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Title: A Lecture on the Study of History

Author: Lord Acton

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Language: English

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                   A LECTURE ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY


                      MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
                      LONDON . BOMBAY . CALCUTTA
                               MELBOURNE

                         THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
                      NEW YORK . BOSTON . CHICAGO
                        ATLANTA . SAN FRANCISCO

                   THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
                                TORONTO




                               A LECTURE
                                  ON
                         THE STUDY OF HISTORY

                       _DELIVERED AT CAMBRIDGE,
                            JUNE 11, 1895_

                                  BY

                              LORD ACTON
                             LL.D., D.C.L.
                  REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY


                      MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
                      ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
                                 1911


                    RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LIMITED,
               BRUNSWICK STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S. E.,
                          AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK

                    _First Edition, October, 1895.
                    Second Edition, January, 1896.
                        Reprinted, 1905, 1911._




FELLOW STUDENTS,

I look back to-day to a time before the middle of the century, when I
was reading at Edinburgh, and fervently wishing to come to this
University. At three colleges I applied for admission, and, as things
then were, I was refused by all. Here, from the first, I vainly fixed
my hopes, and here, in a happier hour, after five-and-forty years,
they are at last fulfilled.

[Sidenote: UNITY OF MODERN HISTORY]

I desire first to speak to you of that which I may reasonably call the
Unity of Modern History, as an easy approach to questions necessary
to be met on the threshold by any one occupying this place, which my
predecessor has made so formidable to me by the reflected lustre of
his name.

You have often heard it said that Modern History is a subject to which
neither beginning nor end can be assigned. No beginning, because the
dense web of the fortunes of man is woven without a void; because, in
society as in nature, the structure is continuous, and we can trace
things back uninterruptedly, until we dimly descry the Declaration of
Independence in the forests of Germany. No end, because, on the same
principle, history made and history making are scientifically
inseparable and separately unmeaning.

[Sidenote: LINK BETWEEN HISTORY AND POLITICS]

"Politics," said Sir John Seeley, "are vulgar when they are not
liberalised by history, and history fades into mere literature when
it loses sight of its relation to practical politics." Everybody
perceives the sense in which this is true. For the science of politics
is the one science that is deposited by the stream of history, like
grains of gold in the sand of a river; and the knowledge of the past,
the record of truths revealed by experience, is eminently practical,
as an instrument of action, and a power that goes to the making of the
future.[1] In France, such is the weight attached to the study of our
own time, that there is an appointed course of contemporary history,
with appropriate textbooks.[2] That is a chair which, in the
progressive division of labour by which both science and government
prosper,[3] may some day be founded in this country. Meantime, we do
well to acknowledge the points at which the two epochs diverge. For
the contemporary differs from the modern in this, that many of its
facts cannot by us be definitely ascertained. The living do not give
up their secrets with the candour of the dead; one key is always
excepted, and a generation passes before we can ensure accuracy.
Common report and outward seeming are bad copies of the reality, as
the initiated know it. Even of a thing so memorable as the war of
1870, the true cause is still obscure; much that we believed has been
scattered to the winds in the last six months, and further revelations
by important witnesses are about to appear. The use of history turns
far more on certainty than on abundance of acquired information.

Beyond the question of certainty is the question of detachment. The
process by which principles are discovered and appropriated is other
than that by which, in practice, they are applied; and our most sacred
and disinterested convictions ought to take shape in the tranquil
regions of the air, above the tumult and the tempest of active
life.[4] For a man is justly despised who has one opinion in history
and another in politics, one for abroad and another at home, one for
opposition and another for office. History compels us to fasten on
abiding issues, and rescues us from the temporary and transient.
Politics and history are interwoven, but are not commensurate. Ours is
a domain that reaches farther than affairs of state, and is not
subject to the jurisdiction of governments. It is our function to keep
in view and to command the movement of ideas, which are not the
effect but the cause of public events;[5] and even to allow some
priority to ecclesiastical history over civil, since, by reason of the
graver issues concerned, and the vital consequences of error, it
opened the way in research, and was the first to be treated by close
reasoners and scholars of the higher rank.[6]

[Sidenote: NOT GOVERNED BY NATIONAL CAUSES]

In the same manner, there is wisdom and depth in the philosophy which
always considers the origin and the germ, and glories in history as
one consistent epic.[7] Yet every student ought to know that mastery
is acquired by resolved limitation. And confusion ensues from the
theory of Montesquieu and of his school, who, adapting the same term
to things unlike, insist that freedom is the primitive condition of
the race from which we are sprung.[8] If we are to account mind not
matter, ideas not force, the spiritual property that gives dignity,
and grace, and intellectual value to history, and its action on the
ascending life of man, then we shall not be prone to explain the
universal by the national, and civilisation by custom.[9] A speech of
Antigone, a single sentence of Socrates, a few lines that were
inscribed on an Indian rock before the Second Punic War, the footsteps
of a silent yet prophetic people who dwelt by the Dead Sea, and
perished in the fall of Jerusalem, come nearer to our lives than the
ancestral wisdom of barbarians who fed their swine on the Hercynian
acorns.

[Sidenote: MEDIVAL LIMIT OF MODERN HISTORY]

For our present purpose, then, I describe as modern history that which
begins four hundred years ago, which is marked off by an evident and
intelligible line from the time immediately preceding, and displays
in its course specific and distinctive characteristics of its own.[10]
The modern age did not proceed from the medival by normal succession,
with outward tokens of legitimate descent. Unheralded, it founded a
new order of things, under a law of innovation, sapping the ancient
reign of continuity. In those days Columbus subverted the notions of
the world, and reversed the conditions of production, wealth and
power; in those days, Machiavelli released government from the
restraint of law; Erasmus diverted the current of ancient learning
from profane into Christian channels; Luther broke the chain of
authority and tradition at the strongest link; and Copernicus erected
an invincible power that set for ever the mark of progress upon the
time that was to come. There is the same unbound originality and
disregard for inherited sanctions in the rare philosophers as in the
discovery of Divine Right, and the intruding Imperialism of Rome. The
like effects are visible everywhere, and one generation beheld them
all. It was an awakening of new life; the world revolved in a
different orbit, determined by influences unknown before. After many
ages persuaded of the headlong decline and impending dissolution of
society,[11] and governed by usage and the will of masters who were in
their graves, the sixteenth century went forth armed for untried
experience, and ready to watch with hopefulness a prospect of
incalculable change.

[Sidenote: INFLUENCE OF KNOWLEDGE ON MODERN HISTORY]

That forward movement divides it broadly from the older world; and the
unity of the new is manifest in the universal spirit of investigation
and discovery which did not cease to operate, and withstood the
recurring efforts of reaction, until, by the advent of the reign of
general ideas which we call the Revolution, it at length
prevailed.[12] This successive deliverance and gradual passage, for
good and evil, from subordination to independence is a phenomenon of
primary import to us, because historical science has been one of its
instruments.[13] If the Past has been an obstacle and a burden,
knowledge of the Past is the safest and the surest emancipation. And
the earnest search for it is one of the signs that distinguish the
four centuries of which I speak from those that went before. The
middle ages, which possessed good writers of contemporary narrative,
were careless and impatient of older fact. They became content to be
deceived, to live in a twilight of fiction, under clouds of false
witness, inventing according to convenience, and glad to welcome the
forger and the cheat.[14] As time went on, the atmosphere of
accredited mendacity thickened, until, in the Renaissance, the art of
exposing falsehood dawned upon keen Italian minds. It was then that
history as we understand it began to be understood, and the
illustrious dynasty of scholars arose to whom we still look both for
method and material. Unlike the dreaming prehistoric world, ours knows
the need and the duty to make itself master of the earlier times, and
to forfeit nothing of their wisdom or their warnings,[15] and has
devoted its best energy and treasure to the sovereign purpose of
detecting error and vindicating entrusted truth.[16]

[Sidenote: INTERNATIONAL IDEAS]

[Sidenote: MEMORABLE MEN]

[Sidenote: INDEPENDENT MINDS]

In this epoch of full-grown history men have not acquiesced in the
given conditions of their lives. Taking little for granted they have
sought to know the ground they stand on, and the road they travel, and
the reason why. Over them, therefore, the historian has obtained an
increasing ascendancy.[17] The law of stability was overcome by the
power of ideas, constantly varied and rapidly renewed;[18] ideas that
give life and motion, that take wing and traverse seas and frontiers,
making it futile to pursue the consecutive order of events in the
seclusion of a separate nationality.[19] They compel us to share the
existence of societies wider than our own, to be familiar with distant
and exotic types, to hold our march upon the loftier summits, along
the central range, to live in the company of heroes, and saints, and
men of genius, that no single country could produce. We cannot afford
wantonly to lose sight of great men and memorable lives, and are bound
to store up objects for admiration as far as may be;[20] for the
effect of implacable research is constantly to reduce their number. No
intellectual exercise, for instance, can be more invigorating than to
watch the working of the mind of Napoleon, the most entirely known as
well as the ablest of historic men. In another sphere, it is the
vision of a higher world to be intimate with the character of Fnelon,
the cherished model of politicians, ecclesiastics, and men of letters,
the witness against one century and precursor of another, the advocate
of the poor against oppression, of liberty in an age of arbitrary
power, of tolerance in an age of persecution, of the humane virtues
among men accustomed to sacrifice them to authority, the man of whom
one enemy says that his cleverness was enough to strike terror, and
another, that genius poured in torrents from his eyes. For the minds
that are greatest and best alone furnish the instructive examples. A
man of ordinary proportion or inferior metal knows not how to think
out the rounded circle of his thought, how to divest his will of its
surroundings and to rise above the pressure of time and race and
circumstance,[21] to choose the star that guides his course, to
correct, and test, and assay his convictions by the light within,[22]
and, with a resolute conscience and ideal courage, to re-model and
reconstitute the character which birth and education gave him.[23]

[Sidenote: FOREIGN CONSTITUTIONS]

For ourselves, if it were not the quest of the higher level and the
extended horizon, international history would be imposed by the
exclusive and insular reason that parliamentary reporting is younger
than parliaments. The foreigner has no mystic fabric in his
government, and no _arcanum imperii_. For him, the foundations have
been laid bare; every motive and function of the mechanism is
accounted for as distinctly as the works of a watch. But with our
indigenous constitution, not made with hands or written upon paper,
but claiming to develope by a law of organic growth; with our
disbelief in the virtue of definitions and general principles and our
reliance on relative truths, we can have nothing equivalent to the
vivid and prolonged debates in which other communities have displayed
the inmost secrets of political science to every man who can read.
And the discussions of constituent assemblies, at Philadelphia,
Versailles and Paris, at Cadiz and Brussels, at Geneva, Frankfort and
Berlin, above nearly all, those of the most enlightened States in the
American Union, when they have recast their institutions, are
paramount in the literature of politics, and proffer treasures which
at home we have never enjoyed.

