fought the _Hellas_ for three-quarters of an hour, and
  disgusted at the backwardness of his crew. In his first cruise he
  carried with him four hundred men recruited in the Cyclades; but as
  they ran below in his engagement with the two Egyptian corvettes, he
  discharged them and took Hydriots alone. These last, though better
  mariners, and really more courageous, were disconcerted by his system
  of reserving fire till within pistol-shot--so different from their own
  plan of cannonading at a mile's distance. 'The boys,' said Cochrane,
  'behaved pretty well; but the oldest, and ugliest, and fiercest-looking
  bravoes of Hydra ran to the other side of the deck, roaring like
  market-bulls.' His lordship took summary satisfaction by knocking them
  down with his fists, right and left."

Lord Cochrane waited off Navarino for two days, hoping that some of
the enemy's fleet would come out to attack him. They, however, locked
themselves carefully in the harbour until he had set sail for the
south, when they feebly attempted to pursue him. He thereupon, after
releasing the Turkish prisoners at Candia, returned to Poros, there to
leave his prizes and endeavour to take back a larger force with which
worthily to supplement his recent successes.




CHAPTER XX.

THE ACTION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND RUSSIA ON BEHALF OF HELLENIC
INDEPENDENCE.--THE DEGRADATION OF GREECE.--LORD COCHRANE'S RENEWED
EFFORTS TO ORGANISE A FLEET.--PRINCE PAUL BUONAPARTE, AND HIS
DEATH.--AN ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE LORD COCHRANE.--HIS INTENDED
EXPEDITION TO WESTERN GREECE.--ITS PREVENTION BY SIR EDWARD
CODRINGTON.--LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO THE ARCHIPELAGO.--THE
INTERFERENCE OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA.--THE CAUSES OF THE
BATTLE OF NAVARINO.--THE BATTLE.

[1827.]


The Duke of Wellington's mission to St. Petersburg in the spring of
1826, which has been already referred to, was part of a policy by
which the British Government materially contributed to the ultimate
independence of Greece. Its first result was the protocol of the 4th
of April, in which England and Russia recognized the right of the
Greeks to claim from the Porte a recognition of their freedom. At
about the same time our Government had sent Mr. Stratford Canning,
afterwards Lord Stratford de Redclyffe, as ambassador to
Constantinople, with special instructions to use every endeavour to
bring about a cessation of the war which should be favourable to
Greece; and on the 24th of April the National Assembly at Epidaurus
had authorized him to treat with Turkey on its behalf, agreeing, if no
more favourable terms could be obtained, to a recognition of the
Sultan's supremacy and the payment of tribute to him, on condition
that Greece should be independent in all its internal government.
Those terms, however, were rejected by the Porte; and after a delay of
a year and a half it was forced by the Great Powers, slowly awakening
from their long lethargy, to accede to arrangements far more
favourable to Greece.

These negotiations, however, proceeded very slowly, and before the
dawn of Greek independence there was a time of almost utter darkness,
the darkest time of all being the few months following Lord Cochrane's
arrival. "Vanquished Greece," says her historian, "lay writhing in
convulsive throes. In herself there was neither hope nor help, and the
question to be solved was merely whether the Mahometans would have
time to subdue her before the mediating powers made up their minds to
use force. That the former, if not checked from abroad, must speedily
overrun the country did not admit of the least doubt. But it was
equally certain that they could not pacify it; for, while the rich and
timid prepared to emigrate, the poorer and hardier portion of the
insurgents formed themselves into bands of robbers and pirates, which
would have long infested the mountains and the Levant seas, deriding
the efforts of the Porte to suppress them. The only branch of the
Hellenic confederacy that still presented a menacing aspect was the
navy under Lord Cochrane. Every other department was a heap of
confusion. No government existed, since it would be idle to dignify
with that name the three puppets set up by the Congress of Damala.
None ever thought of obeying them, and they sealed their own
degradation by carrying on an infamous traffic in selling letters of
marque to freebooters. There was no army, because there was no
revenue. After the fall of Athens, Roumelia was entirely lost, and the
captains either renewed their act of submission to Reshid Pasha or
fled to the Morea. It was not, however, with an intention of defending
the peninsula that they retreated into it. Their purpose was to seize
the fortresses, and thereby be enabled to make a good bargain with the
Turks, or any other party that should remain in final possession.
Nauplia and the Acrocorinthus were already garrisoned by Roumeliotes.
Monemvasia, the third Peloponnesian stronghold yet held by the Greeks,
was in the hands of Petro-Bey's brother, John Mavromikales, who,
fitting out from thence predatory craft, converted it into a den of
thieves."[11]

  [11] Gordon, vol. ii., pp. 403, 404.

It is not strange that, amid all this confusion, cowardice, and
treachery, Lord Cochrane should have found it almost impossible to
achieve anything worthy of his abilities or of the cause which he
desired so earnestly to serve. Yet he continued, in spite of all
obstacles, to do all that lay in his power, in fulfilment of his duty,
and even in excess of that duty. He had engaged to act as First
Admiral of the Greek Fleet. Finding that there was no fleet for him to
direct, he laboured with unwearied zeal not only to construct one and
to turn his unmannerly subordinates into disciplined sailors and brave
warriors, but also to persuade the landsmen to co-operate with him in
trying to withstand, if not to drive back, the advancing force of the
enemy. One day when he was at Poros, Dr. Gosse came on board the
_Hellas_ to visit him. "See, my friend," said Lord Cochrane, taking a
loaded pistol from the inner pocket of his waistcoat, "see what it is
to be a Greek admiral." He found it necessary to be always provided
with a weapon with which he could defend himself from his indolent,
unpatriotic seamen.

Having returned to Poros with his prizes on the 14th of August, he was
obliged to wait there for twelve days. There were no funds to be had
for the requisite repairs and other expenses in paying and feeding his
crews. All he could do was to repeat his former arguments and
entreaties for assistance from the miserable Government at Nauplia,
and the more active, but still half-hearted primates of the islands.
He also made all the other arrangements in his power for improving his
fleet and for carrying on some sort of naval warfare among the
southern isles, especially on the coast of Candia, and for fomenting
an insurrection of the inhabitants of Western Greece, who, held in awe
by the Turks ever since the fall of Missolonghi, had hitherto done
little in aid of the national strife, but to whose support he now
looked with some hope.

On the 24th he obtained a little further assistance. Mr. George
Cochrane, whom he had sent to Marseilles in the _Unicorn_, to ask for
fresh supplies of money and stores from the Philhellenes of Western
Europe, but whose return had been long delayed, now arrived with a
cargo of provisions, and with a sum of 5000l., which, though
altogether inadequate to the work to be done, made possible some work
at any rate.

In the _Unicorn_ also came a new volunteer on behalf of Greek
independence. The schooner having called at Zante on her way back, Mr.
Cochrane there met Prince Paul Buonaparte, nephew of the great
Napoleon who asked to be taken on board in order that he might serve
under Lord Cochrane. This was agreed to, and the Prince, a youth about
eighteen years old, and six feet high, became, immediately after his
arrival at Poros, a favourite with Lord Cochrane and all his staff and
crew. He was remarkable, said Dr. Grosse, for "his good-will, his
amiability of character, his solidity of judgment, his intelligence,
and the moderation of his principles."

His stay in Greece, however, was very brief. On the morning of the 6th
of September, all on board the _Hellas_ were startled by a shriek and
the exclamation, "Ah, mon Dieu! je suis mort!" Lord Cochrane and
several officers rushed to the Prince's cabin, there to find him lying
in a pool of blood, and writhing in agony. His servant had been
cleaning his pistols, and he had just loaded one of them to hang it on
a nail, when, the trigger being accidentally struck, the weapon
discharged and a ball entered his body and settled in the groin. Dr.
Howe, an American surgeon, famous for his services to Greece and for
later philanthropic labours, being at hand, came to his relief until
Dr. Gosse could be sent for. All that could be done, however, was to
lessen the pain, which he bore with great heroism through
two-and-twenty hours. Lord Cochrane had him placed in his own cabin,
and carefully tended him with his own hands. At seven o'clock in the
following morning he cried out, "Ah, quel douleur!" and died
immediately.

That melancholy accident had a sequel which must be told in
illustration of the greed of the Greeks. The Prince's body was placed
in a hogshead of spirits and conveyed to Spetzas, there to be
deposited in a convent until the wishes of the father, Prince Lucien
Buonaparte, could be ascertained as to its interment. A few months
afterwards, some natives entering the convent and smelling the
spirits, but apparently in ignorance of the use to which they had been
applied, could not resist the temptation of tapping the hogshead and
drinking a part of its contents.

Prince Paul Buonaparte died while Lord Cochrane was again making a
tour of the islands, vainly trying to induce the inhabitants to
provide him with adequate means for a formidable attack on the enemy.
"In the port of Spetzas," wrote one of his officers, on the 29th of
August, "there are now nearly forty vessels--none of them ready, not a
man on board. All the men are out in cruisers, notwithstanding his
excellency's order to fit out their vessels to meet the enemy's fleet.
But such are the Greeks; they have no foresight, and until they see
the enemy they will make no preparations, nor will they, unless the
money is in their hands, expend a dollar to prepare a single fireship
to defend their country. It is now twenty-eight days since Lord
Cochrane ordered the vessels from Hydra, Spetzas, and Egina to be
prepared, and they are not yet ready."

At length, on the 5th of September, Lord Cochrane was able, though
still with difficulty, to resign the irksome and extra-official duties
of a tax-gatherer that had been forced upon him. "Since my return from
Zante, and, indeed, since my return from Alexandria," he wrote on that
day to the Government, now lodged at Egina, "I have been using my
utmost endeavours to procure the equipment of a dozen brigs and as
many fireships. The delays occasioned, however, by the want of
pecuniary means have hitherto prevented the realization of my wishes,
and the services of this frigate have been lost to the State during
the fore-mentioned period, owing to the impossibility of procuring the
necessary funds without my personal presence at Syra and elsewhere.
The equipment of the brigs and part of the fireships is now completed,
in spite of all difficulties, and I shall not delay one moment the
endeavour to effect something useful to the interests of the State. I
think it proper, however, to intimate to your excellencies that,
everything being paid relative to the expense of the present
expedition, I know of no means whereby a single vessel can be
maintained during the ensuing month."

On the 7th of September, Lord Cochrane was able to start on another
warlike cruise. His force comprised the _Hellas_, the _Karteria_, the
_Sauveur_, and nineteen or twenty other vessels. The Spetziots and the
Hydriots, at the last moment, refused to aid him; but he was attended
by Miaoulis, Kanaris, and Saktoures, the three best of the native
admirals. After a brief visit to Candia, where he encouraged the
garrison of Grabusa to hold out against the enemy, he again passed
round the Morea, in which direction he desired to attain two important
objects. The first was to injure as much as possible the Turkish and
Egyptian vessels collected near Navarino. The second was to co-operate
with the wretched force that, under General Church, had for three
months past been making a show of resistance to the enemy at Corinth,
and with its help to try and stir up the natives of Albania and
Western Greece.

These objects, partly prevented in other ways, were nearly averted by
a barbarous plot for Lord Cochrane's assassination. While halting off
the southern coast of the Morea, on or near the 10th of September, a
short, thick-built Greek, with an ugly countenance and determined eye,
came on board the _Hellas_ and asked for employment as a sailor. He
was examined and rejected, on the ground of previous misconduct.
Instead of going on shore again, however, he contrived to hide himself
among the crew, and was not detected by Lord Cochrane for several
hours, and when the frigate was in full sail. In the interval Lord
Cochrane had received authentic information that this man had been
commissioned by Ibrahim Pasha to attempt his life. There would have
been justification for his immediate arrest, and, after a court
martial, for his summary execution. But Lord Cochrane pursued a more
generous policy. Walking up to his secretary, Mr. George Cochrane, he
said: "Observe that man who is at the gangway on the larboard side. I
have just had information that he has been sent by Ibrahim Pasha to
assassinate me. Go quietly below, put on your sword, and watch him
while he is on board." Mr. Cochrane obeyed his instructions. "In less
than five minutes," he says, "I was again on deck with my sword. I
took a few turns on the quarter-deck with his lordship, and then
placed myself in a convenient position, about a dozen yards from the
man. I did not lose sight of him for a couple of hours, keeping my eye
steadily upon him. He soon observed that I was watching him, and I
could perceive that he did not feel very comfortable in his mind. He
did not attempt to come aft. Had he done so, I should have drawn my
sword. After the men had had their dinner, one or two boats were got
ready to convey seamen on board another vessel; and this fellow,
seeing that his intentions were discovered, took advantage of the
opportunity and got into one of the boats. I looked over the side of
the _Hellas_, and saw him depart." Thus Lord Cochrane's life was
saved.

Navarino was passed on the 11th of September. Lord Cochrane made no
halt, as he saw that a British squadron, under Sir Edward Codrington,
was there watching the Ottoman fleet and forbidding its egress. He
accordingly at once proceeded northwards, and entered the Gulf of
Patras on the 17th of September. On that day, in anticipation of the
visit which he proposed to pay them, he forwarded proclamations to the
inhabitants of the western coast. "People of Albania!" he wrote in one
of them, "although you have so long suffered under the Mussulman yoke;
although your love of liberty has been so long kept down by a dark and
cruel despotism, the hour of your deliverance is not distant, and if
you will you can hasten it. Europe takes a lively interest in your
destiny; your fellow-countrymen are hastening to aid you. But all
depends on the energy which you yourselves display: the support which
we offer you, to be efficacious, requires on your part redoubled zeal
and patriotism in the actual and decisive moment. Brave Albanians!
your happy future, the security of your families, and the honour of
your religion, are in your hands; your bold and steady co-operation
will ensure your own salvation and our success!"

The intended expedition was prevented. It had been arranged that Lord
Cochrane should wait near Cape Papas for the arrival of General
Church's army and convey it to Western Greece, in the hope of putting
it to better service in that region. But the land force was long in
coming, and before its arrival Lord Cochrane had to write to the
Government, explaining his recent movement and the reasons which
compelled him to abandon the project of fighting in Albania. "Having
proceeded to the Gulf of Patras," he said, "in order to co-operate
with General Church in his intended expedition to Western Greece, I
thought it would be conducive to the public service to invest the fort
of Vasiladi, until, by the arrival of the forces of the general, more
important operations could be undertaken; and accordingly that island
was immediately blockaded by the boats of the squadron, and now
continues surrounded by the vessels belonging to the Missolonghites,
who have undertaken to maintain the blockade until it shall surrender.
The _Karteria_, the _Sauveur_, and two of the gunboats, were
immediately detached with orders to take or destroy all the enemy's
vessels within the Gulf of Lepanto, whilst the _Hellas_ went to the
anchorage of Kalamos, in order to ascertain from the officers in arms
what prospect there was of general co-operation; and I regret to say
that the want of union among the chiefs and the prospect of some kind
of accommodation with the enemy seemed to paralyse all their energies.
I therefore detached all the squadron under Admiral Miaoulis to Syra
and Naxos, to aid the Candiots and Chiots, should they continue
inclined to assert their independence. I have to add that I received
an indirect communication from the British Admiral, intimating his
desire that no new or further operations should be undertaken in that
quarter; for which reason I am about to proceed elsewhere, under the
impression that nothing should be left undone to stir up the
population of Greece to a sense of their duty to themselves and to
their country."

The communication referred to was conveyed by Lord Ingestre, commander
of the _Philomel_, who hailed the _Hellas_ on the 27th of September,
to deliver a message from Sir Edward Codrington. "Whereas I am
informed by Sir Frederick Adam," wrote the English Admiral, "that Lord
Cochrane, with the Greek fleet, is about to embark the army of General
Church in the neighbourhood of Cape Papas, for the purpose of
conveying them to the coast of Albania, you are hereby directed to
make known to the commander of that expedition that I consider it my
duty, in the present state of affairs, to prevent such a measure being
carried into execution, and that I shall shortly present myself in
that neighbourhood for that purpose." Lord Cochrane knew that, if it
would be personally very distasteful to him to be in collision with
the naval force of his own country, it would, on public grounds and in
the interests of Greek independence, be wholly inexcusable for him to
act in violation of Sir Edward Codrington's message. Therefore he
complied with it and went back to the Archipelago, there to do other
work, while England was serving Greece in her own way.

The service was to be rendered at last. After spending a year in
diplomatic formalities, Great Britain and Russia had, in the spring of
1827, openly renewed their arguments with the Porte in favour of Greek
independence. These arguments having been rejected, the two Christian
powers were in consultation as to the next course to be pursued, when
France, partly urged thereto by her schemes for the acquisition of
Algiers, then a Turkish dependency, offered to take part in the
defence of Greece. The result was a treaty signed in London, on behalf
of the three states, on the 6th of July, having for its object the
enforcement of the St. Petersburg protocol of the 4th of April, 1826.
It insisted that Greece should have internal freedom, though under
vassalage to Turkey; and provided that, if the contending parties did
not agree to an armistice within a month, there should be a forcible
intervention.

The Greeks welcomed the proposals made to them in consequence of this
treaty; but they were rejected by the Turkish Government,
notwithstanding the appearance of English, French, and Russian
warships in the eastern part of the Mediterranean. Reshid Pasha and
Ibrahim continued their efforts to bring the whole insurgent district
into thorough subjection, and accordingly the patriotic Greeks and
their foreign supporters continued to act on the defensive. Lord
Cochrane and a few others, indeed, were eager to secure action bolder
than ever, considering that, when the settling-time arrived, the
limits of independent Greece would be augmented if a larger area was
then the scene of zealous opposition to the Turkish power. This it was
that chiefly induced the efforts to quicken the revolt in Albania, and
when Lord Cochrane was prevented by Sir Edward Codrington from
persevering in his work in that quarter, he lost no time in sailing
round to the eastern side of Greece, there to do his utmost towards
rousing the people of Candia and other islands into an assertion of
their independence, in order that they too might have a claim to be
included in the liberation of the Greeks.

The message from Sir Edward Codrington to Lord Cochrane, which has
been quoted, was dated the 25th of September. It was written
immediately after an interview of the English commander and Admiral de
Rigny, who was in charge of the French squadron, with Ibrahim Pasha.
To him they had formally announced that they were instructed to insist
upon a cessation of hostilities, and that they should promptly act
upon their instructions. Ibrahim answered that he had orders from the
Sultan to continue the war, but he promised to communicate with his
sovereign, and pledged himself to abstain from hostilities until the
answer arrived and was reported to the allied fleets. Before that
answer came a fortunate series of accidents, arising out of Lord
Cochrane's expedition to the Albanian coast, turned the current of
diplomacy and secured for Greece more freedom than had been
anticipated.

Lord Cochrane, attended by his Greek vessels, had left the
neighbourhood of Cape Papas on the 27th of September. But, though
deeming himself bound in honour to that course, he was willing to
allow a part of his force to remain in the neighbourhood and watch the
progress of events, especially as that part was at the time separated
from him and lying in the Gulf of Lepanto. It consisted of the
_Karteria_, under Captain Abney Hastings, the _Sauveur_, under Captain
Thomas, and two gunboats, each mounting a 32-pounder. For a week this
little squadron, ignorant of the arrangement between the allied
admirals and Ibrahim Pasha, watched a Turkish force that was moored in
the Scala of Salona, and comprised one large Algerine schooner
carrying twenty brass guns, a brig of fourteen guns, six smaller brigs
and schooners, two gunboats, and two armed transports. These vessels
were protected by batteries on the level shore and other batteries on
overhanging rocks. On the 30th of September, Captains Hastings and
Thomas proceeded to attack them, and did so with excellent effect. The
solid shot of the _Sauveur_ and the gunboats soon silenced the
batteries; the red-hot shells of the _Karteria_ made havoc of the
enemy's vessels, four being defeated within half-an-hour. Soon the
_Sauveur_ and the gunboats joined in the attack on the shipping, and,
in the end, seven vessels were destroyed and three captured.

The news of that victory, as soon as it was conveyed to Navarino,
where nearly all the naval force of the Turks was lying, roused the
anger of Ibrahim Pasha, who complained that the allied powers, while
binding him to inaction, allowed the Greeks to carry on the war. On
the 1st of October, he sent out thirty war-ships with orders to enter
the Gulf of Lepanto and punish Hastings and Thomas for their recent
exploits. Sir Edward Codrington, however, pursued them, and drove them
back to Navarino. Ibrahim Pasha, not easily to be baffled, himself
left Navarino, on the evening of the 3rd, with fourteen of his
stoutest vessels. Again Sir Edward Codrington gave chase, and this
second squadron also was compelled by him to return to port. Ibrahim
Pasha, however, was not to be robbed of his revenge. He dared not
leave Navarino by sea, but he sent thence a land force, which marched
up to the northern side of the Morea, and did serious mischief to the
wornout fragment of an army which General Church was slowly conducting
from Corinth to Papas, there to be embarked for Albania. Only by the
unlooked-for valour of young Kolokotrones and his section was the rout
of the whole army averted. Nor was Ibrahim satisfied with this act of
retaliation. His troops scoured all the adjoining country, burning
villages and laying waste the olive-groves and fig-gardens which were
the only source of subsistence to the luckless natives.

Thereby Sir Edward Codrington and his allies were in turn incensed.
They decided that the time had come for direct interference in the
struggle, and for the expulsion of the Ottoman forces from the Morea.
In the afternoon of the 20th of October, five and twenty
line-of-battle ships, frigates, and sloops entered the Bay of
Navarino. Ten of them were English, seven were French, and eight were
Russian, and they carried in all 1172 guns. Twenty thousand Ottoman
troops watched them from the fortresses of Navarino and Sphakteria,
and, as they entered the harbour, they saw some eighty Turkish and
Egyptian vessels, mounting about 2000 guns, drawn up in the shape of a
horseshoe to receive them. They had come only to threaten; but
accident, or design on the part of the enemy, brought about a most
momentous battle.

A volley from the Ottomans began the fight, which was continued for
four hours with stolid energy on both sides. The English and French
vessels, being foremost, carried on the chief contest with the enemy's
shipping; the Russians had to silence the batteries before they could
enter the harbour, but then their Admiral, Count Heyden, did his full
share of the deadly work. The fighting lasted till sunset; but by that
time many of the enemy's hulks were in flames, and all through the
night these flames spread from one vessel to another till nearly all
were destroyed. At daybreak, only twenty-nine out of the eighty were
afloat, and six thousand or more Moslems had been slain, burnt, or
drowned. Many of the vessels of the allies were seriously damaged, and
of their crews a hundred and seventy-five men were killed, and four
hundred and fifty wounded.

That was the battle of Navarino. "I have the honour to inform you,"
wrote Sir Edward Codrington to the Greek Government, "that, according
to the decision of my colleagues, Count Heyden and Rear-Admiral de
Rigny, and myself, the combined fleet entered this port at two o'clock
on the 20th, that some of the ships of the Turko-Egyptian fleet first
began a fire of musketry, and then fired cannon-shot, which led very
shortly to a general battle, which lasted till dark, and that the
consequence of this has been the destruction of the whole of the
Turkish fleet, except a few corvettes and brigs. Most of the ships of
the allied fleets have received so much injury that they must go into
port; but if the Greek vessels of war are employed against their enemy
instead of destroying the commerce of the allies, they may henceforth
easily obstruct the movements of any Turkish force by sea."




CHAPTER XXI.

THE FIRST CONSEQUENCES OF THE INTERFERENCE OF THE ALLIED POWERS AND THE
BATTLE OF NAVARINO.--LORD COCHRANE'S INTENDED SHARE IN FABVIER'S
EXPEDITION TO CHIOS.--ITS ABANDONMENT.--HIS CRUISE AMONG THE ISLANDS
AND ABOUT NAVARINO.--HIS EFFORTS TO REPRESS PIRACY.--HIS RETURN TO THE
ARCHIPELAGO.--THE MISCONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT.--LORD COCHRANE'S
COMPLAINTS.--HIS LETTERS TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE ALLIED POWERS,
ACQUITTING HIMSELF OF COMPLICITY IN GREEK PIRACY.--HIS FURTHER
COMPLAINTS TO THE GOVERNMENT.--HIS RESOLUTION TO VISIT ENGLAND.--HIS
LETTER TO COUNT CAPODISTRIAS EXPLAINING AND JUSTIFYING THAT
RESOLUTION.--HIS DEPARTURE FROM GREECE, AND ARRIVAL AT PORTSMOUTH.--HIS
LETTER TO M. EYNARD.

[1827-1828.]


Heartily rejoicing at the benefit conferred on Greece by the battle
of Navarino, Lord Cochrane could not but be troubled to think that the
overthrow of the Turkish and Egyptian fleet, which he had laboured so
zealously to effect, and which, had he received any adequate support
from the Government or the people, would have been a work as easy for
him as the enterprises in which he had been so notably successful in
former times and other countries, had to be done by the officers and
ships of foreign nations instead of by him and the native fleet of
which, by name, he was commander-in-chief. The battle being won,
however, he tried, with no flagging of his energy, to complete the
triumph that had been thus begun, and, if anything was easy to a
people so wanting in patriotism, made easier.

He was at Poros at the time of the battle. On his way thither he had
fallen in with the _Enterprise_, the first of the steamers built in
England, and which, with others that never were completed at all,
ought to have been completed nearly two years before. The _Enterprise_
had been so badly constructed, that now that she arrived, she was of
very little use. Lord Cochrane was now trying to improve her sailing
powers, and at the same time attempting to collect a really manageable
crew for the _Hellas_, and to bring together other vessels fit for
naval work. In these labours there was no less difficulty than had
befallen him on former occasions. The _Hellas_ was in want of water;
but the inhabitants of Poros refused to supply it, on the plea that
they had no more than was needed for their lemon-gardens. Some
carpentering was urgently needed by the _Enterprise_; but, as it had
to be done on Sunday, the workmen declined to touch a hammer,
notwithstanding the exhortations of a priest who promised them
absolution, and even threatened to excommunicate them if they failed
in their duty to the country in this pressing time of its necessity.
Of those sorts were the obstacles that occurred each day, and rendered
futile all the efforts of Lord Cochrane and his officers.

On the 27th of October, Lord Cochrane again set sail from Poros in the
_Hellas_, accompanied by the _Sauveur_, and the corvette which he had
lately taken from the Turks, to which the name of _Hydra_ was now
given, and proceeded to Chios. That island, the scene of previous
disasters, had since 1822 been left in the hands of the Turks. Colonel
Fabvier was now attempting to recover it for Greece, and Lord Cochrane
entered heartily into the work. He arrived on the 30th, and spent two
days in vigorous co-operation with the land force that had reached the
island a day before. His share in this enterprise, however, was brief.
He was visited on the 2nd of November first by Captain Le Blanc,
bearing a message from Admiral de Rigny, and afterwards by Captain
Hamilton, who produced a copy of a letter addressed on the 24th of
October to the Legislative Assembly by the Admirals of the three
allied powers. "We will not suffer Greece," they there said, "to send
any expedition to cruise or blockade, except between Lepanto and Volo,
comprehending Salamis, Egina, Hydra, and Spetzas. We will not suffer
the Greeks to carry insurrection into either Chios or Albania, and, by
so doing, to expose the inhabitants to the cruel reprisals of the
Turks. We regard as null and void all letters of marque given to
cruisers found beyond the above limits; and the ships-of-war of the
allied powers will everywhere have orders to detain them. There
remains no longer any pretence for them. The maritime armistice is, in
fact, observed on the side of the Turks, since their fleet no longer
exists. Take care of yours, for we will destroy it also, if the case
requires it, to put an end to a system of maritime pillage which will
end by putting you out of the protection of the law of nations."

By that letter, Lord Cochrane was constrained to abandon his intended
work at Chios. He could excuse the angry terms in which it was
couched, since the anger was only directed against the same
unpatriotic conduct which he had all along been denouncing. He was
painfully aware that, with the exception of his own flag-ship and the
few vessels commanded by English officers, his fleet was chiefly
composed of pirates, who only took temporary service under the
national flag in order to fill up their idle time, or to make their
public service an occasion for further clandestine pursuit of their
lawless avocations. From the first he had persistently and fiercely
denounced this piracy, and from the day on which he had heard of the
victory at Navarino he had resolved to make it a special business to
do all in his power to root out the evil. "The destruction of the
Ottoman fleet by that of the allied powers," he had said in a
proclamation dated the 29th of October, "having delivered the Greek
fleet from the cares which had necessarily occupied its attention, and
the commander of the maritime forces of Greece having the right to
take due measures for the extinction of piracy, to preserve the honour
of the State, and to protect the people and property of friendly
nations, it is now made known that ships of less than a hundred tons'
burden are not to have arms on board, unless they are first provided
with express commissions, so registered, and numbered in such a manner
that the number shall be conspicuously noted on the ship. All other
vessels of the size defined which shall be found at sea with arms will
be considered as pirates, and the crews shall be brought to trial,
and, if found guilty, be executed."

For the brief remainder of his service in Greece, indeed, Lord
Cochrane made it his principal duty to do all in his power towards the
suppression of piracy. The admirals of the allies having insisted that
the Greek vessels should do nothing but watch their own coasts within
a distance of twelve miles from the shore, he proceeded to the
southern part of the Morea, making only a short tour, in order to meet
the primates of Samos, Naxia, Paros, Candia, and other islands, and
ascertain from them the condition of the people and their power of
resistance to the Turks and to their piratical enemies of their own
race. The information gained by him was not satisfactory. He found
that here, as in the mainland and the nearer islands, patriotism was
weak and misrule oppressive. Everywhere the people were the victims of
their own want of patriotism and of the tyranny of foes, both Moslem
and Christian.

He was off Cerigo on the 15th of November. There, having heard that
the residue of the Turkish and Egyptian fleet was preparing to put to
sea with all the available force, apparently to carry on the war in
Candia, he at once sailed on to the south-eastern promontory of the
Morea, and, during a fortnight, maintained the blockade on both sides
of Navarino, between Coron and Prodana. There also he was able to
carry on his war against pirates. "The _Hellas_ being off the island
of Prodana, a few miles to the north of Navarino," he reported to the
Government, describing an important adventure of the 21st of November,
"I sent two boats for the purpose of procuring wood from the island.
The boats, being fired upon from persons near to some vessels in a
cove, returned with a report that there were Turks upon the island. In
consequence of this report, the corvette _Hydra_ was directed to enter
by the northern passage, whilst the _Hellas_ entered to the southward
of the island, and both vessels anchored opposite to the place where
the supposed Turkish vessels were at anchor. It was immediately
perceived, however, that the vessels were not Turkish, and, on
examination, one proved to be a schooner under the Greek flag. It was
soon discovered that a Dutch vessel at anchor in the same port had
been seized, without the slightest pretence, by the schooner and
plundered of almost everything that could be removed, and, moreover,
that the captain and crew had been most barbarously flogged, for the
purpose of ascertaining where the proceeds of the outward cargo were
deposited."

Lord Cochrane wrote to the same effect to the Governor of Zante. "I
have left the piratical vessel with a petty officer and sufficient
crew to blockade Prodana, until you can send and seize the pirates,
should you think proper, as they have been plundering and annoying the
trade of the Ionian Islands. I send two of the pirates in irons, in
order that, obtaining further information, you may deal with them and
with the others according to the law of nations."

That instance of the policy adopted by Lord Cochrane will help to show
how he set himself to put down piracy. The work was not easy, as the
lawless conduct was secretly authorised by the Government, and
practised with very little secresy by great numbers of the national
vessels. It was in vain that he issued the proclamation of the 27th of
October, that has been quoted; in vain, too, that he sent two gunboats
to visit all the principal ports, with fresh injunctions against
piracy and with authority to compel obedience to those injunctions, if
necessary, by force. Good work, however, was done by these gunboats,
in conjunction with two brigs detached for the purpose, in escorting
neutral trading vessels through the waters most infested by the
sea-robbers.

Slowly and painfully the conviction was forced upon Lord Cochrane
that, after all his previous failures in attempting to turn the
lawless Greeks into honest patriots and to convert their ill-manned
ships into members of an efficient navy, his labours were now more
useless than ever. After a fortnight's cruising about Navarino, he
retraced his course and anchored, on the 3rd of December, off Egina,
where the so-called Government was then located. To it he wrote on
that day, asking for directions as to his mode of procedure. "The
squadron under my command," he said, "has been in the blockade of
Coron, Modon, and Navarino, and I have to inform your excellencies
that there yet exists in the port of Navarino a naval force, under the
Turkish flag, superior to the force under my command. I have,
therefore, felt it my duty to repair to this port, in order that I may
obtain instructions for my guidance, more especially as the Turkish
squadron is ready for sea, and said to be destined for Candia, with
ten thousand men, intending there to repeat the barbarities which the
want of provisions in the Morea renders it impossible they can longer
perpetrate in that quarter. There is also a great number of captive
women and children about to be transported as slaves, and the only
force of the allied powers off Navarino consists of a small brig, the
_Pelican_, which is totally inadequate to impede the naval operations
of the Turks. Under these circumstances, I beg to be explicitly
informed whether I am to consider that 'the armistice _de facto_'
continues, and if you have any doubt on the subject that you will be
pleased candidly to inform me, that I may not be led into error and so
increase the evils by doing anything in opposition to the intentions
of the allied powers."

That letter was answered by a personal visit from the members of the
Government, when Lord Cochrane was informed that the triumvirate was
so embarrassed by the demands of the allied powers for restitution on
account of piracies committed with its approval that it could neither
do nor sanction anything at all. He was told that even the scanty
means that he had had for supporting the fleet out of the revenues of
the islands could no longer be allowed to him, as every dollar that
could any how be collected would be required for other purposes.

Still, however, the Government expected him to continue his work, and
he was even asked to do work from which, both for his own honour and
in the interests of Greece, he felt bound to abstain. "I have received
your letter," he wrote to the Secretary, about ten days afterwards,
from Poros, "informing me that it is the desire of the Government that
a national vessel shall be despatched to Chios, in the event of my
being prevented from personally proceeding in the _Hellas_ to that
island. In reply to this intimation, I have to state to you that it is
impossible for me, consistently with the duties which I owe to Greece,
to place the national squadron, whilst it shall continue under my
command, or any part thereof, under circumstances to be treated by the
ships-of-war of the allied powers after the manner set forth in the
letter of the 24th of October, addressed by the three admirals to the
Legislative Assembly,--a determination which is even more painful to
me than the grief I feel at finding myself involved, notwithstanding
all my precautions, in the restrictions and penalties justly laid upon
privateers and pirates. I cannot trust myself to say more on this
subject, lest I should be led by my feelings to pass the bounds which
I prescribe to myself as an officer when treating of the conduct of
the Government which he serves. If Chios remains unprotected, if
Candia is deprived of the aid it might receive from the national
marine, and if the ships-of-war are incapacitated from extending the
bounds of Greece, I have the consolation of knowing that I have used
my utmost endeavours to prevent the evils I foresaw. One of these,
however, I was far from anticipating,--namely, that the revenues which
I was authorised to collect for the service of the marine would have
been withdrawn from my control and expended for other purposes; more
particularly that sums so diverted should be placed to the account of
the marine, without the objects for which they were employed having
received my sanction or even been known by me.

"I have struggled during eight months in the service of Greece against
difficulties far greater than all I ever encountered before; and I
would most willingly continue to contend with these, did I find the
slightest co-operation in any quarter. But, as the Government has
withdrawn _de facto_ the resources decreed, and the seamen decline to
embark without pay in advance, and the funds, arising from the
philanthropy of other European nations, which supplied the navy with
the means of subsistence, are wholly exhausted, I have no alternative
but to lay the ships up in port, until means to defray the expenses of
the navy shall be found. I have myself, during the last month, paid
the Greeks in the naval service; but whilst I see that even the share
of prizes claimed by Government is diverted from its proper use, I
shall not continue to be answerable for future expenses, nor for the
liquidation of the just claims of the foreign officers, which they
have had the patience to leave in arrears for many months."

It had come to this. Lord Cochrane had been devoting all his energies
to the service of Greece; and now he found himself deserted by his
employers, or only retained in the hope that he would be an unpaid
agent in piratical and lawless proceedings.

That last circumstance was to him the most painful of all. Having done
his utmost to restrain the piracy that was rife, he was still regarded
by the governing triumvirate as only the most powerful instrument for
achievements that were little better than piratical; and the same cruel
misrepresentation of his functions was common among his enemies in
England and other parts of Europe. Colour for this misrepresentation
appeared in the celebrated letter written by the three admirals on the
24th of October, which, describing the national fleet as a mere crowd
of "Greek corsairs," by implication included Lord Cochrane and his
English supporters in the same opprobrium. This had not at first been
perceived by him. On his detecting the insult, he wrote to the
representatives of the three powers three letters, which here need to
be quoted in his justification.

The first was addressed, on the 13th of December, to Captain Le Blanc,
commander of the _Junon_. "The silence respecting the regular forces
under my orders," he said, "observed in the letter of the admirals of
the mediating powers, dated October the 24th, 1827, appearing to make
no distinction between them and the mere pirates, hanging over both
the same accusations, and subjecting consequently the former to the
restrictions wisely adopted towards the latter, makes it my duty, both
towards the country which I serve, towards the officers under my
command, and towards myself, to protest publicly and in the face of
Europe, against the interpretations to which such a document seems to
give foundation. The detailed account of the conduct of those ships of
war which are under my immediate orders, and which compose the
national squadron of Greece, will prove that no neutral vessel
whatever has been seized, driven out of its course, or stopped by them
under any pretext whatever, with the exception of such as have broken
the blockade of Lepanto, the detention of which is legalized by the
act above mentioned. These facts are undeniable. The conduct of the
officers of the national squadron has been conformable, in all points,
to the laws of nations and to the instructions issued by the admirals,
in their character of representatives of the mediating Powers. No
hostility has been committed by the national vessels against the
territory or the forces of the Turco-Egyptian Government, placed
beyond the prescribed limits of Lepanto. But, if such be the state of
things, I have the right of sending on a mission, for the public
service, ships of war beyond these limits, and, availing myself of
that right, I have despatched two (the one to Corfu, and the other to
Syra), the destination of which relates to the finances of the navy.
Be pleased, sir, to communicate the contents of this letter to Admiral
de Rigny, with whom you have communicated verbally on the subject, and
explain to him the propriety of this step, to avoid explanations with
which it is not necessary that the public should intermix."

The second letter, dated the 5th of January, 1828, was to the
commander of the Russian frigate _Constantine_. "Although I am aware,"
wrote Lord Cochrane, "that his excellency, Count Heyden, when he
affixed his signature to the letter of the Admirals, addressed to the
Legislative Assembly of Greece, dated the 24th of October, could not
attest, of his own knowledge, the truth of the imputations contained
in the said document; yet, as the public may not recollect that the
recent arrival of the Count precluded the possibility of his being in
the slightest degree acquainted with facts regarding the regular naval
service under my command, I expect from the Count, that so soon as he
shall have informed himself on the subject, he will take the necessary
steps to remove an evil impression which he unconsciously has
contributed to produce, and thus save me, in as far as the Count is
concerned, the necessity, always disagreeable, even of a satisfactory
refutation of the imputations cast upon me as Commander-in-Chief of
the Greek fleet."

The third letter was to Commodore Hamilton, of the _Cambrian_, who had
been left by Sir Edward Codrington to represent the British squadron
in the Archipelago. "The Government of Greece having acquiesced in the
offer made by the three Powers to mediate in her behalf," wrote Lord
Cochrane, "it became my duty to obey the decision of the admirals
representing those Powers, when duly communicated. But whilst my
official situation demands acquiescence on points of a public nature,
it is far otherwise when the Admirals give reasons affecting the
character of the regular naval service of Greece, in justification of
restrictions imposed by them on the movements of the squadron I
command, accompanied by threats to destroy the Greek vessels of war,
in order to prevent asserted piracy. You, sir, who are accurately
acquainted with facts, and now possess ample means of ascertaining the
truth here upon the spot, must know, or may learn, that no neutral
vessel has been seized or disturbed in her course by the national
squadron on the high seas, nor any vessel detained, except those
acting in violation of the blockades acknowledged by these very
Admirals. Is it not then extraordinary that such limitations and
menaces on false grounds should originate with persons whose high
official situations would seem to sanction imputation under their
signatures? I have told the French and Russian commanders, and I hope
you will assure the British Admiral, that I shall be loth to trespass
on public attention with explanations, to refute their joint letter of
the 24th of October, in justification of those under my orders; but it
will become me so to do unless a satisfactory interpretation shall be
given to expressions which, at present, seem even more particularly
personal to myself."