[Sidenote: RESOURCES OF MODERN HISTORY]

[Sidenote: BEGINNING OF THE DOCUMENTARY AGE]

To historians the later part of their enormous subject is precious
because it is inexhaustible. It is the best to know because it is the
best known and the most explicit. Earlier scenes stand out from a
background of obscurity. We soon reach the sphere of hopeless
ignorance and unprofitable doubt. But hundreds and even thousands of
the moderns have borne testimony against themselves, and may be
studied in their private correspondence and sentenced on their own
confession. Their deeds are done in the daylight. Every country opens
its archives and invites us to penetrate the mysteries of State. When
Hallam wrote his chapter on James II., France was the only Power whose
reports were available. Rome followed, and the Hague; and then came
the stores of the Italian States, and at last the Prussian and the
Austrian papers, and partly those of Spain. Where Hallam and Lingard
were dependent on Barillon, their successors consult the diplomacy of
ten governments. The topics indeed are few on which the resources have
been so employed that we can be content with the work done for us, and
never wish it to be done over again. Part of the lives of Luther and
Frederic, a little of the Thirty Years' War, much of the American
Revolution and the French Restoration, the early years of Richelieu
and Mazarin, and a few volumes of Mr. Gardiner, show here and there
like Pacific islands in the ocean. I should not even venture to claim
for Ranke, the real originator of the heroic study of records, and the
most prompt and fortunate of European pathfinders, that there is one
of his seventy volumes that has not been overtaken and in part
surpassed. It is through his accelerating influence mainly that our
branch of study has become progressive, so that the best master is
quickly distanced by the better pupil.[24] The Vatican archives alone,
now made accessible to the world, filled 3,239 cases when they were
sent to France; and they are not the richest. We are still at the
beginning of the documentary age, which will tend to make history
independent of historians, to develope learning at the expense of
writing, and to accomplish a revolution in other sciences as well.[25]

[Sidenote: MODERN HISTORY]

To men in general I would justify the stress I am laying on modern
history, neither by urging its varied wealth, nor the rupture with
precedent, nor the perpetuity of change and increase of pace, nor the
growing predominance of opinion over belief, and of knowledge over
opinion, but by the argument that it is a narrative told of ourselves,
the record of a life which is our own, of efforts not yet abandoned to
repose, of problems that still entangle the feet and vex the hearts of
men. Every part of it is weighty with inestimable lessons that we
must learn by experience and at a great price, if we know not how to
profit by the example and teaching of those who have gone before us,
in a society largely resembling the one we live in.[26] Its study
fulfils its purpose even if it only makes us wiser, without producing
books, and gives us the gift of historical thinking, which is better
than historical learning.[27] It is a most powerful ingredient in the
formation of character and the training of talent, and our historical
judgments have as much to do with hopes of heaven as public or private
conduct. Convictions that have been strained through the instances and
the comparisons of modern times differ immeasurably in solidity and
force from those which every new fact perturbs, and which are often
little better than illusions or unsifted prejudice.[28]

[Sidenote: A SCHOOL OF OPINION]

[Sidenote: INFLUENCE OF THE RELIGIOUS ELEMENT]

The first of human concerns is religion, and it is the salient feature
of the modern centuries. They are signalised as the scene of
Protestant developments. Starting from a time of extreme indifference,
ignorance, and decline, they were at once occupied with that conflict
which was to rage so long, and of which no man could imagine the
infinite consequences. Dogmatic conviction--for I shun to speak of
faith in connection with many characters of those days--dogmatic
conviction rose to be the centre of universal interest, and remained
down to Cromwell the supreme influence and motive of public policy. A
time came when the intensity of prolonged conflict, when even the
energy of antagonistic assurance, abated somewhat, and the
controversial spirit began to make room for the scientific; and as the
storm subsided, and the area of settled questions emerged, much of
the dispute was abandoned to the serene and soothing touch of
historians, invested as they are with the prerogative of redeeming the
cause of religion from many unjust reproaches, and from the graver
evil of reproaches that are just. Ranke used to say that Church
interests prevailed in politics until the Seven Years' War, and marked
a phase of society that ended when the hosts of Brandenburg went into
action at Leuthen, chanting their Lutheran hymns.[29] That bold
proposition would be disputed even if applied to the present age.
After Sir Robert Peel had broken up his party, the leaders who
followed him declared that no-popery was the only basis on which it
could be reconstructed.[30] On the other side may be urged that, in
July 1870, at the outbreak of the French war, the only government
that insisted on the abolition of the temporal power was Austria; and
since then we have witnessed the fall of Castelar, because he
attempted to reconcile Spain with Rome.

[Sidenote: RELIGION]

Soon after 1850 several of the most intelligent men in France, struck
by the arrested increase of their own population and by the telling
statistics from Further Britain, foretold the coming preponderance of
the English race. They did not foretell, what none could then foresee,
the still more sudden growth of Prussia, or that the three most
important countries of the globe would, by the end of the century, be
those that chiefly belonged to the conquests of the Reformation. So
that in Religion, as in so many things, the product of these
centuries has favoured the new elements; and the centre of gravity,
moving from the Mediterranean nations to the Oceanic, from the Latin
to the Teuton, has also passed from the Catholic to the
Protestant.[31]

[Sidenote: THE CAUSE OF LIBERTY]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION]

Out of these controversies proceeded political as well as historical
science. It was in the Puritan phase, before the restoration of the
Stuarts, that theology, blending with politics, effected a fundamental
change. The essentially English reformation of the seventeenth century
was less a struggle between churches than between sects, often
subdivided by questions of discipline and self-regulation rather than
by dogma. The sectaries cherished no purpose or prospect of prevailing
over the nations; and they were concerned with the individual more
than with the congregation, with conventicles, not with
state-churches. Their view was narrowed, but their sight was
sharpened. It appeared to them that governments and institutions are
made to pass away, like things of earth, whilst souls are immortal;
that there is no more proportion between liberty and power than
between eternity and time; that, therefore, the sphere of enforced
command ought to be restricted within fixed limits, and that which had
been done by authority, and outward discipline, and organised
violence, should be attempted by division of power, and committed to
the intellect and the conscience of free men.[32] Thus was exchanged
the dominion of will over will for the dominion of reason over reason.
The true apostles of toleration are not those who sought protection
for their own beliefs, or who had none to protect; but men to whom,
irrespective of their cause, it was a political, a moral, and a
theological dogma, a question of conscience, involving both religion
and policy.[33] Such a man was Socinus; and others arose in the
smaller sects--the Independent founder of the colony of Rhode Island,
and the Quaker patriarch of Pennsylvania. Much of the energy and zeal
which had laboured for authority of doctrine was employed for liberty
of prophesying. The air was filled with the enthusiasm of a new cry;
but the cause was still the same. It became a boast that religion was
the mother of freedom, that freedom was the lawful off spring of
religion; and this transmutation, this subversion of established forms
of political life by the development of religious thought, brings us
to the heart of my subject, to the significant and central feature of
the historic cycle before us. Beginning with the strongest religious
movement and the most refined despotism ever known, it has led to the
superiority of politics over divinity in the life of nations, and
terminates in the equal claim of every man to be unhindered by man in
the fulfilment of duty to God[34]--a doctrine laden with storm and
havoc, which is the secret essence of the Rights of Man, and the
indestructible soul of Revolution.

[Sidenote: THE MODE OF LIBERTY]

[Sidenote: PROGRESS]

[Sidenote: THE MARK OF PROVIDENCE]

When we consider what the adverse forces were, their sustained
resistance, their frequent recovery, the critical moments when the
struggle seemed for ever desperate, in 1685, in 1772, in 1808, it is
no hyperbole to say that the progress of the world towards
self-government would have been arrested but for the strength afforded
by the religious motive in the seventeenth century. And this
constancy of progress, of progress in the direction of organised and
assured freedom, is the characteristic fact of modern history, and its
tribute to the theory, of Providence.[35] Many persons, I am well
assured, would detect that this is a very old story, and a trivial
commonplace, and would challenge proof that the world is making
progress in aught but intellect, that it is gaining in freedom, or
that increase in freedom is either a progress or a gain. Ranke, who
was my own master, rejected the view that I have stated;[36] Comte,
the master of better men, believed that we drag a lengthening chain
under the gathered weight of the dead hand;[37] and many of our recent
classics, Carlyle, Newman, Froude, were persuaded that there is no
progress justifying the ways of God to man, and that the mere
consolidation of liberty is like the motion of creatures whose advance
is in the direction of their tails. They deem that anxious precaution
against bad government is an obstruction to good, and degrades
morality and mind by placing the capable at the mercy of the
incapable, dethroning enlightened virtue for the benefit of the
average man. They hold that great and salutary things are done for
mankind by power concentrated, not by power balanced and cancelled and
dispersed, and that the whig theory, sprung from decomposing sects,
the theory that authority is legitimate only by virtue of its checks,
and that the sovereign is dependent on the subject, is rebellion
against the divine will manifested all down the stream of time.

[Sidenote: CERTAINTY]

[Sidenote: DEPENDENT ON RESERVE]

I state the objection not that we may plunge into the crucial
controversy of a science that is not identical with ours, but in order
to make my drift clear by the defining aid of express contradiction.
No political dogma is as serviceable to my purpose here as the
historian's maxim to do the best he can for the other side, and to
avoid pertinacity or emphasis on his own. Like the economic precept
_Laissez-faire_[38] which the eighteenth century derived from Colbert,
it has been an important, if not a final step in the making of method.
The strongest and most impressive personalities, it is true, like
Macaulay, Thiers, and the two greatest of living writers, Mommsen and
Treitschke, project their own broad shadow upon their pages. This is a
practice proper to great men, and a great man may be worth several
immaculate historians. Otherwise there is virtue in the saying that a
historian is seen at his best when he does not appear.[39] Better for
us is the example of the Bishop of Oxford, who never lets us know what
he thinks of anything but the matter before him; and of his
illustrious French rival, Fustel de Coulanges, who said to an excited
audience: "Do not imagine you are listening to me; it is history
itself that speaks."[40] We can found no philosophy on the observation
of four hundred years, excluding three thousand. It would be an
imperfect and a fallacious induction. But I hope that even this narrow
and disedifying section of history will aid you to see that the action
of Christ who is risen on mankind whom he redeemed fails not, but
increases;[41] that the wisdom of divine rule appears not in the
perfection but in the improvement of the world;[42] and that achieved
liberty is the one ethical result that rests on the converging and
combined conditions of advancing civilisation.[43] Then you will
understand what a famous philosopher said, that History is the true
demonstration of Religion.[44]

[Sidenote: MEANING OF LIBERTY]

But what do people mean who proclaim that liberty is the palm, and the
prize, and the crown, seeing that it is an idea of which there are two
hundred definitions, and that this wealth of interpretation has caused
more bloodshed than anything, except theology? Is it Democracy as in
France, or Federalism as in America, or the national independence
which bounds the Italian view, or the reign of the fittest, which is
the ideal of Germans?[45] I know not whether it will ever fall within
my sphere of duty to trace the slow progress of that idea through the
chequered scenes of our history, and to describe how subtle
speculations touching the nature of conscience promoted a nobler and
more spiritual conception of the liberty that protects it,[46] until
the guardian of rights developed into the guardian of duties which are
the cause of rights,[47] and that which had been prized as the
material safeguard for treasures of earth became sacred as security
for things that are divine. All that we require is a workday key to
history, and our present need can be supplied without pausing to
satisfy philosophers. Without inquiring how far Sarasa or Butler, Kant
or Vinet, is right as to the infallible voice of God in man, we may
easily agree in this, that where absolutism reigned, by irresistible
arms, concentrated possessions, auxiliary churches, and inhuman laws,
it reigns no more; that commerce having risen against land, labour
against wealth, the state against the forces dominant in society,[48]
the division of power against the state, the thought of individuals
against the practice of ages, neither authorities, nor minorities, nor
majorities can command implicit obedience; and, where there has been
long and arduous experience, a rampart of tried conviction and
accumulated knowledge,[49] where there is a fair level of general
morality, education, courage, and self-restraint, there, if there
only, a society may be found that exhibits the condition of life
towards which, by elimination of failures, the world has been moving
through the allotted space.[50] You will know it by outward signs:
Representation, the extinction of slavery, the reign of opinion, and
the like; better still by less apparent evidences: the security of the
weaker groups[51] and the liberty of conscience, which, effectually
secured, secures the rest.

[Sidenote: THE GROWTH OF REVOLUTION]

[Sidenote: RENOVATION OF HISTORY BY REVOLUTION]

Here we reach a point at which my argument threatens to abut on a
contradiction. If the supreme conquests of society are won more often
by violence than by lenient arts, if the trend and drift of things is
towards convulsions and catastrophes,[52] if the world owes religious
liberty to the Dutch Revolution, constitutional government to the
English, federal republicanism to the American, political equality to
the French and its successors,[53] what is to become of us, docile and
attentive students of the absorbing Past? The triumph of the
Revolutionist annuls the historian.[54] By its authentic exponents,
Jefferson and Sieys, the Revolution of the last century repudiates
history. Their followers renounced acquaintance with it, and were
ready to destroy its records and to abolish its inoffensive
professors. But the unexpected truth, stranger than fiction, is that
this was not the ruin but the renovation of history. Directly and
indirectly, by process of development and by process of reaction, an
impulse was given which made it infinitely more effectual as a factor
of civilisation than ever before, and a movement began in the world of
minds which was deeper and more serious than the revival of ancient
learning.[55] The dispensation under which we live and labour consists
first in the recoil from the negative spirit that rejected the law of
growth, and partly in the endeavour to classify and adjust the
revolution, and to account for it by the natural working of historic
causes. The Conservative line of writers, under the name of the
Romantic or Historical School, had its seat in Germany, looked upon
the Revolution as an alien episode, the error of an age, a disease to
be treated by the investigation of its origin, and strove to unite the
broken threads and to restore the normal conditions of organic
evolution. The Liberal School, whose home was France, explained and
justified the Revolution as a true development, and the ripened fruit
of all history.[56] These are the two main arguments of the generation
to which we owe the notion and the scientific methods that make
history so unlike what it was to the survivors of the last century.
Severally, the innovators were not superior to the men of old.
Muratori was as widely read, Tillemont as accurate, Leibniz as able,
Frret as acute, Gibbon as masterly in the craft of composite
construction. Nevertheless, in the second quarter of this century, a
new era began for historians.

[Sidenote: USE OF UNPUBLISHED SOURCES]

[Sidenote: INSUFFICIENCY OF BOOKS]

I would point to three things in particular, out of many, which
constitute the amended order. Of the incessant deluge of new and
unsuspected matter I need say little. For some years, the secret
archives of the papacy were accessible at Paris; but the time was not
ripe, and almost the only man whom they availed was the archivist
himself.[57] Towards 1830 the documentary studies began on a large
scale, Austria leading the way. Michelet, who claims, towards 1836,
to have been the pioneer,[58] was preceded by such rivals as
Mackintosh, Bucholtz, and Mignet. A new and more productive period
began thirty years later, when the war of 1859 laid open the spoils of
Italy. Every country in succession has now allowed the exploration of
its records, and there is more fear of drowning than of drought. The
result has been that a lifetime spent in the largest collection of
printed books would not suffice to train a real master of modern
history. After he had turned from literature to sources, from Burnet
to Pocock, from Macaulay to Madame Campana, from Thiers to the
interminable correspondence of the Bonapartes, he would still feel
instant need of inquiry at Venice or Naples, in the Ossuna library or
at the Hermitage.[59]

[Sidenote: HISTORY RENEWED BY CRITICISM]

These matters do not now concern us. For our purpose, the main thing
to learn is not the art of accumulating material, but the sublimer art
of investigating it, of discerning truth from falsehood, and certainty
from doubt. It is by solidity of criticism more than by the plenitude
of erudition, that the study of history strengthens, and straightens,
and extends the mind.[60] And the accession of the critic in the place
of the indefatigable compiler, of the artist in coloured narrative,
the skilled limner of character, the persuasive advocate of good, or
other, causes, amounts to a transfer of government, to a change of
dynasty, in the historic realm. For the critic is one who, when he
lights on an interesting statement, begins by suspecting it. He
remains in suspense until he has subjected his authority to three
operations. First, he asks whether he has read the passage as the
author wrote it. For the transcriber, and the editor, and the official
or officious censor on the top of the editor, have played strange
tricks, and have much to answer for. And if they are not to blame, it
may turn out that the author wrote his book twice over, that you can
discover the first jet, the progressive variations, things added, and
things struck out. Next is the question where the writer got his
information. If from a previous writer, it can be ascertained, and the
inquiry has to be repeated. If from unpublished papers, they must be
traced, and when the fountain head is reached, or the track
disappears, the question of veracity arises. The responsible writer's
character, his position, antecedents, and probable motives have to be
examined into; and this is what, in a different and adapted sense of
the word, may be called the higher criticism, in comparison with the
servile and often mechanical work of pursuing statements to their
root. For a historian has to be treated as a witness, and not believed
unless his sincerity is established.[61] The maxim that a man must be
presumed to be innocent until his guilt is proved, was not made for
him.

[Sidenote: CRITICAL STUDY OF EARLIER TIMES]

For us then the estimate of authorities, the weighing of testimony, is
more meritorious than the potential discovery of new matter.[62] And
modern history, which is the widest field of application, is not the
best to learn our business in; for it is too wide, and the harvest has
not been winnowed as in antiquity, and further on to the Crusades. It
is better to examine what has been done for questions that are
compact and circumscribed, such as the sources of Plutarch's
_Pericles_, the two tracts on Athenian government, the origin of the
epistle to Diognetus, the date of the life of St. Antony; and to learn
from Schwegler how this analytical work began. More satisfying because
more decisive has been the critical treatment of the medival writers,
parallel with the new editions, on which incredible labour has been
lavished, and of which we have no better examples than the prefaces of
Bishop Stubbs. An important event in this series was the attack on
Dino Compagni, which, for the sake of Dante, roused the best Italian
scholars to a not unequal contest. When we are told that England is
behind the Continent in critical faculty, we must admit that this is
true as to quantity, not as to quality of work. As they are no longer
living, I will say of two Cambridge professors, Lightfoot and Hort,
that they were critical scholars whom neither Frenchman nor German has
surpassed.

[Sidenote: DEGREES OF IMPARTIALITY]

The third distinctive note of the generation of writers who dug so
deep a trench between history as known to our grandfathers and as it
appears to us, is their dogma of impartiality. To an ordinary man the
word means no more than justice. He considers that he may proclaim the
merits of his own religion, of his prosperous and enlightened country,
of his political persuasion, whether democracy, or liberal monarchy,
or historic conservatism, without transgression or offence, so long as
he is fair to the relative, though inferior merits of others, and
never treats men as saints or as rogues for the side they take. There
is no impartiality, he would say, like that of a hanging judge. The
men who, with the compass of criticism in their hands, sailed the
uncharted sea of original research, proposed a different view.
History, to be above evasion or dispute, must stand on documents, not
on opinions. They had their own notion of truthfulness, based on the
exceeding difficulty of finding truth, and the still greater
difficulty of impressing it when found. They thought it possible to
write, with so much scruple, and simplicity, and insight, as to carry
along with them every man of good will, and, whatever his feelings, to
compel his assent. Ideas which, in religion and in politics, are
truths, in history are forces. They must be respected; they must not
be affirmed. By dint of a supreme reserve, by much self-control, by a
timely and discreet indifference, by secrecy in the matter of the
black cap, history might be lifted above contention, and made an
accepted tribunal, and the same for all.[63] If men were truly
sincere, and delivered judgment by no canons but those of evident
morality, then Julian would be described in the same terms by
Christian and pagan, Luther by Catholic and Protestant, Washington by
Whig and Tory, Napoleon by patriotic Frenchman and patriotic
German.[64]

[Sidenote: MORALITY THE SOLE RULE OF JUDGMENT]

I speak of this school with reverence, for the good it has done, by
the assertion of historic truth and of its legitimate authority over
the minds of men. It provides a discipline which every one of us does
well to undergo, and perhaps also well to relinquish. For it is not
the whole truth. Lanfrey's essay on Carnot, Chuquet's wars of the
Revolution, Ropes's military histories, Roget's Geneva in the time of
Calvin, will supply you with examples of a more robust impartiality
than I have described. Renan calls it the luxury of an opulent and
aristocratic society, doomed to vanish in an age of fierce and sordid
striving. In our universities it has a magnificent and appointed
refuge; and to serve its cause, which is sacred, because it is the
cause of truth and honour, we may import a profitable lesson from the
highly unscientific region of public life. There a man does not take
long to find out that he is opposed by some who are abler and better
than himself. And, in order to understand the cosmic force and the
true connection of ideas, it is a source of power, and an excellent
school of principle, not to rest until, by excluding the fallacies,
the prejudices, the exaggerations which perpetual contention and the
consequent precautions breed, we have made out for our opponents a
stronger and more impressive case than they present themselves.[65]
Excepting one to which we are coming before I release you, there is no
precept less faithfully observed by historians.

[Sidenote: EXAMPLE OF RANKE]

Ranke is the representative of the age which instituted the modern
study of history. He taught it to be critical, to be colourless, and
to be new. We meet him at every step, and he has done more for us than
any other man. There are stronger books than any one of his, and some
may have surpassed him in political, religious, philosophic insight,
in vividness of the creative imagination, in originality, elevation,
and depth of thought; but by the extent of important work well
executed, by his influence on able men, and by the amount of knowledge
which mankind receives and employs with the stamp of his mind upon it,
he stands without a rival. I saw him last in 1877, when he was feeble,
sunken, and almost blind, and scarcely able to read or write. He
uttered his farewell with kindly emotion, and I feared that the next I
should hear of him would be the news of his death. Two years later he
began a Universal History which is not without traces of weakness, but
which, composed after the age of eighty-three, and carried, in
seventeen volumes, far into the Middle Ages, brings to a close the
most astonishing career in literature.