That was almost the last letter written by Lord Cochrane in Greece for
many months. Finding his position as First Admiral of the Greek navy,
without work to do or crews to direct, unbearable, he had resolved
upon a fresh expedient for attempting to improve the state of affairs.
Before that, however, he made a last attempt to gain support from the
nominal Government, and uttered a last protest against its mode of
procedure. "I have strenuously endeavoured," he wrote on the 18th of
December, "to avoid laying before you any complaint, more particularly
concerning acts done by your excellencies; but there is a point at
which such forbearance on my part would become a dereliction of my
duty as an officer in the service of Greece, amounting even to treason
against the State. So long as the evils extended no further than the
depriving the ships-of-war of their crews, and preventing the
brulottes from being equipped for service; so long as the injury
occasioned by the granting of numerous licences to privateers only
prevented naval operations from being carried on against the enemy, I
remained silent. But now that the conduct of those privateers has
brought down upon the Greek nation a threat of being placed out of the
law of nations, and has involved the national squadron, unmeritedly,
in the disgrace attached to those who have been guilty of unlawful
acts, it is my duty to notify to your excellencies that I consider all
authorities given without my intervention to armed vessels, of any
description, for belligerent purposes, to be illegal, and that I have
given orders to the national vessels under my authority to seize them,
wherever they may be found, that they may be judged according to the
law of nations." "I have been waiting with anxiety," he wrote in
another letter, a few days later, "for the occurrence of events which
would have rendered it unnecessary for me to enter into any
correspondence with your excellencies on pecuniary matters; but,
unfortunately, my anticipations on this head having been disappointed,
and the squadron being without even the provisions necessary for the
maintenance of the few men required on board the ships when at anchor,
it has become an imperious duty no longer to delay calling upon your
excellencies to fulfil the engagement entered into relative to the
appropriation of two-thirds of the revenues of the islands, which you
have thought fit to apply to other purposes."

To neither letter was any satisfactory answer sent by the authorities,
and Lord Cochrane, after all his previous troubles, believed that none
would ever be obtained. He therefore suddenly resolved to leave Greece
for a time, to go himself to England and France, and there, by
personal communication with the leading Philhellenes, to describe the
actual condition of Greece, and to see if any better state of affairs
could be brought about. This resolution he announced on the 1st of
January, 1828, to Count Capodistrias, who, having been elected
President of Greece nearly nine months before, and having accepted
that office, had not yet thought fit to enter upon it or to do
anything towards repairing the shattered fortunes and retrieving the
violated honour of the State of which he was nominally the head.

"On my return home from Brazil," said Lord Cochrane, in this memorable
letter, "I was pressed by various friends of Greece to engage in the
service of a people struggling to free themselves from oppression and
slavery. My inclination was consonant to theirs. It was stipulated
that, for the objects in view, six steam-vessels should be rapidly
built, and that two old vessels of war, or Indiamen, should be
purchased and manned with foreign seamen. The engines for the
steam-vessels were to be high-pressure, these being the easiest
constructed and managed; and two American frigates, when finished,
were also to be placed under my authority. The failure of the
engineer, through disgraceful ignorance or base treachery, in the
proper construction of the engines--the want of funds to procure the
old vessels of war or Indiamen with foreign seamen--and the retention
of one of the frigates built in North America, deprived me of the
whole of the stipulated force, except the _Hellas_. It is needless to
remark that with one frigate I was unable to effect that which has
since required eleven European ships of the line, aided by many
frigates and smaller vessels, to accomplish. Under these
circumstances, it became my duty to confine myself to desultory
operations, secretly conducted against the enemy.

"The difficulties I have had to contend with, even in these
excursions," he continued, "can best be appreciated by the few foreign
European officers who accompanied me. The obstinate refusal of the
Greek seamen to embark or perform the smallest service without being
paid in advance--the contempt with which the elder portion of the
seamen treated every endeavour to promote regularity and maintain
silence in exercising the great guns and other evolutions, rendered
their improvement hopeless; and the enlistment of young seamen, whilst
the old were rejected, has been rendered extremely difficult by reason
of the influence of the latter, and by the prejudice excited against a
regular naval service by influential individuals, whose power and
importance are thereby diminished in the maritime islands. The frequent
mutinies or resistance to authority, and the numerous instances in
which I have been obliged to return to port or abstain from going to
sea are recorded, as to dates and circumstances, in the log-book of the
_Hellas_, together with the disgraceful conduct of the crew in the
stripping and robbing of prisoners, and their want of coolness in the
presence of an enemy--exemplified on our attacking a small frigate and
a corvette near Clarenza, and by the firing of upwards of four hundred
round shot, on a subsequent occasion, at the corvette now named
_Hydra_, without hitting the hull of that vessel four times, although
she was within a hundred yards of the _Hellas_. Such was the confusion
excited by the contiguity even of so inferior an enemy. It is not my
intention to trouble you at present with detail; yet I cannot suffer to
pass unnoticed that certain commanders, and the seamen of the majority
of the fireships--in the use of which vessels rested my last
hopes--failed in their duty on the only two important occasions when
their services were required; once at Alexandria in the presence of the
enemy, as the brave Kanaris can well testify; and again by the crews
abandoning their duty and embarking in privateers, many of them after
having received pay in advance for their services. Indeed--encouraged
by privateering licenses--insubordination, outrage, and piracy have
arrived at such a pitch that these very national fireships, stripped
not only of their rigging, but of their anchors and cables, are now
drifting about the harbour of Poros. A neutral boat, detained by the
_Hellas_ for violation of blockade, has been plundered by those sent in
charge of her; and scarcely a vessel can pass between the islands, or
along the shore, without the passengers and property being exposed to
brutal violence and plunder. A darker period is yet approaching if
decisive measures are not adopted for the suppression of outrages like
these.

"I am ready to serve Greece, and to aid in any way in the
accomplishment of the arduous task you have undertaken; but, on the
fullest consideration of circumstances, I feel that I should practise
a deception were I to contribute to the belief that the few foreign
officers in the naval service can put a stop to these disorders, which
must finally involve the character of that very service, already
prematurely brought in question by the conduct of vessels unlawfully
commissioned by the temporary Government. I have, in consequence of
this opinion, come to the resolution to exert myself to procure
adequate means to execute the duties of an office in which my efforts
hitherto have been all counteracted; and I the more readily adopt this
resolution as, during the winter months, it is impossible to navigate
the _Hellas_ in these narrow seas with a crew of young inexperienced
Greek seamen, and still more impracticable to manage her with old ones
of Turkish habits. I may, indeed, add that, until the communication
addressed on the 24th of October by the three admirals to the
Legislative Assembly shall be cancelled, it is hopeless to attempt any
naval enterprise in favour of Greece, even had Admiral de Rigny not
super-added his commands 'that all Greek vessels, armed for war, found
beyond twelve miles from the shores of continental Greece, between
Volo and Lepanto, shall be destroyed.' I repeat that I have taken my
determination, not from any private feeling of disgust at the above
disgraceful restrictions brought by the temporary Government; nor from
their misappropriation of the revenues allotted to maritime purposes,
and the consequent want of pay, stores, and even provisions for the
ships of war; nor from the painful feeling that the crippled ships of
the enemy are thereby enabled to depart in security, dragging with
them four thousand Grecian captives to slavery; nor from the
impossibility of reducing their maritime fortifications, while the
Greeks, unpunished, are the chief violators of the blockade; but I
have resolved to proceed to England without loss of time, that I may
render better service to Greece. If you aid me with means, my object
as to seamen will be ensured. Sober, steady men can be obtained from
the northern nations, who will do their duty, and, since precept is
useless, teach the Greeks by example. Then piracy may cease and
commerce may flourish. Be your intention in regard to the
steam-vessels still in England what it may, foreign seamen are
indispensable to the interests of Greece and to your own; and the
expense of bringing them here will be little increased if these
steamers, fitted under my inspection, shall become the means of their
conveyance. The hardship of a winter's voyage to the North, in a small
vessel, I shall deem amply repaid if I can accomplish these objects,
expose the injustice and impolicy of certain measures, and bring the
real wants of Greece to the knowledge of a liberal and enlightened
administration."

On the same New Year's Day Lord Cochrane wrote, explaining his
resolution, to Dr. Gosse, who, of all the Philhellenes in Greece, had
rendered him most efficient service in his thankless task, and most
zealously encouraged him, throughout a long series of failures for
which he was in no way answerable, to persevere in struggling for
success. "My dear friend and fellow-sufferer," he said, "in conformity
with your wish and opinion, I have tolerated my mental load of
grievances until the new year; but as it is essential to commence it
well in order that measures may prosper to the end, I have resolved to
put my intention in execution, regardless of the officious tongues of
those of microscopic views who may deem that my time might be well
employed in balancing the rivalships of barbarous seamen or protecting
the movable stores of the immovable _Hellas_. In my present state of
official insignificance I could render no other service. I have stated
a few of my reasons in a letter to Capodistrias, for his private
information, when he shall assume the office of president. I hope
these will suffice, and that he will communicate his desire, which
shall be duly attended to."

In accordance with his new resolution, Lord Cochrane transferred the
command of the _Hellas_, and such control of the whole navy as was
possible, to Admiral Miaoulis. He left Poros in the little schooner
_Unicorn_, on the 10th of January, and arrived at Portsmouth on the 11th
of February. "The anxiety and disappointment," he said, writing to M.
Eynard from Portsmouth on the following day, "which I experienced in
regard to the steam-vessels and other means that were to have been
placed at my disposal are trifling, when compared to the distress I have
felt at finding my only remaining hope of rendering effectual service to
Greece destroyed by the impossibility of inducing the Greek seamen to
submit to the slightest restraint on their inclinations, or to render
the most trifling service without being paid in advance, or to perform
such service after being so paid, if it suited their interest or
convenience to evade the fulfilment of their engagement. More than six
crews have passed under my review on board the _Hellas_ in the course of
as many months, exclusive of those in other vessels, and,
notwithstanding all that has been written to praise the courage of the
Greek seamen, they are collectively the greatest cowards I have ever met
with. No service of any difficulty or danger can be undertaken with such
men without the greatest risk of being compromised by the confusion they
create, and the impossibility of causing orders to be obeyed. Indeed,
though styled Commander-in-Chief of the Greek Naval Forces, I have,
since the 12th of April last, when I hoisted my flag, been, in truth,
under the control of wild and frantic savages, whose acts are guided by
momentary impulses or heedless avidity to grasp some immediate pecuniary
or petty advantage, regardless of any prospect of future benefit,
however great, to their country or to themselves. To give you an idea of
the character of men suddenly emancipated from a state of the most
degrading and abject slavery, in which state cunning, deception, and
fraud, if not absolutely requisite, were convenient and profitable, of
their present arrogancy, ignorance, despotism, and cruelty, when safe
opportunity offers for revenge, would require that a diary should be
laid before you of events which have actually occurred. The confidence
you were pleased to repose in me, and the friendly offices for which I
am indebted to you would have imposed upon me the task of transmitting
to you such detail, had the state of my mind, harassed by constant
contrarieties, permitted.

"Leaving to a future period, then, minute recital of distressing
occurrences, permit me to make a few observations as to the course
that appears to be necessary to be pursued in order to save Greece
from impending ruin:--1st. The chief leaders of the different factions
should be removed from Greece,--those who have education, on missions
to different states, as envoys, consuls, etc., and the others, as
circumstances will permit. Else Greece will be a theatre of plunder
and discord whilst they hold authority or have means to interfere in
public affairs. 2ndly. Troops to the amount of four thousand, at
least, are required to enforce obedience to salutary laws and
regulations. 3rdly. Five hundred seamen from the northern nations of
Europe or North America are indispensable for the suppression of
piracy and to prevent the plunder of the islands. 4thly. Young Greek
seamen should be employed by the civilized nations in their vessels of
war and commerce. 5thly. The settlement of persons from all quarters
of Europe, in numbers affording mutual protection, should be
encouraged. Of course education at home, but more especially abroad,
will improve the rising generation. For all those people now at the
age of maturity in Greece there is no hope of amelioration. In regard
to myself, I am ready, according to my engagement, to render any
service in my power to Greece, and I shall feel great satisfaction if
I am enabled to do so; but it is no part of my contract to place
myself under the control of lawless savages. What might we not have
done had the steam-vessels and five hundred good seamen been employed
in Greece, when, with these barbarians, we have doubled the number of
Greek national vessels of war, and destroyed twice as many of the
enemy's squadron? I hope the President Capodistrias will not put his
foot on shore in Greece, unless accompanied by a military force. If he
does, he will afford corroborative proof of the impossibility of
establishing a new order of things by the instrumentality of men who
feel interested in the continuance of ancient habits and abuses."[12]

  [12] See Appendix.




CHAPTER XXII.

LORD COCHRANE'S OCCUPATIONS ON BEHALF OF GREECE IN LONDON AND
PARIS.--HIS SECOND LETTER TO CAPODISTRIAS.--HIS DEFENCE OF HIMSELF
WITH REFERENCE TO HIS VISIT TO WESTERN EUROPE.--HIS RETURN TO
GREECE.--CAPODISTRIAS'S PRESIDENCY AND THE PROGRESS OF GREECE.--LORD
COCHRANE'S RECEPTION BY THE GOVERNMENT.--THE SETTLEMENT OF HIS
ACCOUNTS.--HIS LETTER OF RESIGNATION.--THE FINAL INDIGNITIES TO WHICH
HE WAS SUBJECTED.--THE CORRESPONDENCE THEREUPON BETWEEN ADMIRAL HEYDEN
AND DR. GOSSE.--LORD COCHRANE'S DEPARTURE FROM GREECE.--HIS OPINIONS
REGARDING HER.--THE CHARACTER AND ISSUES OF HIS SERVICES TO THE
GREEKS.

[1828-1829.]


Lord Cochrane's absence from Greece was longer and less advantageous
than he anticipated. Arriving in London on the 19th of February, 1828,
he found that the English Philhellenes were tired out by the bad faith
and the unpatriotic conduct of the Greeks, and that the English
Government, which he had hoped to influence so far as to obtain an
alteration in the Foreign Enlistment Act which would enable him to
secure the services of a well-trained force of British seamen, was
determined to give no help in the matter. He found, too, that the
steam-vessels yet to be furnished in accordance with the old contract
with Mr. Galloway were still unfinished, and that there would be no
little trouble and delay, added to all that had already been endured,
before their completion could be hoped for. Not disheartened, however,
he went almost immediately to Paris, there to see what could be
expected from the Philhellenes of the Continent.

"I have taken steps," he wrote to M. Eynard from Paris on the 2nd of
March, "to cause one of our small steam-vessels to be fitted with
proper engines, the expense of which I shall find means to defray. I
hope the President will favour me with a communication at an early
date, at least, to say whether he has means to pay and victual a few
hundreds of foreign seamen, and thus put my mind at rest. For he must
depend on foreign aid to support him in his government, protect
commerce, and enable a revenue to be derived from the latent resources
of Greece. The Greeks themselves will do nothing towards these
objects; though there will not be wanting individuals who will
endeavour, for their personal views, to persuade them to the contrary
of this. My mind is not yet sufficiently tranquil to give detailed
reasons for my opinion that things will not succeed in Greece without
troops and other foreign aid; but such time will prove to be the
case."

"Were the three great powers," he said in another letter to M. Eynard,
dated the 17th of March, "pleased to aid the President with funds to a
small amount, they would accomplish more for their own benefit and
that of Greece, than by great fleets and armies. Four thousand troops,
under the Greek Government, and five hundred seamen, would terminate
the affair; but never will anarchy cease or piracy be put down, nor
will Capodistrias be secure, unless he has, under his own authority,
the means of enforcing obedience to the laws and regulations for the
public good by sea and land. I have told you that the Greek seamen
cannot be used to suppress piracy, and I may truly add that no Greeks
of age to bear arms can become soldiers, though they learn readily
enough to perform the military exercises. There neither is nor has yet
been, since my arrival in Greece, one single company--not even the
marines, with which so much pains was taken--that deserves the name of
regular. Their ideas are quite repugnant to everything that
constitutes the military character."

Lord Cochrane, who, it will be remembered, was chiefly instrumental in
the election of Count John Capodistrias as President of Greece in
April, 1827, had hoped much from his government. His confidence was
not a little shaken by the long delay which the President had shown in
entering on his office, and when Capodistrias arrived, in Greece, only
a few days after Lord Cochrane's departure, his first acts were
calculated to shake that confidence yet more. He introduced many solid
reforms; but in other respects clung to the old and bad traditions of
the people, and, which was yet worse, allowed himself to be guided by
some of the worst placehunters and most skilful abusers of national
power, whom he ought to have most carefully avoided. Lord Cochrane
began to perceive this before he had been six weeks out of Greece. He
yet hoped, however, that wise counsels and good government would
prevail, and he tendered his advice, while he reported his own
movements, in a second letter which he addressed to Capodistrias.

"The information which your excellency must have acquired since your
arrival in Greece," he wrote to him on the 22nd of March, "may have
convinced you of the facts briefly touched on in the letter which I
had the honour to address to you on the 1st of January, and may also
have proved to you the impossibility, under existing circumstances, of
my rendering service to Greece, otherwise than by the course I have
pursued. Although, on my arrival in England, I was disappointed at
finding other ministers than those I expected in the counsels of his
Britannic Majesty, yet I had an opportunity of making facts known to
influential individuals in proof that the interests of England would
be best promoted by a liberal policy towards Greece, and by placing
that country, without loss of time, in the rank of an independent
state, having boundaries the most extensive that could be conceded.
Since then, I have had several conversations here with the gentlemen
of the Paris Greek Committee, and I have advised them to assure the
ministers that large naval and military armaments are not required for
the expulsion of the Turkish and Egyptian forces from Greece, or to
protect that country from farther attempts at invasion by the
before-mentioned powers; that for the speedy regulation of the
internal affairs of Greece, and the support of your authority, it
would be far preferable and infinitely less costly for the mediating
powers to place in your hands the means of maintaining four or five
thousand troops, together with five hundred seamen, and apply a
portion of the vast sums they will save to the education of the rising
generation of Greeks abroad and at home, and to the encouragement of
whatever will tend to direct the talent and genius of the young people
most speedily into the course which will entitle Greece to rank
amongst the civilized nations of Europe. Whether this advice shall be
listened to or not, I am satisfied that my opinion is correct, and
that a multitude of foreign troops, in the pay of rival foreign
nations, would contribute less to the objects these nations profess to
have in view than a much smaller force under your own authority, more
especially when it is considered that these troops could in no way
interfere with the internal arrangement and police of the country,
unless by usurping, or at least superseding the authority which ought
to be exclusively vested in your excellency as chief of the Greek
Government. Besides, knowing, as I do, the jealous character of your
countrymen, the facility with which they listen to surmises and
reports, the diversity of interests amongst the rival chiefs, and the
intrigues practised by base and worthless individuals, I have little
doubt but that such mixture of troops of different nations would give
rise to a state of anarchy more injurious to Greece than that which at
present exists. Whether such anarchy might be prevented by one nation
alone taking upon itself the internal arrangement of Greece seems
doubtful; for, to enforce laws, however just and necessary, by troops
in foreign pay, against the opinion and habits of a people who have no
just notion of the reciprocal duties of civilized society, would be in
their estimation to erect a military despotism, and would call forth
resistance on their part even to the most salutary changes. I have
also recommended, as an additional security against a multitude of
evils, an immediate demarkation of the boundaries of Greece, or, at
least, an acknowledgment of your excellency as President. The outfit
of two or three steam-vessels still unfinished is going on, and I
shall find means to accomplish this object in a way that will render
them equal if not superior in velocity to most of the steamboats in
general use. But, as no pecuniary means could be obtained in England
to procure seamen and purchase provisions, coals, and other
necessaries, I came to Paris, in the hope that the Greek Committee
might enable me to give orders regarding these arrangements, so
indispensable to the navigating of these vessels to Greece. The Paris
Committee, however, intimate that they have no funds; and the
Chevalier Eynard assures me that the moneys collected by him are
exhausted. I therefore await with anxiety your answer to the letter
which I had the honour to address to you previous to my departure from
Greece."

No answer came from Capodistrias. He sent a message to Lord Cochrane
asking him to sell him the little _Unicorn_, which had conveyed him to
England, but said nothing about his own return. Believing that the
allied powers would do for him all that was necessary in naval
resistance of Turkey, he was not sorry to be deprived of an associate
in the actual service of Greece as powerful as Lord Cochrane.

This Lord Cochrane began to suspect. "Everything is arranged regarding
the engines for the two steamboats," he said in a letter to M. Eynard,
on the 24th of March; "but circumstances do not enable me to
accomplish more, especially without the sanction of the President,
from whom I shall no doubt shortly hear on the subject;--unless,
indeed, he shall be persuaded by the primates of the islands that he
can do better without a regular naval force, or, at least, without me,
which I know is the opinion of Konduriottes, and also of
Mavromichales, the great licenser and patron of pirates, so loudly and
justly complained of. I am very low, and do not feel at all well. I
cannot free myself from the oppression of spirits occasioned by seeing
everything in the lamentable state in which all must continue in
Greece, unless some effectual steps are taken to put an end to the
intrigues and rivalships headed by unprincipled chiefs and backed by
their savage followers. Believe me, that there is nothing I will leave
undone to serve the cause. But it is essential that more time shall
not be wasted in endeavouring to accomplish objects of vital
importance by inadequate means."

While Lord Cochrane was endeavouring to hasten the arrangements for
his return to Greece, he was annoyed by a letter forwarded to him by
Sir Francis Burdett. The letter was from Andreas Luriottis, one of the
two Greek deputies who had requested Lord Cochrane, two years and a
half before, to enter the service of Greece, and who now claimed a
restitution of the 37,000l. paid to him, on the plea that by leaving
Greece he had broken his contract.

"Before writing to Sir Francis," said Lord Cochrane in the indignant
letter which he addressed to this person on the 20th of April, "you
ought to have informed yourself of facts and circumstances. You might
have learnt that I continued to serve until the Greek Government had
assumed to themselves the powers vested in me, as naval
commander-in-chief, to regulate the distribution of armed vessels, and
until they had covered the seas with piratical craft. You might have
informed yourself that I remained at my post until the neutral
admirals refused to hold communication with a Government which had so
misconducted itself, and with which they considered it would have been
disgraceful to correspond, even on subjects of a public nature. You
might have informed yourself that I remained on board the _Hellas_
until the temporary Government had sold and applied to other purposes
the revenues of the islands allotted for the maintenance of the
regular naval service, and deprived me of the means to satisfy the
claims of the officers and seamen; that I continued until the seamen
had abandoned the frigate, plundered the fireships, and fitted out
pirate vessels before my eyes--all which I had no power to punish or
means to prevent. If you or others infer that my endeavours in the
cause of Greece are to be judged by naval operations carried on
against the enemy by open force, you are mistaken. It is essential
that you hold in mind that there are no naval officers in Greece who
are acquainted with the discipline of regular ships of war, that the
seamen would submit to no restraint, that they would not enlist for
more than one month, that they would do nothing without being paid in
advance, nor continue to serve after the expiration of the short
period for which they were so paid, that by this determination of the
seamen the _Hellas_ was detained for months in port or occupied in
collecting amongst the islands paltry means to satisfy their demands,
and that at last, when money was found, half the period of the
seamen's engagement was consumed in proceeding even to the nearest
point at which hostile operations could be carried on, whence it
became necessary to return almost at the moment of our arrival. It is
not for me to speak, except when I am attacked, of the services I have
rendered both in my professional capacity and otherwise. Those who
were in Greece knew my exertions to reconcile the National Assemblies
in April, 1827, to suppress the animosity amongst the chiefs and save
the country from civil discord. They know that I doubled the national
marine by captures from the enemy. They know that by desultory
operations I paralysed the efforts of fleets we could not oppose. They
know that the attack on Vasiladi and Lepanto, in September last,
induced the Turkish and Egyptian fleets to follow to that quarter, in
violation of the armistice, and that this act produced their rencontre
and dispute with the British admiral, and ultimately led to the
destruction of those fleets in the port of Navarino."

A few days after writing that letter, Lord Cochrane returned to London
from Paris, where he had been staying for nearly two months, in
frequent communication with the members of the Philhellenic Committees
of that city and of other parts of the Continent. The growing
dissatisfaction which the bad conduct of the Greeks had awakened in
many of their best friends, and still more the silence of
Capodistrias, prevented his doing all that he had hoped to do. He
succeeded, however, in exciting some fresh interest, and found that
one of the steamboats, at any rate, the _Mercury_, was at length in a
fair way of completion, though this and its subsequent equipment were
only effected by an advance of two thousand pounds, which he himself
made. This was the business which took him to London, where he was
busily employed during May and the first few days of June. He then
went back to Paris for nearly three months more, and made further
efforts, though in vain, to procure the substantial assistance for
Greece on which his heart was set. As soon as the _Mercury_ was ready
for sea, he directed that she should proceed to Marseilles, where she
arrived on the 13th of September: on the 18th, determined to make the
best use of her in his power, he again set sail for Greece.

He reached Poros on or near the last day of September. He found that
the internal arrangements of Greece had wonderfully improved.
Capodistrias during the last eight months had been ruling with an iron
hand over all those districts which the previous conquests of the
Turks and Egyptians had not taken out of his control, and all those
conquests were just then being finally abrogated. The full effects of
the battle of Navarino were now appearing. Ibrahim Pasha, having
deported many of his troops to Alexandria, chiefly because there was
not food enough to be found for them in the Morea, had refused to
surrender his authority or to abandon any of the numerous fortresses
of which he was master. The President, with Sir Richard Church and the
worn-out refuse of the so-called army for his only support, could do
nothing to expel him; but he gladly accepted the proffered aid of
France. In compliance with a protocol signed on the 19th of July,
fourteen thousand soldiers, under General Maison, had landed at
Petilidi, on the 30th of August, and within a week Ibrahim had been
forced to sign a convention pledging himself to prompt evacuation of
the peninsula. Half of the residue of his army quitted Navarino on the
16th of September; the rest was preparing to depart at the time of
Lord Cochrane's arrival, and actually started on the 5th of October.
The ensuing weeks were worthily employed by the French army in
clearing out the pestilential garrisons and making it possible for
wholesome rule to succeed to the seven weary years of strife.

Thus the primary work which Lord Cochrane had been engaged to do, and
which he vainly strove to do under the miserable circumstances of his
position, had been effected by others. The Ottoman fleets had been
dispersed and destroyed, and, as far as they were concerned, Greece
was free at last. There was work yet to be done, troublesome but most
important work, in converting the disorderly and piratical vessels and
crews which constituted the navy of Greece into an efficient agent for
protecting the State and extending its boundaries. This, in spite of
all his previous annoyances, Lord Cochrane was prepared to do, if the
Greeks were willing. But they did not will it. Capodistrias had laid
his plans for governing Greece, and for their performance he had no
need of a foreigner as wise and honest as Lord Cochrane. The plans
were not altogether reprehensible. At starting they were perhaps the
best that could be adopted. The new President--the President whom Lord
Cochrane had nominated as the likeliest man to beat down the factions
and override the jealousies that had hitherto wrought such grievous
mischief to Greece--began by acting up to the anticipations which had
induced his selection. Schooled in Italy and Russia, he practised both
tortuous diplomacy and straightforward tyranny in attempting to turn
divided Greece into a united nation, in which a hundred rival
claimants for power should be made humble instruments of the authority
of their one master. Thereby the State was enabled to assert its
existence, and it was made possible for good government to be
introduced. When, however, the time came for inaugurating that good
government, Capodistrias sought to continue the method of rule which,
if allowable at first, was no longer right or likely to succeed. Young
Greece was to be kept in subjection for his own aggrandisement and for
the aggrandisement of his few favourites and advisers. These
favourites and advisers were the leaders of the old Phanariot party,
Prince Mavrocordatos and his brother-in-law Mr. Trikoupes; men whose
policy Lord Cochrane had opposed on his first arrival in Greece, and
who accordingly became even more inimical to himself than he was to
their purposes and plans.

Therefore it was that, when Lord Cochrane returned to Greece in the
autumn of 1828, he was coldly received and his offers of further
service, though not openly rejected, were not accepted. Throughout ten
weeks he was treated with contemptuous indifference, or formal
compliments, the hollowness of which was transparent. On his arrival,
the President found it difficult to grant him an interview. When that
interview was granted, the only subject allowed to be discussed was
the accuracy of the accounts that had been drawn up by Dr. Gosse as
Commissary-General of the Fleet, during the nine months of the
previous year in which Lord Cochrane had been in active service.
Nearly two months were spent in tedious and vexatious examination of
these accounts, and correspondence thereupon, ending, however, in the
partial satisfaction which Lord Cochrane derived from the knowledge
that, after the most searching investigation, they were admitted to be
correct in every particular.

More than once, during this waiting time, Lord Cochrane threatened to
leave Greece immediately, without waiting for the settlement of the
accounts. He was only induced to remain, and submit to the insults
offered to him, by the consideration that his hasty departure might
cause an indefinite postponement of this settlement, and so prove
injurious to his subordinates if not to himself. This being done,
however, he lost no time in resigning his office as First Admiral of
Greece; and that measure was accompanied by a rare exhibition of
generosity. "The direct and active interference of the great European
powers having decided the glorious contest for the freedom of Greece,"
he said in a letter to Count Capodistrias, written at Poros, on the
26th of November, "and its independence being formally acknowledged by
accredited agents from these powers, no means now present themselves
to me whereby I can professionally promote the interests of this
hitherto oppressed people. I beg, therefore, that I may be permitted
as an individual to alleviate their burdens by presenting the State
with my share as Admiral of the corvette _Hydra_, and schooner-of-war
_Athenian_, captured from the enemy; and further by absolving the State
from any and every obligation whereby the sum of 20,000l. was to be
paid to me on the acknowledgment of the independence of this country.
If your excellency shall be pleased, conjointly with the National
Assembly, to appropriate any part of the said amount to the relief of
the seamen wounded, and of the families of those who have fallen
during the contest, it will be a high gratification to my feelings,
and I hope will be admitted as a testimony of my satisfaction at the
introduction of useful institutions, and of the pleasure I experience
at the rapid advancement towards order which has taken place even
during the short period of your excellency's presidency. I have only
to add that, if at any future time your excellency shall deem my
services useful, I shall be delighted at an opportunity to prove my
zeal for the welfare of Greece, more fully than circumstances have
heretofore permitted."

The President's reply, dated the 4th of December, was complimentary:
"The Government of Greece," he said, "thanks you, my lord, for the
services you have rendered, and for the new proof of your interest and
your benevolence which you have shown in your letter of the 26th of
November. As you observe, Greece having been taken under the
protection of the great Powers of Europe, the Provisional Government
can engage in no warlike operation worthy of your talents and your
station. It regrets, therefore, that it cannot offer you an
opportunity of giving further proof of the noble and generous
sentiments which animate you in favour of Greece. The Government will
make it its duty to convey to the National Congress your offer to cede
your rights in the corvette _Hydra_ and the schooner _Athenian_, and
in the 20,000l. which Greece was to pay you on the acknowledgment of
her independence. It doubts not that the Congress will value at its
true worth all the nation's debt to you, and that it will adopt the
measures which you propose for succouring the families of the Greek
seamen who have fallen in the war. The future of Greece is in the
hands of God and of the Allied Powers. You have taken part in her
restoration, and she will reckon you, with sentiments of profound
gratitude, among her first and generous defenders."

A day had not passed, however, before Lord Cochrane had fresh proof of
the worthlessness of that pretended gratitude. Information having
reached Messrs. J. and S. Ricardo, the contractors for the Greek loan
of 1825, that the new Government contemplated repudiating the debt,
they had written to Lord Cochrane, begging him to bring the matter
before Capodistrias, and represent to him the injustice to the
stock-holders and the discredit to Greece that would result from such
an act. Lord Cochrane, accordingly, had an interview with the
President and his two chief advisers on the 5th of December, when this
subject was discussed, and, though the repudiation was only
threatened, attempts were made to justify it on the plea that the
2,000,000l. forming the loan had nearly all been squandered in England
and America, much having disappeared in unexplained ways, the rest
having been absorbed in ship-building and engine-making, from which
Greece had derived no benefit. Both in the personal interview and in a
long letter which he addressed to the President on the following day,
Lord Cochrane indignantly resented the proposed repudiation. He
admitted that there had been gross mismanagement, but showed that the
chief blame for this attached to the Greek deputies, Orlando and
Luriottis, who had been sent to England to raise the money and to see
that it was properly expended, but who, as was well known, had sought
only their own advantage and enjoyment, and, pilfering themselves, had
allowed others to pilfer without restraint. He urged that the innocent
holders of the Greek stock ought not to suffer on this account, and
showed also, that, if there had been great abuse of the loan, it had
enabled the Greeks to tide over their worst time of trouble. "Your
excellency must be aware," he wrote, "that there was no war-ship
belonging to the State which was not bought, taken, or obtained by the
aid of this loan, and that all the guns, mortars, powder, and other
military stores which served to maintain the liberties of Greece
during these later years were chiefly procured by help of this same
fund. It enabled you to carry on the war until independence was
secured by the intervention of the Allied Powers."

The debt was not repudiated; but Lord Cochrane's arguments for its
acknowledgment gave an opportunity for exhibition of the
long-smothered jealousy with which he was regarded by the counsellors
of Capodistrias, if not by Capodistrias himself. The exhibition
certainly was contemptible. As Lord Cochrane was about to leave
Greece--and, indeed, eager to do so--the spite could only be shown in
the arrangements made for his departure.

Having transferred the _Mercury_, which brought him out, to the
President, Lord Cochrane had to ask for a vessel to take him from
Egina, where he was then staying, to the Ionian Islands, or, if he
could not there find suitable conveyance, to Toulon or Marseilles. The
brig _Proserpine_ was grudgingly placed at his disposal. "I pray you,
my lord," wrote Mavrocordatos, on the 8th of December, "if you are
obliged to take her to Toulon or Marseilles, not to detain her at
Navarino or Zante, but to enable her to return with as little delay as
possible to her work on the shores of Western Greece." Lord Cochrane
accordingly embarked in this vessel on the 10th. No sooner was he on
board, however, than he found himself treated with studied rudeness by
her captain, Manoli Bouti, "exposed," as he said, "to privations and
insults that would not be allowed in the conveyance of convicts." He
had to put in at Poros on the same evening, and thence address a
complaint to the Government, then lodged in that island. Four days
passed before he received a written answer to his letter, and then it
conveyed nothing but a formal intimation that another captain would be
appointed in lieu of the obnoxious officer.

Many personal communications, however, had passed in the interval, by
which was confirmed the suspicion formed by Lord Cochrane from the
first, that the captain's misconduct had been dictated by his
superiors, and that it had been a preconceived plan to try and send
the First Admiral of Greece--for both title and functions still
belonged to him--from her shores with every possible degradation. He
naturally resented this indignity. He claimed that, while he remained
in Greece, and until his office of First Admiral was abrogated, he
should be treated with the respect due to his rank. All he asked, he
urged, was that he might be allowed to leave Greece at once, if with
such show of honour from the people whom he had done his best to
serve, as would free him from insult and the Government from
disgrace. "I assure your excellency," he wrote to the President, "that
I regret the occurrence of any circumstance that occasions uneasiness
to you; but I believe that, on reflection, you will clearly perceive
that all which has occurred has been the work of others, whose acts I
could neither control nor foresee. I waive my right to insist at
present on any explicit recognition of my authority, and, though there
is ample justification for my seeking more than I desire, all that I
demand of your excellency is, for the sake of Greece, not to suffer,
not to sanction your ministers in an endeavour to force me on to
public explanations, by persevering in the scandalous line of conduct
which they pursue. Surely your excellency cannot be aware of the
importance which naval men attach to the continuance of the insignia
of office, whilst actually embarked within the limits of their
station, or you would not for an instant tolerate the attempt made to
degrade me in the estimation of the high authorities and numerous
officers here present in the port of Poros. I respectfully await your
excellency's official commands and warrant to strike my flag; not
founded on reasonings or on assumptions, which may prove fallacious or
incorrect; but dictated in explicit terms, such as an officer can,
such as he ought to obey."

That Lord Cochrane was not fighting with a shadow, appears from a
letter addressed to Dr. Gosse, on the 15th of December, by Count
Heyden, then commanding the _Azoff_, as representative of Russia in
the bay of Poros. "As the affairs of etiquette are delicate," he said,
"I beg that you will inform me whether his lordship is still serving
as First Admiral of Greece, or whether he has received his _congÈ_. If
he is still in her service and employ, I shall rejoice to render him
all the honours due to his rank. In the other case, I will pay him all
the honours, except the salute of cannon. I beg that you will favour
me with an answer, in order that I may show his lordship all the
honour that is due to him."

Dr. Gosse's answer, though longer than Admiral Heyden expected, claims
to be here quoted, as it furnished an important tribute to Lord
Cochrane's worth, and was all the more valuable in that the Russian
officer, glad to do all in his power to render homage to a man whom
the Greek Government was now treating with childish insolence, made it
his own by publishing it in the naval archives of Russia. "Lord
Cochrane," wrote Dr. Gosse, "having arrived in Greece in March 1827,
was, in the National Assembly at Troezene, elected First Admiral and
Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces of Greece, with independent and
unlimited powers. Subsequently, and after the election of Count
Capodistrias as President, the Assembly decided that the admiral
should be under the authority of the Government until the arrival of
the President. During the year 1827, Lord Cochrane fulfilled his
duties with all the zeal, all the accuracy, and all the talent for
which he is renowned; but he found it impossible to achieve anything
of importance, isolated as he was, without sufficient funds, and
without support from others, except that of the Philhellenic
Committees, and without the co-operation of the Greeks themselves. At
length, having pledged himself not to interfere in internal politics,
he considered his presence in Greece useless until a firm Government
could be organized, and deemed that he could render best service to
the nation by advocating its interests in Western Europe. He departed
early in January, after during two months vainly awaiting the arrival
of Count Capodistrias, whom he informed of his expedition, and asked
for instructions. He returned to France and England, used all the
means in his power to obtain fresh aid for Greece, fitted out one of
the steamboats that were being prepared in London, took steps for the
completion of the other two, and, after writing a second letter to the
President--which, like the first one, received no answer--returned to
Greece, resolved to devote himself to her cause. He was received with
coldness and indifference; neither lodging, nor provisions, nor
employment were offered to him. He asked that his accounts might be
examined: ignorant or evil-minded commissioners were entrusted with
their investigation, and the Government only took it in hand very
tardily. Objections and disputes, difficulties and contradictions,
accumulated, and it was only after a delay of sixty days that his
accounts were publicly and officially declared to be correct. All that
while he remained like a private person on board his steamboat, manned
only by six sailors. In all the audiences that he had with the
President, he asked for instructions as to the position and work that
he should assume; but he could never receive any definite answer.
During one interview which he had with Prince Mavrocordatos on board
the _Mercury_, in the port of Poros, on the 1st of December, the
anniversary of the coronation of the Emperor of Russia, he announced
his intention of hoisting his flag on board one of the national
vessels as a public compliment to that sovereign, and asked M.
Mavrocordatos to inform the President of that intention; but he
received no answer. He had during this period received numerous
letters from the Government addressed to him as First Admiral and
Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces of Greece. He afterwards went
to Egina with Messrs. Trikoupes and Mavrocordatos, to receive a part
of the money due to him, and to hand over to the Commission of Marine
the steamboat _Mercury_. That done, he was embarked in a national
vessel, a miserable brig which had been seized as contraband, badly
repaired, which had been sent to convey him to Navarino, Zante,
Toulon, or Marseilles. This vessel was under the orders of a Hydriot
brulotteer, an ignorant and coarse man, who, long before, at the
expedition against Alexandria, had acted in direct violation of the
admiral's orders; and the crew was on a par with the captain. Lord
Cochrane was insolently received by these people. No place of safety
was found for his baggage and his money; no food was provided even for
the voyage from Egina to Poros, where Lord Cochrane wished to take
leave of the President. At Poros the captain repeated his insults.
Lord Cochrane requested the President to dismiss him, but received no
answer. M. Trikoupes even came on board and declared that the captain
should continue his voyage and proceed to his destination. Lord
Cochrane then said that he would be master on board a vessel from
whose mast floated his admiral's flag, and that he would yield to
nothing but the written orders of the President, in order, as he said,
that he might protect himself from the insolence of servants of the
Government who sought to annoy him by their exhibition of paltry
jealousy, or to force him into a quarrel with the President. The day
before yesterday, in the afternoon, he had an interview with the
President, and, Messrs. Trikoupes and Mavrocordatos being present, he
openly pointed out to him the intrigues of these officials and the
dangers of the course in which they were leading him. Warmly, and with
the boldness of a good conscience, he exposed their policy and
expressed his views upon the organization of the Greek navy. He then
repeated his wish to depart as soon as possible, although he declared
himself willing at any future time to serve Greece if she had need of
him. He also announced that he would at once take down his flag of
authority if the President officially and directly required it, but
that, if any charges were brought against him, he should be compelled
to remain in Greece until he had exculpated himself before the nation
and obtained the punishment of the unworthy servants of the President,
for whom personally he declared that he had a profound respect, while
he commiserated his difficult and painful position. In this interview
Lord Cochrane appeared to me to have a great advantage over his
antagonists. Yesterday the admiral's flag was still floating. In the
evening the President wrote him a letter in vague terms and
contributing nothing to the end he had in view. This morning Lord
Cochrane, in his reply, has again asked for authority to lower his
flag, if that is the will of the President; but no orders have been
received. This precise statement of facts which have come under my own
knowledge will, I think, make it easy for your excellency to arrive at
conclusions comporting with the laws of etiquette."

"I have read your letter with pleasure and with pain," wrote Admiral
Heyden in answer on the same day; "for I am certain that Lord Cochrane
must have suffered greatly from the treatment to which he has been
exposed. In proof of my esteem I beg that he will send back to their
kennels these miserable causes of his annoyance, and proceed to Malta,
or to Zante if he wishes, in one of my corvettes, taking with him as
large a suite as he likes. It cannot be too numerous. As regards his
salute, I shall receive him with the honours due to his rank and with
musical honours; and at his departure I will man the yards; but the
salute of guns I cannot give him, as he is not in naval authority.
Vice-Admiral Miaoulis never received from me the honours which I offer
to Lord Cochrane. I did not man the yards and did not give him a
salute. I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing his lordship, and
that I can provide him a passage more agreeable than that proposed for
him by Greece."

Not content with sending that friendly message to Lord Cochrane,
Admiral Heyden took prompt occasion to reprove Capodistrias for his
unworthy conduct. Capodistrias thereupon used the influence of Dr.
Grosse in bringing about at any rate a formal reconciliation between
himself and Lord Cochrane, the result of which was that the latter
received the official discharge that he desired, and even an offer to
find him in another ship a better passage than he could have expected
on board the _Proserpine_. Lord Cochrane, however, preferred to accept
Admiral Heyden's more generous invitation. "It is gratifying," he said
in a letter to Dr. Grosse on the 18th of December,[13] "that even the
authority to which wicked men refer in proof of the rectitude of evil
deeds fails to sanction infamous conduct. Alas! if Capodistrias
suffers--and he seems not inclined to oppose--I say, if he suffers the
base intrigues of the Phanar to be introduced as the means of ruling a
nation, Greece must fall back, if not into a darker state, yet into a
worse condition, inasmuch as suspended anarchy is preferable to civil
war."

  [13] Dr. Gosse had remained in Greece during Lord Cochrane's absence,
  and he continued to reside in Greece for a few months after his
  friend's final departure. He won for himself much gratitude, not only
  by his zealous work in war time, but by the skill and patience with
  which he sought to reduce the plague which raged in Greece in 1827 and
  1828. Two proofs of the popularity which he fairly won are as follows.
  The first, dated the 17th of June, 1828, was signed by twenty-three
  leading inhabitants of Poros.

  "Nous citoyens de Poros, reconnaissant dans la personne de M. le
  Docteur Louis AndrÈ Gosse, un homme animÈ du philhellÈnisme le plus
  sincËre et douÈ de vertus Èminentes, considÈrant son zËle ardent et
  infatigable pourtant en ce qui concerne le bien de la patrie et pour
  la cause sacrÈe de la GrËce et en particulier tÈmoins des soins
  philanthropiques qu'il a prodiguÈs aux indigens, persuadÈs d'autre
  part que ses qualitÈs rares contribueront ‡ l'amÈlioration de la
  morale du peuple Grec, et animÈs du dÈsir d'attacher ‡ notre Ile cette
  homme vertueux; d'une voix unanime et d'un accord commun concÈdons le
  droit de bourgeoisie au susdit M. L. A. Gosse, pour qu'il jonisse
  dorÈnavant du titre et des droits de citoyen Poriote indigËne. En foi
  de quoi nous lui avons dÈlivrÈ la prÈsente."

  The other document was issued by President Capodistrias on the 23rd of
  February, 1829.

  "La lettre que vous venez de m'adresser, datÈe du 21 FÈvrier, et les
  comptes qu'elle renferme, sont une nouvelle preuve du zËle et de
  l'extrÍme exactitude, par laquelle vous vous Ítes toujours montrÈ
  digne de la confiance des amis gÈnÈreux de la GrËce.

  "Je n'ai pas besoin de vous rÈpÈter combien la nation sait apprÈcier
  les services que vous lui avez rendus, et combien de reconnaissance je
  vous dois en particulier. C'est ‡ mon instance que vous avez prolongÈ
  d'un an votre sÈjour en GrËce. Dans cet espace, et surtout dans l'ÈtÈ
  dernier, la peste et les maladies qui vinrent augmenter nos malheurs
  et nos souffrances, vous ont fourni l'occasion de co-opÈrer par un
  noble dÈnouement a l'accomplissement des mesures sanitaires qui ‡
  l'aide de la Providence ont conjurÈ les manx majeurs, dont la Patrie
  Ètait menacÈe.

  "Maintenant vous devez remplir des dÈsirs qui honorent vos sentiments,
  vous allez retourner dans votre heureuse patrie, auprËs de votre mËre.
  Mes voeux vous y accompagneront, je vous souhaite toute sorte de
  bonheur. La GrËce ne peut dans ce moment vous exprimer d'autre maniËre
  sa reconnaissance, mais un jour viendra, je l'espËre, dans lequel elle
  le pourra et son Gouvernement s'empressera alors d'acquitter sa dette
  envers vous, ainsi qu'envers les autres Ètrangers, qui sincËrement et
  gÈnÈreusement ont servi sa cause sacrÈe.

  "Lorsque vos affaires et vos intÈrÍts le permettront, vous vous
  occuperez toujours du bien de la GrËce; vous lui serez toujours utile
  partout o˘ vous vous trouverez; mais si vous voulez lui Ítre utile
  plus directement, revenez encore au milieu d'un peuple qui vous
  connaÓt et qui vous aime, et son gouvernement se h‚tera de vous mettre
  ‡ mÍme de lui rendre encore de grands services.

  "Recevez en attendant l'expression de ces sentiments, avec l'assurance
  de la considÈration le plus distinguÈe."

Those prognostications proved correct. Capodistrias, allowing others
to direct him in ways of bad government, entered on a policy which
very soon led to his assassination--to be followed by the milder rule
of King Otho.

On the 20th of December Lord Cochrane left Poros in the Russian
corvette _Grimachi_, honourably placed at his disposal by Admiral
Heyden, and proceeded to Malta. There he was worthily received by the
British admiral, Sir Pulteney Malcolm, who offered him immediate
conveyance to Naples in the _Racer_, or, in a week's time, a passage
direct to Marseilles in the _Etna_. Believing that thus he would save
time, he chose the former alternative. From Naples, however, he found
it impossible to proceed to Marseilles, and he was obliged, on the
29th of January, to embark in an English merchant vessel to Leghorn.
Eleven days were spent in the short voyage, and on reaching Leghorn he
had to submit to fifteen days' quarantine before being allowed to
proceed to Paris, there to rejoin his family. The whole journey
occupied nearly ten weeks.

From Leghorn he wrote on the 15th of February to Chevalier Eynard
respecting Greece and her still unfortunate condition. "Civilization
and internal order," he said, "can make no steady progress in Greece
unless the Government can be supported otherwise than by the present
bands of undisciplined, ignorant, and lawless savages. Under existing
circumstances, Greeks who have attained the age of maturity are
incapable of military organization. You have long known my opinion as
to the necessity of sending foreign troops to Greece to maintain
order. You know that I preferred Swiss or Bavarian soldiers to those
of the great pacificating powers, because the latter cannot, with
propriety, interfere in matters of police, whilst paid by foreign
countries. It is now, however, too late to send small military
establishments, such as would have sufficed on the arrival of
Capodistrias, because _now_ they would be considered as oppressors;
_then_ they would have been received as allies and friends. The
alternatives that may be pursued in the conduct relative to Greece now
are, to let the Revolution work itself out, as in South America, or to
leave six regiments in the country until the young men who are abroad
shall be educated and the rising generation at home shall be somewhat
civilized. It is of no use to attempt to do good by half measures
under the present circumstances of Greece. Kolokotrones is ready, on
the spot, to take possession of Patras the moment it is evacuated.
Petro-Bey, who has been prosecuted in the Court of Admiralty for
piracy, is prepared to avenge himself by taking authority in Maina.
Konduriottes, Zaimes, and all the other chiefs, anxiously await the
meeting of the Assembly, which they hail as the final hour of the
President's authority. Capodistrias's ministers, too, who are no
fools, but, on the contrary, cunning men, undoubtedly have similar
views, for they have taken every means to discredit, disgust, and
drive away every foreigner who, by his conduct, counsel, or friendly
intimation, could avert the evil. Thus things are fast tending towards
a discreditable close of the President's administration."

"Thank God," wrote Lord Cochrane three months later, on the 17th of
May, to Dr. Gosse, who, in the interval, had also left Greece, "we are
both clear of a country in which there is no hope of amelioration for
half a century to come; unless, indeed, immigration shall take place
to a great extent, under some king, or competent ruler, appointed and
supported by the Governments of the mediating powers. The mental fever
I contracted in Greece has not yet subsided, nor will it probably for
some months to come."

Lord Cochrane might well be suffering from a mental fever. Nearly four
years of his life had been spent in efforts to serve Greece, and with
very poor result. To himself the issue had been wholly unfortunate;
even the pecuniary recompense to which he was entitled having been so
reduced as not to meet the expenses to which he had been put, partly
through his generous surrender of the 20,000l. which he was to receive
on completion of the work, partly through the depreciation of the
Greek stock in which, out of sympathy for the cause, he had invested
the 37,000l. paid to him on his engagement.

And to Greece the issues had been far less beneficial than he had
hoped. The tedious and wanton delays to which he had been subjected at
starting, whereby that starting was prevented for a year and a half,
had hindered his arrival in Greece till it was too late for him to do
much of the work that he had planned. The want of money, and, still
more, the want of patriotism, courage, and even common honesty on the
part of nearly all the leaders with whom he was to co-operate, and the
officers and crews whom he was to command, had caused his ten months'
active service in Greece to comprise little more than a series of bold
projects, and projects which, if he had been aided by brave men, would
have been as easy as they were bold, in which he received none of the
support that was necessary, and which accordingly all his energy and
genius could not make successful. When, after his visit to England and
France, he returned to Greece, eager and able to render invaluable
assistance in the organization of the navy, he was treated only with
neglect and insolence, from which at last he was enabled to escape
through the generous sympathy of a Russian admiral.

Much, however, he had done for Greece. To his persistent entreaties
were due all the meagre displays of patriotism by which the Government
of the country was maintained and Capodistrias accepted as President,
and all the feeble efforts by which the war was carried on and the
triumph of the Porte was averted until the direct interference of the
Allied Powers. That interference had been in great measure induced by
the report that he had entered the service of Greece, so that to him
was due not a little of the benefit that accrued from the whole course
of diplomacy by which her independence was secured; and the
independence was made more prompt and complete than could have been
expected by the fortunate circumstance of his having occasioned the
collision between the forces of Turkey and those of the Allied Powers
which issued in the Battle of Navarino. Much more he would have
achieved had his arguments been listened to and his plans supported.
His failures no less than his successes bespeak his worth.




CHAPTER XXIII.

A RECAPITULATION OF LORD COCHRANE'S NAVAL SERVICES.--HIS EFFORTS TO
OBTAIN RESTITUTION OF THE RANK TAKEN FROM HIM AFTER THE STOCK EXCHANGE
TRIAL.--HIS PETITION TO THE DUKE OF CLARENCE.--ITS REJECTION BY THE
DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S CABINET.--LORD COCHRANE'S OCCUPATIONS AFTER THE
CLOSE OF HIS GREEK SERVICE.--HIS RETURN TO ENGLAND.--HIS MEMORIAL TO
WILLIAM IV.--ITS TARDY CONSIDERATION BY EARL GREY'S CABINET.--ITS
PROMOTERS AND OPPONENTS.--LORD COCHRANE'S ACCESSION TO THE PEERAGE AS
TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD.--HIS INTERVIEW WITH THE KING.--THE COUNTESS
OF DUNDONALD'S EFFORTS IN AID OF HER HUSBAND'S MEMORIAL.--THEIR
ULTIMATE SUCCESS.--THE EARL OF DUNDONALD'S "FREE PARDON," AND
RESTORATION TO NAVAL RANK.

[1828-1832.]


Lord Cochrane's retirement from the service of Greece brought to a
close his career as a fighting seaman. With one brief exception,
occurring twenty years later, when he commanded the British squadron
in the North American and West Indian waters, but when there was no
warfare to be done the rest of his life, comprising thirty years of
ripe manhood and vigorous old age, was passed without employment in
the profession which was dear to him, and in which he had shown
himself to be possessed of talents rarely equalled and certainly never
surpassed.

He entered that profession at the age of seventeen. In 1800, when he
was twenty-four, he was promoted to the command of the _Speedy_. With
that crazy little sloop, no larger than a coasting brig, he captured a
large French privateer on the 10th of May, and on the 14th he
recaptured two English vessels that had been seized by the enemy. On
the 16th of June he took another French vessel, and on the 22nd
another, with a prize which she had just obtained. On the 29th, he
secured a large Spanish privateer, in spite of five gunboats which
fought in her defence. On the 19th of July he captured another French
privateer and rescued her prize; on the 27th he sunk another; and on
the 31st he put another to flight and took possession of the prize
which she had in tow. On the 22nd of September, he seized another of
the enemy's vessels. On the 15th of December he wrecked one French
war-ship and captured another, one of three which came to her
assistance; and on the 24th, being attacked by two Spanish privateers,
he took one of them. On the 16th of January, 1801, he chased two
vessels, and seized one, and on the 22nd, two of the enemy's craft,
one French and the other Spanish, struck to him. On the 24th of
February a French brig fell into his hands. The same fate was shared
by another vessel on the 11th of April, by another on the 13th, and by
two others on the 15th. He captured a Spanish tartan and a Spanish
privateer on the 4th of May; and on the 13th occurred his celebrated
victory over the _Gamo_--carrying four times the tonnage, six times
the number of men, and seven times the weight of shot possessed by the
_Speedy_--which was soon followed by the taking of two other Spanish
privateers heavily armed. On the 9th of June, the _Speedy_ and another
little vessel had a nine hours' fight, first with a Spanish zebec and
three gunboats, and afterwards with a felucco and two more gunboats
which came to their aid, which were only allowed to escape when the
English ammunition was nearly exhausted, the _Speedy_ having
discharged fourteen hundred shot. On the 3rd of July, the pigmy
vessel, after hard fighting, had to surrender to three French
line-of-battle ships. It was on that occasion that their senior
officer, Captain PalliËre, declined to accept the sword of "an
officer," as he said, "who had for so many hours struggled against
impossibility." In his thirteen months' cruise Lord Cochrane had with
his little sloop of fourteen 4-pounders, and a crew of fifty-four
officers and men, taken and retaken fifty vessels, a hundred and
twenty-two guns, and five hundred and thirty-four prisoners.

His next ship, the _Arab_, was made to serve during fourteen months in
seas in which there was no work to be done; but for the _Pallas_, a
fine frigate of thirty-two guns, he was allowed to find memorable
employment. He was sent to the Azores, with orders to limit his cruise
to a month. He captured one large Spanish vessel on the 6th of
February, 1805, a second on the 13th, a third on the 15th, a fourth on
the 16th. Forced after that to be idle, as far as prize-taking was
concerned, for more than a year, he seized two French vessels on the
27th of March, 1806, and another a few days later. On the 6th of April
he captured the _Tapageuse_, and on the 7th he chased three other
corvettes till they were driven on shore by their crews and wrecked.
He took another prize on the 14th. On the 14th of May, the _Pallas_
had her famous engagement with the French frigate _Minerve_ and three
brigs, the _Lynx_, the _Sylph_, and the _Palinure_, carrying
eighty-eight guns in all, wherein she was so disabled that she was
forced to return to Portsmouth to be refitted.

The _Imperieuse_ being assigned to him in August, 1806, Lord Cochrane
took two prizes on the 19th of December, and a third on the 31st. He
was then ordered home, and there detained till the autumn of 1807. On
the 14th of November, being again in the Mediterranean, he captured a
Maltese pirate-ship, and soon afterwards he seized some other vessels.
Being ordered to scour the French coast during the summer of 1808, he
took numerous prizes on the sea and effected yet more important work
on land. "With varying opposition but with unvaried success," he wrote
in his concise report to Lord Collingwood on the 28th of September,
"the newly-constructed semaphoric telegraphs--which are of the utmost
consequence to the safety of the numerous convoys that pass along the
coast of France--at Bourdigne, La Pinede, St. Maguire, Frontignan,
Canet, and Fay, have been blown up and completely demolished, together
with their telegraph houses, fourteen barracks of gens d'armes, one
battery, and the strong tower on the Lake of Frontignan." The list of
casualties was "None killed, none wounded, one singed, in blowing up
the battery." That work was followed by more of the same nature, a
famous episode in which was Lord Cochrane's occupation of the Castle
of Trinidad. "The zeal and energy with which he has maintained that
fortress," wrote Lord Collingwood, "excite the highest admiration. His
resources for every exigency have no end."

The splendid exploit with the fireships in Basque Roads followed in
1809, and with that Lord Cochrane's services to England as a seaman
were brought to a conclusion. Official persecution kept him in
idleness during the remaining period of war with France, and he was in
the end driven to seek relief from oppression at home, and exercise
for his talents, by devoting himself to the cause of freedom in Chili,
Peru, Brazil, and Greece. His unparalleled successes on both sides of
the South American continent, and the circumstances of his partial
failure in Greece, have been sufficiently detailed in previous
chapters.

All through that time of virtual expatriation, his dearest hope had
been that England would, as far as possible, retrieve the cruel wrong
that had been done to him. Full redress was impossible. The heavy
cloud that had been cast over so many years of his most energetic
manhood could not be removed by any tardy act of justice; but that
tardy justice could at any rate be done to him, and for this he strove
with unabated zeal.

To this end he was partly occupied during his temporary absence from
Greece in 1828. On the 4th of June he addressed a memorial to the Duke
of Clarence, then Lord High Admiral, who just two years afterwards was
to become King of England. This memorial, eloquent in its simplicity
and earnestness, the prelude to many others that were to be presented
in later years, claims to be here quoted in full. "To his Royal
Highness the Lord High Admiral," it ran, "the memorial of Lord
Cochrane humbly showeth;--That for fourteen years your memorialist has
suffered, among many injuries and privations, the loss of his
situation and rank as post-captain in his Majesty's navy, in
consequence of a verdict pronouncing your memorialist guilty of an
offence of which he was entirely and absolutely innocent;--That during
the whole course of your memorialist's life, up to the day on which he
was charged with the crime of conspiring with others to raise false
reports for the purpose of fraudulently effecting a rise in the price
of the public funds, the character and conduct of your memorialist
were without reproach; and, numerous as have been the transactions in
which your memorialist has subsequently engaged, he has, amid them
all, uniformly preserved, though not an unassailed, yet an unshaken
and unsullied character;--That your memorialist has never ceased, and
never can cease to assert his absolute innocence of the crime of which
he was pronounced guilty. He asserts it now, most solemnly, as in the
presence of Almighty God, and certain he is, if every doubt be not
dissipated in this world, that when summoned to enter more immediately
into that Awful and Infinite Presence, he shall not fail, with his
last breath, most solemnly to assert his innocence;--That it was your
memorialist's consciousness of innocence that contributed, perhaps
more than any other cause, to produce his conviction; because it
rendered him confident, and much less careful in making the necessary
preparations for his defence than he ought to have been, or than he
would have been, if guilty; while, on the other hand, there existed
the utmost zeal, industry, and skill in the conduct of the
prosecution;--That your memorialist did all that was possible to
procure a revision of his case; but, as he had laboured under the
disadvantage of being included in, and tried under, the same
indictment with some who had probably no reason to complain of the
result, as well as the still greater disadvantage of having his
defence blended, with theirs, so was he denied a new trial for the
same reason; it being a rule of Court that a new trial should not be
allowed to any individual tried for conspiracy unless all the parties
should appear in Court to join in the application; which, in the case
of your memorialist, could not possibly be, some of the parties having
quitted the country on the verdict being pronounced against
them;--That your memorialist has never been able to obtain a
re-investigation of his extraordinary case, nor to obtain redress in
any way; but now that your Royal Highness is Lord High Admiral, and
has, among other illustrious acts, distinguished yourself in that
capacity by doing justice to meritorious officers, your memorialist
feels that he has everything to hope from the magnanimity of your
Royal Highness;--That it is indeed certain that nothing can be more
repugnant to the feelings of your Royal Highness than that an
individual who zealously devoted himself to the naval service of his
king and country, as your Royal Highness knows your memorialist to
have done, should be for ever cut off from the service without the
most unquestionable certainty of the rectitude of so severe an
infliction. So far, therefore, as depends on your Royal Highness, your
memorialist cannot but confidently entertain the hope that he shall
not be doomed to remain all his life long the victim of a verdict of
which he has not only never ceased to complain, but which he knows
that he has proved to be unfounded, to the satisfaction of those who
have examined as well what was advanced against him at the trial as
what he has since adduced in his own justification. Your memorialist,
therefore, is encouraged most respectfully to solicit your Royal
Highness to represent his case--a case of peculiar and unprecedented
hardship--to his most Sacred Majesty, and to advocate his cause. And
if, happily for your memorialist, his most Sacred Majesty, recognising
the innocence of your memorialist, and taking his long-protracted and
unmerited sufferings into his gracious consideration, should, of his
most gracious pleasure, vouchsafe to reinstate your memorialist in
that rank and station in his Royal Navy which he previously held, your
memorialist will ever maintain the deepest and most grateful sense of
his duty to his most Sacred Majesty and to your Royal Highness, and
will never cease to testify his gratitude by all the means in his
power."

That document was presented by Sir Robert Preston to the Duke of
Clarence, who promised to use every endeavour to obtain a
reconsideration of Lord Cochrane's case. He was unsuccessful. "Dear
Sir," he wrote to Sir Robert Preston on the 14th of June, "immediately
on the receipt of the memorial you brought from Lord Cochrane, I sent
it to the Duke of Wellington, with a request it might be considered by
his Majesty's confidential servants, and last evening I had a
communication from his Grace to state that the King's Cabinet cannot
comply with the prayer of the memorial. I ever remain, dear Sir, yours
sincerely, William."

The harsh news of this failure was sent to Paris, whither Lord
Cochrane had gone in furtherance of his efforts for the assistance of
Greece.

To Paris he returned, as we have seen, after his final departure from
Greece, and there he resided with his family for about six months. He
paid a brief visit to England in September, 1829; but, seeing no
immediate prospect of gaining the restitution of his naval rank, and
finding that idle life at home was especially irksome to him, he soon
went back to the Continent. The serious illness of Lady Cochrane
induced him to pass the winter in Italy, where by the same cause he
was detained for several months. He was in England again in the autumn
of 1830.

One motive for his return was the accession of the Duke of Clarence to
the throne as King William IV. The new sovereign's often-expressed
sympathy for him, induced him to hope that now he had a better chance
of obtaining the justice that had been so long withheld. The change of
sovereigns, however, was of small avail while the ministers who had
summarily rejected his former memorial continued to have the direction
of affairs. "To petition or memorialize the King whilst his present
ministers remain in office," he said in a letter written on the 10th
of September, "would be to debase myself in my own estimation, and, I
think, in that of every man of sense and feeling." "I cannot petition
again," he said in another letter; "though I am assured from high
authority it would be attended to. Sir Robert Wilson and others have
obtained favour; but I, who protested against the forging of charts
and public waste of money, have had no mercy shown!" Lord Cochrane
ascertained, about this time, that his memorial of 1828, though sent
by the Duke of Clarence for the consideration of King George IV., had
never reached his Majesty, the Cabinet having preferred to dismiss it
at once. He therefore had good reason for abstaining from further
action until a more friendly ministry should be in power.

He had not long to wait. On the 16th of November, the Duke of
Wellington's Cabinet resigned. In the Administration which succeeded
Earl Grey was Premier, and Mr. Brougham, raised to the peerage, was
Lord Chancellor. Lord Cochrane then lost no time in completing a
"Review" of his case, which he had prepared for publication, and in
getting ready some early copies of the volume to be presented to the
King and his ministers.

The King's copy was forwarded through Lord Melbourne, the Home
Secretary, on the 10th of December, accompanied by a brief petition.
"Assured that the memorial which I laid before your Majesty when Lord
High Admiral," wrote Lord Cochrane, "was honoured with your earnest
consideration, and that your Majesty was graciously pleased to make an
effort in my behalf, with the desire of restoring me to my station in
the navy; assured, too, that, had not the ministers of his late most
gracious Majesty been opposed to the prayer of my memorial, I should
then have been restored; and believing that no such obstacle to your
Majesty's favour would be now interposed, I have every reason to hope
that the auspicious moment is at length arrived when the redress which
I have so long sought will be freely bestowed by my most gracious
Sovereign. I beseech your Majesty to condescend to receive the
accompanying review of my case, which, I trust, will prove to your
Majesty that I am not unworthy of that act of your Majesty's favour
which I humbly solicit. It is not because I have undergone a sentence
heavier than the law pronounced, it is not because I have been
deprived for sixteen years of the rank and honours which I acquired in
the Royal Navy, nor is it because I am deserving of any consideration
on account of services to my King and country, that I now presume to
appeal to your Majesty,--though no one is more likely than your
Majesty to feel for my sufferings, and no one more competent to
appreciate my services,--but it is because I had no participation in,
and no knowledge, not even the most indistinct or remote, of the crime
under the imputation of which I have been so variously and so
unceasingly punished. It is this alone which impels me to approach
your Majesty, and this alone which enables me."

Other copies of the "Review" having been sent to the Cabinet
Ministers, with letters urging its favourable consideration, Lord
Cochrane, in nearly every case, received a friendly answer. "I need
not say," wrote Earl Grey on the 12th of December, "that it would give
me great satisfaction if it should be found possible to comply with
the prayer of your petition. This opinion I expressed some years ago
in a letter which, I believe, was communicated to you. To the
sentiments expressed in that letter I refer, which, if I remember
right, acquitted you of all blame, except such as might have been
incurred by inadvertence and by having suffered yourself to be led by
others into measures of the consequences of which you were not
sufficiently aware."

More than a year was to be spent, however, in persevering effort
before Lord Cochrane's claim for justice was acceded to. Objection was
taken by some to the form in which his address to the King was worded.
It was "a letter," they said, and not "a petition;" and Lord Cochrane
was distressed at hearing, on the 18th, that the document had been
given back by his Majesty to Lord Melbourne without any comment.

"If I have erred as to the form of my petition, which was in the shape
of a most respectful and dutiful letter to his Majesty, or as to the
channel through which it should have been forwarded," said Lord
Cochrane in a letter to Earl Grey, written on the 23rd of December, "I
have erred in judgment only; and it would be hard indeed should
redress not be accorded by reason of an informality in the mode of my
application. I have since been advised that my petition ought to have
been forwarded through the First Lord of the Admiralty, whom I have
therefore solicited to present another petition, the same in effect,
but more brief, and in the regular form. When his Majesty was Lord
High Admiral he received a memorial from me by the hands of Sir Robert
Preston, and though it had not the effect, of procuring my restoration
at that time, yet from the gracious manner in which, I am assured, it
was received, I did flatter myself that his Majesty would have
pleasure in the opportunity, which appeared to present itself when
your lordship's Administration was formed, of originating a measure
which all would consider gracious, and most, I hope, believe to be
perfectly just. In reference to the letter, in answer to mine, with
which your lordship honoured me on the 12th instant, which I cannot
but perceive is written with a kindness of feeling which commands my
best thanks, I beg only to state that any opinion of me in regard to
the crime imputed to me that does not fully acquit me of all knowledge
thereof whatever does not do me justice. That crime was contrived and
completed so entirely without my knowledge that I had not the most
distant idea of its having been meditated until I read of its
commission in the public prints." In a brief reply to that letter Earl
Grey stated that, the petition having been presented to the King and
being now under consideration, no more formal address need be sent in
lieu of it.

Thus Lord Cochrane had only to await the result of his application,
and he waited for sixteen months. During that interval many friends
interceded on his behalf, especially Lord Durham and Lord Auckland,
and from time to time his hopes were quickened by information that the
subject was still being considered by his Majesty's ministers, who
were anxious that right should be done.

But he was often disappointed. "The King," he said, in a letter
written on the 1st of April, "has invited all the Knights of the Bath
to dine with him on the 12th, which is the anniversary of the affair
of Basque Roads, as well as that of Grambier's installation. If
nothing is done on that day I shall not obtain justice during the life
of William IV. Indeed, I understand that every effort has been made to
influence the King to my prejudice."

"I was at an evening party at the Marquess of Lansdowne's on Friday,"
wrote Lord Cochrane on the 25th of April, "and there I met the Lord
Chancellor [Brougham] who was very civil indeed, and told me they had
a battle to fight for me, and hoped they would succeed. Since then the
electors of the borough of Southwark have sent a deputation to beg me
to stand; but hearing that Brougham's brother was also to be a
candidate, I have declined opposing him. I had a double motive for
this line of conduct, for, had I been returned to Parliament, I could
not conscientiously have accepted a favour at the hands of the
ministers of the Crown."

Service in the House of Commons was, soon after that, made impossible
to Lord Cochrane. His father, Archibald, ninth Earl of Dundonald, died
on the 1st of July, 1831. Lord Cochrane then ceased to be a commoner,
and became in succession, when he was nearly fifty-six years old, Earl
of Dundonald.

As Earl of Dundonald, however, he found it no easier to obtain an
answer to his demand for justice than as Lord Cochrane. In September
he heard that his opponents were making use of some Admiralty
correspondence respecting his conduct in Chili, nearly ten years
before, to throw fresh difficulties in his way. He at once applied to
Sir James Graham, the First Lord of the Admiralty, for extracts from
this correspondence of any parts requiring explanation, in order that
he might furnish the same. "I beg leave to state," wrote Sir James in
reply, "that it is not usual for his Majesty's Government to produce,
from the records of public offices, documents which do not appear to
be required for any public purpose. I am therefore under the necessity
of declining to comply with your lordship's request." "Is it not
astonishing," said Lord Dundonald, in a letter to the Duke of
Hamilton, "that Sir James Graham does not consider justice to an
individual to be a public object?"

Tired out, at length, by the delays in the settlement of his case,
Lord Dundonald wisely resolved to seek a personal interview with the
King. With that object he went down to Brighton, and the interview was
readily granted to him on Sunday, the 27th of November. He was
graciously received, and the King listened attentively to his
respectful claim for a fair investigation of the matter, and for
permission to rebut any charges that might be brought against him
respecting his conduct in connection with the Stock Exchange fraud,
his Chilian service, or any other portion of his life that had been or
could be complained of. His Majesty promised to see that the case was
fairly looked into, and Lord Dundonald was not long in observing the
good effects of his bold step.

"Lady Dundonald has seen Lord Grey, and he has expressed his readiness
to do all he can," he wrote from London on the 17th of December. "But
I understand there is something in the way. Burdett assures me that he
will bring the whole affair before Parliament if they do not do me
justice."

Sir Francis Burdett, who, never flagging in his friendship, had
rendered valuable assistance during these weary months, continued in
the same course to the end; but it was not necessary for him to appeal
to Parliament in this case. Yet its settlement was further delayed. "I
am unwilling to trespass on your lordship's most valuable time," wrote
Lord Dundonald to Earl Grey, on the 28th of January, 1832; "but as it
is now two months since I had the honour of an audience of the King,
and of presenting to his Majesty my humble memorial setting forth my
claims to be heard in my defence in refutation of the accusations
existing against me in the Admiralty, and praying that I might be
furnished with copies of the accusatory documents, I can no longer
refrain from entreating your lordship to relieve my mind from its
present state of most painful suspense by making me acquainted with
the decision of the Government. From my knowledge of your lordship's
considerate feelings towards me, and of your desire, should it be
found practicable and just, to restore me to my place in his Majesty's
service, and from that consciousness of my own integrity which has
maintained me during so many years of adversity, I cannot but be
sanguine, notwithstanding the delay, of an ultimately favourable
result. But the period of suspense is not only one of great mental
anxiety, but in other respects most injurious. It places me in a
position worse than that which I was in under the former
Administration, which at once decided to dismiss my complaint without
consideration, and spared me that uncertainty which 'makes the heart
sick.' While those ministers were in power my character sustained no
injury from their refusal to do me justice. But under the
Administration of your lordship, the public opinion must be that my
case has received every consideration, and that the ascertained
justice of the verdict against me is the bar to my restoration. This
opinion already operates so much to my disadvantage and annoyance as
to paralyze all my pursuits, and will shortly compel me, unless your
lordship spares me that sacrifice, to quit a country of which I have
never, by any act of my life, rendered myself unworthy, and in the
bosom of which, unless called out again in her service, I would fain
spend the remainder of my life in tranquillity."

That letter was delivered by the Countess of Dundonald, who at this
time, as at all others, laboured with rare energy and tact to lighten
her husband's heavy load of suffering and to augment his scanty store
of joy. "Lady Dundonald," he wrote on the 6th of February, "has had a
long talk with Lord Grey on the subject of my affair, and it clearly
appears that there are two individuals in the Cabinet who will not
give in. It is now, however, determined that Lady Dundonald--I being
out of town--shall go to the King with a very proper memorial on her
part, praying that the stain on the family may be wiped away by a free
pardon. It is supposed that this will succeed; because in that case
the King can exercise his prerogative without other counsel than that
of his Prime Minister, who is favourable."

That term "free pardon" was galling to Lord Dundonald. He knew that he
had done nothing which needed forgiveness. It was justice, not pardon,
that he sought. He had suffered so much, however, from official
formalities, and his honest resentment of them, that he now
reluctantly consented to accept the virtual acquittal which was the
great object of his hopes and toils, though it might be couched in a
phrase none the less distasteful to him because it was the phrase that
from time immemorial had been used as a cloak for the withdrawal of
official wrong.

His concession was successful. "The King," he was able to write on the
4th of March, "has at last promised to do that which the late
Administration refused, and the present ministry had not the power or
courage to accomplish. For this I am indebted to the zealous exertions
of Lady Dundonald, who has been at Brighton, and has left Lord Grey
and others no rest until her object was accomplished. Thus, you see,
perseverance has done more than reason, right, and justice. The fact
is that great folks neither read nor trouble themselves with judging
from facts on subjects which do not immediately concern themselves. I
have no doubt that the 'Review' has never been looked into by one of
the ministers."

The "free pardon" was promised on the 28th of February, but it was not
formally granted till five weeks afterwards. Lord Dundonald
ascertained that one cause of the long delay in considering his case
was the heat of party fight occasioned by the Reform Bill. The
Government feared to show any kindness to a man whom the Tories had so
long and so persistently reviled, lest thereby they should lose in the
House of Commons a few wavering votes that were important. The Reform
Bill passed the Lower House, for the second time, at the end of
March.[14] Its final adoption being expected with less difficulty than
arose, it was now easier to do justice to Lord Dundonald. "I was happy
to hear your memorial to the King read in Council and referred to the
Admiralty," the Earl of Durham wrote to him on the 16th of April. "I
trust we may eventually have the means of doing an act of private as
well as of public justice, and that I shall see you restored to that
service of which you are the highest ornament. But you well know that
you have had not only my best wishes, but my warmest exertions, for
the attainment of that object."

  [14] "My dear Lord Durham," wrote the Earl of Dundonald, on the 15th
  of April, "allow me most sincerely to congratulate you on the
  attainment of the great object which the present Administration has
  now, so honourably for themselves and so fortunately for the country,
  brought to a pass wherein no retrograde movement can take place,
  whatever may be the obstructions offered by the interested proprietors
  of borough influence, or by persons whose ideas of Government have
  been formed under the tuition of preceding Administrations. It is rare
  felicity for a nation to be governed by men having the liberality and
  justice which induce them to confer free institutions peacefully on
  the country; institutions which merit the gratitude of all who now
  exist, and will receive the unqualified applause of future
  generations. The page of history affords no parallel to the present
  event."

The object was at last attained. At a Privy Council held on the 2nd of
May, a "free pardon" was granted to the Earl of Dundonald. He was
restored to his position in the Royal Navy, and, on the 8th, gazetted
as a Rear-Admiral of the Fleet.

In that capacity he was presented to King William IV. at the levÈe
held on the 9th of May; and congratulations poured in from all
quarters as soon as the good news was published. But he could not,
even in the first moments of rejoicing, forget that the cause of
congratulation was only a pardon for an offence which he had never
committed, and for which he had been enduring heavy punishment during
sixteen years of his life.




CHAPTER XXIV.

THE INTENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES OF LORD DUNDONALD'S FATHER.--HIS OWN
MECHANICAL CONTRIVANCES.--HIS LAMPS.--HIS ROTARY STEAM-ENGINE, HIS
SCREW-PROPELLER, HIS CONDENSING-BOILER, AND HIS LINES OF
SHIP-BUILDING.--THEIR TARDY DEVELOPMENT.--HIS CORRESPONDENCE UPON
STEAM-SHIPPING WITH SIR JAMES GRAHAM, THE EARL OF MINTO, THE EARL OF
HADDINGTON, AND THE EARL OF AUCKLAND.--THE PROGRESS OF HIS
INVENTIONS.--THE "JANUS."--THE BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF HIS EXPERIMENTS.

[1833-1847.]


Lord Dundonald's father, the ninth earl, had devoted the chief
energies of his long life to scientific pursuits, which won for him,
not profit, but well-earned fame, and which proved of immense benefit
to his own and succeeding generations. By him was discovered the art
of extracting tar from coal, and out of that discovery was developed,
partly by him and partly by others, the manufacture of gas, first used
for lighting his tar-works. The important chemical process of making
alkali and crystals of soda was also introduced by him, whereby a
great impetus was given to the manufacture of glass and to many other
important branches of industry. He discovered the present method of
preparing alum, or sulphate of vitriol, and suggested its substitution
for gum senegal, which has proved hardly less advantageous to the
mechanical arts. In 1795, he published a treatise, the result of
numerous and costly experiments, on the connection between agriculture
and chemistry, which was almost the parent of all the later researches
that have issued in beneficial plans for improving the soil and
invigorating the growth of crops, and in various and important
developments of scientific farming.

The tenth Earl of Dundonald inherited his father's mechanical and
scientific genius. The lamp invented by him in 1814, which introduced
the principle upon which all later lamps for burning oil, naphtha, and
other combustibles have been constructed, has been already referred
to. Many other inventions and discoveries occupied his leisure during
the years in which he was allowed to follow his profession both in
British and in foreign service;[15] and the fuller leisure forced upon
him during the years following his return from Greece was chiefly
devoted to further exercise of his inventive faculties.

  [15] It is interesting to note that the recent introduction among us
  of the Turkish bath was due to Lord Dundonald. "Having recovered,"
  says Dr. Gosse, in his treatise "Du Bain Turc," p. 58, "from two
  attacks of intermitting fever, I visited the islands of the
  Archipelago until summoned to Nauplia by Admiral Cochrane, who was
  then on board the little steam-vessel _Mercury_. There the air of the
  gulf, and the marshy miasma, brought on another attack of fever, from
  which I feared a fatal issue. Lord Cochrane had the kindness to take
  me in his arms, and to place me in the current of steam, which caused
  me to perspire freely. My illness disappeared as by enchantment." A
  similar service was rendered by Lord Dundonald to Mr. David Urquhart,
  whose attention was thus called to the advantages of the Turkish bath,
  and who became its great advocate.

To the wonderful invention known as his "secret war-plan" allusion
will presently be made. His other most important mechanical pursuits
had for their principal object the improvement of steam-engines and
other appliances for steam-shipping. Almost his first reminiscence was
of a visit in which, when he was seven or eight years old, he
accompanied his father to Birmingham, there to meet with James Watt,
and hear something of his memorable discovery. Apprehending in his
youth the value of that discovery, he never wearied in his efforts to
extend its usefulness. The _Rising Star_, built in 1818 under his
directions, and those of his brother, Major Cochrane, for service in
Chili, was the first steam-vessel that crossed the Atlantic, and it
was an additional disappointment to him, amid all the misfortunes
incident to his efforts to give adequate assistance to the Greeks in
their war of independence, that the ill-fated steamers which were to
be his chief instruments therein, failed through the indolence and
incompetence of those to whom their construction was assigned.

It is not necessary here to detail the studies and experiments by
which he afterwards sought to introduce a better steam-engine, for
locomotive purposes, than was then, or is even now, in general use.
His plan--not a new one, though it had never before been made
available in practice--was to substitute for the ordinary
reciprocating engine a machine which should at once produce a circular
motion. "Of the many rotary engines heretofore offered to the notice
of the world," he wrote, in 1833, "none have stood the test of
practical use and experience. The cause of this uniform failure has
been the great difficulty of obtaining, within the machine, a base of
resistance on which the steam might act in propelling the moveable
piston." He did not quite overcome this difficulty, but he succeeded
in producing what the foremost critic in this department of
manufacture describes--after a lapse of thirty years unrivalled for
their development of ingenuity--as "the most perfect engine of the
class that has yet been projected."

"In this engine," says the same authority, "an eccentric is made to
revolve on an axis in the manner of a piston, and two doors, forming
part of the side of the cylinder, press upon the eccentric. The points
of these doors are armed with swivelling brasses, which apply
themselves to the eccentric and make the point of contact tight in all
positions."[16]

  [16] John Bourne. "A Treatise on the Steam-Engine" (1861), p. 392.