[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF OPINION]

His course had been determined, in early life, by _Quentin Durward_.
The shock of the discovery that Scott's Lewis the Eleventh was
inconsistent with the original in Commynes made him resolve that his
object thenceforth should be above all things to follow, without
swerving, and in stern subordination and surrender, the lead of his
authorities. He decided effectually to repress the poet, the patriot,
the religious or political partisan, to sustain no cause, to banish
himself from his books, and to write nothing that would gratify his
own feelings or disclose his private convictions.[66] When a strenuous
divine who, like him, had written on the Reformation, hailed him as a
comrade, Ranke repelled his advances. "You," he said, "are in the
first place a Christian: I am in the first place a historian. There is
a gulf between us."[67] He was the first eminent writer who exhibited
what Michelet calls _le dsintressement des morts_. It was a moral
triumph for him when he could refrain from judging, show that much
might be said on both sides, and leave the rest to Providence.[68] He
would have felt sympathy with the two famous London physicians of our
day, of whom it is told that they could not make up their minds on a
case and reported dubiously. The head of the family insisted on a
positive opinion. They answered that they were unable to give one, but
he might easily find fifty doctors who could.

[Sidenote: CRITICISM OF MODERN SOURCES]

Niebuhr had pointed out that chroniclers who wrote before the
invention of printing generally copied one predecessor at a time, and
knew little about sifting or combining authorities. The suggestion
became luminous in Ranke's hands, and with his light and dexterous
touch he scrutinised and dissected the principal historians, from
Machiavelli to the _Mmoires d'un Homme d'tat_, with a rigour never
before applied to moderns. But whilst Niebuhr dismissed the
traditional story, replacing it with a construction of his own, it was
Ranke's mission to preserve, not to undermine, and to set up masters
whom, in their proper sphere, he could obey. The many excellent
dissertations in which he displayed this art, though his successors in
the next generation matched his skill and did still more thorough
work, are the best introduction from which we can learn the technical
process by which within living memory the study of modern history has
been renewed. Ranke's contemporaries, weary of his neutrality and
suspense, and of the useful but subordinate work that was done by
beginners who borrowed his wand, thought that too much was made of
these obscure preliminaries which a man may accomplish for himself, in
the silence of his chamber, with less demand on the attention of the
public.[69] That may be reasonable in men who are practised in these
fundamental technicalities. We who have to learn them, must immerse
ourselves in the study of the great examples.

[Sidenote: METHOD TO BE LEARNT FROM SCIENCES]

Apart from what is technical, method is only the reduplication of
common sense, and is best acquired by observing its use by the ablest
men in every variety of intellectual employment.[70] Bentham
acknowledged that he learned less from his own profession than from
writers like Linnus and Cullen; and Brougham advised the student of
Law to begin with Dante. Liebig described his _Organic Chemistry_ as
an application of ideas found in Mill's _Logic_, and a distinguished
physician, not to be named lest he should overhear me, read three
books to enlarge his medical mind; and they were Gibbon, Grote, and
Mill. He goes on to say, "An educated man cannot become so on one
study alone, but must be brought under the influence of natural,
civil, and moral modes of thought."[71] I quote my colleague's golden
words in order to reciprocate them. If men of science owe anything to
us, we may learn much from them that is essential.[72] For they can
show how to test proof, how to secure fulness and soundness in
induction, how to restrain and to employ with safety hypothesis and
analogy. It is they who hold the secret of the mysterious property of
the mind by which error ministers to truth, and truth slowly but
irrevocably prevails.[73] Theirs is the logic of discovery,[74] the
demonstration of the advance of knowledge and the development of
ideas, which as the earthly wants and passions of men remain almost
unchanged, are the charter of progress, and the vital spark in
history. And they often give us invaluable counsel when they attend to
their own subjects and address their own people. Remember Darwin,
taking note only of those passages that raised difficulties in his
way; the French philosopher complaining that his work stood still,
because he found no more contradicting facts; Baer, who thinks error
treated thoroughly, nearly as remunerative as truth, by the discovery
of new objections; for, as Sir Robert Ball warns us, it is by
considering objections that we often learn.[75] Faraday declares that
"in knowledge, that man only is to be condemned and despised who is
not in a state of transition." And John Hunter spoke for all of us,
when he said: "Never ask me what I have said or what I have written;
but if you will ask me what my present opinions are, I will tell you."

[Sidenote: ALL ADOPT THE HISTORIC METHOD]

From the first years of the century we have been quickened and
enriched by contributors from every quarter. The jurists brought us
that law of continuous growth which has transformed history from a
chronicle of casual occurrences into the likeness of something
organic.[76] Towards 1820 divines began to recast their doctrines on
the lines of development, of which Newman said, long after, that
evolution had come to confirm it.[77] Even the Economists, who were
practical men, dissolved their science into liquid history, affirming
that it is not an auxiliary, but the actual subject-matter of their
inquiry.[78] Philosophers claim that, as early as 1804, they began to
bow the metaphysical neck beneath the historical yoke. They taught
that philosophy is only the amended sum of all philosophies, that
systems pass with the age whose impress they bear,[79] that the
problem is to focus the rays of wandering but extant truth, and that
history is the source of philosophy, if not quite a substitute for
it.[80] Comte begins a volume with the words that the preponderance of
history over philosophy was the characteristic of the time he lived
in.[81] Since Cuvier first recognised the conjunction between the
course of inductive discovery and the course of civilization,[82]
science had its share in saturating the age with historic ways of
thought, and subjecting all things to that influence for which the
depressing names historicism and historical-mindedness have been
devised.

[Sidenote: DANGER OF OBLIVION]

[Sidenote: PROPHECY OF PITT]

There are certain faults which are corrigible mental defects on which
I ought to say a few denouncing words, because they are common to us
all. First: the want of an energetic understanding of the sequence and
real significance of events, which would be fatal to a practical
politician, is ruin to a student of history who is the politician with
his face turned backwards.[83] It is playing at study, to see nothing
but the unmeaning and unsuggestive surface, as we generally do. Then
we have a curious proclivity to neglect, and by degrees to forget,
what has been certainly known. An instance or two will explain my
idea. The most popular English writer relates how it happened in his
presence that the title of Tory was conferred upon the Conservative
party. For it was an opprobrious name at the time, applied to men for
whom the Irish Government offered head-money; so that if I have made
too sure of progress, I may at least complacently point to this
instance of our mended manners. One day, Titus Oates lost his temper
with the men who refused to believe him, and after looking about for a
scorching imprecation, he began to call them Tories.[84] The name
remained; but its origin, attested by Defoe, dropped out of common
memory, as if one party were ashamed of their godfather, and the other
did not care to be identified with his cause and character. You all
know, I am sure, the story of the news of Trafalgar, and how, two
days after it had arrived, Mr. Pitt, drawn by an enthusiastic crowd,
went to dine in the city. When they drank the health of the minister
who had saved his country, he declined the praise. "England," he said,
"has saved herself by her own energy; and I hope that after having
saved herself by her energy, she will save Europe by her example." In
1814, when this hope had been realised, the last speech of the great
orator was remembered, and a medal was struck upon which the whole
sentence was engraved, in four words of compressed Latin: "_Seipsam
virtute, Europam exemplo._" Now it was just at the time of his last
appearance in public that Mr. Pitt heard of the overwhelming success
of the French in Germany, and of the Austrian surrender at Ulm. His
friends concluded that the contest on land was hopeless, and that it
was time to abandon the Continent to the conqueror, and to fall back
upon our new empire of the sea. Pitt did not agree with them. He said
that Napoleon would meet with a check whenever he encountered a
national resistance; and he declared that Spain was the place for it,
and that then England would intervene.[85] General Wellesley, fresh
from India, was present. Ten years later, when he had accomplished
that which Pitt had seen in the lucid prescience of his last days, he
related at Paris what I scarcely hesitate to call the most astounding
and profound prediction in all political history, where such things
have not been rare.

[Sidenote: RULES FOR THE STUDY OF HISTORY]

I shall never again enjoy the opportunity of speaking my thoughts to
such an audience as this, and on so privileged an occasion a lecturer
may well be tempted to bethink himself whether he knows of any
neglected truth, any cardinal proposition, that might serve as his
selected epigraph, as a last signal, perhaps even as a target. I am
not thinking of those shining precepts which are the registered
property of every school; that is to say--Learn as much by writing as
by reading; be not content with the best book; seek sidelights from
the others; have no favourites; keep men and things apart; guard
against the prestige of great names;[86] see that your judgments are
your own, and do not shrink from disagreement; no trusting without
testing; be more severe to ideas than to actions;[87] do not overlook
the strength of the bad cause or the weakness of the good;[88] never
be surprised by the crumbling of an idol or the disclosure of a
skeleton; judge talent at its best and character at its worst; suspect
power more than vice,[89] and study problems in preference to periods;
for instance: the derivation of Luther, the scientific influence of
Bacon, the predecessors of Adam Smith, the medival masters of
Rousseau, the consistency of Burke, the identity of the first Whig.
Most of this, I suppose, is undisputed, and calls for no enlargement.
But the weight of opinion is against me when I exhort you never to
debase the moral currency or to lower the standard of rectitude, but
to try others by the final maxim that governs your own lives, and to
suffer no man and no cause to escape the undying penalty which history
has the power to inflict on wrong.[90] The plea in extenuation of
guilt and mitigation of punishment is perpetual. At every step we are
met by arguments which go to excuse, to palliate, to confound right
and wrong, and reduce the just man to the level of the reprobate. The
men who plot to baffle and resist us are, first of all, those who made
history what it has become. They set up the principle that only a
foolish Conservative judges the present time with the ideas of the
Past; that only a foolish Liberal judges the Past with the ideas of
the Present.[91]

[Sidenote: JUSTIFICATION OF THE PAST]

The mission of that school was to make distant times, and especially
the middle ages, then most distant of all, intelligible and acceptable
to a society issuing from the eighteenth century. There were
difficulties in the way; and among others this, that, in the first
fervour of the Crusades, the men who took the Cross, after receiving
communion, heartily devoted the day to the extermination of Jews. To
judge them by a fixed standard, to call them sacrilegious fanatics or
furious hypocrites, was to yield a gratuitous victory to Voltaire. It
became a rule of policy to praise the spirit when you could not defend
the deed. So that we have no common code; our moral notions are always
fluid; and you must consider the times, the class from which men
sprang, the surrounding influences, the masters in their schools, the
preachers in their pulpits, the movement they obscurely obeyed, and so
on, until responsibility is merged in numbers, and not a culprit is
left for execution.[92] A murderer was no criminal if he followed
local custom, if neighbours approved, if he was encouraged by
official advisers or prompted by just authority, if he acted for the
reason of state or the pure love of religion, or if he sheltered
himself behind the complicity of the Law. The depression of morality
was flagrant; but the motives were those which have enabled us to
contemplate with distressing complacency the secret of unhallowed
lives. The code that is greatly modified by time and place, will vary
according to the cause. The amnesty is an artifice that enables us to
make exceptions, to tamper with weights and measures, to deal unequal
justice to friends and enemies.

[Sidenote: PHILOSOPHIES OF HISTORY]

It is associated with that philosophy which Cato attributes to the
gods. For we have a theory which justifies Providence by the event,
and holds nothing so deserving as success, to which there can be no
victory in a bad cause, prescription and duration legitimate,[93] and
whatever exists is right and reasonable; and as God manifests His will
by that which He tolerates, we must conform to the divine decree by
living to shape the Future after the ratified image of the Past.[94]
Another theory, less confidently urged, regards History as our guide,
as much by showing errors to evade as examples to pursue. It is
suspicious of illusions in success, and, though there may be hope of
ultimate triumph for what is true, if not by its own attraction, by
the gradual exhaustion of error, it admits no corresponding promise
for what is ethically right. It deems the canonisation of the historic
Past more perilous than ignorance or denial, because it would
perpetuate the reign of sin and acknowledge the sovereignty of wrong,
and conceives it the part of real greatness to know how to stand and
fall alone, stemming, for a lifetime, the contemporary flood.[95]

[Sidenote: DEBASING THE CURRENCY]

Ranke relates, without adornment, that William III. ordered the
extirpation of a Catholic clan, and scouts the faltering excuse of his
defenders. But when he comes to the death and character of the
international deliverer, Glencoe is forgotten, the imputation of
murder drops, like a thing unworthy of notice.[96] Johannes Mueller, a
great Swiss celebrity, writes that the British Constitution occurred
to somebody, perhaps to Halifax. This artless statement might not be
approved by rigid lawyers as a faithful and felicitous indication of
the manner of that mysterious growth of ages, from occult beginnings,
that was never profaned by the invading wit of man;[97] but it is
less grotesque than it appears. Lord Halifax was the most original
writer of political tracts in the pamphleteering crowd between
Harrington and Bolingbroke; and in the Exclusion struggle he produced
a scheme of limitations which, in substance, if not in form,
foreshadowed the position of the monarchy in the later Hanoverian
reigns. Although Halifax did not believe in the Plot,[98] he insisted
that innocent victims should be sacrificed to content the multitude.
Sir William Temple writes:--"We only disagreed in one point, which was
the leaving some priests to the law upon the accusation of being
priests only, as the House of Commons had desired; which I thought
wholly unjust. Upon this point Lord Halifax and I had so sharp a
debate at Lord Sunderland's lodgings, that he told me, if I would not
concur in points which were so necessary for the people's
satisfaction, he would tell everybody I was a Papist. And upon his
affirming that the plot must be handled as if it were true, whether it
were so or no, in those points that were so generally believed." In
spite of this accusing passage Macaulay, who prefers Halifax to all
the statesmen of his age, praises him for his mercy: "His dislike of
extremes, and a forgiving and compassionate temper which seems to have
been natural to him, preserved him from all participation in the worst
crimes of his time."

[Sidenote: SINFULNESS OF HISTORY]

[Sidenote: SOVEREIGNTY OF THE MORAL CODE]

If, in our uncertainty, we must often err, it may be sometimes better
to risk excess in rigour than in indulgence, for then at least we do
no injury by loss of principle. As Bayle has said, it is more probable
that the secret motives of an indifferent action are bad than
good;[99] and this discouraging conclusion does not depend upon
theology, for James Mozley supports the sceptic from the other flank,
with all the artillery of Tractarian Oxford. "A Christian," he says,
"is bound by his very creed to suspect evil, and cannot release
himself.... He sees it where others do not; his instinct is divinely
strengthened; his eye is supernaturally keen; he has a spiritual
insight, and senses exercised to discern.... He owns the doctrine of
original sin; that doctrine puts him necessarily on his guard against
appearances, sustains his apprehension under perplexity, and prepares
him for recognising anywhere what he knows to be everywhere."[100]
There is a popular saying of Madame de Stal, that we forgive whatever
we really understand. The paradox has been judiciously pruned by her
descendant, the Duke de Broglie, in the words: "Beware of too much
explaining, lest we end by too much excusing."[101] History, says
Froude, does teach that right and wrong are real distinctions.
Opinions alter, manners change, creeds rise and fall, but the moral
law is written on the tablets of eternity.[102] And if there are
moments when we may resist the teaching of Froude, we have seldom the
chance of resisting when he is supported by Mr. Goldwin Smith: "A
sound historical morality will sanction strong measures in evil times;
selfish ambition, treachery, murder, perjury, it will never sanction
in the worst of times, for these are the things that make times
evil.--Justice has been justice, mercy has been mercy, honour has been
honour, good faith has been good faith, truthfulness has been
truthfulness from the beginning." The doctrine that, as Sir Thomas
Browne says, morality is not ambulatory,[103] is expressed as follows
by Burke, who, when true to himself, is the most intelligent of our
instructors: "My principles enable me to form my judgment upon men and
actions in history, just as they do in common life; and are not formed
out of events and characters, either present or past. History is a
preceptor of prudence, not of principles. The principles of true
politics are those of morality enlarged; and I neither now do, nor
ever will admit of any other."[104]

[Sidenote: HISTORY AND CHARACTER]

Whatever a man's notions of these later centuries are, such, in the
main, the man himself will be. Under the name of History, they cover
the articles of his philosophic, his religious, and his political
creed.[105] They give his measure; they denote his character: and, as
praise is the shipwreck of historians, his preferences betray him more
than his aversions. Modern history touches us so nearly, it is so deep
a question of life and death, that we are bound to find our own way
through it, and to owe our insight to ourselves. The historians of
former ages, unapproachable for us in knowledge and in talent, cannot
be our limit. We have the power to be more rigidly impersonal,
disinterested and just than they; and to learn from undisguised and
genuine records to look with remorse upon the past, and to the future
with assured hope of better things; bearing this in mind, that if we
lower our standard in history, we cannot uphold it in Church or
State.




                                 NOTES


[1] No political conclusions of any value for practice can be
arrived at by direct experience. All true political science is, in one
sense of the phrase, _a priori_, being deduced from the tendencies of
things, tendencies known either through our general experience of
human nature, or as the result of an analysis of the course of
history, considered as a progressive evolution.--MILL, _Inaugural
Address_, 51.

[2] Contemporary history is, in Dr. Arnold's opinion, more
important than either ancient or modern; and in fact superior to it by
all the superiority of the end to the means.--SEELEY, _Lectures and
Essays_, 306.

[3] The law of all progress is one and the same, the
evolution of the simple into the complex by successive
differentiations.--_Edinburgh Review_, clvii. 428. Die Entwickelung
der Vlker vollzieht sich nach zwei Gesetzen. Das erste Gesetz ist das
der Differenzierung. Die primitiven Einrichtungen sind einfach und
einheitlich, die der Civilisation zusammengesetzt und geteilt, und die
Arbeitsteilung nimmt bestndig zu.--SICKEL, _Goettingen Gelehrte
Anzeigen_, 1890, 563.

[4] Nous risquons toujours d'tre influencs par les
prjugs de notre poque; mais nous sommes libres des prjugs
particuliers aux poques antrieures.--E. NAVILLE, _Christianisme de
Fnelon_, 9.

[5] La nature n'est qu'un cho de l'esprit. L'ide est la
mre du fait, elle faonne graduellement le monde  son
image.--FEUCHTERSLEBEN, _in_ CARO, _Nouvelles tudes Morales_, 132. Il
n'est pas d'tude morale qui vaille l'histoire d'une ide.--LABOULAYE,
_Libert Religieuse_, 25.

[6] Il y a des savants qui raillent le sentiment religieux.
Ils ne savent pas que c'est  ce sentiment, et par son moyen, que la
science historique doit d'avoir pu sortir de l'enfance.... Depuis des
sicles les mes indpendantes discutaient les textes et les
traditions de l'glise, quand les lettrs n'avaient pas encore eu
l'ide de porter un regard critique sur les textes de l'antiquit
mondaine.--_La France Protestante_, ii. 17.

[7] In our own history, above all, every step in advance has
been at the same time a step backwards. It has often been shown how
our latest constitution is, amidst all external differences,
essentially the same as our earliest, how every struggle for right and
freedom, from the thirteenth century onwards, has simply been a
struggle for recovering something old.--FREEMAN, _Historical Essays_,
iv. 253. Nothing but a thorough knowledge of the social system, based
upon a regular study of its growth, can give us the power we require
to affect it.--HARRISON, _Meaning of History_, 19. Eine Sache wird nur
vllig auf dem Wege verstanden, wie sie selbst entsteht.--In dem
genetischen Verfahren sind die Grnde der Sache, auch die Grnde des
Erkennens.--TRENDELENBURG, _Logische Untersuchungen_, ii. 395, 388.

[8] Une telle libert ... n'a rien de commun avec le savant
systme de garanties qui fait libres les peuples modernes.--BOUTMY,
_Annales des Sciences Politiques_, i. 157. Les trois grandes rformes
qui ont renouvel l'Angleterre, la libert religieuse, la rforme
parlementaire, et la libert conomique, ont t obtenues sous la
pression des organisations extra-constitutionnelles.--OSTROGORSKI,
_Revue Historique_, lii. 272.

[9] The question which is at the bottom of all constitutional
struggles, the question between the national will and the national
law.--GARDINER, _Documents_, xviii. Religion, considered simply as the
principle which balances the power of human opinion, which takes man
out of the grasp of custom and fashion, and teaches him to refer
himself to a higher tribunal, is an infinite aid to moral strength and
elevation.--CHANNING, _Works_, iv. 83. Je tiens que le pass ne suffit
jamais au prsent. Personne n'est plus dispos que moi  profiter de
ses leons; mais en mme temps, je le demande, le prsent ne
fournit-il pas toujours les indications qui lui sont propres?--MOL,
_in_ FALLOUX, _tudes et Souvenirs_, 130. Admirons la sagesse de nos
pres, et tachons de l'imiter, en faisant ce qui convient  notre
sicle.--GALIANI, _Dialogues_, 40.

[10] Ceterum in legendis Historiis malim te ductum animi,
quam anxias leges sequi. Nullae sunt, quae non magnas habeant
utilitates; et melius haerent, quae libenter legimus. In universum
tamen, non incipere ab antiquissimis, sed ab his, quae nostris
temporibus nostraeque notitiae propius cohaerent, ac paulatim deinde
in remotiora eniti, magis  re arbitror.--GROTIUS, _Epistol_, 18.

[11] The older idea of a law of degeneracy, of a "fatal drift
towards the worse," is as obsolete as astrology or the belief in
witchcraft. The human race has become hopeful, sanguine.--SEELEY,
_Rede Lecture_, 1887. _Fortnightly Review_, July, 1887, 124.