"This revolving engine," said Lord Dundonald, "does not require any
valve or slide; consequently, there is no waste of steam thereby;
neither is there any loss, as in the space left at the top and bottom
of the cylinders of reciprocating engines. There is much less friction
than arises from the sum of all the bearings required to convert the
rectilineal force of the common engine to circular motion. There are
no beams, cranks, side-rods, connecting-rods, parallel motions,
levers, slide-valves, or eccentrics, with their nicely-adjusted joints
and bearings; and thus the revolving engine is not liable, even in
one-tenth degree, to the accidents and hindrances of other engines. As
its moving parts pursue their course in perfect circles, without stop
or hindrance, it is capable of progressive acceleration, until the
work performed equals the pressure of steam on the vacuum--an
advantage which the reciprocating engine does not possess. The
diminished bulk and weight, and the absence of tremor, add to the
capacity, buoyancy, velocity, and durability of vessels in which it is
placed." The rotary engine did not satisfy all Lord Dundonald's
expectations, but it took precedence of all others of the same sort,
and was of great service at any rate in directing attention to what he
rightly considered to be the great want in war-shipping, namely,
vessels of the least possible bulk and of the greatest possible
strength, speed, and fighting power.

Years were spent by him in attempting to bring it into notice. At his
own cost he fitted out a little steamboat, which navigated the Thames;
but to perfect the invention were required more funds than he had at
his command, and he sought in vain for adequate assistance from
others.

In January, 1834, he wrote to Sir James Graham, then First Lord of the
Admiralty, thanking him for his share in the restitution of his naval
rank that had occurred nearly two years before, and urging the
co-operation of the Government in perfecting an invention that
promised to be of so much importance to the naval power of England.
"You are not obliged to me for anything," answered Sir James on the
15th; "I only am fortunate in being the member of a Government which
has regained for our country the benefit of your distinguished valour
and services, which, if again required in war, will, I am persuaded,
be so exerted as to win the gratitude of the nation, and to
demonstrate the justice of the decision to which you allude. It is
impossible to over-estimate the paramount importance of steam in
future naval operations; and it is fortunate that you have directed so
much of your attention to the subject. The Board has complied with
your request, and two engineers, in whom we place reliance, will be
ordered to attend you." It does not appear, how-ever, that the
engineers did attend. At any rate, nothing was done by the Admiralty
in aid of the invention either then or for many years after.

Yet its ingenuity was acknowledged by all who investigated it, and by
naval authorities among the number. The Earl of Minto, when First Lord
of the Admiralty, sought to introduce it into the national
ship-building; but official hindrances, too great even for him to
overcome, stood in his way. All he could do was to have it referred to
competent judges and to receive their report in its favour. "I am
commanded to acquaint your lordship," wrote Sir John Barrow, the
Secretary to the Admiralty, to the Earl of Dundonald, on the 20th of
December, 1839, "that the opinions received of your revolving engine
are favourable to the principle, and that it has not been stated that
there are any insurmountable obstacles to its practical execution."
The insurmountable obstacles were in the stolid resistance of
subordinates to any novelty designed to lessen labour and promote
economy.

Lord Minto, when out of office, was able to speak of the engine in
more approving terms than he could adopt in his official capacity. "I
need hardly say," he wrote on the 6th of September, 1842, "that the
report of continued success in your rotatory engine gives me great
pleasure, not only upon your own account, but as promising a valuable
addition to our naval power in its application to ships of war. As a
high-pressure engine, the complete success of your plan has, I
believe, been recognised by all who have attended to it, and it is in
this form that I had contemplated its application in the first
instance as an auxiliary and occasional power in some ships of war."

At length, though not with all the energy that he desired, Lord
Dundonald's engine was put to the test by the Admiralty during the
Earl of Haddington's tenure of office in that department. In May,
1842, he was invited by the new First Lord, who, in common with all
the world, was aware of the zeal and intelligence with which he had
devoted himself to the consideration of every branch of naval science,
to communicate his opinions thereupon. The first result of this
invitation was a letter showing remarkable discernment of evils then
existing, and curiously anticipating some later efforts to correct
them.

"The slow progress," wrote Lord Dundonald, on the 7th of June, "which
the naval service has made towards its present ameliorated state--yet
far from perfection--has not permitted any one Board of Admiralty in
my time to stand pre-eminently distinguished for decisive
improvements. These have rather been effected by the gradual changes
which time occasions, or by following the example of America, or even
of France, than by encouraging efforts of native genius. This has
arisen from causes easily remedied; one of which is, that the
rejection or adoption of proffered improvements has depended on the
decision of several authorities, who consequently feel little
individual responsibility, and imagine themselves liable to censure
only for a change of system. Thus, my lord, a still heavier
responsibility has, in fact, been incurred by continuing, long after
the most superficial observation demanded a change, to construct small
ships of the line, and little frigates, which the great practical
skill and bravery of our countrymen were taxed to defend against the
powerful eighty-gun ships of France and the large frigates of America.
This timidity as to change caused many years to elapse, after the
commercial use of steam-vessels, before the naval department possessed
even a tug-boat. Hence the mischievous economy manifested by the
purchase of worthless merchant steamers; hence the subsequent
parsimonious project of building small steam-vessels fitted with
engines immersed beyond their bearing, and deficient in every
requisite for purposes of war. I am not one of those, my lord, who
deem it advantageous to act on the belief that one Englishman can beat
two Frenchmen. I am inclined to doubt whether a practical
demonstration of that saying might not be attended with disastrous
consequences. Long habitude reared experienced British officers, who
are now replaced by others who possess less nautical skill, and are
nearer on a par with those of France, in regard to whose education
every pains has been taken by its Government. I do not presume to
advise that your lordship should adopt changes precipitately, nor
without consulting those who may be most competent to judge; no, nor
even then that the best measures should be prematurely disclosed, so
as to give intimation to other nations of the vast increase of power
which may suddenly be rendered available. But I venture to suggest
that you may quietly prepare the means of effecting purposes which
neither the ordinary ships of war nor the present steam-ships in the
navy can accomplish. Permanent blockades, my lord, are now quite out
of the question; and so, in my opinion, are all our ordinary naval
tactics. A couple of heavy line-of-battle ships, suddenly fitted, on
the outbreak of war, with adequate steam-power, would decide the
successful result of a general action; and I am assured that I could
show your lordship how to fit a steam-ship which, in scouring the
Channel or ranging the coast, could take or destroy every steam-ship
belonging to France that came within view."

That offer was accepted by the Earl of Haddington, who, being at
Portsmouth in August, made personal inspection of some experiments in
which Lord Dundonald was there engaging; and the result of that
inspection was that he promptly arranged for the introduction, at the
public expense, of the rotary engine in the _Firefly_, a small
steam-vessel which, like many others, the Government had bought and
found useless, by reason of its clumsy machinery. In her, with no more
than the usual delay occasioned by the co-operation of official
routine with private enterprise, in which Lord Dundonald had the
assistance of Mr. Renton and Messrs. Bramah, the experiment was tried
and found to answer so well, in spite of the difficulties incident to
a first attempt, that it was resolved to develop it further in a
frigate to be built throughout in accordance with his plans for the
improved construction of shipping.

To these he had lately made some valuable additions. On the 19th of
January, 1843, a patent was granted to him for various improvements in
engines and other machinery, one of which was an apparatus for
propelling vessels. "This improved propeller," says a competent
authority, "consists of an arrangement of propelling blades immerged
beneath the water, in the manner now usual in screw vessels; but,
instead of the blades being set at right angles with the
propeller-shaft, they form an angle therewith. One important effect of
this arrangement is that it corrects the centrifugal action of the
screw; for whereas, in common screws, the water which is discharged
backwards assumes a conical figure, enlarging as it recedes, in a
screw formed on Lord Dundonald's plan the outline of the moving water
will be cylindrical, the centrifugal action being counteracted by the
convergent action due to the backward inclination of the propelling
blades. It is found, practically, that screws constructed upon this
principle give a better result than ordinary screws."[17]

  [17] John Bourne. "A Treatise on the Screw Propeller, Screw Vessels,
  and Screw Engines" (1867), p. 42.

Another invention patented by Lord Dundonald at the same time was a
modification of the boilers used for steam-engines. "These boilers,"
says the same critic, "are constructed with a double tier of furnaces
and with upright tubes, the water being contained within the tubes and
the smoke impinging upon them on its passage to the chimney. This
species of boiler is found to be very efficient. A hanging bridge is
introduced to retain the heat in the upper part of the flue in which
the tubes are erected. By inserting a short piece of tube in the upper
extremity of each tube within the boiler the upward circulation of the
water within the tubes was increased as the length of the lighter
column of water was augmented, while the length of the gravitating
column remained without alteration."[18]

  [18] John Bourne. "A Treatise on the Steam Engine" (1861), p. 233.
  These boilers, extensively used in London, America, and elsewhere, and
  now introduced in the Admiralty ship-building, have been greatly
  improved by Lord Dundonald's son, Captain the Hon. A. A. Cochrane,
  C.B.

"I believe," he said in a letter to Lord Haddington dated the 22nd of
May, 1843, "that all our old vessels of war, save the class of
eighty-gun ships and a few first-rate and large frigates, are almost
worthless; whilst our steam department is deficient in most of the
properties which constitute effective vessels. No blockades worthy of
the name can now be maintained by fleets of sailing ships; nor can
accompanying steamships be kept for months and years even in
'approximate readiness,' awaiting the distant night when it may suit
the enemy to attack our blockading force or quietly to slip out in the
dark in order to assail our commerce in other quarters. I have, my
lord, during the last twelve years actually disbursed, to the great
inconvenience of my family, upwards of 16,000l. to promote nautical
objects which appeared to me of importance. Your lordship knows their
nature, and it is in no way difficult to ascertain their reality. I
consider that several, if not all our line-of-battle ships, should
have the benefit of mechanical power, say to the extent of a hundred
horses--the machinery to be placed out of the reach of shot. The
construction of new ships on the best lines that could be found would
prove more judicious than repairing old ones, however apparently cheap
such repairs may be; for a few powerful and quick-sailing ships are
preferable to a multitude which can neither successfully chase, nor
escape from, an enemy."

That allusion to the "best lines" of ship-building, and some of Lord
Dundonald's other views on naval architecture, will be explained by
another letter written by him to Lord Haddington, three months before,
on the 20th of February. "I have lately," he said, "submitted to the
consideration of Sir George Cockburn an axiom for the uniform
delineation of consecutive parabolic curves, forming a series of lines
presenting the least resistance in the submerged portion of ships and
vessels--an axiom never before so applied in naval architecture, as is
manifest from the discrepant forms of our ships of war. I also offered
to Sir George's attention a new propeller and method of adapting
propellers to sailing ships in her Majesty's service, free from the
disadvantages of paddle-wheels and from the injurious consequences of
lessening the buoyancy and weakening the strength of the after part of
ships by a prolongation of the 'dead wood,' and by cutting a large
hole through it for the insertion of the Archimedean screw. The
favourable impression made on the mind of Sir George, and my own
deliberate conviction of the importance of these improvements, and of
others then briefly touched on, lead me, by reason of the lamented
indisposition of that talented officer, now personally, instead of
through him, to offer them to your lordship's attention.

"The French, as your lordship is well aware, are making great
exertions to advance their steam department, especially in the
Mediterranean, where calms are frequent and their coal is
abundant--doubtless in the hope of thereby preventing the future
blockade of Toulon, and of keeping open their intercourse with
Algiers; which would be equivalent to possessing the dominion of the
Mediterranean Sea, where a British blockading fleet of sailing ships
must, under such circumstances, themselves be protected. In saying
this, my lord, I beg to be understood as by no means depreciating the
capabilities of our common ships of war, whilst they possess the power
of motion, but as holding them to be quite unfit for blockades, and
exposed to great peril where calms are of frequent occurrence and long
duration. Indeed, it may be worthy of your lordship's serious
consideration whether, in another point of view, it might not be
judicious to place steam-engines in some, at least, of our
line-of-battle ships, in order to divert the attention of foreign
nations from the exclusive employment of mechanical propelling power
to purposes of naval war, whereby British officers and seamen,
deprived of the means of displaying their superior skill, become
reduced to a par with the trained bands of Continental states.

"I have prepared a model in bronze of a steam-frigate possessing
peculiar properties, founded on the before-mentioned axiom, which, I
do not hesitate to submit to your lordship, would save vast sums
wasted in the construction of inferior ships and vessels, by enabling
the Admiralty, on unerring data, to stereotype--if I may use the
expression--every curve in every rate or class of ships, and so impose
on constructors the undeviating task of adhering to the lines and
models scientifically determined on by their lordships."[19]

  [19] The following statement of Lord Dundonald's "axiom" accompanied
  the model which was submitted to the Admiralty:--"It is universally
  admitted that a sharp _bow_ and a clear _run_ contribute to the speed
  of vessels; but what the consecutive lines ought to be, in order to
  constitute a perfect _bow_, or what those to form the _run_, no
  builder has yet exemplified by uniformity of practice, or
  theoretically defined. Ship-delineators profess the art as a mystery,
  and arbitrary forms are assumed as the result of science. These lines
  ought to be, by an axiom, founded on a law imposed by Infinite Wisdom
  for the perfect guidance of inanimate matter. Projectiles, thrown
  obliquely, take their flight in convex parabolic curves, wherein
  resistance is overcome by a minimum of force; and elastic surfaces
  obey the converse of that law in opposing certain external influences.
  It is a property of conic sections that a straight line, centred in
  the apex, and caused to circumscribe the surface of the cone, will
  apply itself continuously to all consecutive parabolic curves. Hence
  curves similar to the flight of projectiles, and to those formed by
  the flection of elastic surfaces, may be described on a large scale
  simply by causing a straight line or beam to revolve as on the axis of
  a cone, in contact with a parabolic or elliptical section. Thus a
  consecutive series of convex parabolic or elliptical curves may be
  substituted in ship-building for hollow fantastical lines. The
  benefits from which application are, increased velocity, capacity,
  strength, buoyancy, facility of steering, ease in hard seas, and
  exemption from breaking or 'hogging.'" Diagrams and explanations
  thereof accompanied this concise statement of the principle.

Great interest attended the development of Lord Dundonald's
inventions. "I need hardly assure you," wrote Lord Minto, on the 4th
of October, "of the very great satisfaction I derive from the
continued and increasing success of your rotatory engine; and I shall
now look with no little impatience for further evidence of its merits
in the new steam-frigate to which it is to be applied. I am glad,
also, that you have turned your attention to the construction of
steamers of war. I have never been satisfied with the properties of
these vessels, much as their construction has undoubtedly been
improved of late years. It is certainly a difficult subject, because
some of the qualities essential to a vessel under sail can only be
obtained by some deviation from the form calculated to give the
greatest speed under steam; and I consider fair sailing powers, so as
under all circumstances to keep company with a fleet, as not less
important than speed and power as a steamer. The best combination of
these very different qualities, or that which will upon the whole
produce the most serviceable ship, is yet to be sought. I think, also,
that sufficient consideration has not yet been given to the correction
of that very grievous defect, the great uneasiness and excessive
rolling of all these vessels, from the low position of the weights
they carry. There is another object in connection with your engine
which I had constantly in view: I mean its adaptation in the
high-pressure form to our ships of war in general. It was my
intention, had I remained in office, to have fitted a frigate with one
of your high-pressure engines--not very high, however--with a view, if
the experiment answered, to the introduction of an occasional steam
power in all ships of the line. I believe you and I may probably
differ as to the amount of steam power it might be advisable to give
such ships, and that you would wish to steam the _Vanguard_ or the
_Queen_ at the rate of ten miles an hour. My wishes are much more
humble, and I should be perfectly satisfied with an amount of power
sufficient to give steerage way under all circumstances, to carry the
ship into or out of action, and to afford her some assistance in
clearing off a lee-shore--something about equivalent to five knots--an
amount of power that might probably be obtained, together with some
fuel for occasional use, without encroaching too much upon the stowage
of the ship. I shall be extremely glad if you can induce Lord
Haddington to direct his attention to this object."

Through the latter part of 1843 and the whole of 1844, Lord Dundonald
was chiefly occupied with the construction of the _Janus_, the
steam-frigate which was being built and fitted upon his plans. She was
shaped in accordance with his "lines," and in her were introduced both
his revolving engines and his improved boilers. "I have just returned
from Chatham," he wrote to a friend on the 6th of April, 1844, "where
everything regarding the _Janus_ is going on very well indeed. And I
have further good news to tell you. The Admiralty are so pleased with
my parabolic lines for ship-building that they have ordered a drawing
to be made immediately of a frigate of the first class, in order to
have one constructed." Hopeful that at last his long-cherished ideas
would bring benefit both to himself and to the nation, he had in these
months much to encourage him. "All is going on as well as I could
wish, or even as I could accomplish, were destiny at my command," he
wrote on the 31st of May. "The Portsmouth engines now meet the
approbation of all the authorities of the yard, and the Admiralty are
so satisfied that they have given me the building of a steamship to
put them in, in lieu of placing them in the old _Firefly_." "Nothing,"
he said in a letter written a week or two later, "can exceed the
perfection of the work which the Bramahs have put into the _Janus_'s
engines." "The experimental engine at Portsmouth," he wrote on the 3rd
of July, "continues to perform admirably, beating all others in the
yard in point of vacuum, which, you know, is the test of power." "The
engines will commence being put together in ten or fourteen days," we
read in another letter dated the 10th of July; "after that we shall
make rapid progress. The _Janus_ is now completing--that is, being
coppered--and having the part of her deck laid down which was left off
for the purpose of getting the boilers on board. My patent boilers
will be tried by authority of the Admiralty about the 20th, and I hope
for a favourable result." The trial, postponed till the 1st of August,
was satisfactory. "We have tried the boilers of the _Janus_," he wrote
on that day, "and the result is most triumphant, having, with slack
firing, ten and a half pounds of water evaporated by each pound of
coal." "I have just returned from Portsmouth," he had written five
days before, "where I had the pleasure to find my engine exceeding
even all that it had done before--the vacuum, with all the work on,
being 28-1/2, two inches above that of any other engine in the dockyard.
Mr. Taplin, the chief engineer, is quite delighted with it." "Sir
George Cockburn and Sir John Barrow, permanent Secretary of the
Admiralty, saw my engine yesterday," he wrote on the 24th of October,
concerning the machine being built by the Bramahs for the _Janus_;
"and so did Lord Brougham; all of whom were well pleased with my
explanation of its principles and the appearance of the workmanship.
It is now being pulled to pieces, in order to its being sent to
Chatham and set up on board the _Janus_, whose boilers, by my request,
are again to be officially tested as to their evaporative power, and
that, too, by the Woolwich authorities, whose boilers have been beaten
one-third by the evaporation of mine. This request must show the
Admiralty my confidence in the correctness of the former trial; for
there is no doubt the Woolwich people would condemn it if they could."
This second and crucial trial took place on the 9th of November, and
the result exceeded alike Lord Dundonald's expectations and those of
the official judges, to whom failure would have been most pleasant.
"All matters as regards my engines," he wrote on the 20th of November,
"are going on well. I hope soon to hear something satisfactory from
the Admiralty on the subject of the boilers, respecting which they
have until now pursued the most profound silence, notwithstanding the
triumphant result, which has surpassed the product of the far-famed
Cornish boilers in evaporative power."

Those extracts from Lord Dundonald's letters to the friend with whom
he corresponded most freely will suffice to show in what temper he
watched the progress of his inventions during 1844. At the close of
the year he hoped that his labours to bring them into general use were
now nearly at an end; but in this he was disappointed. The Woolwich
authorities, who had at the time expressed their approval of the
boilers, sent in an adverse report to the Admiralty, and Lord
Dundonald had to wait several months before he could disprove the
statements made against them; and opposition of the same sort--the
common experience of nearly every inventor--encountered him at every
turn, and had again and again to be overcome. His Portsmouth engine
continued to work well; but in September, 1845, he learnt that a
malicious trick had been resorted to, to prevent its working better.
"On a recent examination of the pumps in the well," wrote Mr. Taplin,
the engineer, "to our utter astonishment we found, in the middle
suction pipe, an elm plug, driven in so tight that we were obliged to
bore and cut it out. The plug stopped that suction pipe effectually,
and from its appearance must have been there from the time the pumps
were first put in motion. As proof of this, we never had such a supply
of water as at present." And that is only an illustration of the
obstacles, accidental or designed, that occurred to him.

By them, the _Janus_ was delayed for a whole year. She was to have
been completed in 1844; but this was not done till the end of 1845. "I
have just returned," Lord Dundonald was able to write on the 24th of
December, "from a nine days' trip in the _Janus_, the result of which
has been successful, both in regard to the properties of the engines
and those of the 'lines' on which she has been constructed. Nothing
can exceed the beauty of her passage through the water, without even a
ripple, far less the wave which ordinary steamboats occasion." That
success, however, was to be followed by a long series of disasters.
The weight of the _Janus_ had been miscalculated, and though she could
proceed admirably in smooth water, she was found to lie so low
that there was constant danger of her being wrecked in rough seas
and bad weather. Other faults, incident to the bringing together
for the first time of so much new workmanship, were also discovered.
She had to be returned to dock, and fresh hindrances of every sort
occurred during the two following years; each hindrance being
attended by tedious correspondence or controversies with petty
functionaries jealous of a stranger's interference, and only eager to
bring discredit upon his work. Much discredit did result. Loud
complaints were made concerning the waste of public money resulting
from Lord Dundonald's experiments, and on him, of course, nearly all
the blame was thrown. All this, added to his previous difficulties in
securing for his boiler and engine any notice at all, was very
grievous to him. Every complaint and every entreaty from him was met
by a new excuse and a new reason for delay. "Ten days are always
added," he said, in one letter, "and ten days yet are said to be
required."

The days became weeks and the weeks months, and still the _Janus_ was
incomplete. She was unfinished when Lord Dundonald left England for
more than two years in order to fulfil the duties assigned to him as
commander-in-chief of the North American and West Indian squadron, and
his absence caused a final abandonment of the works.

The tedious process of her construction, however, to which only
sufficient reference has here been made to serve as illustration of
one phase of Lord Dundonald's life, was attended by many good results.
To himself she brought only trouble and expense; but the obstacles
thrown in her way and in his did not deter private adventurers from
acting upon some of the principles developed in abortive attempts at
her completion by public functionaries. Lord Dundonald's
inventions--his revolving engine, his screw-propeller, his boiler, and
his "lines of ship-building,"--have all proved useful in themselves,
and have been of yet greater use in their influence upon the improved
mechanism of our own generation.

To him must be attributed no slight share in the revolution that has
been effected in the materials for naval warfare. Of the superiority
of steamers to war-ships, he was one of the first advocates. His own
rotatory engine was never extensively adopted, and was superseded by
other engines which, lacking the great merit of direct action upon the
paddles, that it was his object to attain, had other and greater
merits of their own; but in their adoption his great object was
realized, seeing that that object was not his own aggrandisement, but
the development of the naval strength of England.




CHAPTER XXV.

LORD DUNDONALD'S SECRET WAR-PLANS.--HIS CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING THEM
WITH LORD LANSDOWNE, LORD MINTO, LORD HADDINGTON, AND LORD
AUCKLAND.--HIS LETTER TO THE "TIMES."--THE REPORT OF A COMMITTEE
CONSISTING OF SIR THOMAS HASTINGS, SIR JOHN BURGOYNE, AND LIEUT.-COL.
COLQUHOUN UPON THE SECRET WAR-PLANS.--A FRENCH PROJECT FOR NAVAL
WARFARE WITH ENGLAND.--LORD DUNDONALD'S OPINION THEREUPON.--HIS VIEWS
ON THE DEFENCE OF ENGLAND.

[1833-1848.]


Zealously as the Earl of Dundonald strove through nearly twenty years
to perfect and to make generally useful his inventions in connection
with steam shipping, he attached yet greater importance to another and
an older invention or discovery, which, though its efficacy has been
admitted by all to whom it has been explained, has never yet been
adopted. This was the device known as his "secret war-plans," for
capturing the fleets and forts of an enemy by an altogether novel
process, attended by little cost or risk to the assailant, but of
terrible effect upon the objects attacked.

These plans were conceived by him in 1811, and in the following year,
as he has told in his "Autobiography," he submitted them to the Prince
Regent, afterwards King George IV. By the Prince they were referred to
a Secret Committee, consisting of the Duke of York, as President, Lord
Keith, Lord Exmouth, and the two Congreves; who, on the details being
set before them, declared this method of attack to be infallible and
irresistible. Lord Dundonald was pledged to secrecy by the Prince
Regent, and it was proposed to employ the device in the war still
proceeding with France. That proposal, however, was abandoned, and
another, for a trial of the plan under Sir Alexander Cochrane in North
America, in 1814, was prevented by the Stock Exchange trial. After
that, the long peace enjoyed by England would have postponed the
experiment, even if Lord Dundonald had not been debarred from pursuit
of his calling as an English naval officer. He might have used his
secret in Chili, Brazil, and Greece; but his promise to the Prince
Regent, and patriotic feelings, that were even more cogent than that
promise, restrained him. Once used, it would cease to be a secret; and
he resolved that the great advantage that would accrue from the first
use should be reserved for his own country.

The project, however, was not forgotten by him. Soon after the
accession of King William IV., he explained it to his Majesty, who
acknowledged its value, and paid a tribute to Lord Dundonald's
honourable conduct in keeping his secret so long and under such strong
inducements to an opposite course. Soon afterwards, and during many
years, the prospect of another war induced him to engage in frequent
correspondence on the subject with various members of the successive
Governments.

"I long ago," wrote the Marquis of Lansdowne--then President of the
Council--in May, 1834, "communicated the substance of the paper you
left with me, on the important objects which might be accomplished by
the agency you describe, in an attack upon an hostile marine, to such
of my colleagues as I then had an opportunity of seeing, and more
particularly to Lord Minto, whom I found in some degree apprized of
your views upon this subject. As questions of such importance to the
naval interests of the country can only be satisfactorily inquired
into by the Admiralty Department of the Government, I should recommend
your entering into an unreserved communication with him on the
subject, which I know he will receive with all the attention due to
your high professional character and experience."

The Earl of Minto gave many proofs of his regard for Lord Dundonald;
but he was not disposed to think favourably of the secret war-plan,
and it was kept in abeyance for four years more. In the autumn of 1838
Lord Dundonald again pressed its consideration upon Lord Lansdowne,
alleging as a reason the warlike attitude of Russia. "I am obliged to
you for your letter," wrote Lord Lansdowne in reply, on the 5th of
November, "and will certainly make use of the communication it
contains in the proper quarter, if the occasion arises, which I
sincerely hope it will not. Ambitious and encroaching as Russia is
seen and felt to be in all directions, I am confident that her own
true policy is to avoid giving just cause for war, and that, busily as
she may use all indirect means towards her ends which she thinks she
can justify, she will yield to remonstrance when these limits are
transgressed by her agents. This is a course, however, which requires
to be, and I trust will be, most carefully watched."

In that interesting letter, Lord Lansdowne showed, by his silence,
that he was not inclined to investigate the war-plan; and a like
indifference was experienced by Lord Dundonald in his repeated
efforts, during the ensuing years, to secure its acceptance by the
Government. It was submitted to a favoured few, and all to whom it was
explained acknowledged its efficacy; but no more than that was done.
Its most competent critic was the Duke of Wellington, who recognised
the terrible power of the device, although he objected to it on the
score that "two could play at that game." "If the people of France
shall force their Government to war with England," wrote Lord
Dundonald to Lord Minto on the 3rd of August, 1840, "I hope you will
do me the favour and justice to reflect on the nature of the opinion
you received from the Duke of Wellington in regard to my plans, which
is the same as that given to the Prince Regent by Lords Keith and
Exmouth and the two Congreves in the year 1811, and that your lordship
will perceive, that 'although two can play at the game,' the one who
first understands it can alone be successful. In the event of war, I
beg to offer my endeavours to place the navy of France under your
control, or at once effectually to annihilate it. Were my plans known
to the world, I should not be accused of over-rating their powers by
the above otherwise extraordinary assertion." Lord Minto's answer was
very brief: "I shall bear your offer in mind; but there is not the
slightest chance of war."

For the same reason the secret plans were set aside by the Earl of
Haddington, who was First Lord of the Admiralty after Lord Minto. He
rendered considerable aid to Lord Dundonald in testing his
steam-engine and boiler, but considered the fact that England was at
peace as a sufficient reason for not discussing the value of a new
instrument of war.

Lord Dundonald, however, who knew the value of his invention, thought
otherwise. While vast sums of money were being spent at Dover,
Portsmouth, and elsewhere upon fortifications and harbours of refuge
for trading-vessels, which, in war time, could have no chance of
safety against fighting steam ships in the open sea, he deemed it
especially important that attention should be paid to a project
calculated to effect an entire revolution in the principles and
methods of warfare. If his project was feasible, it furnished an
instrument by which fortifications and harbours of refuge would be
rendered useless, seeing that the most powerful enemy might by it be
effectually prevented from coming within reach of those defences, or,
if he was allowed to approach them, could use it with a terrible
effect, to which the most formidable defences could offer no
resistance. It was under this impression that, on the 29th of
November, 1845, finding Governments indifferent to his arguments, he
addressed a vigorous letter to "The Times."

"Had gunpowder and its adaptation to artillery," he there said, "been
discovered and perfected by an individual, and had its wonderful power
been privately tested, indisputably proved, and reported to a
Government, or to a council of military men, at the period when the
battering-ram and cross-bow were chief implements in war, it is
probable that the civilians would have treated the author as a wild
visionary, and that the professional council, true to the _esprit de
corps_, would have spurned the supposed insult to their superior
understanding. Science and the arts, both of peace and war,
nevertheless, in despite of all such retarding causes, have advanced,
and probably will advance, until effects and consequences accrue which
the imagination can scarcely contemplate.

"It is not, however, my intention to intrude observations of an
ordinary nature, but to endeavour to rectify an erroneous opinion
which appears to prevail, that consequences disastrous to this country
may be anticipated from the introduction of steam-ships into maritime
warfare. I am desirous of showing that the use of steam-ships of war,
though at present available by rival nations, need not necessarily
diminish the security of our commerce; that still less need it
necessarily endanger our national existence, which appears to be
apprehended by those who allege the necessity of devoting millions of
money to the defence of our coasts. I contend that there is nothing in
the expected new system of naval warfare, through the employment of
steam-vessels, that can justify such expensive and derogatory
precautions, because there are equally new, and yet secret, means of
conquest, which no devices hitherto used in maritime warfare could
resist or evade.

"That the like prejudice or incredulity which in all probability would
have scouted the invention of gunpowder, if offered to notice under
the circumstances above supposed, may exist to a considerable extent
in the present case, is extremely likely; yet I do not the less
advisedly affirm, that with this all-powerful auxiliary invasion may
be rendered impossible, and our commerce secure, by the speedy and
effectual destruction of all assemblages of steam-ships, and, if
necessary, of all the navies of the whole world, which, for ever
after, might be prevented from inconveniently increasing. Away then
with the sinister forebodings which have originated the recent devices
for protruding through the sterns of sluggish ships of war additional
guns for defence in fight! Away with the projected plans of
'protective forts and ports' of cowardly refuge! Let the manly
resolution be taken, when occasion shall require, vigorously to attack
the enemy, instead of preparing elaborate means of defence. Factitious
ports on the margin of the Channel cannot be better protected than
those which exist, respecting which I pledge any professional credit I
may possess, that whatever hostile force might therein be assembled
could be destroyed within the first twenty-four hours favourable for
effective operations, in defiance of forts and batteries, mounted with
the most powerful ordnance now in use.

"In the capacity of an officer all hope seemed to be precluded, that
in time of peace I could render service to my country. A new light,
however, has beamed through the cloud, for in the pursuit of my
vocation as an amateur engineer it has become apparent that a plan,
which I deemed available only in war, may contribute to prevent the
naval department from being paralysed by wasteful perversion of its
legitimate support. Protective harbours (save as screens from wind and
sea) may be likened to nets wherein fishes, seeking to escape, find
themselves inextricably entangled; or to the guardian care of a
shepherd, who should pen his flock in a fold to secure it from a
marching army. No effective protection could be afforded in such ports
against a superior naval force equipped for purposes of destruction;
whilst their utility as places of refuge from steam privateers is
quite disproportioned to their cost--privateers could neither tow off
merchant vessels from our shore, nor regain their own, if appropriate
measures shall be adopted to intercept them.

"Impressions in favour of so expensive, so despondent, and so
inadequate a scheme, can have no better origin than specious reports,
emanating from delusive opinions derived from a very limited knowledge
of facts. The hasty adoption of such measures, and the voting away the
vast sums required to carry them into execution, are evils seriously
to be deprecated. It is, therefore, greatly to be desired that those
in power should pause before proceeding further in such a course. It
behoves them to consider in all its bearings, and in all its
consequences, the contemplated system of stationary maritime defence,
subject, as that system may become, to the overwhelming influence of
the secret plan which I placed in their hands, similar to that which I
presented in 1812 to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, who
referred its consideration confidentially to Lord Keith, Lord Exmouth,
and the two Congreves, professional and scientific men, by whom it was
pronounced to be infallible, under the circumstances detailed in my
explanatory statement.

"Thirty-three years is a long time to retain an important secret,
especially as I could have used it with effect in defence of my
character when cruelly assailed (as I have shown at length in a
representation to the Government), and could have practically employed
it on various occasions to my private advantage. I have now, however,
determined to solicit its well-merited consideration, in the hope,
privately, if possible, to prove the comparative inexpedience of an
expenditure of some 12,000,000l. or 20,000,000l. sterling for the
construction of forts and harbours, instead of applying ample funds at
once to remodel and renovate the navy--professionally known to be
susceptible of immense improvement--including the removal from its
swollen bulk of much that is cumbrous and prejudicial.

"However injudicious it might be thought to divulge my plan, at least
until energetically put in execution for an adequate object; yet, if
its disclosure is indispensable to enable a just and general estimate
to be formed of the merits of the mongrel terraqueous scheme of
defence now in contemplation, as compared with the mighty power and
protective ubiquity of the floating bulwarks of Britain, I am
satisfied that the balance would be greatly in favour of publicity. It
would demonstrate that there could be no security in those defences
and those asylums, on the construction of which it is proposed to
expend so many millions of the public money; it might, therefore, have
the effect of preventing such useless expenditure, and of averting the
obviously impending danger of future parsimonious naval
administration, abandonment of essential measures of nautical
improvement, and the national disgrace of maritime degradation--all
inseparable from an unnatural hermaphrodite union between a
distinguished service, which might still further be immeasurably
exalted, and the most extravagant, derogatory, inefficient, and
preposterous project that could be devised for the security and
protection of an insular, widely-extended, colonial and commercial
State."

A few months after that letter had been written, Lord Dundonald's
hopes that his secret plans would be accepted by the Government were
revived. In 1846, his friend Lord Auckland took office as First Lord
of the Admiralty; and by him, with very little delay, it was proposed
to submit the plans to the judgment of a competent committee of
officers. This was all that Lord Dundonald had asked for, and he
gladly accepted the proposal. The officers chosen were Sir Thomas
Hastings, then Surveyor General of the Ordnance, Sir J. F. Burgoyne,
and Lieutenant-Colonel J. S. Colquhoun. By them the project was
carefully considered, and on the 16th of January, 1847, they tendered
their official report upon it. "These plans," it was there said, "may
be classed under three heads:--1st. One, on which an opinion may be
formed with experiment, for concealing or masking offensive warlike
operations; and we consider that, under many particular circumstances,
the method of his lordship may be made available as well by land as by
sea, and we therefore suggest that a record of this part of Lord
Dundonald's plans should be deposited with the Admiralty, to be made
use of when, in the judgment of their lordships, the opportunity for
employing it may occur. 2nd. One, on which experiments would be
required before a satisfactory conclusion could be arrived at. 3rd.
Nos. 1 and 2 combined for the purpose of hostile operations. After
mature consideration, we have resolved that it is not desirable that
any experiment should be made. We assume it to be possible that the
plan No. 2 contains power for producing the sweeping destruction the
inventor ascribes to it; but it is clear this power could not be
retained exclusively by this country, because its first employment
would develop both its principle and application. We considered, in
the next place, how far the adoption of the proposed secret plans
would accord with the feelings and principles of civilized warfare. We
are of unanimous opinion that plans Nos. 2 and 3 would not be so. We
therefore recommend that, as hitherto, plans Nos. 2 and 3 should
remain concealed. We feel that great credit is due to Lord Dundonald
for the right feeling which prompted him not to disclose his secret
plans, when serving in war as naval commander-in-chief of the forces
of other nations, and under many trying circumstances, in the
conviction that these plans might eventually be of the highest
importance to his own country."

That report was, in the main, highly gratifying to Lord Dundonald. It
recognized the efficacy of his plans, and recommended their partial
use, at any rate, in time of need. "Permit me to express, as far as I
am able," he wrote to Lord Auckland on the 27th of January, "my deep
sense of obligation to your lordship in causing my plans of war to be
thoroughly investigated by the most competent authorities, and for the
extremely kind terms in which you have informed me of the satisfactory
result. With regard to their disposal, I submit that it would be
advisable to retain them inviolate until a period shall arrive when
the use of them may be deemed beneficial to the interests of the
country, I have to observe, as to the opinions of the commission, that
plans Nos. 2 and 3 would not accord with the principles and feeling of
civilized warfare, that the new method resorted to by the French, of
firing horizontal shells and carcases, is stated by a commission of
scientific and practical men appointed by the French Government to
ascertain their effects, to be so formidable that 'it would render
impossible the success of any enterprise attempted against their
vessels in harbour,' and that, 'for the defence of roadsteads, or for
the attack of line-of-battle ships, becalmed or embayed, its effect
would be infallible,'--namely, by blowing up or burning our ships, to
the probable destruction of the lives of all their crews. I submit
that, against such batteries as these, the adoption of my plans Nos. 2
and 3 would be perfectly justifiable."

That the French, not yet forgetful of the injuries inflicted on them
in the last great war, and in the frequent wars of previous centuries,
were still hoping and planning for an opportunity of retaliation, and
that their plans needed to be carefully watched and counteracted, were
convictions strongly impressed upon Lord Dundonald in these years; and
in 1848 he had a singular verification of them. "I enclose a paper of
some consequence," wrote Lord Auckland to him on the 30th of June. "It
contains the plan which, in contemplation of war, has been submitted
to the French Provisional Government for naval operations. It is,
perhaps, little more than the pamphlet of the Prince de Joinville,
carried out methodically and in detail, and the writer seems to me to
anticipate a far more exclusive playing of the game only on one side
than we should allow to be the case; but, nevertheless, such a mode of
warfare would be embarrassing and mischievous, and I should like to
have from you your views of a counter project to it, and your
criticisms upon it."

The report here forwarded to Lord Dundonald by Lord Auckland, entitled
"La Puissance Maritime de la France," and designed to show that "une
guerre maritime est plus ‡ redouter pour l'Angleterre que pour la
France," besides affording curious confirmation of Lord Dundonald's
opinions, is a document very memorable in itself. Its main idea was
that in naval warfare victory is to be obtained, not by mere numbers,
but by superiority in ships and guns. "In the present condition of our
marine," said its author, "we must give up fleet-fighting. The English
can arm more fleets than we can, and we cannot maintain a war of
fleets with England without exposing ourselves to losses as great as
those we experienced under the First Empire. Though during twenty
years, however, our warfare, as carried on by fleets, was disastrous,
that of our cruisers was nearly always successful. By again sending
these forth, with instructions not to compromise themselves with an
enemy superior to them in numbers, we shall inflict great loss on
English commerce. To attack that commerce is to attack the vital
principle of England--to strike her to the heart."

That was the view advanced under Louis Philippe's reign by the Prince
de Joinville; but it was much more elaborately worked out by the
advocate of naval energy in days immediately preceding Prince Louis
Napoleon's accession to power. "What I propose," he said, "is a war
founded on this principle of striking at English commerce. In a naval
war between two nations, one of which has a very large commerce, and
the other very little, military forces are of small consequence. In
the end, peace must become a necessity to the power which has much to
lose and little to gain. Let us see what took place in America during
the disputes on the Oregon question. Despite the immense superiority
of the English navy, the Americans maintained their pretensions.
England found out that their well-equipped frigates and countless
privateers were sufficient to carry on a war against her commerce in
all parts of the globe; whilst all the damage she could do to America
was the destruction of a few coast-towns, by which she could gain
neither honour nor profit; and so she decided to preserve peace by
yielding the question. It is this American system that we in France
must adopt. Renouncing the glory of fleet victories, we must make
active war on the commercial shipping of Great Britain. If America
with her small means could gain such an advantage over England, what
results may we not expect to obtain with a hundred and fifty ships of
war and three hundred corsairs armed with long-range guns?"