[12] Formuler des ides gnrales, c'est changer le salptre
en poudre.--A. DE MUSSET, _Confessions d'un Enfant du Sicle_, 15. Les
rvolutions c'est l'avnement des ides librales. C'est presque
toujours par les rvolutions qu'elles prvalent et se fondent, et
quand les ides librales en sont vritablement le principe et le but,
quand elles leur ont donn naissance, et quand elles les couronnent 
leur dernier jour, alors ces rvolutions sont lgitimes.--RMUSAT,
1839, in _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1875, vi. 335. Il y a mme des
personnes de pit qui prouvent par raison qu'il faut renoncer  la
raison; que ce n'est point la lumire, mais la foi seule qui doit nous
conduire, et que l'obissance aveugle est la principale vertu des
chrtiens. La paresse des infrieurs et leur esprit flatteur
s'accommode souvent de cette vertu prtendue, et l'orgueil de ceux qui
commandent en est toujours trs content. De sorte qu'il se trouvera
peut-tre des gens qui seront scandaliss que je fasse cet honneur 
la raison, de l'lever au-dessus de toutes les puissances, et qui
s'imagineront que je me rvolte contre les autorits lgitimes  cause
que je prends son parti et que je soutiens que c'est  elle  dcider
et  regner.--MALEBRANCHE, _Morale_, i. 2, 13. That great statesman
(Mr. Pitt) distinctly avowed that the application of philosophy to
politics was at that time an innovation, and that it was an innovation
worthy to be adopted. He was ready to make the same avowal in the
present day which Mr. Pitt had made in 1792.--CANNING, June 1, 1827.
_Parliamentary Review_, 1828, 71. American history knows but one
avenue of success in American legislation, freedom from ancient
prejudice. The best lawgivers in our colonies first became as little
children.--BANCROFT, _History of the United States_, i. 494.--Every
American, from Jefferson and Gallatin down to the poorest squatter,
seemed to nourish an idea that he was doing what he could to overthrow
the tyranny which the past had fastened on the human mind.--ADAMS,
_History of the United States_, i. 175.

[13] The greatest changes of which we have had experience as
yet are due to our increasing knowledge of history and nature. They
have been produced by a few minds appearing in three or four favoured
nations, in comparatively a short period of time. May we be allowed to
imagine the minds of men everywhere working together during many ages
for the completion of our knowledge? May not the increase of knowledge
transfigure the world?--JOWETT, _Plato_, i. 414. Nothing, I believe,
is so likely to beget in us a spirit of enlightened liberality, of
Christian forbearance, of large-hearted moderation, as the careful study
of the history of doctrine and the history of interpretation.--PEROWNE,
_Psalms_, i. p. xxxi.

[14] Ce n'est gure avant la seconde moiti du XVIIe sicle
qu'il devint impossible de soutenir l'authenticit des fausses
dcrtales, des Constitutions apostoliques, des Rcognitions
Clmentines, du faux Ignace, du pseudo-Dionys, et de l'immense fatras
d'oeuvres anonymes ou pseudonymes qui grossissait souvent du tiers
ou de la moiti l'hritage littraire des auteurs les plus
considrables.--DUCHESNE, _Tmoins antnicens de la Trinit_, 1883,
36.

[15] A man who does not know what has been thought by those
who have gone before him is sure to set an undue value upon his own
ideas.--M. PATTISON, _Memoirs_, 78.

[16] Travailler  discerner, dans cette discipline, le solide
d'avec le frivole, le vrai d'avec le vraisemblable, la science d'avec
l'opinion, ce qui forme le jugement d'avec ce qui ne fait que charger
la mmoire.--LAMY, _Connoissance de soi-mme_, v. 459.

[17] All our hopes of the future depend on a sound
understanding of the past.--HARRISON, _The Meaning of History_, 6.

[18] The real history of mankind is that of the slow advance
of resolved deed following laboriously just thought; and all the
greatest men live in their purpose and effort more than it is possible
for them to live in reality.--The things that actually happened were
of small consequence--the thoughts that were developed are of infinite
consequence.--RUSKIN. Facts are the mere dross of history. It is from
the abstract truth which interpenetrates them, and lies latent among
them like gold in the ore, that the mass derives its value.--MACAULAY,
_Works_, v. 131.

[19] Die Gesetze der Geschichte sind eben die Gesetze der
ganzen Menschheit, gehen nicht in die Geschicke eines Volkes, einer
Generation oder gar eines Einzelnen auf. Individuen und Geschlechter,
Staaten und Nationen, knnen zerstuben, die Menschheit bleibt.--A.
SCHMIDT, _Zricher Monatschrift_. i. 45.

[20] Le grand pril des ges dmocratiques, soyez-en sr,
c'est la destruction ou l'affaiblissement excessif des parties du
corps social en prsence du tout. Tout ce qui relve de nos jours
l'ide de l'individu est sain.--TOCQUEVILLE, Jan. 3, 1840,
_OEuvres_, vii. 97. En France, il n'y a plus d'hommes. On a
systmatiquement tu l'homme au profit du peuple, des masses, comme
disent nos lgislateurs cervels. Puis un beau jour, on s'est aperu
que ce peuple n'avait jamais exist qu'en projet, que ces masses
taient un troupeau mi-partie de moutons et de tigres. C'est une
triste histoire. Nous avons  relever l'me humaine contre l'aveugle
et brutale tyrannie des multitudes.--LANFREY, March 23, 1855. M. DU
CAMP, _Souvenirs Littraires_, ii. 273. C'est le propre de la vertu
d'tre invisible, mme dans l'histoire,  tout autre oeil que celui
de la conscience.--VACHEROT, _Comptes Rendus de l'Institut_, lxix.
319. Dans l'histoire o la bont est la perle rare, qui a t bon
passe presque avant qui a t grand.--V. HUGO, _Les Misrables_, vii.
46. Grosser Maenner Leben und Tod der Wahrheit gemaess mit Liebe zu
schildern, ist zu allen Zeiten herzerhebend; am meisten aber dann,
wenn im Kreislauf der irdischen Dinge die Sterne wieder aehnlich
stehen wie damals als sie unter uns lebten.--LASAULX, _Sokrates_, 3.
Instead of saying that the history of mankind is the history of the
masses, it would be much more true to say that the history of mankind
is the history of its great men.--KINGSLEY, _Lectures_, 329.

[21] Le gnie n'est que la plus complte mancipation de
toutes les influences de temps, de moeurs, et de pays.--NISARD,
_Souvenirs_, ii. 43.

[22] Meine kritische Richtung zieht mich in der Wissenschaft
durchaus zur Kritik meiner eigenen Gedanken hin, nicht zu der der
Gedanken Anderer.--ROTHE, _Ethik_, i., p. xi.

[23] When you are in young years the whole mind is, as it
were, fluid, and is capable of forming itself into any shape that the
owner of the mind pleases to order it to form itself into.--CARLYLE,
_On the Choice of Books_, 131. Nach allem erscheint es somit
unzweifelhaft als eine der psychologischen Voraussetzungen des
Strafrechts, ohne welche der Zurechnungsbegriff nicht haltbar wre,
dass der Mensch fr seinen Charakter verantwortlich ist und ihn muss
abndern knnen.--RMELIN, _Reden und Aufstze_, ii., 60. An der
tiefen und verborgenen Quelle, woraus der Wille entspringt, an diesem
Punkt, nur hier steht die Freiheit, und fhrt das Steuer und lenkt den
Willen. Wer nicht bis zu dieser Tiefe in sich einkehren und seinen
natrlichen Charakter von hier aus bemeistern kann, der hat nicht den
Gebrauch seiner Freiheit, der ist nicht frei, sondern unterworfen dem
Triebwerk seiner Interessen, und dadurch in der Gewalt des Weltlaufs,
worin jede Begebenheit und jede Handlung eine nothwendige Folge ist
aller vorhergehenden.--FISCHER, _Problem der Freiheit_, 27.

[24] I must regard the main duty of a Professor to consist,
not simply in communicating information, but in doing this in such a
manner, and with such an accompaniment of subsidiary means, that the
information he conveys may be the occasion of awakening his pupils to
a vigorous and varied exertion of their faculties.--SIR W. HAMILTON,
_Lectures_, i. 14. No great man really does his work by imposing his
maxims on his disciples, he evokes their life. The pupil may become
much wiser than his instructor, he may not accept his conclusions, but
he will own, "You awakened me to be myself, for that I thank
you."--MAURICE, _The Conscience_, 7, 8.

[25] Ich sehe die Zeit kommen, wo wir die neuere Geschichte
nicht mehr auf die Berichte selbst nicht der gleichzeitigen
Historiker, ausser in so weit ihnen neue originale Kenntniss
beiwohnte, geschweige denn auf die weiter abgeleiteten Bearbeitungen
zu grnden haben, sondern aus den Relationen der Augenzeugen und der
chten und unmittelbarsten Urkunden aufbauen werden.--RANKE,
_Reformation_, _Preface_, 1838. Ce qu'on a trouv et mis en oeuvre
est considrable en soi: c'est peu de chose au prix de ce qui reste 
trouver et  mettre en oeuvre.--AULARD, _tudes sur la Rvolution_,
21.

[26] N'attendez donc pas les leons de l'exprience; elles
cotent trop cher aux nations.--O. BARROT, _Mmoires_, ii. 435. Il y a
des leons dans tous les temps, pour tous les temps; et celles qu'on
emprunte  des ennemis ne sont pas les moins prcieuses.--LANFREY,
_Napolon_, v. p. ii. Old facts may always be fresh, and may give out
a fresh meaning for each generation.--MAURICE, _Lectures_, 62. The
object is to lead the student to attend to them; to make him take
interest in history not as a mere narrative, but as a chain of causes
and effects still unwinding itself before our eyes, and full of
momentous consequences to himself and his descendants--an unremitting
conflict between good and evil powers, of which every act done by any
one of us, insignificant as we are, forms one of the incidents; a
conflict in which even the smallest of us cannot escape from taking
part, in which whoever does not help the right side is helping the
wrong.--MILL, _Inaugural Address_, 59.

[27] I hold that the degree in which Poets dwell in sympathy
with the Past, marks exactly the degree of their poetical
faculty.--WORDSWORTH in C. FOX, _Memoirs_, June, 1842. In all
political, all social, all human questions whatever, history is the
main resource of the inquirer.--HARRISON, _Meaning of History_, 15.
There are no truths which more readily gain the assent of mankind, or
are more firmly retained by them, than those of an historical nature,
depending upon the testimony of others.--PRIESTLEY, _Letters to French
Philosophers_, 9. Improvement consists in bringing our opinions into
nearer agreement with facts; and we shall not be likely to do this
while we look at facts only through glasses coloured by those very
opinions.--MILL, _Inaugural Address_, 25.

[28] He who has learnt to understand the true character and
tendency of many succeeding ages is not likely to go very far wrong in
estimating his own.--LECKY, _Value of History_, 21. C'est  l'histoire
qu'il faut se prendre, c'est le fait que nous devons interroger, quand
l'ide vacille et fuit  nos yeux.--MICHELET, _Disc. d'Ouverture_,
263. C'est la loi des faits telle qu'elle se manifeste dans leur
succession. C'est la rgle de conduite donne par la nature humaine et
indique par l'histoire. C'est la logique, mais cette logique qui ne
fait qu'un avec l'enchanement des choses. C'est l'enseignement de
l'exprience.--SCHERER, _Mlanges_, 558. Wer seine Vergangenheit nicht
als seine Geschichte hat und weiss wird und ist characterlos Wem ein
Ereigniss sein Sonst pltzlich abreisst von seinem Jetzt wird leicht
wurzellos.--KLIEFOTH, _Rheinwalds Repertorium_, xliv. 20. La politique
est une des meilleures coles pour l'esprit. Elle force  chercher la
raison de toutes choses, et ne permet pas cependant de la chercher
hors des faits.--RMUSAT, _Le Temps Pass_, i. 31. It is an unsafe
partition that divides opinions without principle from unprincipled
opinions.--COLERIDGE, _Lay Sermon_, 373.

    Wer nicht von drei tausend Jahren sich weiss Rechenschaft zu geben,
    Bleib' im Dunkeln unerfahren, mag von Tag zu Tage leben!

                                                          GOETHE.

What can be rationally required of the student of philosophy is not a
preliminary and absolute, but a gradual and progressive, abrogation of
prejudices.--SIR W. HAMILTON, _Lectures_, iv. 92.

[29] Die Schlacht bei Leuthen ist wohl die letzte, in welcher
diese religisen Gegenstze entscheidend eingewirkt haben.--RANKE,
_Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie_, vii. 70.

[30] The only real cry in the country is the proper and just
old No Popery cry.--_Major Beresford_, July, 1847. Unfortunately the
strongest bond of union amongst them is an apprehension of
Popery.--_Stanley_, September 12, 1847. The great Protectionist party
having degenerated into a No Popery, No Jew Party, I am still more
unfit now than I was in 1846 to lead it.--_G. Bentinck_, December 26,
1847. _Croker's Memoirs_, iii. 116, 132, 157.

[31] In the case of Protestantism, this constitutional
instability is now a simple matter of fact, which has become too plain
to be denied. The system is not fixed, but in motion; and the motion
is for the time in the direction of complete self-dissolution.--We
take it for a transitory scheme, whose breaking up is to make room in
due time for another and far more perfect state of the Church.--The
new order in which Protestantism is to become thus complete cannot be
reached without the co-operation and help of Romanism.--NEVIN,
_Mercersburg Review_, iv. 48.

[32] Diese Heiligen waren es, die aus dem unmittelbaren
Glaubensleben und den Grundgedanken der christlichen Freiheit zuerst
die Idee allgemeiner Menschenrechte abgeleitet und rein von
Selbstsucht vertheidigt haben.--WEINGARTEN, _Revolutionskirchen_, 447.
Wie selbst die Idee allgemeiner Menschenrechte, die in dem gemeinsamen
Character der Ebenbildlichkeit Gottes gegrndet sind, erst durch das
Christenthum zum Bewusstsein gebracht werden, whrend jeder andere
Eifer fr politische Freiheit als ein mehr oder weniger
selbstschtiger und beschrnkter sich erwiesen hat.--NEANDER, _Pref.
to Uhden's Wilberforce_, p. v. The rights of individuals and the
justice due to them are as dear and precious as those of states;
indeed the latter are founded on the former, and the great end and
object of them must be to secure and support the rights of
individuals, or else vain is government.--CUSHING in CONWAY, _Life of
Paine_, i. 217. As it is owned the whole scheme of Scripture is not
yet understood; so, if it ever comes to be understood, before the
restitution of all things, and without miraculous interpositions, it
must be in the same way as natural knowledge is come at--by the
continuance and progress of learning and liberty.--BUTLER, _Analogy_,
ii. 3.

[33] Comme les lois elles-mmes sont faillibles, et qu'il
peut y avoir une autre justice que la justice crite, les socits
modernes ont voulu garantir les droits de la conscience  la poursuite
d'une justice meilleure que celle qui existe; et l est le fondement
de ce qu'on appelle libert de conscience, libert d'crire, libert
de pense.--JANET, _Philosophie Contemporaine_, 308. Si la force
matrielle a toujours fini par cder  l'opinion, combien plus ne
sera-t-elle pas contrainte de cder  la conscience? Car la
conscience, c'est l'opinion renforce par le sentiment de
l'obligation.--VINET, _Libert Religieuse_, 3.

[34] Aprs la volont d'un homme, la raison d'tat; aprs la
raison d'tat, la religion; aprs la religion, la libert. Voil toute
la philosophie de l'histoire.--FLOTTES, _La Souverainet du Peuple_,
1851, 192. La rpartition plus gale des biens et des droits dans ce
monde est le plus grand objet que doivent se proposer ceux qui mnent
les affaires humaines. Je veux seulement que l'galit en politique
consiste  tre galement libre.--TOCQUEVILLE, September 10, 1856.
_Mme. Swetchine_, i. 455. On peut concevoir une lgislation trs
simple, lorsqu'on voudra en carter tout ce qui est arbitraire, ne
consulter que les deux premires lois de la libert et de la
proprit, et ne point admettre de lois positives qui ne tirent leur
raison de ces deux lois souveraines de la justice essentielle et
absolue.--LETROSNE, _Vues sur la Justice Criminelle_, 16. Summa enim
libertas est, ad optimum recta ratione cogi.--Nemo optat sibi hanc
libertatem, volendi quae velit, sed potius volendi optima.--LEIBNIZ,
_De Fato_. TRENDELENBURG, _Beitrge zur Philosophie_, ii. 190.

[35] All the world is, by the very law of its creation, in
eternal progress; and the cause of all the evils of the world may be
traced to that natural, but most deadly error of human indolence and
corruption, that our business is to preserve and not to
improve.--ARNOLD, _Life_, i. 259. In whatever state of knowledge we
may conceive man to be placed, his progress towards a yet higher state
need never fear a check, but must continue till the last existence of
society.--HERSCHEL, _Prel. Dis._, 360. It is in the development of
thought as in every other development; the present suffers from the
past, and the future struggles hard in escaping from the
present.--MAX MLLER, _Science of Thought_, 617. Most of the great
positive evils of the world are in themselves removable, and will, if
human affairs continue to improve, be in the end reduced within narrow
limits. Poverty in any sense implying suffering may be completely
extinguished by the wisdom of society combined with the good sense and
providence of individuals.--All the grand sources, in short, of human
suffering are in a great degree, many of them almost entirely,
conquerable by human care and effort.--J. S. MILL, _Utilitarianism_,
21, 22. The ultimate standard of worth is personal worth, and the only
progress that is worth striving after, the only acquisition that is
truly good and enduring, is the growth of the soul.--BIXBY, _Crisis of
Morals_, 210. La science, et l'industrie qu'elle produit, ont, parmi
tous les autres enfants du gnie de l'homme, ce privilge particulier,
que leur vol non-seulement ne peut pas s'interrompre, mais qu'il
s'acclre sans cesse.--CUVIER, _Discours sur la Marche des Sciences_,
24 Avril, 1816. Aucune ide parmi celles qui se rfrent  l'ordre des
faits naturels, ne tient de plus prs  la famille des ides
religieuses que l'ide du progrs, et n'est plus propre  devenir le
principe d'une sorte de foi religieuse pour ceux qui n'en ont pas
d'autres. Elle a, comme la foi religieuse, la vertu de relever les
mes et les caractres.--COURNOT, _Marche des Ides_, ii. 425. Dans le
spectacle de l'humanit errante, souffrante et travaillant toujours 
mieux voir,  mieux penser,  mieux agir,  diminuer l'infirmit de
l'tre humain,  apaiser l'inquitude de son coeur, la science
dcouvre une direction et un progrs.--A. SOREL, _Discours de
Rception_, 14. Le jeune homme qui commence son ducation quinze ans
aprs son pre,  une poque o celui-ci, engag dans une profession
spciale et active, ne peut que suivre les anciens principes, acquiert
une supriorit thorique dont on doit tenir compte dans la hirarchie
sociale. Le plus souvent le pre n'est-il pas pntr de l'esprit de
routine, tandis que le fils reprsente et dfend la science
progressive? En diminuant l'cart qui existait entre l'influence des
jeunes gnrations et celle de la vieillesse ou de l'ge mr, les
peuples modernes n'auraient donc fait que reproduire dans leur ordre
social un changement de rapports qui s'tait dj accompli dans la
nature intime des choses.--BOUTMY, _Revue Nationale_, xxi. 393. Il y a
dans l'homme individuel des principes de progrs viager; il y a, en
toute socit, des causes constantes qui transforment ce progrs
viager en progrs hrditaire. Une socit quelconque tend 
progresser tant que les circonstances ne touchent pas aux causes de
progrs que nous avons reconnues, l'imitation des dvanciers par les
successeurs, des trangers par les indignes.--LACOMBE, _L'Histoire
comme Science_, 292. Veram creat mentis beatitudinem consistere in
non impedito progressu ad bona majora.--LEIBNIZ to WOLF, February 21,
1705. In cumulum etiam pulchritudinis perfectionisque universalis
operum divinorum progressus quidam perpetuus liberrimusque totius
universi est agnoscendus, ita ut ad majorem semper cultum
procedat.--LEIBNIZ ed. Erdmann, 150_a_. Der Creaturen und also auch
unsere Vollkommenheit bestehet in einem ungehinderten starken
Forttrieb zu neuen und neuen Vollkommenheiten.--LEIBNIZ, _Deutsche
Schriften_, ii. 36. Hegel, welcher annahm, der Fortschritt der Neuzeit
gegen das Mittelalter sei dieser, dass die Principien der Tugend und
des Christenthums, welche im Mittelalter sich allein im Privatleben
und der Kirche zur Geltung gebracht htten, nun auch anfingen, das
politische Leben zu durchdringen.--FORTLAGE, _Allg. Monatschrift_,
1853, 777. Wir Slawen wissen, dass die Geister einzelner Menschen und
ganzer Vlker sich nur durch die Stufe ihrer Entwicklung
unterscheiden.--MICKIEWICZ, _Slawische Literatur_, ii. 436. Le progrs
ne disparait jamais, mais il se dplace souvent. Il va des gouvernants
aux gouverns. La tendance des rvolutions est de le ramener toujours
parmi les gouvernants. Lorsqu'il est  la tte des socits, il marche
hardiment, car il conduit. Lorsqu'il est dans la masse, il marche 
pas lents, car il lutte.--NAPOLEON III., _Des Ides Napoloniennes_.
La loi du progrs avait jadis l'inexorable rigueur du destin; elle
prend maintenant de jour en jour la douce puissance de la Providence.
C'est l'erreur, c'est l'iniquit, c'est le vice, que la civilisation
tend  emporter dans sa marche irrsistible; mais la vie des individus
et des peuples est devenue pour elle une chose sacre. Elle transforme
plutt qu'elle ne dtruit les choses qui s'opposent  son
dveloppement; elle procde par absorption graduelle plutt que par
brusque excution; elle aime  conqurir par l'influence des ides
plutt que par la force des armes, un peuple, une classe, une
institution qui rsiste au progrs.--VACHEROT, _Essais de Philosophie
Critique_, 443. Peu  peu l'homme intellectuel finit par effacer
l'homme physique.--QUETELET, _De l'Homme_, ii. 285. In dem Fortschritt
der ethischen Anschauungen liegt daher der Kern des geschichtlichen
Fortschritts berhaupt.--SCHFER, _Arbeitsgebiet der Geschichte_, 24.
Si l'homme a plus de devoirs  mesure qu'il avance en ge, ce qui est
mlancolique, mais ce qui est vrai, de mme aussi l'humanit est tenue
d'avoir une morale plus svre  mesure qu'elle prend plus de
sicles.--FAGUET, _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1894, iii. 871. Si donc il
y a une loi de progrs, elle se confond avec la loi morale, et la
condition fondamentale du progrs, c'est la pratique de cette
loi.--CARRAU, _Ib._, 1875, v. 585. L'ide du progrs, du
dveloppement, me parat tre l'ide fondamentale contenue sous le mot
de civilisation.--GUIZOT, _Cours d'Histoire_, 1828, 15. Le progrs
n'est sous un autre nom, que la libert en action.--BROGLIE, _Journal
des Dbats_, January 28, 1869. Le progrs social est continu. Il a ses
priodes de fivre ou d'atonie, de surexcitation ou de lthargie; il a
ses soubresauts et ses haltes, mais il avance toujours.--DE DECKER,
_La Providence_, 174. Ce n'est pas au bonheur seul, c'est au
perfectionnement que notre destin nous appelle; et la libert
politique est le plus puissant, le plus nergique moyen de
perfectionnement que le ciel nous ait donn.--B. CONSTANT, _Cours de
Politique_, ii. 559. To explode error, on whichever side it lies, is
certainly to secure progress.--MARTINEAU, _Essays_, i. 114. Die
smmtlichen Freiheitsrechte, welche der heutigen Menschheit so theuer sind,
sind im Grunde nur Anwendungen des Rechts der Entwickelung.--BLUNTSCHLI,
_Kleine Schriften_, i. 51. Geistiges Leben ist auf Freiheit beruhende
Entwicklung, mit Freiheit vollzogene That und geschichtlicher
Fortschritt.--_Mnchner Gel. Anzeigen_ 1849, ii. 83. Wie das Denken
erst nach und nach reift, so wird auch der freie Wille nicht fertig
geboren, sondern in der Entwickelung erworben.--TRENDELENBURG,
_Logische Untersuchungen_, ii. 94. Das Liberum Arbitrium im vollen
Sinne (die vollstndig aktuelle Macht der Selbstbestimmung) lsst sich
seinem Begriff zufolge schlechterdings nicht unmittelbar geben; es
kann nur erworben werden durch das Subjekt selbst, in sich moralisch
hervorgebracht werden kraft seiner eigenen Entwickelung.--ROTHE,
_Ethik_, i. 360. So gewaltig sei der Andrang der Erfindungen und
Entdeckungen, dass "Entwicklungsperioden, die in frheren Zeiten erst
in Jahrhunderten durchlaufen wurden, die im Beginn unserer Zeitperiode
noch der Jahrzehnte bedurften, sich heute in Jahren volienden, hufig
schon in voller Ausbildung ins Dasein treten."--PHILIPPOVICH,
_Fortschritt und Kulturentwicklung_, 1892, i. quoting SIEMENS, 1886.
Wir erkennen dass dem Menschen die schwere krperliche Arbeit, von der
er in seinem Kampfe um's Dasein stets schwer niedergedrckt war und
grossenteils noch ist, mehr und mehr durch die wachsende Benutzung der
Naturkrfte zur mechanischen Arbeitsleistung abgenommen wird, dass
die ihm zufallende Arbeit immer mehr eine intellektuelle
wird.--SIEMENS, 1886, _Ib._ 6.