The report recommended that the naval force of France should be
organized in twenty "corsair-divisions." These were to have Cherbourg
for their head-quarters; one to look after the merchant-shipping in
the British Channel; another to watch the mouth of the Thames; and a
third to cruise along the Dutch and German coasts, so as to intercept
our Baltic trade; and all these were to be aided by a line of
telegraphs from Brest to Dunkirk, in correspondence with a line of
scouts ranged along the French coast, with orders to communicate to
the central station at Cherbourg every movement of British
merchantmen. Three similar divisions were to be formed at Brest,
charged respectively with the oversight of the East and West Indian
shipping as it passed Cape Clear, of the Azores, and of the Irish
Coast. A seventh division, stationed at Rochefort, was to watch for a
favourable opportunity of co-operating with the other six, if
desirable, in transporting an army to Ireland. An eighth division was
to watch the neighbourhood of Gibraltar, and four others were to be
stationed in various parts of the Mediterranean. Three other divisions
were to cruise along the North American coast, to harass our commerce
with the United States, to intercept the trade of Canada and the
neighbouring colonies, and, in spring time, to capture the produce of
the Newfoundland fisheries. Three smaller divisions were to be charged
with the annoyance of our West Indian Islands and the destruction of
their commerce; and the remaining two were to scour the coasts of
South America. A separate and formidable establishment of
screw-frigates was to have for its head-quarters a port of refuge to
be constructed in Madagascar, whence operations were to be directed in
all quarters against our East Indian possessions and their extensive
trade.

"In addition to these means," it was further said in the report, "the
Departmental Councils should each arm one steam-frigate, commanded by
an officer of the navy born in the department. The prizes captured by
each should in this case be at the disposal of the Departmental
Councils, a portion being devoted to defraying the expenses of the
vessel, and the remainder applied to the execution of public works
within the department." "As regards the defence of French ports, this
may be best effected by flat-bottomed hulks, armed with long-range
guns adapted to horizontal firing. The chances against invasion are
greatly in favour of France, on account of the superiority of her land
force, and the facility of transporting troops by railway to the
locality attacked." "A great point will be the perfect training of the
French squadron by annual evolutions, and with double or treble the
requisite number of officers. If these suggestions are carried out,
France will establish at sea what Russia has done on land, to the
injury and restriction of British commerce, which must be seriously
damaged, without material harm being done to ourselves. This loss of
commerce will especially affect the working classes of England, and
thus bring about a democratic inundation which will compel her to a
speedy submission."

Those were the chief proposals of the secret memoir which, falling
into the hands of the British Government, so far alarmed it as to lead
it to call upon the Earl of Dundonald for his opinions as to the best
way of meeting the threatened danger. "This document," he wrote in his
reply to Lord Auckland, "describes a plan of maritime operations
undoubtedly more injurious to the interests of England than that
pursued by France in former wars. There is nothing new, however, in
the opinions promulgated. They have long been familiar to British
naval officers, whose wonder has been that the wide-spread colonial
commerce of England has never yet been effectually assailed. It is
true that the advice given in the memoir derives more importance now
from the fact that the application of steam-power to a system of
predatory warfare constitutes every harbour a port of naval equipment,
requiring to be watched, not in the passive manner of former
blockades, but effectively by steam-vessels having their fires kindled
at least during the obscurity of night. The cost and number of such
blockades need not be dwelt on, nor the indefinite period to which
prudence on the part of the enemy, and vigilance on that of the
blockading force, might prolong a war. One hundred millions sterling
added to our national debt would solve a doubt whether the most
successful depredation on British commerce could produce consequences
more extensive and permanently injurious. The memoir obviously
anticipates that 'l'usage des canons bombes, dont les atteintes ont un
si prodigieux effet,' will prevent our blockading ships from
approaching the shores of France, and that thus their steam-vessels
might escape unobserved during night, even with sailing-vessels in
tow. This is no vague conjecture, but a consequence which assuredly
will follow any hesitation on our part to counteract the system
extensively adopted, and now under the consideration of the National
Assembly, of arming all batteries with projectiles, whereby to burn or
blow up our ships of war--a fate which even the precaution of keeping
out of range could not avert, by reason of the incendiary and
explosive missiles whereby 'les petits bâtiments à vapeur pouront
attaquer les plus gros vaisseaux.' It is impossible to retaliate by
using similar weapons. Forts and batteries are incombustible. Recourse
must therefore be had to other means, whereby to overcome
fortifications protecting expeditionary forces and piratical
equipments."

The means recommended by Lord Dundonald, it need hardly be said, were
the secret war-plans which he had developed nearly forty years before,
and the efficacy of which had recently been again admitted by the
committee appointed to investigate them in 1846. It is not allowable,
of course, to quote the paragraphs in which Lord Dundonald once more
explained them and urged their adoption in case of need. The only
objection offered to them was that they were too terrible for use by a
civilized community. "These means," he replied, "all powerful, are
nevertheless humane when contrasted with the use of shells and
carcases by ships at sea, and most merciful, as competent to avert the
bloodshed that would attend the contemplated 'descente en Angleterre
ou en Ireland,' and other hostile schemes recommended in the memoir."

That letter was forwarded to Lord Auckland from Halifax, where Lord
Dundonald then was, in the beginning of August. "Assuredly the reasons
which you give for the use of the means suggested are such as it is
difficult to controvert," wrote Lord Auckland on the 18th; "but I
would at least defer my assent or dissent to the time when the
question may be more pressing than it is at present." "I would
postpone my own reflections on the 'secret plans,'" he wrote again on
the 1st of September, "and would fain hope that events will allow the
Government long to postpone all decision upon them. I agree with you,
however, in much that you say upon their principle, and am well
satisfied that to no hands better than yours could the execution of
any vigorous plans be entrusted."

When, however, as will be seen on a latter page, an opportunity did
arise for enforcing those plans against another power than France,
their execution was not permitted to Lord Dundonald.

Strongly as he himself was impressed with their importance, they
formed only a part of a complete system of opinions respecting the
defence of England at which he arrived by close study and long
experience. These have already been partially indicated. He did not
wish that his plans should be lightly made use of; but, believing that
they would ultimately become a recognised means of warfare, and that
even without them a great revolution would soon take place in ways of
fighting, he deprecated as useless and wasteful the elaborate
fortifications which were in his time beginning to be extensively set
up at Dover, Portsmouth, and other possible points of attack upon
England, and urged, with no less energy, that vast improvements ought
to be made in the construction and employment of ships of war.

Fortifications, he considered, were only desirable for the protection
of the special ports and depÙts around which they were set up; and
even for that purpose they ought to be so compact as to need no more
than a few troops and local garrisons for their occupation. To have
them so complicated and numerous as to require the exclusive attention
of all or nearly all the military force of England, appeared to him
only a source of national weakness. His own achievements at Valdivia
and elsewhere showed him that skilful seamanship on the part of an
invader would render them much less sufficient for the defence of the
country than was generally supposed. If all our soldiers were
scattered along various parts of the coast, it would not be difficult
for the enemy, by a bold and sudden onslaught, or still more by a
feint of the sort in which he himself was master, to take possession
of one, and then there would be no concentrated army available to
prevent the onward march of the assailant. Much wiser would it be to
leave the seaboard comparatively unprotected from the land, and to
have a powerful army so arranged as to be ready for prompt resistance
of the enemy, if, by any means, he had gained a footing on the shore.

To prevent that footing being gained, however, Lord Dundonald was
quite as eager as any champion of monster fortifications could be; but
this prevention, he urged, must be by means of moveable ships, and not
by immoveable land-works. A strong fleet of gunboats, stationed all
along the coast, and with carefully-devised arrangements for mutual
communication, so that at any time their force could be speedily
concentrated in one or more important positions, would be far more
efficacious and far more economical than the more popular expedients
for the military defence of England. He heartily believed, in fact, in
the old and often-proved maxim that the sea was England's wall, and he
desired to have that wall guarded by a force able to watch its whole
extent and pass at ease from one point to another as occasion
required.

Desiring that thus the coast should be immediately protected by
efficient gunboats, he desired no less to augment the naval strength
of the country by means of improved war-ships as much like gunboats as
possible. To large ships, if constructed in moderation and applied to
special purposes, he was not averse; but he set a far higher value
upon small and well-armed vessels, able to pass rapidly from place to
place and to navigate shallow seas. "Give me," he often said, "a fast
small steamer, with a heavy long-range gun in the bow, and another in
the hold to fall back upon, and I would not hesitate to attack the
largest ship afloat." His opinion on this point also was confirmed by
his own experience--most notably in the exploits of his little
_Speedy_ in the Mediterranean--and by the whole history of English
naval triumphs. Since the time when the so-called Invincible Armada of
Spain entered the British Channel, designed to conquer England by
means of its huge armaments, and when the bulky galleons and galeasses
of Philip's haughty sailors were chased and worried by the smaller
barks and pinnaces of Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, and the other
sea-captains of Elizabeth, who sailed round and round their foe, and
darted in and out of his unwieldy mass of shipping, never failing to
inflict great injury, while his volleys of artillery passed harmlessly
over their decks to sink into the sea, there had been abundant proof
of the constant superiority of small warships over large. A "mosquito
fleet," as he called it, was what Lord Dundonald wished to see
developed; a swarm of active little vessels, just large enough to
carry one or two powerful guns, which could go anywhere and do
anything, to which the larger crafts of the enemy would afford
convenient targets, but which, small and nimble, would be much less
likely to be themselves attacked, and, even if attacked and sunk,
would entail far less loss than would ensue from the destruction of a
large war-ship. "As large a gun as possible, in a vessel as small and
swift as possible, and as many of them as you can put upon the sea,"
was Lord Dundonald's ideal. For this he argued during half a century;
for this he laboured hard and long in the exercise of his inventive
powers. In 1826, the plan of the war-steamers which he was to have
taken to Greece was explained to Lord Exmouth--no slight authority on
naval matters. "Why, it's not only the Turkish fleet," exclaimed the
veteran, "but all the navies in the world, that you will be able to
conquer with such craft as these."




CHAPTER XXVI

THE EARL OF DUNDONALD'S CLAIM FOR THE RESTORATION OF THE ORDER OF THE
BATH.--HIS GOOD SERVICE PENSION.--THE INVESTIGATION OF HIS SECRET
WAR-PLANS.--HIS PAMPHLET ON NAVAL AFFAIRS.--HIS INSTALLATION AS A
G.O.B.--HIS CANDIDATURE FOR ELECTION AS A SCOTCH REPRESENTATIVE
PEER.--THE QUEEN'S PERMISSION TO HIS WEARING THE BRAZILIAN ORDER OF
THE "CRUZIERO."--HIS APPOINTMENT AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE NORTH
AMERICAN AND WEST INDIAN STATION.

[1839-1848.]


The restoration of his naval rank to the Earl of Dundonald in 1832,
was slowly followed by other acts reversing the injustice of previous
years by which a large portion of his life had been embittered.

"Your lordship and the Admiralty," he wrote to Lord Minto, then at the
head of naval affairs, on the 30th of March, 1839, "may have been
surprised that I have never solicited any appointment since my
reinstatement in the naval service by his late Majesty, whose memory I
shall ever cherish for this magnanimous act of justice. The cause, my
lord, has not been from any reluctance on my part, but from a feeling
which, I have no doubt, will appear satisfactory to your lordship, if
you do me the favour to read the enclosed copy of a letter which I
have written this day to the Marquess of Lansdowne as President of the
Council." The letter to Lord Lansdowne referred in great part to Lord
Dundonald's rotary-engine, and to his secret war-plan, which he
expressed his willingness to put in execution if ever it was required.
"Your lordship and the Privy Council, however," it was added, "will
not fail to observe that, if it shall ever be the intention of the
Government, under any circumstances, again to employ me in the naval
service, it would be quite inconsistent with the character of that
service, as well as my own reputation, for me to assume command,
unless the Order of the Bath, gained on the 12th of April, 1809, now
thirty years ago, shall be restored to me."

"I hope it will appear to your lordship," said Lord Dundonald, in a
letter to Lord Melbourne, dated the 11th July, 1839, "that my services
as a naval officer have been useful and honourable to my country; and,
referring to those services and to the peculiar opportunities I have
since had of acquiring further professional knowledge, I may say,
without vanity, that her Majesty has no officer in her navy more
experienced than myself; and yet, from the extraordinary circumstances
of my case, I am the only flag-officer in her Majesty's service who,
if called upon to take a command, could not do so consistently with
his own honour and the respect due to those who might be appointed to
serve under him. For where is the officer who could not conveniently
call to mind, that I, who when only a captain was a Knight of the
Bath, was deprived of that honour, and that now, though a
flag-officer, I have not been deemed worthy of having it restored?" "I
am sensible," wrote Lord Dundonald in another letter to the Premier,
written eight days later, "that the act of justice which I experienced
from the late King, under the ministry of Earl Grey, of which your
lordship was a distinguished member, in restoring me to my naval rank,
was a great favour, inasmuch as it evinced a considerate feeling
towards me; and I was then fully satisfied with it, under the
impression that it would be viewed by the public, and especially by
the navy, as a testimony of the belief of the Government, at that
time, that I was innocent of the offence that had been laid to my
charge, and also that I should stand as good a chance as most of my
brother officers (and perhaps, from my experience, a better) of being
called to active service. I did not then foresee that the restoration
of my naval rank alone would be viewed as a half-measure. Still less
did I anticipate that, in the event of my being offered an
appointment, I should be incapacitated from accepting it by reason of
the feelings of other officers that I still laboured under some
imputation which would render it derogatory to them to serve under me.
But it is now impossible for me to conceal from myself the fact that,
while the navy generally is kindly disposed towards me, and would
rejoice to see me fully reinstated in all that I once enjoyed, I am
considered by many to remain as completely precluded from active
service as if my name had never more appeared in the Navy List, I
trust, my lord, that it cannot be thought reasonable to reduce me to
the inglorious condition of a retired or yellow admiral at home, and
at the same time to deny me the privilege of acquiring either
emolument or distinction in foreign service."

Lord Dundonald's hope was that, on the occasion of her Majesty's
marriage, there would be a bestowal of honours, which would afford a
convenient opportunity for the restoration of his dignity as a Knight
of the Bath. But in this he was disappointed.

A minor favour was conferred upon him, however, and in a very
gratifying way, eighteen months later. "You are probably aware," wrote
Lord Minto to him on the 3rd of January, 1841, "that the death of Sir
Henry Bayntam has vacated one of the pensions for good and meritorious
service. Before I left town a few days ago I made my arrangements to
enable me to confer this pension upon you, if you should think it
worthy of your acceptance, either as evidence of the high estimation
in which I have ever held your services, or as convenient in a
pecuniary point of view. Although you are one of the few who have not
applied for this, I do not fear that any one of the numerous claimants
can show so good a title to it."

That compliment was accepted by Lord Dundonald in a spirit answering
to that in which it was offered. Yet his reasonable anxiety for a
restitution of the Order of the Bath was not abated, and thereupon he
was engaged in a correspondence with the Earl of Haddington, then
First Lord of the Admiralty, during the early part of 1842, which was
closed by the intimation, bitterly disappointing to Lord Dundonald,
that the Cabinet Council declined recommending the Queen to comply
with his earnest request.

Equally disappointing was the result of another application with the
same object which he made to Sir Robert Peel in the autumn of 1844.
"Her Majesty's servants," wrote Sir Robert Peel on the 7th of
November, "have had under consideration the letter which I received
from your lordship, bearing date the 10th of September. On reference
to the proceedings which were adopted in the year 1832, it appears
that, previously to the restoration of your lordship to your rank in
the navy, a free pardon under the Great Seal was granted to your
lordship; and adverting to that circumstance, and to the fact that
thirty years have now elapsed since the charges to which the free
pardon had reference were the subject of investigation before the
proper judicial tribunal of the country, her Majesty's servants cannot
consistently with their duty advise the Queen to reopen an inquiry
into these charges."

Lord Dundonald failed to see, in the partial reversal, twelve years
before, of the unjust treatment to which he had been subjected
eighteen years before that, a reason for refusing to inquire whether
there was any injustice yet to be atoned for. He had not, however,
very much longer to wait for the object which he sought.

One of his grounds for desiring a public recognition of the efficacy
of his secret war-plans was a reasonable belief that, if it was seen
that through half a lifetime he had steadfastly avoided using for his
private advantage what might have been to him a vast source of wealth,
in order that the secret might be reserved solely for the benefit of
his country, it would be acknowledged to be incredible that, for
insignificant ends, he could have resorted to the gross and clumsy
fraud attributed to him at the Stock Exchange trial. And in this
expectation he was right. Nearly all the reparation that was now
possible quickly followed upon the investigation into the war-plans
that was referred to in the last chapter.

While the investigation was pending he was pained by a letter from Sir
Thomas Hastings, not unkind in itself, but showing that his real
motives for courting that investigation were not understood. "I made a
communication to-day," wrote Sir Thomas on the 27th of November, 1846,
"that the commission had entered on its duties, and received
instructions to inform you that it would be desirable, before the
commission proceeded further, to ascertain your lordship's views as to
the nature of the remuneration you would expect from Government in the
event of your plans being reported on favourably."

Lord Dundonald's reply was characteristic. "You intimate a wish on the
part of Government," he wrote on the 1st of December, "to ascertain my
views in regard to the 'remuneration' I expect, in the event of my
plans being favourably reported on. I reply that I devoted these
plans, thirty-five years ago, to the service of my country, that I
have reserved them through the most adverse and trying circumstances,
satisfied that at some future time I should prove my character to be
above pecuniary considerations or mercenary motives. I have looked
forward to the restoration of those honours, of which I was most
unjustly bereaved, and to freedom from mental anguish, endured
throughout an isolation from society of one-third of a century. I
cannot contrast with such sufferings, nor with my plans, any sum that
Government could bestow. Nevertheless, I have implicitly relied that
collateral deprivations and losses would be taken into consideration
by some future, just, and impartial Administration. I do most
earnestly hope that the period has now arrived."

That letter was communicated by Sir Thomas Hastings to Lord Auckland.
"I return the letter," he wrote to Sir Thomas on the 16th of December,
"which Lord Dundonald wrote to you upon the remuneration which he
would expect in the event of a favourable report upon his plans;
namely, first, his restoration to the honours of which he was
deprived; and, secondly, a consideration of collateral deprivations
and losses. I am sorry to acquaint you that the first condition is one
to which I am not authorized to promise an acquiescence. It is not
necessary that I should discuss the difficulties which occur to the
restoration in question. I can only express my own deep regret that
they should exist, and that the hopes which have been entertained by
Lord Dundonald should be disappointed. For myself, I personally regard
him. I look upon his naval career as most remarkable and most
honourable; and I must lament whatever may seem to detract from the
advantage and grace of his return to the navy."

"Sir Thomas Hastings," wrote Lord Dundonald to Lord Auckland on the
following day, "has sent me your sympathizing note on the decision of
the Cabinet Council in regard to the first item, designated as 'the
remuneration I would expect in the event of a favourable report on my
plans.' Now, after the expression of my deep sense of gratitude to
your lordship for having brought the question before the Cabinet, I do
most sincerely rejoice that 'the first condition is one to which you
are not authorized to promise an acquiescence.' I could not deem
acquiescence a remuneration, nor could I value it otherwise than as
evidence of conviction, produced by facts and the tenor of a whole
life, of my incapability of descending to base acts for gain at any
period of my existence, especially at a moment when I can prove that I
had objects of the highest national importance and the most brilliant
personal prospects in view. In confirmation of disinterestedness, I
further hold my retention of the 'secret war-plans' for a period of
thirty-five years, notwithstanding frequent opportunities to use them
to my incalculable private advantage. The merit of these plans, though
I am well aware of their value, is yet officially unpronounced by the
commission appointed to report. Therefore, the preceding facts being
doubtful, I repeat that I do most sincerely rejoice that the Cabinet
Council have manifested that their decision neither depends on favour
nor on the value of the plans themselves. Foreseeing that, whatever
may be the ultimate determination, it must be founded on facts and
justified by an exposition of my conduct and character, I am preparing
a document which, whatever may be my fate pending the brief remainder
of my existence, will justify my memory when grievous wrongs shall
cease to prey on a mind which, save from the consciousness of
rectitude, would in brief time have bowed my head with humiliation to
the ground." The document there referred to was a pamphlet entitled
"Observations on Naval Affairs, and on some Collateral Subjects." In
it were concisely enumerated Lord Dundonald's services as a British
naval officer, and the hardships brought upon him by the unmerited
Stock Exchange trial. The pamphlet was published in February, 1847,
and immediately excited considerable attention. "I hope the
difficulties which have prevented the realization of your wishes may
be removed shortly," wrote Sir Thomas Hastings on the 2nd of March.
"But services so distinguished, and a career so splendid and full of
professional instruction as your lordship's, can never be blotted out
or rendered dim in the annals of the naval history of our country." "I
have had the kindest note possible from the Marquess of Lansdowne,"
said Lord Dundonald, in a letter written on the 27th of April. "Lord
Auckland was at our house on Saturday, and spoke in the kindest and
most feeling manner. I hear from all quarters that the pamphlet has
made and is making a great impression, and I have every hope that all
will end well."

All did end well. The public announcement, on the highest authority,
of the value of his secret war-plans, and the consequent exhibition of
his disinterested patriotism in so long preserving them for his
country's use, followed by the bold appeal made by him to the public
through his pamphlet, brought success at last to his long-continued
efforts to obtain a restoration of his dignity as a Knight of the
Bath. His best friends in the Cabinet, especially Lords Lansdowne and
Auckland, had influence, though not all the influence they desired,
upon other Cabinet and Privy Councillors who were opposed to the tardy
act of justice. But they did not wait for the assent of all. On the
6th of May Lord Lansdowne represented the case to her Majesty the
Queen, and received her promise that, with or without the approval of
her Privy Councillors, she would confer the next vacant Order of the
Bath upon Lord Dundonald.

Fortunately a vacancy occurred immediately, through the death of
Admiral Sir Davige Gould. "Lord Auckland has called," wrote Lord
Dundonald on the 9th of May, "and informed me officially that the
Queen has placed at his disposal the vacant Order of the Bath; and
that, in conformity with the intention with which it was so placed, he
was to deliver it to me." "I have information from the palace," he
wrote a few days later, "that her Majesty has had conversation as to
the justice of some further atonement for the injuries that have been
inflicted on me, and that she said it was subject of regret that such
was not in her power; but, should the subject be entertained by her
advisers, her concurrence would not be wanting."

That further act of justice was never rendered; but Lord Dundonald
rejoiced that the more important measure--that which, by restoring the
dignity wrongfully taken from him, would do more than anything else to
set him right in the eyes of the world--was at last adopted. "It gives
me sincere pleasure," wrote Lord John Russell on the 12th of May, in
answer to a letter thanking him for the conduct of his Administration,
"that the last act of the Government has been so gratifying to you.
Your services to your country are recorded among those of the most
brilliant of a war signalised by heroic achievements. I will lay
before her Majesty the expression of your gratitude, and I can assure
you that the Queen has sanctioned with the greatest satisfaction the
advice of her ministers."

On the 25th of May--the order being dated the 22nd--Lord Dundonald was
gazetted as a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath; and this
act of grace was rendered more graceful by the personal interest shown
by Prince Albert, who, as Grand Master of the Order, dispensed with
the customary formalities and delays, and, on the following morning,
caused a warrant to be sent to him, in order that he might wear the
cross at the birthday drawing-room, which he attended by her Majesty's
command on the 27th of May. Thus another step was made in the way of
retribution for the injuries inflicted on him in 1814 and in the
ensuing years.

"To-day," he wrote on the 12th of July, "there was a grand muster at
the palace of all the Knights Grand Crosses, and many inferior
Crosses, and I was installed. Lord Ellenborough was one of my
sponsors, and the Duke of Wellington shook hands with me, and
expressed his satisfaction at my restoration to the Order. I am glad
to tell you that the ceremony of knighting, of which I was afraid, was
not resorted to; so my knightship dates back to the 27th of April,
1809."

In another effort to obtain full justice for himself, however, he was
unsuccessful. The great expenses that sprang out of his long-continued
scientific and mechanical pursuits had absorbed all his scanty sources
of income, and he forcibly urged that in accordance with the precedent
furnished by a similar grant to Sir Robert Wilson, in 1832, he was
entitled to the arrears of pay due to him for the seventeen years
during which he had been kept out of his position in the British navy.
But his request was refused; and the heavy pecuniary loss, as well as
other and much heavier deprivations, consequent on a persecution that
has been since admitted to have been wholly undeserved, has never been
compensated.[20]

  [20] Part of a letter which Lord Dundonald received on this subject
  four years afterwards from Mr. Joseph Hume, though quoted in his
  "Autobiography," is too important to be here omitted. "I considered,"
  wrote the great champion of public economy, on the 10th of May, 1852,
  "that you were incapable of taking the means that were resorted to by
  Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, and for which you suffered; and I was pleased
  to learn that you had been restored to your rank. I considered that
  act a proof that the Government which had restored you to the rank and
  honours of your profession, and had afterwards appointed you to the
  command in the West Indies, must have come to the same conclusion;
  and, until the perusal of your draft petition, I concluded that you
  had all your arrears paid to you as a tardy, though inadequate, return
  to your lordship, whose early exploits did honour to yourself, and
  gave additional lustre to the naval service of the country to which
  you belonged.... His Majesty King William IV. was satisfied with the
  innocence of Sir Robert Wilson, and he was restored to the
  service--was, I understand, paid all the arrears of pay and allowances
  during his suspension, and afterwards appointed to the command of
  Gibraltar. I was pleased at the result; and it would give me equal
  pleasure to learn that your application to her Majesty should be
  attended with an act of justice to you equally merited." Lord
  Palmerston subsequently, in answer to an application from Lord
  Dundonald--forgetting Sir Robert Wilson's case--said there was no
  precedent for such an act. Lord Dundonald answered that there was no
  precedent for such injustice as had been done to him.

Shortly after that event Lord Dundonald sought to be elected one of
the Scotch representative peers in the House of Lords. Now that his
load of unmerited disgrace was shaken off, he desired to resume his
old functions as a legislator--and this with no abatement of his zeal
for the welfare of the people; but with none of the violence which his
own heavy sufferings at the time of their first and heaviest pressure
had partly caused him to show during his former parliamentary career.
Being now a peer, he could not return to his seat in the House of
Commons, and being a Scotch peer, he could only sit in the House of
Lords as one of the delegates from the aristocracy of his native land.
Among these he therefore asked for a place at the election in
September, 1847. He did not, however, begin to seek it early enough.
Other candidates had, according to custom, obtained promises of a
majority of votes from the electors before he thought of canvassing,
and he was thus left in a minority. Many peers, however, who on this
occasion were unable to support him, offered to pledge their votes to
him for the next election.

A minor favour was at this time shown to Lord Dundonald, which
afforded him real gratification. In 1835, he had been allowed by King
William IV. to use the insignia of a Grand Commander of the Order of
the Saviour of Greece, conferred upon him by King Otho. In August,
1847, he applied to the Cabinet for permission to use the title of
Marquis of Maranham and the Grand Cross of Brazil, both of which had
been conferred upon him by the Emperor Pedro I., in 1823. "I have to
acquaint your lordship," wrote Lord Palmerston, then Foreign
Secretary, on the 11th of October, "that under the peculiar
circumstances of the case, which have prevented the application being
made earlier, the Queen has signified her pleasure that you should be
permitted to accept the Grand Cross of the Order of the Cruziero. With
regard, however, to the title of Marquis of Maranham, it is my duty to
state to your lordship that, after full consideration, her Majesty's
Government regret that they cannot advise the Queen to grant you the
desired permission. While her Majesty's Government duly appreciate the
services rendered by your lordship to the Crown of Brazil, they
consider it to be on general principles so undesirable that
distinguished officers of the British navy should have foreign titles,
that they feel themselves compelled to decline complying with the
request." "I beg to assure your lordship," wrote Lord Dundonald in
reply, on the 18th of October, "that I feel more gratitude in being
informed of the sentiments of her Majesty's Government in regard to my
faithful and zealous services in Brazil than I ever experienced from
the title conferred on me as the honorary portion of my reward for
such services. As far as relates to assuming the title in my native
country, I entreat your lordship to believe that I never entertained
the intention."

A memorable occurrence soon followed. Now that his honours as well as
his naval rank were restored to him, he had no reason for holding back
from active service in his profession; and the Earl of Auckland,
anxious to make use--as far as use could be made in peace-time--of his
great and varied experience, and also to give further proof of the
desire at last to render him all possible honour, was prompt in
offering him fresh employment on the sea. "I shall shortly have to
name a Commander-in-Chief for the North American and West Indian
Station," wrote Lord Auckland on the 27th of December, 1847. "Will you
accept the appointment? I shall feel it to be an honour and a pleasure
to have named you to it, and I am satisfied that your nomination will
be agreeable to her Majesty, as it will be to the country, and,
particularly, to the navy."

Lord Dundonald did accept the appointment, rejoicing in it as a
further step in reparation for the injuries by which he had been
hindered, a whole generation before, from rising to the highest rank
in the naval service of his country. He might then have achieved
victories over the French which would have surpassed his brilliant
exploit at Basque Roads. He could now only direct the quiet operations
of a small fleet in time of peace. This, however, being the best that
it was now possible for him to do, he gladly undertook. "Permit me,"
he wrote to Lord Auckland, "to assure your lordship that this gracious
act has further tended to obliterate the deep and painful impressions
made by thirty years of mental suffering, such as no language can
describe; for, my lord, the agony produced by false accusations on an
honourable mind is infinitely greater than merited infliction of death
itself. I leave your lordship then to estimate the amount of
obligation I fail to convey, and beg you will allow me to express a
hope that your generous recommendation to her Majesty will be
justified by my zealous endeavours to fulfil the duties I owe to my
sovereign and country."

"I have waited for her Majesty's assent to your appointment," said the
Earl of Auckland in a letter written on the 3rd of January, 1848,
"before answering your letter of the 28th ultimo. This assent has been
most cordially given, and you may now consider yourself
Commander-in-Chief of the North American and West Indian Station, and
I may repeat that my share in this proceeding has given me very great
pleasure, and that I am confirmed in my feelings of gratification by
the terms in which you speak of occupying your proper place in the
navy. I am glad for you, and I am glad for myself that I have done
this just and honourable act."

Very hearty was the satisfaction expressed by all classes as soon as
Lord Dundonald's appointment was made public. "I beg," wrote Mr.
Delane, the editor of the "Times," earliest of all in tendering his
compliments, "to offer my very hearty congratulations upon your
appointment--all that remained to efface the stain of such unmerited
persecution." "The communication you have just made to me," wrote the
Duke of Hamilton and Brandon, "is most gratifying, and the First Lord
of the Admiralty has done himself immortal honour in appointing that
naval officer commander in one hemisphere who had previously
illustrated his name by his most brilliant exploits in the other.
Everything I think has now been done to undo the foul aspersions with
which you have been assailed; and I am sure now everything will be
done that can most serve to establish the ability of the officer and
the delicacy of the gentleman. I congratulate you most sincerely upon
your appointment, and I hope you will meet with difficulties when you
arrive at your destination. Don't be surprised at this my wish. It
proceeds from knowing the ample resources of my friend to overcome
them, and his constant desire to sacrifice everything to duty and
honour." "I derive the greatest pleasure and satisfaction from your
appointment to the command of a British fleet," wrote Sir George
Sinclair, "an appointment not less creditable to the ministry than
honourable to yourself. I cannot help contemplating with affectionate
sorrow the portrait of our dearest friend, Sir Francis Burdett, now
suspended over the chimney-piece, and thinking how happy he would have
been had he witnessed this most welcome and delightful consummation."
"Permit me the honour," wrote Admiral John White, "to bear testimony
to the high gratification I felt at seeing by the papers the
announcement of your lordship's having taken the command of the West
India and Halifax Stations. The whole British empire has expressed
great joy at this justice having been done to the bravery of your
lordship as an officer and your goodness and honour as a man." That
last sentence told no more than the truth.




CHAPTER XXVII.

LORD DUNDONALD'S DEPARTURE FOR NORTH AMERICA.--EXTRACTS FROM THE
CORRESPONDENCE OF LORD AUCKLAND AND OTHERS RESPECTING WEST INDIAN
AFFAIRS AND EUROPEAN POLITICS.--BERMUDA.--THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF
1848 AND ITS ISSUES.--IRELAND AND THE CHARTISTS.--THE DEATH OF LORD
AUCKLAND.

[1848.]


Lord Dundonald left London for Devonport on the 16th of March, 1848,
and on the following day hoisted his flag on board the _Wellesley_ as
Admiral in command of the North American and West Indian Fleet. On the
25th of March he set sail for Halifax, which was soon reached, and
was, during three years, the head-quarters from which he proceeded on
numerous voyages in fulfilment of the duties of his office. These
duties were not very onerous or various. They were relieved, however,
by much careful study of the circumstances and prospects of our
colonies in British North America, and by correspondence thereupon,
and on other subjects, with influential friends at home, and
especially with Lord Auckland, the First Lord of the Admiralty. From
this correspondence some selections will be made in the ensuing pages.

"I am very much pleased with your letter of the 19th," wrote Lord
Auckland, on the 21st of March, while the _Wellesley_ was still at
Devonport, "and the good spirit with which you look forward to your
coming duties. I know how irksome is the succession of the petty
duties which are incident to places of authority, and how far more
attractive is the excitement of great actions to those who are capable
of performing them. But even the first class of duties is not without
interest, and carries credit as it is performed with justice and
exactness; and I hope that for the second the necessity of great
exertions will not arise. But it is always well that the possibility
of their being called for should be borne in mind; and, while you
follow the peaceful avocations of your station, I should be glad that
you become acquainted with all its points of strength and of weakness.
All the information and advice that you may give to me will be
gratefully received and carefully considered."

"I hope," wrote Lord Auckland, three days later, "that the Mosquito
affair will have been brought to a termination before your arrival,
and that the necessity for the presence of ships in the Bay of Mexico
will have terminated with a cessation of hostilities between the
United States and Mexico. You will then have the slave-trade and the
fisheries mainly to attend to. You will learn from the Consul at Cuba
whether the slave-trade is now actively carried on. It had for some
time entirely ceased, but it may have revived, and, with good
information and force for interception applied at the right time, I
should hope that it will not require many of your ships. The fisheries
will, for a season, be a regular and fixed object of attention. Though
I feel that your number of ships is small, it is difficult for me to
increase it. I hate to fritter away our men and naval strength on a
multitude of brigs and sloops and petty objects."

Lord Auckland communicated to his friend many interesting opinions
respecting the state of politics and the condition of affairs on both
sides of the Atlantic. A letter from him, dated the 30th of April, had
reference chiefly to the troubles occasioned at that time by the
interference of Nicaragua with British commerce, which had
necessitated the sending of Captain Lock, in the _Alarm_, to watch the
course of events and compel proper behaviour by the turbulent state.
"A 'little war' is always a vexatious thing," he wrote, "and our
relations with the state of Mosquito, though they have long and
ancient standing to recommend them, are strange and anomalous. But the
insults of Nicaragua were highly provoking. The detention of British
subjects was not to be borne, and the spirit which has been exhibited
by Captain Lock, the spirit and enterprise with which his operations
were directed, the conduct of all who served under him, and the
successful results which have been achieved, are all highly to be
applauded. I am glad, however, that they have left the river of San
Juan. I see that in 1780 Nelson lost by the climate there fifteen
hundred out of eighteen hundred men; and I well know what is the
effect of a low country in the tropics, particularly after exertion
and fatigue."

The rest of the letter related to the turmoil excited in Europe by the
deposition of Louis Philippe in February, 1848, and the less
successful revolutions in other countries. "We continue to be on the
very best terms with the Provisional Government, and there is a better
disposition towards us on the part of the French people than there was
at the first outbreak of the Revolution. I have therefore at present
no apprehension of war. There is, however, this danger; that Germany
and Italy are greatly disturbed, and that Austria and Sardinia are
engaged in war on the side of Italy, and Prussia and Denmark to the
north, and it will not be easy for France and England to be peaceful
lookers-on. Besides which, the Government of France will long be
subject to popular gusts, and it is never easy to say in what
direction they may blow. In the meantime, however, all wears the
appearance of peace, and at home the chances of disturbance both from
Chartists and Repealers have become less. We have only danger from the
distress and want of employment which have followed upon the shock
given to credit throughout Europe."

Unfortunately, most of the letters written by Lord Dundonald during
these months have been lost; but something of their purport may be
gathered from the replies to them. "I am very glad," Lord Auckland
wrote, on the 28th of May, "that your thoughts appear to be very
considerately given to the health of those that are under your
command. You will, of course, have consideration for the ships that
have served in the Gulf of Mexico, or other unhealthy places, and give
them a turn in the north. I did not lose a moment in sending to Lord
Grey your suggestions in favour of removing the convict hulks at
Bermuda, and he has promised me that he will, without delay, issue
orders accordingly."

Lord Auckland wrote again to his friend on the 23rd of June. "I have
your valuable memoranda on the defences and dockyard of Bermuda," he
said, "and I am greatly obliged to you for them, as will be Lord Grey.
I will promise to give them early and deep consideration. In the
meantime I will press the Board to give immediate authority for the
improvement of the drains of the hospital, and of the supply of water.
I am greatly obliged to you for the steadiness with which you keep
considerations of economy in view. The disinterestedness with which
you regard the schemes which have been proposed for a new Admiralty
House at Bermuda will give you authority in checking expenditure in
other objects."

"The affairs of France," we read in the same letter, written while
General Cavaignac was suppressing the June revolution, "are most
unsettled. There is no confidence in any man or party, and there are
discontent, and mistrust, and alarm. All feel that things cannot go on
in their present form; but none can foresee what will follow. It may
be a continuance of internal dissension, but in an aggravated form. It
may be a disposition to external violence. At home the condition both
of England and Ireland is quieter than it was." "There is more
brightness in our prospects at home just now," wrote Lord Auckland,
three weeks later, on the 14th of July, "than has been the case for
some months. Commerce and credit are reviving; Chartism is dormant,
and Ireland is less troublesome. And on the Continent there is a more
general disposition to return to institutions of order. I confess that
I should be glad to hear that just at this moment there were a larger
force than usual at Bermuda. The presence there of Mitchell[21] is
apparently raising some excitement. Though I cannot apprehend any
formidable attempt at rescue, yet the notoriety of a force being at or
about the island may put an end to the vapouring menaces which are
proclaimed, and prevent any rash or foolish enterprise that may be
projected."

  [21] The great Chartist who, having been tried and sentenced to
  transportation, had been sent to Bermuda in May, 1848.

"Thanks to you for your letter from Halifax," Lord Auckland wrote
again, on the 21st of July, "and for your last sheets on the defences
of Bermuda. I did not think, when we parted, that the question of
these defences would so soon come under serious discussion, with a
view to their practical efficiency, but I do not yet think they will
be put to the test by any formidable attempt for the rescue of Mr.
Mitchell. Such apprehensions of danger, however, as they occur
occasionally, do good, and lead men to think of and correct their weak
points. What you say of the accessible nature of the southern reef
surprises me, and strengthens your recommendation of gunboats as the
means of defence which are least to be neglected. I only hang back in
regard to them, as the Naval Department could not bear the expense of
such defences for the many colonies that would require them, and they
must be provided by the Colonial Governments. Our arrangements,
however, may in some cases be subsidiary to theirs, and, wherever it
is possible, the craft of the dockyard and other establishments should
be so fitted as to be capable of carrying a gun. I am glad you sent
off the _Scourge_ to Bermuda. She is a handy vessel and well
commanded, and the notoriety of her presence will not be without a
useful effect. What you say of the character of the emigrants that are
sent forth from Ireland to our colonies is but too true. Yet it is
better that they should go than accumulate famine and disturbance at
home. The present condition of Ireland menaces trouble and
difficulty."

"I am quite aware," wrote Earl Grey, who was then Secretary of State
for the Colonies, to Lord Dundonald, on the 3rd of August, "of the
unfortunate tendency of the emigration to the North American provinces
being chiefly from Ireland; but I do not see how it is in the power of
the Government effectually to counteract the causes which are leading
to the settlement of so large a proportion of Irish in this part of
the British dominion. I fear this will, hereafter, be attended with
very unfortunate results." "I beg to thank your lordship," he also
said, "for the important information you have transmitted to me, and
for the pains you have taken in considering the subject of the defence
of Bermuda, which I recommended to your attention before you left
England. I am in communication with Lord Auckland upon this subject,
and we shall endeavour to act upon your suggestions so far as we are
enabled to do so, under the financial difficulties with which we have
to contend."

In the next letter written by Lord Auckland to Lord Dundonald, on the
18th of August, he again referred to European politics. "There is,
with regard to the Continent, more promise of peace at this moment
than there has been for a long time past, and there is a tone of more
moderation on the part of France towards other countries than I have
ever expected to see. But she yet has within her fearful elements of
disturbance; her Government is yet unsettled, and, whenever
determined, it will be subject to strong popular influences, and there
can be no security. I almost apprehend earlier mischief from the
popular influences of the United States. They have had a task of
conquest and annexation, and Cuba lies temptingly. The uneasiness of
the black population of many of the West India Islands may lead to
opportunities, and disagreeable events may grow out of such
circumstances. But these are matters of speculation, and nothing turns
out as men think that they foresee. I wish that your squadron was
stronger; for you are weak in numbers for the many points that you
have to cover. Our home politics are rather more satisfactory than
they were; that is to say, the dangers of Irish insurrection and of
formidable Chartist outbreak are over. But there is still much
uneasiness and disaffection in both countries, and the various events
of Paris have given encouragement to strange enterprises. I apprehend,
however, no serious mischief from these quarters at present; but we
have in prospect a very general failure of the potato crop, and a very
indifferent harvest, and here will be new causes of embarrassment."

There were many causes of embarrassment to English statesmen during
the ensuing months. "For the present," wrote Lord Auckland, on the 1st
of September, "there is a cordial and friendly understanding between
the Governments of this country and France, and the chances of war
seem to be distant. General Cavaignac seems to be a prudent and
moderate man. But no one can predict into what courses the popular
influences of France may force him, or what changes may on any day
occur. The extreme Communist party is weaker than it was; and a
Royalist party--for some king, but not for Louis Philippe--is growing
up; and between these is a Government of a republic and an army. The
first political difficulty will be that of Italy, where the Austrians
will not readily make any concession, and where the French will not
readily see them again accumulate strength. It is to be seen whether
their mediation and ours will be of any avail."

"The condition of the present French Government is precarious," Lord
Auckland said in another letter, dated the 9th of November. "According
to present appearances, Louis Napoleon will be elected President, not
because he is personally esteemed, but from his name, with some
parties, and because it is anticipated by others that his rule will be
short, and that he will be made to make way for others." "The election
of a French President is over," Lord Auckland was able to say on the
25th of December, "and has been carried at last with a rush; and we
are to have a new dynasty of Napoleons. Louis Napoleon was supported
by the army for his name, by the bulk of the nation because Cavaignac
and the Republic were hated, and by the Legitimists because they think
he may presently be overthrown. He is pronounced to be a foolish man;
but his course has been lately one of prudence and perseverance, and
he will enter upon power with good auspices. But he will have many
difficulties to contend with, and we may yet see many changes before
the condition of France will be settled."

The Earl of Auckland, one of the worthiest and most generous statesmen
of his time, Lord Dundonald's firm friend, and the friend of all with
whom he came in contact, did not live to see these changes. Just a
week after that letter was written, Admiral John Dundas, who had been
his chief adviser on Admiralty matters, had to write to Lord
Dundonald. "It is with great regret," he said, on the 1st of January,
1849, "I have to inform you of the death of Lord Auckland, after a few
hours' illness. He was on a visit to Lord Ashburton, near Winchester,
on Saturday--seized with a fit--never spoke after--and died this
morning. You may well imagine the universal sorrow at such a loss; and
I am sure you will join in that, for I know well the friendship that
existed between you."

By Lord Auckland's letters, it has been shown that, among much else,
Lord Dundonald made special study of the actual condition and the
possible improvement of Bermuda, both as a convict settlement and as a
centre of defence against any attacks that might be made upon the West
Indies. He suggested various beneficial changes for the strengthening
of its fortifications and for lessening its unhealthy character by
better drainage and other expedients. In all of these he was supported
by Lord Auckland. But from the new First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir
Francis Baring, he met with less encouragement. Bermuda had been made
a subject of inquiry by a Parliamentary Committee, and the House of
Commons being averse to any further expense, Sir Francis Baring was
compelled to countermand much of the action that had been resolved
upon.

With Sir Francis Baring Lord Dundonald corresponded on little but
strictly official matters, and therefore their letters are of less
general interest than those which passed between him and Lord Auckland.




CHAPTER XXVIII.

LORD DUNDONALD'S VISITS TO THE NORTH AMERICAN AND WEST INDIAN
COLONIES, AND HIS OPINIONS THEREON.--NEWFOUNDLAND AND ITS
FISHERIES.--LABRADOR.--BERMUDA; ITS DEFENCES AND ITS GEOLOGICAL
FORMATION.--BARBADOES.--THE NEGROS.--TRINIDAD.--ITS PITCH LAKE.--THE
DEPRESSED CONDITION OF THE WEST INDIAN COLONIES.--LORD DUNDONALD'S
SUGGESTIONS FOR THEIR IMPROVEMENT.

[1848-1850.]


The foregoing chapter consists chiefly of extracts from letters
addressed to Lord Dundonald during 1848. In the present one free use
will be made of his own journal of a tour among the colonies and
islands whose interests he was appointed to watch as Admiral of the
North American and West Indian squadron.[22] It furnishes much
interesting information about the places visited, and has also
additional interest as illustrating the writer's tone of mind and
method of investigation concerning every object that came in his way.
The journal describes his occupations during eight months, beginning
with the summer of 1849, and includes reminiscences of less systematic
visits to the various localities made during the previous year.
Leaving Halifax, in Nova Scotia, on the 14th of July, Lord Dundonald
proceeded northwards, passed Cape Breton Island to Newfoundland, the
fisheries of which it was part of his duty to protect.

  [22] Published in 1861 as a pamphlet, entitled, "Notes on the
  Mineralogy, Government, and Condition of the British West India
  Islands and North American Maritime Colonies."

He entered St. George's Harbour, the chief resort of the fishermen and
traders, on the 27th of July. "It is situated," he said, "in the angle
of a deep bay between Aguille and Cape St. George, the town being on
the promontory and having deep water close to it. No village can be
better placed for the herring fishery, as these gregarious fish at the
season of their arrival on the coast enter this harbour, as it were,
into the cod of a net, whence they are lifted into the boats by scoops
and buckets. With such slender means possessed by the inhabitants, the
average catch amounts to twenty-two thousand barrels; but hundreds of
thousands might be taken, were encouragement afforded. Salmon are also
caught in the neighbouring rivers, which are alive with undisturbed
and neglected trout. The barrels in which the herrings are packed are
said to cost two shillings and sixpence each, and some new regulation
requires additional hoops, which, to those concerned, appears a
grievance. It is said the herrings must realise ten shillings per
barrel, in order to repay costs and labour, but the last advices from
Halifax state that eight shillings only are offered by the merchants.
The French, I understand, attend more to the cod fishery. They are not
at liberty, if they adhere to the treaty, to draw nets on the shore.
There is an American merchant here who deals in truck with the English
settlers, and obtains from them about a third part of the herrings
caught, which he sends to the United States in such of the numerous
American schooners employed in the fishery as enter this bay. The
unauthorised British settlers here are said to be very jealous of
intruders, as they consider they have an exclusive right to the land
and fisheries in their actual possession, and from which all are, by
treaty, excluded. They seemed suspicious that the _Wellesley_ might
have some motive in entering the bay contrary to their interests. No
person whatsoever came on board, nor did any one come off to the ship,
even to offer himself as a pilot. Some persons were lately desirous to
set up a saw-mill, which would have been important, as they obtain all
their staves for herring-casks, &c., from abroad; but the sanction of
the inhabitants could not be obtained. There is no magistrate or civil
or military authority, no medical man, and, perhaps fortunately, no
attorney. Indeed, there is no law, though justice is done amongst
themselves after their own manner. There is a neat little church, at
which the bishop is now officiating, and the people who are resorting
to it seem well-dressed and orderly."

On the 30th of July Lord Dundonald left the harbour, to pass round the
sharp promontory known as Cape St. George. "About midway," he said, "a
remarkable change takes place to the northward of the table mountain,
where the vertical strata become in appearance horizontal along the
whole shore of the projecting isthmus. The colour of the strata is
chiefly grey, in parallel layers of varying hardness, as appears from
its projections and indentations. I could not, without delaying the
ship longer than I wished, procure samples of the strata, but there
was no appearance of carboniferous minerals. The same layers were
visible in detached places up to the tops of the hills, which are of
considerable altitude, though that is not denoted in the chart. When
we rounded Cape St. George on the following morning, the strata, which
before appeared parallel, were observed to dip at a considerable angle
towards the N.E., and seemed, where sufficiently exposed to view, to
be split into large diagonal flakes. There is an island close off the
shore, about five miles to the eastward of the Cape, called Red
Island, which is of quite a different formation seemingly red
horizontal layers of sandstone, of a soft nature, as is obvious from
the encroachments of the sea. The peninsula opposite to this island is
of considerable elevation, as far as Round Head, whence it gradually
lowers to a point about ten miles farther to the eastward. Here the
level ground at first seems to be alluvial, but on closer observation
indurated rocks are seen to protrude in flakes dipping into the sea.
The bay formed by this promontory is of great magnitude. There are
several islands at its mouth and in the interior, but there being no
chart, and no motive for entering it, we stood on towards the
mountains on the main shore, some of which are very high. In many
parts the contortion of the strata, and the confusion of all kinds of
materials, are extraordinary. The sides of the mountains on the shore
are clad with moss alone, trees of very stunted growth only appearing
in the sheltered valleys. No visible portion of the shore seems
capable of producing food for man."

From the western coast of Newfoundland Lord Dundonald sailed due north
to visit Labrador. With its natural resources, and the neglect of
them, he was much surprised. "The British possessions in Labrador," he
said, "extend over a tract of country as great as the northern regions
of Russia from St. Petersburg towards the Pole, wherein the Ural
Mountains compensate that Government for the sterility of the soil. I
have often felt surprise at the indifference evinced by the Spanish
Government towards developing the resources of its possessions; but it
is with still greater astonishment I view the supineness of our own
Government in leaving this vast tract unexplored, and its probable
treasures undiscovered."

Similar complaints were suggested to him by his observations on the
eastern side of Newfoundland, to which he sailed down on the 6th of
August. "We passed several ports, wherein there were numerous French
ships and square-rigged vessels dismantled, and schooners and
multitudes of fishing-boats in full activity in the offing. These
schooners and fishing-boats are manned by the crews of the large French
vessels which are laid up in port, and constitute depots as well as the
means of transporting the produce of the fishery to France, an
arrangement highly advantageous to the French marine, and which we
erroneously abandoned by erecting Newfoundland into a Colonial
Government, thus surrendering our deep-sea fishery entirely, even
without rendering the inshore fishery available to the newly-erected
colony, throughout which it languishes from want of stimulus, or an
adequate reward, even to induce the impoverished inhabitants of the
shore to avail themselves of their small and almost costless boats to
catch fish, which, by reason of the bounties given by France and
America, are unsaleable with profit in any country in Europe. It is
grievous to observe the difference in the mode of carrying on the
British fishery compared to that of the French. The former in
rudely-constructed skiffs, with a couple of destitute-looking beings in
party-coloured rags; the latter in fine, well-equipped schooners, which
may be called tenders to their larger ships, the seamen uniformly
dressed in blue, with Joinville hats, looking as men ought and may be
expected to look whose interests and those of the parent State are
understood to be in unison, and attended to as such."

At St. John's, Newfoundland, Lord Dundonald made some stay before
sailing down to Sydney, in Cape Breton. Then he returned to Halifax,
to go thence for a second visit to Bermuda.

Respecting Bermuda, as we have seen, he had much correspondence. "This
island," he now said, "ever since the discovery of the opening in the
reefs by Captain Hurd, has been deemed of much naval importance, and
plans were formed by the highest military authorities for its defence.
A naval arsenal also has been designed for the accommodation of a
large establishment of ships of war. Distant islands, however, cannot
be defended on principles which would be the most judicious at
home--by the erection of forts in all quarters that could be occupied
by an enemy. It is obvious that, under the circumstances of Bermuda,
troops cannot be spared from the parent State permanently to garrison
the multitude of forts which, on such a principle of defence, would be
requisite. If they could, the expense would be enormous, and therefore
I cannot dismiss this subject without an expression of my satisfaction
at the intelligence I lately received that such extravagant and
unavailing system of fortification has been suspended. In my opinion
it is a great error to imagine that naval officers are unfit to be
consulted respecting maritime defences; had it not been for so
mistaken a notion many hundreds of thousands of pounds, perhaps I
might say a million, might have been saved. I unhesitatingly assert
that gunboats not only would suffice, but are by far the most
available, and infinitely the cheapest defensive force amongst the
rocks around the island of Bermuda. The coloured population of this
island are a fine race, incomparably superior to the generality of the
coloured population in the West Indies. They are accustomed to
navigate in their commercial vessels: their lives are almost spent in
boats, and no better crews could be got for the defence of their own
island than they would prove themselves to be."

"The existence of this solitary island so far from the continent of
North America," we further read in Lord Dundonald's journal, "is a
circumstance meriting the attention of geologists, as well as the
uniform material of which it is composed. It is all of a calcareous
nature, but differing in condition from any of the other islands of
the same substance. The strata are exposed in the perpendicular cliffs
on the sea-shore in numerous precipices, from a hundred feet to minor
altitudes, and are composed either of the most minute shells, or of
parts of shells so triturated that they scarcely indicate their
origin. In some places, however, there are laminae containing shells
in a more perfect state, all of a white colour, with the exception of
one (which I found on digging a cave) of a semicircular shape, of a
red colour, and almost as large as an oyster shell. The whole of the
substance of Bermuda can be burnt into good lime; but there is an
indurated calcareous stone, often containing many perfect shells, on
the island on which the naval yard is being built, which is preferred
as more adhesive and better in quality. Although there are no
indications of volcanic products on this island, yet it exhibits
manifest proofs that volcanic force has raised it from the depths of
the ocean. In what stage of induration it was at that period it is
difficult to conjecture. The hills and vales throughout the whole
extent of Bermuda have the stratified calcareous material generally
conforming on all sides to the inclination of the surface. There are,
however, many situations in which the strata present themselves as
manifestly broken by force. In the deep cutting in the road which
enters into the enclosure around the Government House, one of these
breaks appears at the apex of the hill, dividing its sides, which here
incline towards the centre, exposing a wedge-formed supplementary part
that fills up the interstice. In the grounds of the Admiralty House
curious instances of unconformable strata are laid bare in old
quarries. These indicate some other cause for their nonconformity than
that before assigned, and I am quite at a loss to imagine how the
stratified materials could have been placed one above another at such
different angles by the action of water, or in any other way, without
appearance of disruption. There are caves upon this island containing
large stalactites. There is one on Tucker's Island where these
stalactites reach from the top of the cave far below the surface of
the salt water it contains. I am not aware of any other instance where
similar crystalisations have taken place under the sea water. It seems
to lead to the belief that this island was at some time less
submerged. There are other caves much larger, and one which goes in so
far that the officers who accompanied me did not scramble to its end.
This cave is formed by two large masses of calcareous matter having
been reared up one against the other. I have seen some very beautiful
crystallisations taken from another cave recently found in a quarry at
Ireland Island; but the absence of petrifactions here (for I have
never seen one) constitutes a remarkable difference between this
formation and that on the island of Antigua, where the roads are
almost made with petrifactions.

"In clearing the surface of the rock, as has lately been done at the
quarries, and in laying the foundation of the new convict barracks,
the most irregular formation is exposed. Large holes are found
contiguous to each other in the white calcareous rock, which are
filled with a substance resembling chocolate in its colour, unlike
everything else upon the island."

From Bermuda Lord Dundonald sailed down to Barbadoes, where he arrived
on the 5th of February. "The negroes," he said, "who are much more
numerous on this island than on any other of the West Indies, appear
to be well fed, and cheery in their dispositions. They live in small
wooden houses resting on clumps of wood or blocks of stone, a mode of
construction which enables them, when tired of or displeased with
their locality, to transport them elsewhere. I was told that a street
of stone huts, constructed for their use, is almost abandoned, by
reason of the immobility of such residences. I consider this
locomotive propensity a favourable trait in their character. Behind
the barracks we stopped at a hut on the rising ground whereon the
barracks ought to have been placed, and assuredly I never saw a more
contented scene. There was a young negro, and, I believe, his wife,
together with an old woman, perhaps the grandmother of the child she
fondled. We made inquiry as to their mode of living, and they showed
us green peas, seasoned with red pepper, ready to be cooked, yams, and
cassava bread, as good as oatmeal cakes. These peas grow on large
bushes, and vegetables of all kinds surround their hut."

From Barbadoes Lord Dundonald proceeded by way of Tobago to Trinidad.
"On the morning of the 11th of February," he said, "we weighed and
returned through the Dragon's Mouth, shaping our course for the great
natural curiosity of Trinidad, the Pitch Lake, which I hoped might be
rendered useful for fuel for our steam-ships--so important in the
event of war--as fuel is only obtained at present from Europe. The
United States and Nova Scotia are never resorted to; hence, could this
pitch be rendered applicable as fuel, our vessels would be supplied
when an enemy would be almost deprived of the use of steam in these
seas. We arrived at La Brea, and before daybreak on the following
morning we were on the road to the lake, or rather on a stream of
bitumen (now indurated) which in former ages overflowed the lake.
Indeed the bitumen beneath this road seems still to be on the move, as
shown by curvilineal ridges on its surface, like waves receding from a
stone thrown into water. The appearance of the lake is most
extraordinary. One vast sheet of bitumen extends until lost amidst
luxuriant vegetation. Its circumference is full three miles, exclusive
of the creeks, which double the extent. The bituminous surface is of a
dark brown, waxy consistence, except in one or two places where the
fluid still exudes; obviously this spring is in full vigour beneath,
for the whole surface of the lake is formed into protuberances like
the segments of a globe pressed together, having hollows between
filled with rain-water, which (except in the immediate vicinity of the
bituminous springs) is inodorous and without taste--an extraordinary
fact, showing that this bitumen is of a nature quite different from
that of pyrotechnic mineral or vegetable tar. In its dry state it is
quite insoluble in water, though when charged with essential oil, as
it exudes from nature's laboratory, it imparts a pungent and
unpleasant taste. A considerable quantity of gas bubbles up through
these bituminous springs, showing that decomposition is still active
amongst the materials whence it exudes. Some of the recent bitumen has
an odour resembling vegetable gum. Mr. Johnson, the very obliging
proprietor of a neighbouring estate, had the goodness to cause some of
his labourers and a cart to bring samples to the beach. Means of
transport, however, were so inadequate, that we had recourse to
digging the more impure pitch on the beach, in order to prosecute our
trials for its substitution as fuel. This bitumen, which had flowed
upwards of a mile from the lake, was combined with earthy and other
substances which it had encountered in its course. Various attempts
have heretofore been made to apply the bitumen to useful purposes, but
without success, as we may judge from the total abandonment of those
trials and expectations which for a brief period induced its shipment
to England with a view to its application to the pavements of London
and other cities. All excavation has consequently ceased, and so low
is the estimation in which the bitumen is held, that the duty on
embarkation is only one halfpenny per ton. The nature of this bitumen
is very different from that of coal. When exposed to a naked fire it
becomes fluid, and runs through the bars before gas is disengaged, or
at least before it is raised to a temperature at which it will ignite;
perhaps it requires more or purer air than enters through the bars of
steamboat furnaces--a conjecture which seems to be confirmed by the
dense smoke speedily produced."

"The plains of Trinidad," wrote Lord Dundonald, "have a fertile soil,
which, simply by clearing the ground, is capable of being rendered the
most productive in the West India Islands for the growth of sugar and
whatever can be cultivated in a climate most uniform in its
temperature, most congenial to tropical plants, free from the evils of
hurricanes and from all impediments to vegetation. I am confident
that, if the hands of the Governor were not bound by restrictions and
routine, the progress of Trinidad would soon verify this opinion. Lord
Harris, the present Governor, nobly tendered a portion of his official
income in alleviation of the burthens which are so severely felt in
the present depressed state of agriculture and commerce, but from some
cause his lordship's liberal intention was not realized. The example
would have proved salutary, as it must have been followed by
reductions throughout other West India Islands, whose resources are
even in a worse state than those of Trinidad. Is it reasonable, whilst
the ground has ceased to be cultivated because production is
unprofitable, not only that the land should continue to be taxed at
the rate it was in prosperous times, but that a duty should be levied
on the exportation of its produce? Is it reasonable that whilst
householders can obtain no rent, and have no income save the bare
means of providing a scanty subsistence, they should be assessed at
the rack-rent of former valuation? Can any property be more entitled
to protection than that of the owners of the soil or of the dwellings
they inhabit? And yet all these, as appears by the numerous gazetted
sales, are sacrificed to the collection of sums, the bulk of which is
uselessly and prejudicially expended. Whilst the Government of the
parent State has alleviated the burdens on the productive classes, is
it just that taxes on food and on all the necessaries of life should
be continued throughout the colonies, and that even their productions
should be intolerably burdened with local imposts, whilst complaints
are loud and true of the absence of all remuneration from the sources
which once constituted the prosperity of those now impoverished and
oppressed possessions? The above observations do not apply exclusively
to Trinidad, but to the whole of the islands, which scarcely differ in
degree in the causes of ruin which seem irremediable by any authority
except the legislature of the parent State. I am persuaded that the
chief of the Colonial Department at home would endeavour to counteract
the causes of widely-spread and increasing ruin, were he in possession
of correct information; but popular representations of grievances,
often embodying misapprehensions as to their true origin, and
accompanied by suggestions of impracticable remedies, are denied or
disputed in counterstatements by interested officials, so that the
Colonial Minister is bewildered, and can form no correct judgment from
such conflicting statements. I hold it to be impossible that the
monstrous absurdities and violations of every principle of good
government which exist throughout these western colonies could be
tolerated an instant, were their consequences known and believed by
those in power, or were they laid before the British public by any
person on whose judgment and opinion they could rely. Can it be
credited that even in the island of Trinidad, not only multitudes of
valuable properties are brought to sale from the inability of their
owners to pay the fiscal demands, but that properties are consigned to
the Government auctioneer even for so small an assessment as
three-fourths of a dollar? This is, nevertheless, the fact. The
emancipation of the slaves was a glorious act, but the rescue of these
noble possessions from ruin, and the restoration of prosperity to an
integral part of the empire, would redound to the honour of any one
who would successfully advocate the cause of reason and justice, not
only on the principles of equity, but with the less noble view of gain
to the parent State, as it is certain that the consumption of British
manufactured articles has fallen off in these colonies to an extent
which has not been counterbalanced by the increase of exports
anticipated from the questionable policy of concession to Brazil, in
which I have reason to believe the supply of articles required for the
slave trade constitutes a large proportion."

Reflections of that sort occurred to Lord Dundonald again and again,
as, passing round from Trinidad, he visited all the principal British
West India Islands, the last at which he called on his way back to
Halifax being Jamaica. "No doubt," he said, "the generous and noble
act by which, in the reign of his late Majesty, slavery was abolished,
produced a prejudicial change in the economy of the sugar plantations,
notwithstanding the large amount awarded to the proprietors, as the
sums so paid were for the most part immediately transferred to
mortgagees, leaving the proprietors in possession of the soil, but
without the means of paying the expense of its cultivation by free
labour. This is an evil which time has not remedied, and, of course,
in the estimation of those who are, in consequence, losers, furnishes
the pretext for imputing to the black population a degree of
reluctance to labour far exceeding the reality. Those who pay a
reasonable price for work, and are punctual in their payments, do not
fail to get as many labourers as they require. I assert this not from
any vague hearsay, but from various unquestionable and authentic
documents, amongst which are the examinations taken by Committees of
the House of Assembly appointed to inquire into the causes and
difficulties alleged to exist in the cultivation of estates. Whilst
the poverty of the planters and the destitution of the labouring
population is so universal, it seems most extraordinary on inspecting
the Custom House returns to find almost every article of necessary
consumption brought from abroad paying high duties on entry; whilst
the concession of small patches of land to the negroes, whom there is
no capital to employ, would, if accorded, produce food, and in a great
measure dispense with such injurious importations. Is it reasonable to
instruct the negroes in their rights as men, and open their minds to
the humble ambition of acquiring spots of land, and then throw every
impediment possible in the way of its gratification? I perceive by the
imposts and expenses on the transfer of small properties, that a
barrier almost insurmountable is raised to their acquisition by the
coloured population. I have learnt that small lots of Crown lands are
scarcely ever disposed of, though three-fourths of these lands are
still in the hands of Government.

"It is lamentable to see the negroes in rags, lying about the streets
of Kingston; to learn that the gaols are full; the penitentiaries
incapable of containing more inmates; whilst the port is destitute of
shipping, the wharves abandoned, and the storehouses empty; while
much, if not all, of this might be remedied. It may be asked, how is
this to be effected? and I answer--by justice, resolution, patriotism,
and disinterestedness. Never can this wretched state of affairs be
remedied so long as taxes on the necessaries of life are heaped on an
impoverished population. Never can the peasantry raise their heads
with a contented aspect, whilst every animate and inanimate thing
around them is taxed to the utmost. Not only is there a tax on land,
and on the shipment of its produce, on houses, outhouses, and gardens,
on horned cattle and horses, but on asses and pigs; and the severest
penalties are enacted for concealment or suppression in the returns.
Officials are employed for the gathering of pittances which do not
defray the expense of collection. The harbour dues and exactions are
such that no vessel, when it can be avoided, is brought into the Port
of Kingston; consequently, though Jamaica is admirably situated, even
more favourably than St. Thomas, the former port is abandoned, whilst
that of the latter is filled with the shipping of all nations."

Lord Dundonald detailed the substance of these opinions in a letter to
Earl Grey, the Secretary for the Colonies. "I have to thank your
lordship," Lord Grey replied, "for your letter. The observations of a
person of your lordship's knowledge and experience upon the present
state of our colonies are most interesting and useful to me. I am
aware that there exists much distress in the West Indies at present;
but I am sorry to say I do not see what Parliament can do towards
removing it, beyond freeing their trade from the remaining
restrictions by the repeal of the Navigation Laws, which I hope will
now be soon accomplished. I own I quite differ from your lordship as
to the propriety of restoring to the planters the monopoly in the
British market they formerly enjoyed, and I believe that the permanent
interests of these colonies would be injured instead of being advanced
by doing so."




CHAPTER XXIX.

LORD DUNDONALD'S RETURN FROM AMERICA.--HIS ARGUMENTS FOR THE RELIEF OF
THE NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES AND THE WEST INDIA TRADE.--THE TRINIDAD
BITUMEN.--LORD DUNDONALD'S OTHER SCIENTIFIC PURSUITS AND VIEWS.

[1851-1853.]


The Earl of Dundonald's time of service as Admiral of the West Indian
and North American Stations expired in April, 1851. On the 31st of
December, 1850, Sir Francis Baring wrote to inform him that Sir George
Seymour had been appointed his successor. "It is with some regret,"
said Sir Francis, "that I have performed this duty, as it has been my
pleasure to have been in communication with you, and to feel that an
important command has been placed in the hands of an officer of your
lordship's high professional character and merits. You must permit me,
in making this announcement, to add my sincere thanks for the manner
in which you conducted the duties of your position, and particularly
for the valuable information you have communicated to the Board, and
the attention you have paid to the many points you had brought before
you."

On the 14th of May Lord Dundonald left Halifax, and he reached
Portsmouth in the beginning of June. During the next few years his
mind was much occupied with the further consideration of various
topics suggested by his observations and explorations on the other
side of the Atlantic. It will be enough to make brief allusion to the
most important of these.

Subjects of hearty regret to him, repeatedly brought under his notice
during his three years' stay in the North American and West Indian
waters, were the great depression of the British fisheries in the
neighbourhood of Newfoundland, and the yet greater depression of trade
consequent on the remission of slavery in the more southern colonies.
For both he sought to provide a remedy. He urged, as has already been
shown in the extracts from his journal, which was published, and
attracted much attention, in the summer of 1852, that special help
should be given to these colonies, not only by the removal of all
restrictions upon their commerce and manufactures, but by protective
enactments in their favour.

His reasons for this view, as regards the Newfoundland fisheries, in
which he thought not alone of the interests of the colonists, were set
forth by him in a letter addressed to the "Times," in August, 1852.
"Were not the question of maintaining our nurseries for seamen," he
there said, "more important than commercial considerations, I should
not venture, through your favour, to trespass on public attention
regarding the North American fisheries; but, perceiving that
impressions are likely to be made by writers, avoiding responsibility
for erroneous opinions by withholding their names, I feel it a duty
explicitly to state that it is not to the amount of fish caught and
cured, to the price at which it can be sold at home or abroad, or to
the number of persons employed in the fishery, but to their
nationality and vocation, to which I attach importance, in order that
our fisheries shall form hardy British seamen in oceanic vessels, like
those employed under the bounties paid by North America and France.
These being the considerations, the question is not whether it is
consistent with the enlightened theory of free trade to pay a premium
which shall transfer capital from the pockets of one class to those of
another, but whether it is wiser and more economical for the community
at large to uphold such nursery, or to maintain even a skeleton of
warlike establishments--perhaps to build, equip, and employ additional
ships of war, squadrons, or fleets, to watch, perchance to contend
with, power thus cheaply developed by rival nations. I ask whether the
bounty given to enable steam-packets to cross the ocean is more
consistent with free-trade principles than a bounty awarded to our
fisheries as a nursery for seamen. A colonial premium is indeed talked
of, and by those unacquainted with facts, who do not foresee its
operation, it may be deemed a substitute for a bounty by the parent
State; but I advisedly assert that such colonial premium would not
rear one disposable seaman for our naval service, and that even the
colonial fishermen would derive no commensurate advantage, such is the
impoverishing effect of the inveterate system of truck-dealing that
boat fishermen, even from the harbour of the capital of Newfoundland,
are chiefly paid by daily wages; the advantages derived from the
employment of two half-idle fishermen being greater to the
truckmaster, in the absence of an available market, than the like
amount of fish caught by one customer. It is manifest, by the true
theory of free trade, that it is unimportant whether the French and
Americans obtain their bait and catch fish within our limits or not,
or even whether the world is supplied by them or by us; but it is not
so if foreign nations thereby rear, employ, and maintain in time of
peace fifty thousand seamen, who, in the event of war, are at the beck
of their respective Governments, while Britain, the rightful owner,
has not one available seaman from the fisheries. On subjects of such
vital importance it is essential that general theories, however good,
shall not be supported in detail by false reasoning, or by captivating
appellations inconsistent with truth. Nine-tenths of our western
colonies are still taxed on every article of food, and on all existing
property, animate and inanimate; a state of things alike adverse to
production and trade. Is it reasonable to imagine, if the interests of
colonists are not considered jointly with those of the parent State,
that they can continue to administer to our wants, comforts, and
luxuries--above all, to our commercial nursery for seamen, the source
of our national greatness? A Parliamentary investigation is
indispensable to afford a chance of escape to these noble possessions
of the Crown from impending ruin."

For the relief of the West Indian colonies Lord Dundonald was also
anxious to obtain the intervention of Parliament; but he believed that
he had himself discovered one source of possible advancement for them.
His remarks concerning the pitch lake of Trinidad have already been
partly quoted. Having first explored that lake in the beginning of
1849, he at once recognized the importance of its stores of bitumen,
and much of his leisure from official duties was employed in
observations and experiments with a view to its being utilized. He was
soon convinced as to its great and various importance. The decomposed
bitumen that lay in vast beds around the lake he found exceedingly
valuable as a manure; and he perceived that the liquid mass, of which
boundless supplies might be obtained, could be put to many very
valuable uses. Here he discerned the presence of a new material of
commerce which might prove of incalculable benefit not only to
Trinidad but also to all the other West India Islands; therefore he
urged its employment, and, though but little heed was paid to his
advice, the successful results of the few cases in which it was
adopted fully justified his opinions.

After his return to England he also sought zealously to make his
discovery beneficial to himself. He was to a great extent baffled by
the obstacles common to new projects; but his projects afford curious
illustration of the activity of his mind and the fertility of his
inventive powers. "Used as a mastic," he said in a concise enumeration
of the uses to which he found that the bitumen might be put, "it is
peculiarly suited to unite and ensure the durability of hydraulic
works. It renders the foundations and superstructure of buildings
impermeable to humidity. It is admirably adapted, by its resistance to
decomposition by the most powerful solvents, to the construction of
sewers, and, being tasteless, it is an excellent coating to
water-pipes, aqueducts, and reservoirs. When masticated and prepared,
it is a substitute for costly gums as applied to numerous purposes.
Combined with a small portion of ligneous matter, it constitutes a
fuel of greater evaporating power than coal, and, when pulverized and
scattered over growing potato-plants or other vegetables, it prevents
their destruction by insects or blight, and acts also as a fertiliser
of the soil. Essential and viscid oils are obtained by various
well-known processes from bituminous substances, but from none in such
abundance and possessing such valuable properties as the oils
extracted from the bitumen of the lake of Trinidad, as well as from
the petroleum of springs still in activity."[23]

  [23] The following patents, for the use of the Trinidad bitumen, were
  taken out by Lord Dundonald:--1851. "Improvements in the construction
  and manufacture of sewers, drains, waterways, pipes, reservoirs, and
  receptacles for liquids or solids, and for the making of columns,
  pillars, capitals, pedestals, bases, and other useful and ornamental
  objects, from a substance never heretofore employed for such
  manufactures."--1852. "Improvements in coating and insulating
  wire."--1852. "Improving bituminous substances, thereby rendering them
  available for purposes to which they never heretofore have been
  successfully applied."--1853. "Improvements in producing compositions
  or combinations of bituminous, resinous, and gummy matters, and thereby
  obtaining products useful in the arts and manufactures."--1853.
  "Improvements in apparatus for laying pipes in the earth, and in the
  juncture of such pipes."

  The "Observations on the long-desired, yet still unaccomplished
  proceeding, whereby to effect the embankment of the Thames and free
  the river from pollution," by the Earl of Dundonald, are especially
  interesting at the present time:--"It will probably be admitted that
  the Thames above bridge is unnecessarily broad, unless considered as a
  recipient for back-water; and that the long margin of shallow water
  between London Bridge and that of Vauxhall is of little importance,
  even for that purpose, as gravel, sand, and other substances, may
  advantageously be removed from the central bed of the river, fully to
  compensate for the water that would be excluded by an embankment of
  one-sixth on both sides of the channel.

  "An easy method of accomplishing this object would be to cut a ditch
  on each shore, equidistant from the centre, and fill it with
  bituminous concrete, as the foundation of a parapet or wharf to be
  formed of similar materials. Within this a main sewer might be
  excavated, and constructed in like manner of conglomerated gravel and
  sand from the spot.

  "It will of course occur that, although roads may be carried over the
  entrances of the various docks by swing-bridges, yet these entrances
  present obstacles to a direct line of sewers.

  "To enable this difficulty to be overcome, very solid tunnels, floored
  with hard pavement stones, set in bitumen, may be caused to descend in
  subverted curves below the entrances of the docks, whence all matters
  deposited may occasionally be removed by see-saw locomotive dredges on
  wheels, worked either by mechanical power, or by the current acting
  directly on the dredge."

While thus urging the importance of bitumen, and initiating many
mechanical operations which have quickly and extensively been turned
to the great advantage of society, Lord Dundonald was not unmindful of
his older inventions and the arguments by which he had long sought to
promote the naval strength of England. Of these inventions one in
particular--that of his improved steam-boilers--had been largely
adopted, and found highly beneficial during his absence from England,
and its use continued after his return. From them he hoped, and not in
vain, that good would result to the general extension of naval
science. He was cheered during the last years of his life by seeing
the adoption of many of the views on these matters which he had
advocated long before. Others have yet to be enforced.




CHAPTER XXX.

THE RUSSIAN WAR.--LORD DUNDONALD'S PROPOSALS TO EMPLOY HIS SECRET
PLANS AGAINST CRONSTADT, SEBASTOPOL, AND OTHER STRONGHOLDS.--HIS
CORRESPONDENCE THEREUPON WITH SIR JAMES GRAHAM AND LORD
PALMERSTON.--THEIR REJECTION.--LORD DUNDONALD'S APPOINTMENT AS
REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.--PRINCE ALBERT'S INVITATION TO HIM
TO BECOME AN ELDER BROTHER OF THE TRINITY HOUSE.--HIS CORRESPONDENCE
WITH LORD PALMERSTON RESPECTING THE RESTITUTION OF HIS HALF-PAY.--HIS
LAST WORK.--HIS DEATH AND BURIAL.--CONCLUSION.

[1851-1860.]


When in June, 1851, he returned to England and surrendered his office
as Commander-in-Chief of the North American and West Indian squadron,
the Earl of Dundonald was in his seventy-sixth year. That he was still
young and vigorous in mind is sufficiently shown by the illustrations
of his inventive genius and philanthropic earnestness that have been
given in the last chapter. The most striking proof of this, however,
so far as he was allowed to prove it, has yet to be given.

Very soon after his return he sought to impress upon Sir James Graham,
then First Lord of the Admiralty, under the Earl of Aberdeen's
administration, the value of his secret war-plans, and before long a
special reason for advocating their adoption arose. Their efficacy had
been frequently acknowledged by the highest authorities, but as
England was at peace, nothing more than an acknowledgment was made.
The outbreak of our war with Russia induced Lord Dundonald to bring
them forward again in 1853. At first Sir James Graham declined to
entertain the subject. The Government believed that Russia would be
easily and promptly defeated by the ordinary means of warfare, and
therefore contented itself with them. In this decision Lord Dundonald
acquiesced perforce; but, on its appearing that the fight would be
harder than had been anticipated, he again claimed a hearing for his
proposals, believing that by their acceptance he could not only bring
his own career as a British seaman to a glorious termination, but
also--a yet dearer object to him--by so doing render inestimable
service to his country.

In this spirit he wrote again to Sir James Graham on the 22nd of July,
1854. "Important aggressive enterprises," he said, "being now
suspended by Russia, whose armies, on the defensive, may indefinitely
prolong the war, and thereby expose our country to perilous
consequences, resulting from protracted naval co-operation, I am
desirous, through you, respectfully to offer for the consideration of
her Majesty's Cabinet Ministers a simple yet effective plan of
operations, showing that the maritime defences of Cronstadt, however
strong against ordinary means of attack, may be captured, and their
red-hot shot and incendiary missiles, prepared for the destruction of
our ships, turned on those they protect; a result of paramount
importance, now that the forces in the Black Sea have been diverted
from the judiciously-contemplated attack on Sebastopol, compared to
the success of which any secondary enterprise in the Baltic would
prove of very small importance to the successful result of the war.
Permit me, therefore, in the event of my plans being approved,
unreservedly to offer my services, without command or authority,
except over the very limited means of attack, the success whereof
cannot fail in its consequences to free and ensure, perhaps for ever,
all minor states from Russian dominion. Personal acquaintance with
Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Napier and Rear-Admiral Chads warrants my
conviction that no feeling of rivalry could exist, save in the zealous
performance of the service."

Sir James Graham's reply was complimentary. "You offer for the
consideration of her Majesty's Government," he wrote on the 26th of
July, "a plan of operations by which the maritime defences of
Cronstadt may, in your opinion, be captured; and in the most handsome
manner you declare your readiness to direct and superintend the
execution of your plan, if it should be adopted. When the great
interests at stake are considered, and when the fatal effects of a
possible failure are duly regarded, it is apparent that the merits of
your plan and the chances of success must be fully investigated and
weighed by competent authority. The Cabinet, unaided, can form no
judgment in this matter, and the tender of your services is most
properly made by you dependent on the previous approval of your plan.
The question is a naval one, into which professional considerations
must enter largely. Naval officers, therefore, of experience and high
character are the judges to whom, in the first instance, this question
ought to be submitted. Let me therefore ask you, before I take any
further step, whether you are willing, in strict confidence, to lay
your whole plan before Sir Bryan Martin, Sir William Parker, and
Admiral Berkeley, who, from his place at this Board, is my first naval
adviser? If you do not object to this measure, or to any of the naval
officers whom I have named, I should be disposed to add Sir John
Burgoyne, the head of the Engineers, on whose judgment I place great
reliance. I am sure that you will not regard this mode of treating
your proposal as inconsistent with the respect which I sincerely
entertain for your high professional character, resting on past
services of no ordinary merit, which I have never failed to recognise.
But my duty on this occasion prescribes caution and deliberate care;
and you will do justice to the motives by which this answer to your
request is guided."

To this suggestion Lord Dundonald readily acceded, and his secret
war-plans were once more referred to a committee of investigation.
Nothing, however, was gained by this step. "I have received," wrote
Sir James Graham on the 15th of August, "the report of the committee
of officers to whom, with your consent, the plan for the attack on
Cronstadt was submitted. On the whole, after careful consideration,
they have come to the unanimous conclusion that it is inexpedient to
try experiments in present circumstances. They do full justice to your
lordship, and they expressly state that, if such an enterprise were to
be undertaken, it could not be confided to fitter or abler hands than
yours; for your professional career has been distinguished by
remarkable instances of skill and courage, in all of which you have
been the foremost to lead the way, and by your personal heroism you
have gained an honourable celebrity in the naval history of this
country."

That letter was disappointing to Lord Dundonald; but, as the value of
his plans was not disputed, he hoped that he might yet be allowed to
put them in execution. "Be pleased," he said in his reply to Sir James
Graham, "to accept the sincere assurance of the high estimation in
which I hold the kind and favourable expression of your sentiments
towards me. It is indeed gratifying to perceive that the experienced
admirals to whom you referred the professional consideration of my
secret plan have not expressed any doubt of its practicability."

The report of the admirals, however, had as unfavourable an effect as
could have resulted had they declared openly against the project. Week
followed week without any successful issue to the efforts of the
Baltic fleet; and added to Lord Dundonald's chagrin at not being
permitted to achieve the desired success, was his distress at finding
unmerited blame thrown by the Government, and by nearly all classes of
the public, upon a brave and skilful seaman, for not doing what, with
the means at his disposal, it was impossible for him to do. Admiral
Sir Charles Napier had failed, through no fault of his own, in the
project for attacking Cronstadt, a fortress of almost unrivalled
strength, and, by reason of the shallow water surrounding it,
unapproachable by the heavy line-of-battle ships and frigates which
constituted all his force; and during the months of his necessary
inactivity, and after his return to England, Lord Dundonald was almost
his only defender. "In justice to Admiral Napier, against whom 'the
indignant dissatisfaction of the nation' is said to be directed," he
wrote in a letter to the "Morning Post," on the 21st of September,
"permit me to say that success could not have attended the operations
of ships against stone batteries firing red-hot shot, however easily
unresisting walls may be leisurely demolished. There is but one means
to place these parties on an equal footing, and that I confidentially
laid before the Government."

"The unreasoning portion of the public," he wrote to Sir James Graham
on the 11th of November, "have made an outcry against old admirals, as
if it were essential that they should be able to clear their way with
a broadsword. But, my dear Sir James, were it necessary--which it is
not--that I should place myself in an arm-chair on the poop, with each
leg on a cushion, I will undertake to subdue every insular
fortification at Cronstadt within four hours from the commencement of
the attack." And Sebastopol, he urged, could be as easily captured, if
he were only allowed to put his plans in operation. But it was not
allowed. "Nothing new can be attempted at the present moment,"
answered Sir James Graham. "Winter will put an end to all active
operations in the Baltic; and I still venture to hope that at
Sebastopol our arms will be triumphant."

Lord Dundonald, though pained, not so much on his own account as in
the interests of the nation, at the way in which his offers were
treated, persevered in making them. It was now too late in the season
to effect anything in the Baltic; but the siege of Sebastopol was
being carried on without any immediate prospect of success; and he
yearned, with all the ardour that he had displayed half a century
before, for an opportunity of rendering success both certain and
immediate.

To this end he wrote again to Sir James Graham, and also for the first
time to the Earl of Aberdeen, on the 30th of December. "The
pertinacious resistance made at Sebastopol, and the possibility of
events that may still further disappoint expectation," he said to Sir
James, "have induced me to address Lord Aberdeen, saying that 'if it
is the opinion of the Cabinet, or of those whom they consult on
military affairs, that, failing the early capture of Sebastopol, the
British army may be in danger, I offer to the discernment of the
Cabinet my still secret plans of attack,' whereby the garrisons would
be expelled from the forts or annihilated, in defiance of numerical
force, and possession obtained, at least during sufficient time to
enable the chief defences to be blown up and the harbour fleet to be
destroyed. If you will so far favour me, I should be gratified by
having an opportunity of demonstrating to your strong mind, free from
professional bias, the fact that combustible ships may be not only
placed on a parity with stone forts fitted to fire red-hot shot, but
secured from injury more effectually than if incased in iron."

Sir James Graham's answer was, like its forerunners, complimentary,
but nothing more. "I can never cease," he wrote, "to do justice to
your patriotic desire to serve your country, which is evinced by your
desire to encounter, in your own person, the dangers attendant on your
experiment, and not to transfer the hazard of the enterprise to
others." But to the enterprise itself he would give no sanction. "Your
plans," he said, "by my desire were submitted to the consideration of
most competent naval and military officers, whose impartial judgment
cannot be impugned, and, on the whole, they did not recommend the
trial of the experiment which you are anxious to make. Neither Lord
Aberdeen nor I can venture to place our individual opinions in
opposition to a recorded judgment of the highest authority on a
question which is purely professional. I see no advantage, therefore,
in renewing the discussion with you at the present moment."

Had the "impartial judgment" by which Sir James Graham held himself
bound been adverse to the principle of Lord Dundonald's plans, or
declared them to be anything more than "inexpedient in present
circumstances," more weight might have been attached to it; although
even then he could have pointed to the opposite verdict, given in
1847, by other judges quite as impartial and competent, who, while
objecting to part of them on the score of their deadly efficacy, had
officially announced their belief in the applicability of another
part--the part of which Lord Dundonald now proposed to make most
use--and recommended its adoption "when the opportunity of employing
it may occur."

He therefore refused to be thwarted in his efforts to render to his
country the great service that he considered to be in his power, and
Sir Charles Napier's removal from the command of the Baltic fleet, in
January, 1855, gave him an opportunity of offering to use that power
under conditions that would relieve the Admiralty of all direct
responsibility in the event of his failure. "I am much gratified," he
said in another letter to Sir James Graham, "to learn that her most
gracious Majesty has been pleased to reserve the high dignity of
Admiral of the Fleet as a reward for services. Under this impression,
permit me to solicit the favour of being allowed to contend for that
distinction, not by reference again to opinions, which may prove
fallacious, but by actual experimental proof of the safety and
facility of assailing fortifications by my secret plans. By them, the
damage and loss of life sustained by the allied squadron in their late
attack on the fortifications of Sebastopol might have been partly if
not wholly averted, and probably a tenfold destruction inflicted on
the enemy. If this is admitted--and I do not think it can be
disputed--I hope you will allow me to demonstrate the general
applicability of these simple, comparatively costless, and in my
opinion infallible means of annihilating the power of all kinds of
batteries that can be approached to windward within half a mile. These
plans have been entertained and pondered over by me during forty
years, and now again I offer to explain, to test, and to put them in
execution."

Sir James Graham's answer was very terse. "I have had the honour," he
wrote on the 23rd of January, "of receiving your lordship's letter, in
which you tender your services to take command of the Baltic Fleet. I
consider the tender highly honourable to you; but I cannot give any
other assurance."

No other assurance would have been of any avail. The Earl of
Aberdeen's Cabinet, having lost the confidence of the country, was
dissolved almost immediately after that letter was written, to be
replaced by an Administration in which Lord Palmerston was Premier,
and Sir Charles Wood First Lord of the Admiralty.

To Lord Palmerston the Earl of Dundonald wrote on the 13th of
February. "The high position of our country being at stake on the
result of the war," he said, "and our long-established naval renown
pledged on the successful conduct of affairs in the Baltic, I
addressed my kind friend Lord Lansdowne, who has been long conversant
with the objects which, by his advice, I now offer to your lordship's
notice as First Minister of the Crown, conjointly, if you judge
proper, with that of the Cabinet over which you preside." He then
briefly described the principle of his secret plan, adding, "I
respectfully offer to execute this plan, and answer for its success,
against Cronstadt, and against all minor strongholds in the Baltic."

Four weeks elapsed before that letter was answered. In the meanwhile
Lord Dundonald, beginning to despair of a satisfactory hearing from
any Minister of State, unless he was induced thereto by a popular
demand, addressed a petition to the House of Commons, urging the
importance of his plans, and praying for "a searching inquiry, to
ascertain whether the aforesaid secret plans are capable speedily,
certainly, and cheaply to surmount obstacles which our gallant,
persevering, and costly armies and fleets have failed to accomplish."
His reasons for so doing he explained in a letter addressed to the
"Times" on the 10th of March.

"Peace," he there said, "being desirable not only for the interests of
our country, but for those of the world at large, and the negotiations
now pending being doubtless injuriously influenced by the obstinate
resistance of Sebastopol (which could be overcome in a day), and by
the impossibility of successfully attacking Cronstadt by naval means
(which might be as speedily reduced), I have drawn up a petition to
Parliament in order that secrecy and silence on my part, and
deficiency of information on that of the public, may no longer prove
injurious to the success of our arms. Hostilities having proceeded so
far, assuredly it is more expedient to reduce a restless nation to a
third- or fourth-rate power, than be ourselves reduced. Let not my
motive be mistaken. I have no wish to command a fleet of 100-gun
ships, or to attack first-rate fortresses by incased batteries or
steam gunboats. That which I desire is, first, secretly to demonstrate
to competent persons the efficiency of my plans, and then to obtain
authority, during eight or ten days of fine weather, to put them in
execution. The means I contemplate are simple, cheap, and safe. They
would spare thousands of lives, millions of money, great havoc and
uncertainty of results. Their consequences might, and probably would,
effect the emancipation of Poland, and give freedom to the usurped
territories of Sweden. Those who judge unfavourably of all aged naval
commanders assuredly do not reflect that the useful employment of the
energies of thousands and tens of thousands of men can best be
developed and directed by a mind instructed by long observation
matured by reflection;--an advantage to which physical power, that
could clear its way by a broadsword, can bear no comparison. My
unsupported opinion in regard to a naval enterprise in 1809 proved to
be correct. Every other undertaking in the British service, and as
Commander-in-Chief in Chili, Peru, Brazil, and Greece, was successful,
and so would the protracted and unaccomplished undertaking, so
injurious to the result of negotiation, have succeeded, had I
possessed sufficient influence to be patiently listened to."

The petition aroused much interest among the public, but was unheeded
by the House of Commons, and therefore produced very slight effect on
the Ministry. "My published petition," wrote Lord Dundonald to
Viscount Palmerston on the 17th of March, "has brought me numerous
letters, and, amongst others, a communication, I believe from high
authority, that if I do know any means whereby to spare the slaughter
that must take place on storming Sebastopol, I ought to make it known.
I wish I could impart to your lordship what I feel under the present
circumstances, and how anxiously I desire that a speedy decision may
succeed the lingering delays that I have so long endured."

A few days after that, chiefly through the assistance of his friend
Lord Brougham, Lord Dundonald obtained an interview with Lord
Palmerston, at which he further detailed his plans, and urged that
they should be promptly employed in hastening a conclusion of the war
with Russia. To Lord Palmerston he also wrote again on the 31st of
March. "It has occurred to me," he said, "that the supposed inhumanity
of my plans may have caused the use of the word 'inexpedient' in the
report of the commission appointed in July last by the Admiralty, and
may even now influence the decision of the Cabinet. Perhaps another
view may have been taken of the consequences of divulging my plans, as
regards the security of this kingdom." To these possible objections he
urged that no conduct that brought to a speedy termination a war which
might otherwise last for years, and be attended by terrible bloodshed
in numerous battles, could be called inhuman; and that the most
powerful means of averting invasion, and, indeed, all future war,
would be the introduction of a method of fighting which, rendering all
vigorous defence impossible, would frighten every nation from running
the risks of warfare at all.

Those arguments appear to have had some weight; but, after further
correspondence, Lord Palmerston's Government, like all the other
Governments to which they had been offered, refused to put the plans
in execution. Further evidence in their favour was obtained from some
eminent scientific men; and it was put beyond dispute that, though
they might not have such deadly efficacy as Lord Dundonald
anticipated--on which point the critics spoke with hesitation--they
could not fail, if properly applied, in producing very important
results. But it was all in vain. All that Lord Palmerston would agree
to was to have the experiment tried on a small scale at Sebastopol,
and by two Engineer officers who were to be instructed in their work
by Lord Dundonald. Lord Dundonald consented to the trial, if it was
conducted by his son, Captain the Honourable Arthur Cochrane, R.N. But
this was not agreed to, and the whole project fell to the ground.

At that result Lord Dundonald was hardly more disappointed than was a
large section of the English public. Friends and strangers, soldiers,
sailors, newspaper writers, and merchants, wrote to him from London,
Edinburgh, Liverpool, Birmingham, Belfast, and all other parts of the
kingdom, urging that, if the enterprise was not undertaken by
Government, it should be executed by means of a private subscription.
"I am perfectly convinced," wrote one, "that you can do all the injury
to the Russian fortifications that you say you can do. If miserable
jealousy at the Admiralty refuses you the means, take them from those
who, like myself, are very proud to be your countrymen. I am not a
rich man, but I shall gladly subscribe one hundred pounds to any
scheme that you will propose and carry out yourself." "If your
lordship will appeal to the country," wrote another, "in less than a
week you will receive subscriptions to any amount. You will then be
independent of Government routine, and the public will, without
further delay, have an opportunity of testing the value of your
invention, towards which the eyes of all Europe are anxiously turned
at the present juncture."

Those suggestions, and the evidence afforded by them of a widespread
sympathy in his efforts to render a last great service to his country,
afforded real satisfaction to Lord Dundonald; but their adoption was
quite impossible. As a British officer, he could not for a moment
think of entering upon a warlike project independently of the State.
Therefore he left the work on which his heart was set undone, and
soon--though by no means so soon as he could have made it--the Russian
war was brought to a conclusion.

Whatever may have been the cause of the rejection of his offer to
hasten that conclusion by means of his secret war-plans, the Earl of
Dundonald experienced no lack of personal courtesy during the period
of the correspondence, or throughout the brief remainder of his life.
His closing years were cheered by many acts by which was nearly
completed the tardy reparation for former injuries which was begun
with his reinstatement in the navy by King William IV., and in which
the most gratifying circumstance of all was the restoration of his
honours as a Knight of the Bath by her gracious Majesty Queen
Victoria.

"The death of Sir Byam Martin, and the promotion of Sir William Gage
to the office of Vice-Admiral of the United Kingdom," wrote Sir James
Graham on the 23rd of October, 1854, "vacate the appointment of
Rear-Admiral. It is an honorary distinction; and your standing in the
naval service and your gallant achievements entitle you to this
reward. I have taken her Majesty's pleasure, and the Queen has
graciously approved my recommendation. I propose, therefore, with your
lordship's permission, that you shall be gazetted Rear-Admiral of the
United Kingdom." "I accept the proposed honour with gratitude to her
Majesty and with thanks to you," answered Lord Dundonald, on the 24th.
"Permit me, however, to express a hope that such distinction shall not
preclude my further service to the Crown and country, which long and
matured consideration on professional subjects assures me I could now
perform even more effectually than at an earlier period."

A month later he was honoured by a compliment from one who, kind and
gracious in all his acts, had never failed in showing towards him
special grace and kindness. "My dear lord," wrote Prince Albert on the
26th of November, "a vacancy has occurred in the list of Honorary
Brethren of the Trinity House, by the lamented death of Sir Byam
Martin. It has always been customary in that corporation to have the
Royal Navy represented amongst the Elder Brethren by one of its most
distinguished officers. I therefore write to inquire whether it would
be agreeable to you to be elected a member of that body; as I should,
in that case, have much pleasure in proposing, as Master of the
Corporation, your name for the election of the Elder Brethren. Believe
me always, my dear lord, yours truly,--Albert."

"May it please your Royal Highness," Lord Dundonald wrote in reply, on
the 27th, "to accept my dutiful and most grateful thanks for the
honour your Royal Highness is pleased to confer. I assure your Royal
Highness that I shall ever look forward with anxiety to prove my
devotion and gratitude to her most gracious Majesty, for signal acts
of justice and favour, and to your Royal Highness for this
highly-appreciated mark of your consideration."

A token of the estimation in which Lord Dundonald was at length held
by all classes of his countrymen may here be recorded. After frequent
refusal, on the ground of his age and love of privacy, he consented,
in May, 1856, to seek admission to the United Service Club. Its
members, thereupon, at once resolved, at the proposal of Vice-Admiral
Sir George F. Seymour, which was seconded by Lieutenant-General Sir
C. F. Smith, "to invite that highly-distinguished officer, Admiral the
Earl of Dundonald, to become an honorary member of the Club, until the
time of his lordship's ballot takes place."

In spite of compliments like these, however, it was his earnest desire
that, before his life was ended, every shadow which had darkened it
might be cleared away, and that he might not pass into the grave
without the assurance that he was formally, and in every respect,
acquitted of the unjust charges brought against him nearly half a
century before. While one single consequence of those charges remained
in force, he considered that he was not so acquitted, and with this
object he laboured to the last.

"I venture to remind your lordship," he wrote to Lord Palmerston, on
the 26th of May, "that the undeviating rectitude of my conduct through
a long life has already induced the Crown, in the exercise of its
justice, to restore my rank and honours. There yet remains, my dear
lord, a gracious and important act to perform, namely, to order my
banner to be replaced in King Henry VII.'s Chapel, and to direct the
repayment of the fine inflicted by the Court of King's Bench, and the
restoration of my half-pay suspended during my removal from the naval
service. Unless these be done, I shall descend to my grave with the
consciousness, not only that justice has not fully been done to me,
but under the painful conviction that its omission will be construed
to the injury of my character in the estimation of posterity.
Independently of the justice of this claim on its own merits, I
venture to express a hope that your lordship will admit that, during
my temporary absence from the naval service, my exertions tended
materially to promote the interests of our country by opening to
commerce the ports of the Pacific and those of all the northern
provinces of Brazil."

The appeal was unsuccessful. The part of it having reference to the
replacement of Lord Dundonald's banner in Westminster Abbey was
considered by Lord Palmerston to be a question with which it was not
in his province to deal. "With regard to the fine," he said, "I am
afraid that there are no funds out of which it could be repaid, and I
should doubt there being any precedent for such a proceeding; and I
find, on inquiry, that pay or half-pay has not been granted to any
naval officer for any period during which he may have been out of the
service." That reply induced Lord Dundonald to write again to Lord
Palmerston on the 7th of June. "I submit," he then said, "that, the
fine being imposed for an alleged offence of which I was wholly
innocent, it ought to be repaid, even if there be no special fund
appropriated to such a purpose. The peculiarity of my case may account
for there being no precedent for such a proceeding, if none there be.
The same peculiarity may distinguish my case from that of all other
naval officers to whom no pay or half-pay has been allowed for any
period during which they may have been out of the service. I may have
been the only naval officer unjustly expelled, and assuredly I have
been the only one so expelled after manifesting, by various acts, a
truly patriotic zeal for the honour and interest of our country. No
other naval officer, after such acts, was ever expelled the service
and otherwise punished on mere conjectural evidence, since
demonstrated to have been utterly groundless. I submit that instances
have occurred of military officers recovering pay or half-pay after
unjust expulsion, as in the case of Sir Robert Wilson; and I am not
aware of the existence of any cause for a distinction in this respect
between the two services. I feel the deepest gratitude and
satisfaction that my life has been spared to a period when I may
reasonably hope that the portion of justice yet due to me for the
erroneous verdict and its injurious consequences will not be withheld.
Of that justice, the first instalment, namely, the restoration of my
naval rank, was granted by his late Majesty King William, and the
second by her present most gracious Majesty, who, on the
representation of my noble friend the Marquess of Lansdowne, was
pleased to reinstate me in the Order of the Bath. For the third and
conclusive portion of justice still remaining due to me, I cannot
desist from looking to your lordship."

It is not necessary to detail the later correspondence that ensued
upon this subject. Lord Dundonald found that the final reparation
which he sought was not, then at any rate, to be conceded to him by
the Government; and therefore he resolved to employ his last remaining
powers in seeking from his countrymen that thorough justice which he
rightly considered would result from an honest review of the incidents
of his life.

During 1858, and in the beginning of 1859, he was engaged in the
preparation of his "Narrative of Services in the Liberation of Chili,
Peru, and Brazil from Spanish and Portuguese Domination."[24] That
work was immediately followed by his "Autobiography of a Seaman," of
which the first volume was completed in December, 1859, the second in
September, 1860; bringing down the story to the date from which it has
been continued in the present work.[25]

  [24] The following letter, dated "Buckingham Palace, March 4, 1859,"
  gave pleasure to Lord Dundonald:--"My Lord,--I have received the
  commands of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort to return you his
  best thanks for the copy of your 'Narrative,' which you have been good
  enough to send to his Royal Highness, and upon which his Royal
  Highness will place a high value. I am directed further to say that it
  would add materially to that value if you would have the kindness to
  write in the first page of the accompanying volume that it was
  presented by your lordship to the Prince. I have the honour to be, my
  lord, your most obedient humble servant,--C. B. Phipps."

  [25] Almost the last letter written by Lord Dundonald was this to Lord
  Brougham:--"My dear Lord Brougham,--I have the pleasure to forward you
  the second volume of my 'Autobiography,' in which you will find that
  use has been made of the kind expressions towards myself contained in
  your works. Of the injustice done to me I need not tell you, who are
  so well acquainted with the subject. If the accompanying volume
  succeeds in impressing on the public mind the sentiments so
  unflinchingly set forth in your works, it will have answered its
  purpose; and that it will do so I see no reason to doubt, now that the
  subject can be canvassed apart from political rancour. I am, my dear
  Lord Brougham, ever faithfully yours,--Dundonald." Lord Brougham's
  answer was dated from Paris, on the 31st of October, the very day of
  his friend's death. "I have just received your very kind letter, and I
  daresay the volume will very speedily reach me.... One thing I fear
  you do not come down late enough to relate. I mean the impression made
  upon all present when I took you to the Tuileries; and when the name
  of Cochrane, so well known to them (and which I cannot bring myself to
  change for your present title), was no sooner heard than there was a
  general start and shudder. I remember saying, as we drove away, that
  it ought to satisfy you as to your disappointment at Basque Roads; and
  you answered that you would rather have had the ships."

That his mind was full of vigour to the last is best proved by that
autobiography. But the body was worn out. After two years of great
physical suffering, passed in the house of his eldest son at Queen's
Gate, Kensington, he died on the 31st of October, 1860, eighty-five
years old.

He was buried in Westminster Abbey, where in his last moments he had
expressed a desire to rest, in company with other great servants of
the nation. A public funeral was not granted to him; but his son was
permitted to conduct that funeral in a way worthy of his great
reputation, and agreeable to the wishes of all classes of his
countrymen. Through the personal intervention of her most gracious
Majesty and the Prince Consort, moreover, who counteracted the efforts
of subordinates, his insignia of the Order of the Bath, which had been
ignominiously spurned from King Henry the Seventh's chapel,
one-and-fifty years before, were restored to their place on the 13th
of November. Thus his last and most cherished wish was fulfilled, and
another precious boon was added to the many favours for which his
family can never cease to be grateful to their Sovereign and her noble
husband.

The burial was on the 14th of November. The pall-bearers were Admiral
Sir George Seymour, the Brazilian Minister, Admiral Grenfell--who
five-and-thirty years before had been associated with Lord Dundonald
in securing the independence of Brazil--Captain Goldsmith, Captain
Schomberg, Captain Hay, and Captain Nolloth. Among the mourners was
Lord Brougham, who had come from Paris to render this last honour to
one who had been his friend through fifty years. Standing over the
grave, and looking round upon the assemblage, he exclaimed, "No
Cabinet minister here! no officer of State to grace this great man's
funeral!" But the funeral was graced by the reverent homage of
hundreds gathered within the Abbey walls, and of the thousands who,
though absent, acknowledged that England had lost one of her bravest
warriors and most unselfish patriots, one whose warfare had been
marked by acts of daring rarely equalled, and whose patriotism had
brought upon him sufferings such as few in modern times have had to
endure. The solemn anthem chanted over his grave, "His body is buried
in peace, but his memory shall live for ever," echoed far and wide,
and awakened in every breast keen sentiments of sympathy for what he
had borne and of pride in what he had done.

  Ashes to Ashes! Lay the hero down
    Within the grey old Abbey's glorious shade.
    In our Walhalla ne'er was worthier laid
  Since martyr first won palm, or victor crown.

  'Tis well the State he served no farthing pays
    To grace with pomp and honour all too late
    His grave, whom, living, Statesmen dogged with hate,
  Denying justice, and withholding praise.

  Let England hide her face above his tomb,
    As much for shame as sorrow. Let her think
    Upon the bitter cup he had to drink--
  Heroic soul, branded with felon's doom.

  A Sea-King, whose fit place had been by Blake,
    Or our own Nelson, had he been but free
    To follow glory's quest upon the sea,
  Leading the conquered navies in his wake--

  A Captain, whom it had been ours to cheer
    From conquest on to conquest, had our land
    But set its wisest, worthiest in command,
  Not such as hated all the good revere.

  We let them cage the Lion while the fire
    In his high heart burnt clear and unsubdued;
    We let them stir that frank and forward mood
  From greatness to the self-consuming ire,

  The fret and chafe that wait on service scorned,
    Justice denied, and truth to silence driven;
    From men we left him to appeal to Heaven,
  'Gainst fraud set high, and evidence suborned--

  We left him, with bound arms, to mark the sword
    Given to weak hands; left him, with working brain,
    To see rogues traffic, and fools rashly reign,
  Where Strength should have been guide, and Honour lord--

  Left him to cry aloud, without support,
    Against the creeping things that eat away
    Our wooden walls, and boast as they betray,
  The base supporters of a baser Court,

  The crawling worms that in corruption breed,
    And on corruption batten, till at last
    Mistaken honour the proud victim cast
  Out to their spite, to writhe, and pant, and bleed

  Under their stings and slime; and bleed he did
    For years, till hope into heart-sickness grew,
    And he sought other seas and service new,
  And his bright sword in alien laurels hid--

  Nor even so found gratitude, but came
    Back to his England, bankrupt, save of praise,
    To eat his heart, through weary wishful days,
  And shape his strength to bearing of his shame,

  Till, slow but sure, drew on a better time,
    And Statesmen owned the check of public will;
    And, at the last, light pierced the shadow chill
  That fouled his honour with the taint of crime.

  And then they gave him back the knightly spurs
    Which he had never forfeited--the rank
    From which he ne'er by ill-deserving sank,
  More than the Lion sinks for yelp of curs.

  Justice had lingered on its road too long:
    The Lion was grown old; the time gone by,
    When for his aid we vainly raised a cry,
  To save our flag from shame, our decks from wrong.

  The infamy is _theirs_, whose evil deed
    Is past undoing; yet not guiltless we,
    Who, penniless, that brave old man could see,
  Restored to honour, but denied its meed.

  A Belisarius, old and sad and poor,
    To _our_ shame, not to _his_--so he lived on,
    Till man's allotted fourscore years were gone,
  And scarcely then had leave to 'stablish sure

  Proofs of _his_ innocence, and _their_ shame,
    That had so wronged him; and, this done, came death,
    To seal the assurance of his dying breath,
  And wipe the last faint tarnish from his name.

  At last his fame stands fair, and full of years
    He seeks that judgment which his wrongers all
    Have sought before him--and above his pall
  His flag, replaced at length, waves with his peers.

  He did not live to see it, but he knew
    His country with one voice had set it high;
    And knowing this he was content to die,
  And leave to gracious Heaven what might ensue.

  Ashes to ashes! Lay the hero down,
    No nobler heart e'er knew the bitter lot
    To be misjudged, maligned, accused, forgot--
  Twine martyr's palm among his victor's crown.[26]

  [26] These lines, by Mr. Tom Taylor, were published in "Punch."

"Victor and Martyr." Those are the words fittest to be inscribed on
the monument that will be set up in the hearts of Englishmen in honour
of the Earl of Dundonald. Entering life with great powers of mind and
great physical endowments for his only fortune, he made his name
famous, and won immortal honour to himself by daring and successful
enterprises in the naval service of his country, which none have
surpassed at an age so young as his, and which few have rivalled
during a long life-time spent in war. But he sought to follow up those
triumphs of his prowess on the sea by peaceful victories at home over
private jealousy, official intrigue, and political wrong-doing, and
thereby he brought on himself opposition which, boldly resented,
caused the unjust forfeiture of the rewards that were his due, and
weighed him down with a terrible load of disappointed hope and
undeserved reproach. Seeking relief from these grievous sufferings,
and opportunity of further work in a profession very dear to him and
in generous aid of nations striving to throw off the tyranny to which
they had long been subjected, he entered the service of three foreign
states in succession. But in helping others he only brought fresh
trouble on himself. He rescued Chili and Peru from Spanish thraldom,
only to find that the people whom he had freed therefrom were
themselves enthralled by passions which even he could do nothing to
overcome, and which drove him from their shores, barely thanked and
quite unrecompensed. He fought the battles of the young empire of
Brazil against Portugal, doubled her territories, and more than
doubled her opportunities of future development, only to be cruelly
spurned by the faction then in power, and denied the fulfilment of
national pledges which a later generation has but tardily and slightly
regarded. Harder yet was his treatment by the Greeks, who, having
asked him to lead them in their contest with their Turkish masters,
refused to follow his leadership, gave him no assistance in his plans
for fighting on their behalf, and, in return for the services which,
in spite of all the difficulties in his way, he was able to render
them, offered him little but insult. Thus more than half his life was
wasted--wasted as far as he himself was concerned, though the gain to
others from every one of his achievements was great indeed. Returning
then to peaceful work in England, he chiefly spent the years remaining
to him in efforts to win back the justice of which he had been
deprived, and in efforts, yet more zealous, to benefit his country by
exercise of the inventive talents in which he was almost as eminent as
in warlike powers. But those talents were slighted, though from them
has, in part, resulted an entire and wholly beneficial revolution in
the science and practice of naval warfare. And, though many of his
personal wrongs were redressed, he was allowed to die without the
complete wiping out of the stain that had been put upon his honour.

Of this long course of suffering, it must be admitted, he was himself
in some measure the cause. Endowed, as few others have been endowed,
with the highest mental qualities, he lacked other qualities necessary
to worldly advancement and the prosperous enjoyment of life. Truth and
justice he made the guiding principles of all his actions; but he knew
nothing of expediency, and was no adept in the arts of prudence.
Unrivalled strategy was displayed by him in all his warlike
enterprises; but against the strategy of his fellow-workers he was
utterly defenceless. He made enemies where a cautious man might have
made friends, and he allowed those enemies to assail him, and to
inflict upon him injuries almost irreparable, with weapons and by
onslaughts which a cautious man would easily have warded off. Judged
by the harshest rules of worldly wisdom, however, it must be
acknowledged that these faults brought upon him far heavier punishment
than he merited. And perhaps it will be deemed by posterity that they
were faults very nearly akin to virtues.

The same want of prudence caused trouble to him in other respects. It
led him, in furtherance of the inventions and other projects by which
he sought to benefit the world, into expenses by which his scanty
sources of income were very heavily taxed. It also sometimes made him
the victim of others. Guileless himself, he was not proof against the
guile of many with whom he came in contact. Every kind word sounded in
his ear, every kind act appeared in his eye, as if it proceeded from a
heart as full of kindness as his own, and he often lavished sympathy
and gratitude on unworthy objects. But shall we blame him for this?

Kindness, indeed, was as much a characteristic of him as valour. While
the world was full of the fame of his warlike achievements, all who
came within the circle of his acquaintance marvelled to find a man so
simple, so tender, so generous, and so courteous. When he was bowed
down by sorrows that nearly crushed him, he sought comfort in zealous
efforts for alleviating the sufferings of others.

Fortunate circumstances would have placed him in a station of
universal honour, which he could have occupied to the admiration of
all on-lookers. But the circumstances of his life were unfortunate;
and therefore he had to endure such hardship as falls to the lot of
few. The harsh judgment by which he suffered has already been
reversed. It will be atoned for when his worth is properly
acknowledged by his fellow-men.




APPENDIX.

(Page 161.)

CAPTAIN ABNEY HASTINGS'S LETTERS TO LORD COCHRANE


So much had to be said in the body of this volume in evidence of the
insurmountable difficulties raised by the Greeks themselves to Lord
Cochrane's efforts to aid them as efficiently as he desired, that
there seemed no room, without wearying the reader, for there citing
more than two or three of the letters addressed to him by Captain
Abney Hastings. They have, therefore, been reserved for quotation
here. Their publication is desirable for two reasons. In the first
place, they show how Captain Hastings, whom all the historians of the
Greek Revolution join in praising, was harassed, and his work rendered
almost useless, by causes which Lord Cochrane, in a much more
difficult position, was blamed for not overcoming. In the second
place, they will serve as a contribution to the biography of a
high-minded and valiant man, a sharer in Lord Cochrane's zealous
efforts on behalf of Greece, and in the misfortunes incident thereto,
of whose memorable career the world knows little.


I.

                         _Karteria_, Hydra, March 26th, 1827.

MY LORD,

The usual contrarieties of the machine prevented my following you
yesterday according to your desire. Observing you went to Poros, I
thought I should act in conformity with your wishes by coming here to
take in coals, and avoid all possible delay. I have got on board
enough for about four days more. I have expected you all day, and not
seeing you I have taken upon myself to depart for the service you
destined me for; although I am not quite certain I know the exact
station. I shall go off Grabousa and endeavour to find Captain St.
George. I leave a letter here for the primates, requesting them to
load a small vessel with coals for my return, which I wish to take in
on the opposite side. This measure, far from occasioning delay, would
be advantageous in that respect as well as having less close
connection with the Hydriots, whose presence always has the effect of
setting a bad example to the Greeks I have on board. I should feel
obliged to your lordship to insist on this measure. Perhaps it would
be advantageous for your lordship to decide upon the port you intend
to occupy immediately, and send there all the coals and other stores
wanted for your naval force. Since you object to an island in the
Great Archipelago, I am of opinion, with Colonel Gordon, that Ambalaki
is the best suited for your station. If all the coals were there, much
delay would be saved to the steam-vessels. One of the causes our
engine went so badly was that some fire-bars being burnt the fire fell
through, and we could not keep up the steam; another was, I had taken
up the paddles (which previously had two-feet dip) six inches; the
engine consequently went faster, but the pumps would not supply
sufficient water. I have lowered them again. Pray leave your further
orders for me here, as I shall touch for coals as aforesaid on my
return.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


II.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, April 9th, 1827

MY LORD,

I have the honour to transmit you an account of the _Karteria_
steam-vessel up to March 16th, by which you will perceive that with
the 500l. credit I have on Messrs. Baif at Zante, I still have a
credit of 363 dollars in my favour. Not accustomed to keep such
accounts, there may be errors, but if any they are certainly against
myself, as I may have omitted charging expenses; whereas, I have never
charged but what has really been expended, nor have I ever charged
anything for myself, directly or indirectly. Wages will become due
again the 16th of this month, for which I shall require about 800
dollars. Having but a few days' salt meat on board, I beg your
lordship to cause an order to be written, enabling me to receive such
quantity as you may deem requisite.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


III.

                         _Karteria_, Scopulo, April 19th, N.S., 1827.

MY LORD,

Northerly winds prevented my passing Cape Doro until the 15th. Having
spoken a vessel from Skyro, I learnt that an Austrian merchant vessel
loaded with corn and ammunition for Negropont was laying at that
island under convoy of an Austrian vessel of war, and that the
corvette of Tombasi was there watching the merchant vessel. I touched
at Skyro the night of the 15th, and found that the Austrian was gone,
supposed for Syra, followed by an Hydriot schooner of Konduriottes,
who is supposed to have made some arrangement with the Austrian to
deliver the cargo to him. The Greek corvette had sailed, as I was
told, for this. I arrived here the night of the 16th, and found that
the brig and schooner were zealously employed on the service they had
been sent upon. Having steamed more than I had at first intended, I
was in want of fuel, and set them at work here to obtain me wood,
which they have done with more alacrity than I expected during Easter
holidays. The engine of course required repairs. I sent off the
schooner to inform the vessels of the blockade, when I should join
them, and appointing a rendezvous. I sail immediately, and hope to
take or destroy the vessels at Tricheri and Volo tomorrow. I send this
by the primates of this island, who carry a letter to your lordship
offering their services. They have been apparently much oppressed in
all these islands by the heroes of the earth, and are anxious to
obtain protection from the naval force. This island is fertile, and
could (and could be made to) pay well for protection. The others have
claims equally strong for protection. St. George, De Skyro, Scopulo,
Skatho, &c., &c., have more than 2,000 Liapis quartered upon them at
this moment. If Athens is relieved, these worthies might be turned
into Negropont with much effect. I am told the Turkish transports are
still at Tricheri and Volo, not doubting to clear the Gulf of Greeks
_‡ force d'argent_--however, I hope to be with them to-morrow.

I suspect fuel could be obtained cheaper here than at Megara; and I
see no reason for incurring the expense of transport of wood to Poros
for construction of gunboats when a great majority of the Greek
vessels are constructed here. The wood does not grow here. It is
brought from Agora on the main. The deputies--_tout bÍtes comme ils
sont_--can inform your lordship of these things.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

P.S.--Having taken the coals out from between the boilers and side of
the ship, I am anxious to fill this space with wool, as a protection
against shot. The coals stowed there are an inconvenience for many
reasons, and something is necessary to replace them as a protection
for the boilers. If your lordship would be good enough to order
Tombasi to procure me wool for that purpose, I think you would be
ultimately satisfied of its utility.


IV.

                         _Karteria_, off Tricheri, Monday,
                         April 23rd, N.S., 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to inform you that in pursuance of your orders, I
carried the squadron under my command, consisting of corvette
_Themistocles_, brig _Aris_, schooner _Aspasia_, and schooner
_Panayia_, before the port of Volo, the evening of the 20th. I found
eight vessels at anchor in the port; immediately I directed the
_Themistocles_ and _Aris_ to anchor off a battery at the point, and
cannonade it whilst I entered the harbour with boats and schooners. At
4.30 P.M. they anchored with much gallantry, and soon silenced the
musket-shot from the battery. At the same moment I entered the harbour
with the boats and schooners, and we shortly took possession of seven
brigs: they were all on shore, and most without sails bent. However,
by 9 P.M. we succeeded in getting out five prizes, three loaded with
provisions and ammunition, two light; and this most fortunately
without the loss of a man killed or wounded, although we lay at anchor
in the harbour four hours and a half, exposed to the fire of the
Castle of Volo. The ship has received no material injury, although
several shot struck her. We set fire to two prizes we could not
succeed in getting out; one light brig remains, but we shot away her
foremast and did her such damage in her hull as will (I hope) prevent
her putting to sea again. Last night I entered Tricheri with the boats
of _Themistocles_, _Aris_, and _Aspasia_, to endeavour to carry out a
brig of war, Turkish, of sixteen guns and two mortars, but found her
protected too advantageously by batteries and musketry. I send the
prizes to your lordship under the convoy of the _Aspasia_, and shall
remain here a few days to endeavour to destroy the Turkish brig of
war, and shall then return to join your lordship. I beg leave to
assure your lordship before I conclude that in these affairs I have
met with the most cordial support from the captains of the vessels
under my orders, and that their conduct, as well as that of all the
officers and men of the squadron, has been highly meritorious.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. Hastings.

P.S.--As the schooner _Panayia_ will participate in the prizes, I have
ordered her to remain on the blockade, although not sent by your
lordship.


V.

                         _Karteria_, at Sea, April 24th, 1827.

MY LORD,

An hour after I had the honour of sending you my last letter,
detailing the affair of Volo, I stood into Tricheri with the vessels
under my command, viz., _Themistocles_, _Aris_, _Panayia_.

The Turks in this place had one brig-of-war which (erroneously in my
last I rated at sixteen guns) mounted but fourteen long 24-pounders
and two mortars; she was made fast in a small bight, with a plank on
shore and high rocks on each side of her, behind which were posted a
strong corps of Albanian troops; she was likewise protected by a
battery close under her bow and five other batteries in other parts.
Four small schooners lay quite hauled up on the beach. To attempt to
carry away vessels so posted and defended by men who wanted neither
alacrity nor resolution would have been exposing the lives of the
crews in a very unwarrantable manner. I therefore resolved to burn the
brig, which we effected in less than an hour. I did not make any
attempt upon the schooners, which I considered too inconsiderable to
justify a loss in capturing them. In this affair the captains,
officers, and crews conducted themselves all much to my satisfaction.

Inclosed I have the honour to transmit to you a return of the killed
and wounded in this affair, which, I am happy to say, is trifling. I
have left the rest of the squadron to maintain the blockade.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

A return of the killed and wounded on board of the Greek
squadron, at Tricheri, April 23rd./11th.

  _Karteria_, killed . . . one seaman, Ralph Hall.
  _Aris_, killed . . . . . one seaman.
   "   wounded . . . . . . two seamen.
  _Panayia_, wounded . . . one seaman.
       Total . . . . . . . two killed and three wounded.
                                                 F. A. HASTINGS.


VI.

                         _Karteria_, at Sea, April 26th, N.S., 1827.

MY LORD,

Passing by Kumi, I observed several vessels at anchor there, and a
great number of large kyekes, &c., hauled up on the beach. I stood in,
and overhauled them, and found, as I suspected, that a most scandalous
and extensive commerce in grain is carrying on to that place with the
Turks, chiefly in Greek vessels. A brig under Russian colours was
chiefly discharged; a Psarian schooner was nearly full, and the
magazines on shore were full. I set about loading the grain from the
magazines, but was unable to take off more than one-third of what was
in them; and I have good reason for supposing that other magazines
equally stored are to be found in the town, about an hour's distance.

Here there were only a dozen Turks, who fled at our approach. In the
evening no less than nine small vessels were seen standing in to Kumi.
I weighed and boarded six of them; three being entirely empty, I
allowed to pass; two I detained and have brought with me.

The want of men, of time, &c., has prevented my putting a finishing
hand to this infamous traffic; but I have no doubt your lordship will
see the propriety of sending a vessel of war without delay to destroy
these depÙts. It is idle to talk of blockading the Gulf of Negropont
whilst such an extensive commerce is carrying on at other points of
the island.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


VII.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, April 28th, 1827.

MY LORD,

Captain St. George going to join you, I take the opportunity of
informing you, besides what my other letters contain, that my
information from Kumi imports that Negropont contains two months'
provisions for the army of Kutayi and fortress, and that all their
hopes are in the Turkish fleet, expected daily. It seems to me of the
first importance that the Greek fleet should be ready to encounter the
Turks; and the Gulf is a place particularly favourable to the smaller,
lighter, and more skilful party. Might I suggest, my lord, the
propriety of sending a couple of light vessels upon whom you could
depend to cruise off the Dardanelles, and give information in time?
The corvette, brig, and schooner off Tricheri requested me to
represent their want of provisions, and the necessity they have of
paying their crew regularly; many I suspect have already quitted them:
with Greek sailors no arrears of pay can exist--hitherto they have
been accustomed to receive their wages in advance; if they can be made
to go to sea without that advance it is a great point gained; to omit
fulfilling the engagement would be to ruin all confidence and oblige
the sailors to return to their ancient demands.

With respect to Kumi, I beg leave to urge the necessity of sending a
vessel (perhaps better Captain St. George than a Greek, who probably
would not dare do his duty there, was he so disposed) to destroy the
infamous traffic existing there. May I beg of your lordship to order
here the Marine Tribunal from Napoli to adjudge the prizes taken; also
to issue a public order respecting the distribution of prize-money, by
which I may be guided in my payments? You will observe that in my
letter respecting the affair of Tricheri I mention simply having burnt
the brig-of-war without saying how. That letter being a despatch for
publication, I thought it as well not to proclaim to the enemy the use
we made of red-hot shot. It was by those I burnt the brig, and could
quite as easily burn by the same means the largest ship ever built.
Might I suggest the advantage that would result from using the same
projectile from almost every ship? each vessel might as well as me
have a furnace in her hold for the feeding of two of her guns--the
effect would be tremendous. If the fleet was ready before the Turks
came out, a slight excursion to Salonica might be attended with profit
and advantage. I shall require a little time to repair damages. I have
lost my larboard cat-head, my jib-boom, second topmast, main-gaff,
bowsprit shot through, and the engine requires various repairs--the
steam waste-pipe is completely gone, and I must get another made. I
hope and trust your lordship has still the intention of forming a
national fleet and a dockyard; without this your difficulties will be
multiplied beyond measure. I merely mention this because I hear
intrigues are on foot to prevent such measures. I, a stranger, who
belong to no party, and who neither fear nor love the Hydriots and
Spetziots, will tell you the truth on these points. Although your
orders prescribed for me to remain a fortnight on the blockade of the
Gulf of Negropont, I was forced to return--wanting ammunition, fuel,
provisions, and various repairs. I shall use my endeavours to be ready
for sea as speedily as possible. Before I conclude, give me leave to
congratulate your lordship upon your brilliant success at the PirÊus.
I have no doubt it is but a prelude to more important successes.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


VIII.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, April 30th, 1827.

MY LORD,

May I beg leave to present to you my very particular friend, Mr.
Nicolo Kalergy? You will find him a young man of good education,
talent, and, what is of still greater value, of great probity. I have
known him many years, and esteemed him equally long. By his private
fortune he is independent, and has consequently always refused to
meddle in the intrigues he regrets so much to see cause the
misfortunes of his country. So much for introduction. Mr. Nicolo
Kalergy has been good enough to wait upon you to receive your orders
respecting the prizes I have lately captured. These vessels contain
grain chiefly, and therefore would in that state be of no use to you.
Your commissaries must turn it into biscuit before it is sent to the
Piraeus. The Government has sent for the Admiralty Court from Napoli
to sit here upon the judgment of vessels detained. As to the sale, I
am of opinion that to appease the jealousy of the seamen a public sale
should be held, and your commissaries purchase it if they please. They
will thus always obtain it cheaper than they could buy it at Syra, and
thus nobody can complain. I am anxious to receive from your lordship
an order respecting the distribution of prize-money, and this, I
think, should be public. Hitherto the Government has received fifteen
per cent. upon all prizes. Of course your lordship will arrange as you
think proper upon this subject; but if any part of a prize goes to the
public purse, it is only but just it should aid in the payment of the
wages of seamen. I am now paying a month's wages out of my own pocket,
which I hope and trust your lordship will reimburse me, as I cannot
continue this system. Anything can be done in Greece by prompt
payments; with arrears nothing is to be done. My friend has much and
various information respecting every part of Greece, and can furnish
you with much useful matter. I do not doubt but you will shortly
appreciate his merit.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

P.S.--May I beg of you, my lord, to furnish me with a commission of
lieutenant for Mr. Darby, the only officer doing duty as a sailor on
board--in truth, he is no sailor, and does not pretend, but he is
brave, diligent, and a gentleman, and has served with me for about
four months?


IX.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, April 30th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I had the honour to receive your orders of the 28th inst. Your
lordship will have observed, by the letters I had the honour of
transmitting to you, that the condition of this vessel is such as to
render it impossible for her to put to sea immediately. Dr. Gosse last
night was occupied sending you off 68-pounders, and I am happy to hear
this morning that the monastery has fallen without them. I must again
repeat how indispensable it is that this fleet should be in readiness
to encounter the Turks, who cannot now delay long their departure.

It is with deep regret I see the extreme discontent existing on board
the _Sauveur_ brig, which seems to me to be greatly augmented, if not
entirely owing to the Greeks being paid in advance and the English
being in arrears of wages. In this country, my lord, I must repeat,
nothing can be done without regular payments. By paying out of my own
funds, when others could not be obtained, I have established the
confidence of the Greeks and English in this vessel, as far as money
is concerned; but I cannot continue to pay out of my own pocket. If
funds are not forthcoming for the wages of this vessel, I must beg
leave to resign. Whilst I am on board my people will always consider
me personally responsible for their wages; and I must again remark I
have suffered already much too severely in my private fortune to admit
of my making further sacrifices. Besides wages for the crew, I have
various expenses here to repair damage sustained by the vessel.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

P.S.--It seems to me necessary to relieve the vessels at Volo, or they
will quit their station. Greek sailors on board their own ships will
not remain more than a month at sea.


X.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, May 6th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I do myself the honour of enclosing for your perusal two different
extracts from public papers sent me lately from Zante. I am now ready
for sea, excepting powder, of which I have only two quarter-casks of
very vile French stuff, received from Captain St. George. Mr. Hesketh,
amongst the other prizes made at Napoli, has brought some flannel
cartridges for our guns filled, and forty casks of powder. Would your
lordship have the goodness to cause an order to be sent me to receive
this powder? There is still a great quantity of the stores sent out
from England missing. I have the bills of lading, and can give copies
to Mr. Hesketh, if you think proper to send to Hydra, Spetzas, and
Napoli again to collect them. I suspect the Hydriots have now in their
possession about one hundred and sixty carbines such as I have on
board.

It appears strange to everybody here that all the Commissary
Department should be absent. I am informed provisions are wanted, and
yet nobody comes to buy the prize provisions. As every Greek is by
nature a thief, things disappear daily; and if they remain much
longer, nothing will be forthcoming. Already my Greeks have petitioned
me about the prizes; and everybody acquainted with Greek sailors must
be aware they will not go to sea again until they have been paid their
prize-money. Till now there never was no example of a ship quitting
her prize until sold and the proceeds distributed. I am sorry to be
obliged to remind your lordship again that on my arrival here I paid
my crew one month's wages, due the 16th of last month, and in ten days
more another month's wages are due, and pay I must, for, as I have
frequently remarked to your lordship, no arrears can exist in this
country. The wages also is not the only expense. I was obliged to
purchase about one hundred tons of firewood at Scopulo. Fresh meat in
harbour runs away with great sums; and when the engine works, it
consumes about half a dollar a day of oil. Besides all this, I have
been obliged to hire three carpenters for ten days to repair damages
done in late expedition. I had a fluke shot off a bower anchor at
Tricheri, and ought to have another one. I must get a new main-sail
made here. It is disagreeable to me to torment your lordship with all
these statements, but you must be aware that a vessel like this cannot
be sailed without great expense. There are here a number of seamen
from the brig who want to enter with me. I have as yet refused to
receive them; but, if you thought proper to give me an order, I should
then be justified in so doing.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XI.

                         _Karteria_, Spetzas, May 30th, 1827.

MY LORD,

Having lost my two masts in a squall off Cape Malea, and having
business at Poros requiring my presence, I have thought it the most
expeditious way to go myself to purchase other masts at Hydra, and
settle my affairs at Poros. I therefore do myself the honour to
transmit to your lordship a report of my proceedings after you left me
near Stamphane. At sunset I lighted the fires, and, as soon as steam
was up, steered for the passage between Zante and the Morea. The wind
freshening much in a contrary direction, I found myself about ten
miles to the southward of Zante in the morning. About three A.M. we
perceived a large vessel standing towards us from the Morea, and we
went to quarters for her. I thought at first she might be the
_Hellas_; but on approaching she stood back to the mainland, which
made me conclude that it was a stranger; the wind increasing, I could
not remain head to wind, and made sail under the lee of Zante. In the
forenoon I saw a large ship under the land far off steering to the
south, which I concluded was a Turkish or neutral ship of war. The
wind abating, I steamed up round the eastern point of Zante, and not
finding the _Hellas_ on the other side of the island, I stood towards
Cephalonia, opening out the two Turkish frigates laying at Clarenza.
In the evening I saw a large ship very far astern coming northward,
and supposed she was the _Hellas_ and the same I had seen in the
forenoon under the land. At sunset I altered course and steered for
Clarenza, and in the first watch we saw a good deal of firing in that
direction. The wind and sea augmenting, I was unable to keep the ship
head to sea, and therefore bore up for the _rendezvous_ of Oxia. Not
finding the _Hellas_ at this station, the wind augmenting, the
starboard wheel being out of repair, and threatening to come to pieces
if not looked to, the water requiring to be drawn off the boilers,
&c., all these things made it necessary for me to search a port. I
looked inside Oxia, but found it unsafe, and therefore bore up for the
Port of Petala, where I put things to rights as well as I could; but
found on examination we had but three days and a half's coals, little
water, and only a few days' bread. Under these circumstances, I felt
myself called upon to return whilst the means were still left me of
hoping to accomplish it. Having obtained an offing west of Cephalonia,
I took off the paddles and sailed, which gave us an opportunity of
again repairing the wheels--again in an unsound condition--and saved
our fuel. The wind and sea calming, I got up my steam; and there being
every appearance of calm weather, I stood within five or six miles of
Modon, hoping to meet the two frigates we saw off there when we passed
northward. However, we saw nothing but a brig inside the harbour,
sailing close along the land. Late on the evening of the 28th, when
rounding Cape St. Angelo, a squall from the high land carried away our
fore and second masts, and left us in a very unenviable situation,
considering we had but a few hours' coals on board. However, a breeze
favouring us all night, we arrived here at ten A.M., 29th May. Upon
the foremast we lost one man--Jani Patinioti.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XII.

                         _Karteria_, Spetzas, June 7th, N.S., 1827.

MY LORD,

I had the honour of sending you a report of my proceedings since I
left you, and hoped to have found you here on my return from Poros,
that I might receive your further orders. I returned last night,
having been subjected to more delay and vexation than can be imagined
or expressed, respecting the prizes taken at Volo. I could only
procure one mast at Poros, sold me by Tombasi--others there were both
at Hydra and Poros, but the proprietors would not part with them; I
have therefore been obliged to purchase one here, considerably too
large and expensive, but there is no remedy. I hope to be ready for
sea in three days, but fear I shall have some embarrassment about
money matters. The purchase of masts, of salt provisions, sails, &c.,
besides the pay due to crew, puts me to considerable straits,
particularly as I had lent all the ready money I possessed to Kalergy
to redeem his brother; however, I shall do my utmost to get to sea,
and I am anxious to know how, when, and where, I can have the honour
of rejoining your lordship. A fireship that departs to-day will
deliver you this letter, and your lordship may perhaps think it worth
while to send a vessel here with orders for my further guidance. May I
beg of you also to add a private signal by which I may know all Greek
vessels at a tolerable distance by day--also a night private signal?

The British squadron is assembled at Smyrna, awaiting the admiral. The
camp at Phalerum is broken up, and General Church is returned to
Egina. The puppet of Government is occupied voting for the nomination
of ministers, if possible more incapable than themselves; they talk of
going to Napoli--Griva and Fotomana propose this. The former as usual
seized upon an American ship; and Dr. Howe, charged with the
distribution of the cargo, applied to Captain Patterson of the
_Constitution_, who is now at Napoli guarding it. I am sorry to add
that Mr. Lee received a letter from England announcing that the
_Enterprise_ having sailed, her boilers burst opposite Plymouth, and
she was towed into that port by a brig-of-war.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XIII.

                         _Karteria_, Spetzas, June 9th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I had the honour to receive your order of the 7th, enjoining me to
repair to your lordship without delay, if ready for sea. A variety of
circumstances (unavoidable in a country deprived of even the shadow of
organization) has prevented my being yet ready to sail. I received my
foremast on board to-day, but the majority and best of my crew has
left me. I must look for others, and intend to weigh to-night and go
to Poros, where I was tormented by hundreds to take them. Here I can
get men--but shall confine myself to half-a-dozen, as I find it
necessary to mix my crew. In going to Poros I shall not delay
anything, since I shall be occupied getting up my masts and rigging
there, making sails, &c., &c., _en route_, and I can water more easily
at Poros than here. I have informed the captain of the brig that
brought this, that if I am ready to sail before any further orders of
yours arrive, I shall repair to Cerigotto, and there await
instructions from you; if I am not at Cerigotto I shall be found here.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XIV.

                         _Karteria_, Syra, August 1st, 1827.

MY LORD,

In hopes of seeing your lordship here I have waited two days, since
which, although not finished, all the work of our machinery can be
done on board. There are two things which retain me, namely, money, of
which I require about seven hundred dollars, and the fire-bars, which
they continually civilly refuse me--acting the true Greek or in other
words, the dog in the manger. If your lordship remains long absent, I
shall be sadly puzzled how to act. Without new fire-bars we cannot
steam again. The local authorities here are so afraid of the Hydriots
and Spetziots that they dare not take any steps against them. To leave
this without the fire-bars is useless. If I can obtain these bars, and
your lordship does not arrive, I will pay myself the necessary sums to
get the vessel out of this port, hoping you will reimburse me--but to
go without the bars is only going to return again. What I can do to
forward the service I will readily perform, and anxious enough I am to
get away from this place.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XV.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, August 19th, 1827,

MY LORD,

On my arrival here I wrote to Hydra to request the local authorities
there to send me the necessary coals, since you do not wish the last
cargo to be used. I have received no answer, and upon inquiring
yesterday from persons arrived from Hydra, I find they are not taking
any measures to forward them to me. My officer wrote me under date of
the 15th from Napoli that he hoped to be able to cast the bars there,
in which case I shall have to wait for the coals from Hydra. The
impertinence of these shopkeepers has at length attained a pitch that
is scarcely endurable--it is to be hoped your lordship will make them
send the coals--[The remainder is lost.]


XVI.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, August 20th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I am delighted to find you have an expedition in progress. This vessel
shall be ready to accompany your lordship, whether I can get the bars
cast at Napoli or not. The ones we now have can be made to answer for
twenty-four hours. I shall write to Napoli to order the engineers to
be here by the 23rd, whether they succeed in casting the bars or not.
The coals I wrote for from Hydra are Government coals; and it is well
they should be used the first, as I have been informed they are
greatly diminishing without our consumption. I should like to complete
as speedily as possible, and there is no time to spare between this
and the 24th for shipping 100 tons of coal from Hydra.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XVII.

                         _Karteria_, Poros, August 22nd, 1827.

MY LORD,

I am making a sail according to your lordship's plan, to becalm the
hull of the ship, but want sailcloth for completing it. I understand
M. Koering has some in store; would your lordship be kind enough to
allow me to take a hundred piques? I have a good deal of very bad
French powder on board, and even of Turkish, I suspect, put into
French barrels, which I received from Methana--could your lordship
permit me to exchange it against English powder? It is of very great
importance that our cartridge powder should be good.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XVIII.

                         _Karteria_, Gulf of Lepanto, Sept. 27th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to transmit you a report of my proceedings from the
day I left you till this moment. Captain Thomas, of the _Sauveur_,
joined me the 21st, and proposed with much gallantry to go into the
Gulf in the daytime. The wind being usually out at night I consented
with some difficulty, in consequence of the little dependence I can
place on my engine, which might render it impossible for me to follow
him immediately. The _Sauveur_, with gunboat _Bavaroise_ in tow, and
accompanied by two schooners (you had left to keep the blockade at
Missolonghi, but who, contrary to my knowledge, thus disobeyed your
orders), passed into the Gulf the evening of the 21st in most gallant
style, in despite of the enemy's very formidable batteries and one
brig of war and two schooners at the Morea Castles, and several
vessels at Lepanto. I attempted to steam in that night, but the engine
failed me within two miles of the Castles. The next day, the wind
being strong in, I attempted to sail in, but when within gunshot of
the Castles the wind failed me, and it was not until the evening of
the 23rd that I could get passed, towing after me the _Philhellene_
gunboat, of whose commander I have always had particular occasion to
be satisfied. All our damage amounted to a few ropes cut. On
communicating with the Morea, the 24th, I was informed that the enemy
had nine vessels at Salona, and there were three Austrians there, that
Captain Thomas had attacked them the 23rd, but in consequence of
unfavorable weather he had not made any impression, and that he
retired to Loutraki. I immediately despatched a mistico to desire
Captain Thomas to join me with all the vessels he could collect; but
not seeing him on the 26th, and fearing that the Turks might
strengthen themselves during a delay, I stood in on the 26th with the
gunboat _Philhellene_; but we no sooner approached than the wind came
so strong out that we could not keep the ship head to wind, and found
it necessary to retire. The Turks have at Salona a very fine Algerine
schooner brig, of fourteen guns, brig of sixteen guns, bearing an
admiral's flag, three smaller schooners, two armed transport brigs,
and two large boats with guns, and they have a battery on shore. There
are also three Austrians. While under their fire one of my engineers
was slightly wounded. I am now waiting for the arrival of Captain
Thomas, for whom I have sent again, and preparing for a final trial.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                             F. A. HASTINGS.


XIX.

                         _Karteria_, Loutraki, Oct. 7th, 1827.

MY LORD,

Captain Thomas arrived here after our affair at Salona with the
prizes, and sent off immediately to Poros for provisions and
ammunition. I could not (notwithstanding your orders for him to remain
only seven days in the Gulf) allow him to depart in the state he then
was--having only five days' provisions, and four cartridges a gun. He
received some powder and provisions yesterday, and in consequence of
your order of the 27th, which he received yesterday, departs
immediately. If the length of time Captain Thomas has remained in the
Gulf is contrary to your intentions, I am alone responsible; he was
always anxious to depart. My crew is in a very discontented state, in
consequence of the month being expired without their receiving their
wages. Twelve have left me, and if I do not get money I fear the whole
crew will follow their example. I have sent an officer to Poros for
provisions, ammunition, and money, if possible. I understand the
English are about to prevent any offensive operations of General
Church, and if not, he would never be able to undertake any, situated
as he is for money and provisions. This seems to render my remaining
here any longer of no use. As soon as I can get any money and
provisions and arrange about the prizes I will quit the Gulf; but as I
have no orders from you where to go, I shall return to Poros unless
you contrive to send me some directions in the interim.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XX.

                         _Karteria_, Loutraki, Oct. 8th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to receive your letter of the 3rd, and am happy to
hear that the _Enterprise_ is arrived. I have also received one
thousand dollars with the stores, &c., which are very acceptable. I
despatched the _Sauveur_ yesterday, according to your order of the
27th ult. I still retain the gunboats, which are very useful. I wish
further orders from your lordship to know whether we are to remain in
the Gulf, and if you wish us to go out. There is yet at the Castles a
brig and three or four Turkish schooners. I do not exactly know their
position. I intend to run down there one of these days and see what
can be done with them; if close under the walls of the Castles, which
are very strong, we could burn them some dark night if you would send
me a dozen rockets. I would go with a small boat close to them and do
their business. Mr. Hane announces to me that your lordship proposes
coming up to Corinth, in which case I will do myself the honour of
waiting upon you, and receiving your further orders. I have despatched
a gunboat to General Church to inform him of your intention, and to
bring him here if he wishes to confer with your lordship.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXI.

                         _Karteria_, Loutraki, Oct. 14th, 1827.

MY LORD,

Mr. Hane writes me that the Turkish fleet is off Patras. From time to
time I have received vague accounts of vessels off there, but nothing
certain. I shall fortify myself either here or at the port on the
other side, under the village of Pera Xora--I think the latter. I want
fuzes for shells. A box was sent (I suppose in mistake for fuzes), but
it contained blue lights. Pray give an officer an order to send me at
least five hundred fuzes. In my last to your lordship I mentioned of
what service rockets would be to us as means of attack on the enemy's
vessels at the Castles; they will be of no less service as weapons of
defence. Pray, my lord, let me have as large a quantity as possible. I
understood you were coming to Corinth, which has detained me here, or
I would by this have been at the other end of the Gulf to gain
information, and see after the brig, for I fear Thomas is not too
prudent. I have just been informed that much cannonading was heard in
the quarter of Lepanto the day before yesterday. I hope no misfortune
has befallen him. I have the two gunboats and one mistico out to bring
me information, and I can receive nothing. Pray let me have the
rockets.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXII.

                         _Karteria_, Port Strava, Gulf of Lepanto,
                         Oct. 17th, 1827.

MY LORD,

Not having received any orders from your lordship, I am still in the
Gulf. In consequence of an order from your lordship to Captain Thomas,
I despatched the _Sauveur_ on the 7th inst., and sent the gunboat
_Philhellene_ with her with letters to General Church, and orders to
wait and bring me information how the _Sauveur_ got past the Castles;
for I was a good deal anxious on her account, and should have gone
myself to give her any assistance in case of need, but that I
understood you intended coming over to Corinth. Mr. Hane bringing me
letters for General Church, I despatched the other gunboat,
_Bavaroise_, with these, and also some for the _Sauveur_, in case she
was still in the Gulf. Mr. Darby, the commander of the _Bavaroise_,
had directions to bring General Church if he was anxious to
communicate personally with your lordship. Day after day I awaited
anxiously an answer, till at length the mistico I had sent three days
ago to General Church, to learn something of the fleet outside, which
Mr. Hane wrote me for certain was Turkish, returned yesterday evening,
informing me that the _Sauveur_ and two gunboats had gone out on
Wednesday. General Church writes me that he positively intends passing
into Roumelia, and wants my aid; but I am now quite alone (except the
mistico, with whom I know not what to do). He continually applies to
me for provisions, and will soon probably for money. What am I to do
about him? Although wishing to aid General Church and the service in
all I can, I must acknowledge I have no confidence in his intended
movement, more particularly as he tells me he has no provisions, and
wants me to seize by force what I find in boats. All I could get by
this discreditable way of raising provisions would not certainly feed
one hundred men for three days, and therefore could not aid General
Church, and would be a gratuitous vexation of these miserable
peasantry. If General Church had money and provisions, much is to be
done in Roumelia, but without these nothing can be achieved anywhere.
As soon as I have got the prizes back to Loutraki, and formed
batteries, I will go and visit General Church, and learn more
particulars. But I am very anxious for some orders from your lordship,
having received nothing but the official letter of thanks since I left
you. I write in haste, and beg your lordship to let me have an answer
as soon as possible.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. Hastings.


XXIII.

                         _Karteria_, Loutraki, Oct. 27th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I am ready to do all and anything for the good of the service, but I
fear General Church has no means. I had him on board for two days,
making reconnaissances round the Gulf, and from what I can gather, the
money said to be at Corfu is a chimera. I suspect he has not a
shilling anywhere, and cannot stir. He talks, it is true, of
expeditions, and I have always assured him of my readiness to aid him,
but we cannot be consuming months after months in the hopes of his
receiving supplies. I must limit the period of his embarkation, and if
he cannot then act, I think I shall be justified in quitting him. I
shall try, however, to destroy the other vessels in the Gulf first. We
are in great want of fire-bars. I am laying in a stock of wood, but we
have not yet been able to succeed perfectly with it. I have taken out
the bars and filled the ash-pits; this we find does better than with
any bars in, but we cannot as yet keep up steam with it. I hope,
however, ultimately to succeed--in fact our coals are nearly finished.
To show you how General Church goes on--his gunboat has only advanced
twenty feet from the beach, and yet he will not send away that
swindler Allen, who commands her. I told him I would not meddle with
her until he dismissed that man, and things remain thus. General
Church, while on board, received letters announcing the unlooked-for
destruction of the Turkish fleet; still I have not entirely credited
it, and I am in anxious expectation of some decisive information about
it. I am obliged to your lordship for the fuzes, and hoped to have had
also some rockets. We are beginning to get short again of provisions,
viz., biscuit. The loaded prize is condemned, with a ridiculous clause
for me to pay the crew. They say nothing of the other vessels. I send
Captain Hane to Egina, to hasten the condemnation of the light vessels
and counteract the intrigues which I have no doubt Tombasi has
recommenced. I shall also endeavour by him to have more biscuit; we
have now but for a fortnight.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. Hastings.


XXIV.

                         _Karteria_, Loutraki, Nov. 8th, 1827.

MY LORD,

The General Church has at length put himself in motion. Some
provisions and money have arrived on the other side for him (I mean at
Calamachi), and I hope to sail with it to join him to-night. I
fortunately received a fortnight's provisions yesterday, when I had
only one day's biscuit on board. After destroying, or ascertaining
that I cannot destroy, the vessels at Lepanto, I will go outside the
Gulf and blockade Missolonghi, Patras, and the Gulf, hoping the
General will blockade them by land. I fear much, however, for
provisions; I will endeavour to get some from the Ionian Islands; but
money and everything else is scarce with me,--but I hear your lordship
is in the same predicament, and therefore I cannot complain. May I beg
of your lordship to grant a commission of naval lieutenant to M.
Falanga, who has served on board this vessel from 29th March, 1827,
and is a most deserving officer? he is the only sailor officer I have,
and was always the only one of any use in that capacity. He behaved
extremely well both at Volo, Tricheri, and Salona, at which latter
place he was wounded in the neck with a musket-ball, while setting
fire to one of the abandoned vessels. I may really say he is the only
Greek I ever saw who seems to conceive what an officer ought to be.
Although he would be a great loss to me, and I should be sorry to part
with him but for his own advantage, I can strongly recommend him for
promotion in the command of a vessel, since (as I hear) your lordship
is in such dreadful want of officers to command. I am sure he would
give you the highest satisfaction.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. Hastings.


XXV.

                         _Karteria_, Nov. 17th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to announce to you that, after much delay and
disappointment--usual in Greece--I am about to proceed to Lepanto
to-morrow, and endeavour to destroy the Turkish vessels there. I then
go outside, to pass General Church over into Roumelia, and afterwards
blockade Missolonghi, Patras, and Lepanto. The want of the gunboats
here is much felt by me at this moment, as, in going out, I must leave
the Gulf to the Turks; who, even should I be fortunate enough to
destroy the enemy's vessels at Lepanto, will always have here armed
boats enough to command the Gulf.

I must also beg of your lordship to consider us in money matters. I am
now seven thousand pounds out of pocket by Greek affairs, and I am
daily now expending my own money for the public service. Our prizes
are serving for transports for the army, and I must either shortly
abandon this important position or be paid.

It is most likely that if all the important points I have mentioned
could be blockaded, the Turks would be soon reduced, from the blockade
being so much more easily maintained than elsewhere. Without money,
you must be aware I cannot maintain this vessel; and all to be
expected from General Church, you must be aware, is plenty of
promises. The General is already overwhelmed with expectants, and if
he had millions would not be able to command a farthing. I will do all
I can; but I must repeat, it is not quite fair I should end a beggar
after all the labour, vexation, and disappointment I have experienced
for so many years.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXVI.

                         _Karteria_, off Cape Papas, Nov. 20th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to inform you I passed the Castles on the 18th, with
the three prizes and mistico in company. I lost two men killed and one
wounded in passing; the other vessels passed without suffering any
damage. It had been my intention to attack the Turkish squadron at
Lepanto, but the wind was so strong on the land, that I felt I could
not effect my object; and, anxious to profit by the same wind to go
out and aid the operations of the army outside, and blockade the
fortresses, I passed through without waiting a more favourable moment
of attack. At Patras I found a schooner, whose suspicious conduct--in
abstaining for a long time from hoisting any colours, and, when she
afterwards showed Austrian, persisting in drawing closer under the
Turkish battery--induced me to fire and bring her out. After waiting a
little, and finding no attention paid to my warning, I fired again,
and sunk her. I hear she was Austrian.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXVII.

                         _Karteria_, Petala, Dec. 2nd, 1827.

MY LORD,

I had the honour to write to you from Cape Papas, informing you that I
had come out of the Gulf of Lepanto, and was waiting to embark the
troops of General Church. I now beg leave to acquaint you that I
arrived at Dragomestre the day before yesterday with the three prizes,
which have been serving as transports to General Church's army for six
weeks. We brought over six hundred soldiers, artillery, horses, &c.;
and I am now returning to Cape Papas to embark a second division. I
heard of the gunboat _Helvetia_, M. Fabricius, being at Kataculo, and I
sent immediately to order him to join me, which he did, and is now at
Cape Papas. While at Kataculo, the gunboat was attacked by a Turkish
brig of twenty-four guns. M. Fabricius defended himself with much
spirit, and obliged the brig to retire. I have since heard that the
same brig is now off Previsa. If the service here will permit my
absence, I think of going to look after her. The Gulf of Lepanto is
now left entirely in the hands of the Turks, and I wish to send the
gunboat in to assist the expedition against Salona, but the crew
having been so long about here, suffering much hardship and without
pay, are very dissatisfied. I have given the boat a new mast, anchor,
cable, provisions, ammunition, &c., and I will even advance them a
little money, if they will go into the Gulf. I should hope, however,
that your lordship will reimburse me for these expenses, extra of my
own vessel. As you may imagine, I am almost entirely without coals,
and cannot get a sufficient quantity of the pitch-pine to burn; the
other pine will not answer, and therefore I am reduced to sails.
General Church had ordered round here a Psariot brig he had at
Kenkness, and I wrote to M. Koering to request him to put coals on
board of her, which, I understand, M. Koering refused. From the manner
in which I have been frequently treated, one would imagine that this
vessel was not a Greek but an enemy's vessel. I trust your lordship
will remedy this, and put me on a fair footing with the other Greek
national vessels. I wish your lordship could also contrive to let me
have some money, to cover the expenses of this vessel, which, for
three months that we have been absent from Poros, cannot be supposed
trifling. As I conceive it important, under existing circumstances, to
keep the blockade of Patras, Missolonghi, and the Gulf, I will remain
as long as my destitute situation will permit me. Since I have been
here I do not think any vessels have entered the Gulf.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXVIII.

                         _Karteria_, Dragomestre, Dec. 8th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to inform you that I have passed over the army of
General Church to this port, amounting to about twelve hundred men,
with six pieces of artillery, and about sixty horses, mules, &c. The
General has been joined by Maori and some other captains, which may
have increased his force to two thousand men. He is in hourly
expectation of being joined by Zouga, and even Varnachioti is expected
to come over. The Monastery of Ligovitza, on the road from Arta to
Lepanto and Missolonghi, is said to have been possessed by the troops
of the General. This post is of importance. The troops have all
marched from Patras to Navarino, and nothing remains but some
Albanians and the inhabitants. Lepanto is thinly peopled; all have
little provisions as well as Missolonghi. From what I know of Lepanto
and the Castles, I am confident that, if your lordship was to attack
it with the squadron you command, and General Church was to make even
a demonstration of attack by land, it must fall in forty-eight hours'
time. Lepanto lies on the face of a hill open to the sea; every shot
and shell and rocket must tell somewhere, and they would readily
capitulate. We must not take the Monastery of the Piraeus as an
example. At Lepanto the Turks have their families--this particular
always operates upon them; but whether it did or not, the place would
be taken, and I am not one who overrates the capabilities of the
Greeks. I fear, however, that General Church has other projects, and
such as, according to my opinion, are very unlikely to succeed. So
much so that, if your lordship does not arrive or send me orders, I
shall return to the Archipelago, rather than lend myself to measures
which appear to me worse than useless. I must again beg of your
lordship not to forget us in the way of money, provisions, ammunition,
coals, &c. We are now more than three months absent from Poros.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXIX.

                         _Karteria_, off Vasiladhi, Dec. 27th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have now been twelve days before Vasiladhi, and since our arrival I
have every reason to believe they have neither received provisions nor
water. The weather has usually been so bad, that I have only been able
to bombard it twice, and the gunboat having few shot, I have exchanged
her 32 for one of our 68's, with shells; since which I have not been
able to batter it, owing to the weather. I am satisfied they are now
at their last shifts in the fort; and if I could remain before it a
week longer, and bombard it for a couple of days, I doubt not it would
fall into our hands. I regret of all things not having the
flat-bottomed gunboat here; with her we would have had the fort before
this. General Church was to have attacked Anatolico, and might have
taken it, in the first instance, with little or no resistance; but he
delayed till too late, and then came without an ounce of provisions,
and returned the day after to Dragomestre. This man is such an
insufferable quack, that I cannot act any longer with him; he affects
to command the navy as well as the army; and although I have given him
one or two rather rough lessons, he, the other day, captured with a
boat of his a spy of mine, on his way to me, and carried him off
without mentioning a word of it to me. The man merely came here the
other day, supposing Vasiladhi about to surrender, that he might say
he took it. God knows there is no merit due, unless to the boats
blockading inside. I have received letters to-day from the Gulf, and I
find the expedition at Trisonia is in alarm of being blockaded by the
Turkish vessels at Lepanto. The loss of the gunboats from the Gulf is
almost irreparable. If your lordship could send them round here with a
brig, it would be of infinite service. I am so in want of ammunition,
provisions, fuel, &c., that I hardly know what to do, but if possible I
will re-enter the Gulf to assist them there. I wrote by Mr. Finlay,
announcing to your lordship that if the whole squadron was to come
round here, I am satisfied that Missolonghi, Patras, Lepanto, and the
Castles might be taken. They are much straitened for provisions at
all, but particularly at Missolonghi and Lepanto, and the Castles
could be taken by force. Patras is now provisioned daily by one of
Church's generals, Neneka, from Zante, _vi‚_ Clarenza. Dr. Gosse
informs me how much you are in want of money. I trust, however, if you
obtain any, I shall not be forgotten. I have only received six hundred
dollars from General Church, and my expenses have been enormous, for
fuel, provisions, &c.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.


XXX.

                         _Karteria_, off Vasiladhi, Dec. 29th, 1827.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to inform you that, after having transported the
troops of General Church from Cape Papas to Dragomestre, I undertook
the blockade of Vasiladhi, for which purpose I put in requisition the
small craft after-mentioned, and employed them to intercept all
communication with Vasiladhi. This flotilla I placed under the orders
of my first lieutenant, M. Falanga; and on the night of the 16th they
entered, and commenced the blockade, which has been so strictly
observed up to this day, that nothing had entered Vasiladhi. One boat,
with a letter and fresh provisions, was captured by our flotilla. I
anchored, the gunboat _Helvetia_ in company, outside Vasiladhi. Your
lordship is aware that the _Helvetia_ was armed with a long
32-pounder, which, in my opinion, is very inferior in every point of
view to a 68, but indisputably so for cannonading a fort only to be
reduced by shells. For this reason I changed her 32-pounder long gun
for a 68-pounder cannonade. On the 22nd I bombarded Vasiladhi alone
(the gunboat having been detached), with little effect, the weather
being unfavourable; nor could I recommence until to-day, when,
considering the distance we were off (about one and three-quarter
mile), and the diminutive size of the object fired at, better practice
has rarely been displayed: four shells out of seven from this ship and
gunboat exploded in, and one blew up, their magazine. I immediately
ordered an assault, in which all the boats took part. The Turks,
intimidated by the explosion, and by our attitude of attack, called
for quarter, which I granted them, although they had previously
forfeited their lives by firing on a flag of truce I sent to them with
terms of capitulation. I embarked the prisoners on board this ship,
and from thence conveyed them in safety to near Missolonghi. They were
thirty in number; and one Greek badly wounded I have retained on board
to be treated by our surgeon. The original number was from forty to
fifty, the deficit having been killed off by our previous cannonading
and by the explosion. I am happy, my lord, to testify to the exemplary
conduct of the Greeks during the whole of this service; they have
borne the fatigues and privations of a winter's blockade in open boats
with extraordinary patience, and the forbearance they displayed
towards the Turks rendered any interference of mine in their favour
superfluous. Of my officers, Lieutenant Falanga and Captain Hane,
M.A., I have only to repeat the often-told tale of their meritorious
conduct. To M. Fabricius, commanding the gunboat _Helvetia_, I feel
much indebted for his zeal and activity, and I am happy to have so
deserving an officer under my orders. The fort of Vasiladhi mounts
twelve guns, three of which are of that remarkably useful piece of
ordnance, the Turkish licorne. I have offered to deliver the Fort of
Vasiladhi to General Church upon his remunerating for their services
those employed in taking it.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

  List of small vessels employed in taking Vasiladhi.

  A mistico, Galaxidhiote, Captain Urgaki; the same sent with me into
  the Gulf of Lepanto, and who has served with me ever since.

  A mistico, Galaxidhiote.

  A bonÈe.

  An armed row-boat.

  Two of my prize launches, armed each with a 9-pounder.

  A bratsiera.

  Five monoxolies, or canoes, for the shallows.


XXXI.

                         _Karteria_, Dragomestre, Jan. 7th, 1828.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to acquaint you that General Church arrived before
Vasiladhi on the 2nd inst.; and I resigned to him that fort on the
third, requesting him to refund the expenses of taking it; these
consist of five dollars per man bounty, besides the provisions of the
flotilla employed in the blockade. The General has promised to repay
this, although not without expressing some surprise at the demand; yet
the guns he receives in the fort would pay the whole sum.

On the same day I received an official letter from General Church,
requesting me to inform him what co-operation he might expect from the
navy in a projected attack of his on Anatolico. According to the wish
of General Church, I agreed to send all the boats at my disposal that
night, to attempt to capture an island named Poros, commanding the
entrance into the Lake of Anatolico, where the Turks had a post, and
we heard he was filling up the passage, and about to place guns on
another island, which would render him entirely master of the
entrance. I soon discovered that what General Church calls the
cooperation of the navy is in reality the navy executing the service,
and the army looking on at its leisure, ready to take possession if
success attended the arms of the former. I had understood that I was
to be supported by two rocket-boats of General Church, and by the
launch of the Psarian brig, carrying a carronade to throw grenades;
but these did not appear. A dozen policaries arrived from General
Church, and were embarked in the expedition. At half-past three A.M.
of the 4th inst. I arrived with five boats out of nine (the rest
having unaccountably kept behind) at a narrow part of the passage of
the lake, across which the Turks had built a wall, and stationed a
gunboat behind it. The Turkish boat was soon put to flight; the
sailors jumping into the water soon cleared away a passage for the
boats, and the five of our boats rowed upon Poros, the Turks keeping
up a brisk fire of musketry from that island, and of cannon from
Anatolico. We were now within pistol-shot of Poros, when I found, to
my surprise, a fort on it--which I had been assured there was not, or
I would not have attempted the attack, knowing that in our warfare
their holds are not to be thus taken. Seeing no reasonable hope of
succeeding, I ordered a retreat; and having repassed by the way we
entered, found General Church's detachment lying flat in the bottom of
their boats out of gun-shot. To say that my officers, Captain Hane,
M.A., and Lieutenant Falanga, also M. Fabricius, commanding the
gunboat _Helvetia_, accompanied me, is to commend them for their
accustomed zeal and gallantry. I cannot conclude without mentioning
the name of Chrysanto, who, after having aided at Vasiladhi, was with
me here in his own boat, and displayed much courage. He had one man
wounded, the only loss we sustained. Perceiving that Anatolico was not
to be taken by us; that General Church's troops were (without
provisions) somewhere in a marsh, where our boats could not get to
embark them, and that they might have marched on the mainland close to
Anatolico; being without provisions in this ship, and seeing no
possibility of rendering any service by remaining longer before
Vasiladhi, I returned to this port to provide for our immediate wants,
and in the hopes of meeting Dr. Gosse, and procuring from him some
funds for the maintenance of my crew, which I think your lordship will
see the necessity of providing me with, as I have not received more
than two thousand dollars during five months, and I have latterly been
maintaining this ship in provisions and fuel, besides furnishing money
and provisions to the gunboat and flotilla inside Vasiladhi.

                         I have the honour to be, &c.,

                              F. A. HASTINGS.

       *       *       *       *       *

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND
CHARING CROSS.




Transcriber's note:

The following typographical errors were corrected:

    * Chapter VII, page 25: "intrusted" changed to "entrusted"
    * Appendix, letter IX, page 380: "vessel," changed to "vessel."