[36] Once, however, he wrote:--Darin knnte man den idealen
Kern der Geschichte des menschlichen Geschlechtes berhaupt sehen,
dass in den Kmpfen, die sich in den gegenseitigen Interessen der
Staaten und Vlker vollziehen, doch immer hhere Potenzen emporkommen,
die das Allgemeine demgemss umgestalten und ihm wieder einen anderen
Charakter verleihen.--RANKE, _Weltgeschichte_, iii. 1, 6.

[37] Toujours et partout, les hommes furent de plus en plus
domins par l'ensemble de leurs prdcesseurs, dont ils purent
seulement modifier l'empire ncessaire.--COMTE, _Politique Positive_,
iii. 621.

[38] La libert est l'me du commerce.--Il faut laisser faire
les hommes qui s'appliquent sans peine  ce qui convient le mieux;
c'est ce qui apporte le plus d'avantage.--COLBERT, in _Comptes Rendus
de l'Institut_, xxxix. 93.

[39] Il n'y a que les choses humaines exposes dans leur
vrit, c'est--dire avec leur grandeur, leur varit, leur
inpuisable fcondit, qui aient le droit de retenir le lecteur et qui
le retiennent en effet. Si l'crivain parat une fois, il ennuie ou
fait sourire de piti les lecteurs srieux.--THIERS to STE. BEUVE,
_Lundis_, iii. 195. Comme l'a dit Taine, la disparition du style,
c'est la perfection du style.--FAGUET, _Revue Politique_, lii. 67.

[40] Ne m'applaudissez pas; ce n'est pas moi qui vous parle;
c'est l'histoire qui parle par ma bouche.--_Revue Historique_, xli.
278.

[41] Das Evangelium trat als Geschichte in die Welt, nicht
als Dogma--wurde als Geschichte in der christlichen Kirche
deponirt.--ROTHE, _Kirchengeschichte_, ii. p. x. Das Christenthum ist
nicht der Herr Christus, sondern dieser macht es. Es ist sein Werk,
und zwar ein Werk das er stets unter der Arbeit hat.--Er selbst,
Christus der Herr, bleibt der er ist in alle Zukunft, dagegen liegt es
ausdrcklich im Begriffe seines Werks, des Christenthums, dass es
nicht so bleibt wie es anhebt.--ROTHE, _Allgemeine kirchliche
Zeitschrift_, 1864, 299. Diess Werk, weil es dem Wesen der Geschichte
zufolge eine Entwickelung ist, muss ber Stufen hinweggehen, die
einander ablsen, und von denen jede folgende neue immer nur unter der
Zertrmmerung der ihr vorangehenden Platz greifen kann.--ROTHE, _Ib._
April 19, 1865. Je grsser ein geschichtliches Princip ist, desto
langsamer und ber mehr Stufen hinweg entfaltet es seinen Gehalt;
desto langlebiger ist es aber ebendeshalb auch in diesen seinen
unaufhrlichen Abwandelungen.--ROTHE, _Stille Stunden_, 301. Der
christliche Glaube geht nicht von der Anerkennung abstracter
Lehrwahrheiten aus, sondern von der Anerkennung einer Reihe von
Thatsachen, die in der Erscheinung Jesu ihren Mittelpunkt
haben.--NITZSCH, _Dogmengeschichte_, i. 17. Der Gedankengang der
evangelischen Erzhlung gibt darum auch eine vollstndige Darstellung
der christlichen Lehre in ihren wesentlichen Grundzgen; aber er gibt
sie im allseitigen lebendigen Zusammenhange mit der Geschichte der
christlichen Offenbarung, und nicht in einer theoretisch
zusammenhngenden Folgenreihe von ethischen und dogmatischen
Lehrstzen.--DEUTINGER, _Reich Gottes_, i. p. v.

[42] L'Univers ne doit pas estre considr seulement dans ce
qu'il est; pour le bien connotre, il faut le voir aussi dans ce qu'il
doit estre. C'est cet avenir surtout qui a t le grand objet de Dieu
dans la cration, et c'est pour cet avenir seul que le prsent
existe.--D'HOUTEVILLE, _Essai sur la Providence_, 273. La Providence
emploie les sicles  lever toujours un plus grand nombre de familles
et d'individus  ces biens de la libert et de l'galit lgitimes
que, dans l'enfance des socits, la force avait rendus le privilge
de quelques-uns.--GUIZOT, _Gouvernement de la France_, 1820, 9. La
marche de la Providence n'est pas assujettie  d'troites limites;
elle ne s'inquite pas de tirer aujourd'hui la consquence du principe
qu'elle a pos hier; elle la tirera dans des sicles, quand l'heure
sera venue; et pour raisonner lentement selon nous, sa logique n'est
pas moins sre.--GUIZOT, _Histoire de la Civilisation_, 20. Der Keim
fortschreitender Entwicklung ist, auch auf gttlichem Geheisse, der
Menschheit eingepflanzt. Die Weltgeschichte ist der blosse Ausdruck
einer vorbestimmten Entwicklung.--A. HUMBOLDT, January 2, 1842, _Im
Neuen Reich_, 1872, i. 197. Das historisch grosse ist religis gross;
es ist die Gottheit selbst, die sich offenbart.--RAUMER, April 1807,
_Erinnerungen_, i. 85.

[43] Je suis arriv  l'ge o je suis,  travers bien des
vnements diffrents, mais avec une seule cause, celle de la libert
rgulire.--TOCQUEVILLE, May 1, 1852, _OEuvres Indites_, ii. 185.
Me trouvant dans un pays o la religion et le libralisme sont
d'accord, j'avais respir.--J'exprimais ce sentiment, il y a plus de
vingt ans, dans l'avant-propos de la _Dmocratie_. Je l'prouve
aujourd'hui aussi vivement que si j'tais encore jeune, et je ne sais
s'il y a une seule pense qui ait t plus constamment prsente  mon
esprit.--August 5, 1857, _OEuvres_, vi. 395. Il n'y a que la libert
(j'entends la modre et la rgulire) et la religion, qui, par un
effort combin, puissent soulever les hommes au-dessus du bourbier o
l'galit dmocratique les plonge naturellement.--December 1, 1852,
_OEuvres_, vii. 295. L'un de mes rves, le principal en entrant dans
la vie politique, tait de travailler  concilier l'esprit libral et
l'esprit de religion, la socit nouvelle et l'glise.--November 15,
1843, _OEuvres Indites_, ii. 121. La vritable grandeur de l'homme
n'est que dans l'accord du sentiment libral et du sentiment
religieux.--September 17, 1853, _OEuvres Indites_, ii. 228. Qui
cherche dans la libert autre chose qu'elle-mme est fait pour
servir.--_Ancien Rgime_, 248. Je regarde, ainsi que je l'ai toujours
fait, la libert comme le premier des biens; je vois toujours en elle
l'une des sources les plus fcondes des vertus mles et des actions
grandes. Il n'y a pas de tranquillit ni de bien-tre qui puisse me
tenir lieu d'elle.--January 7, 1856, _Mme. Swetchine_, i. 452. La
libert a un faux air d'aristocratie; en donnant pleine carrire aux
facults humaines, en encourageant le travail et l'conomie, elle fait
ressortir les supriorits naturelles ou acquises.--LABOULAYE, _L'tat
et ses Limites_, 154. Dire que la libert n'est point par elle-mme,
qu'elle dpend d'une situation, d'une opportunit, c'est lui assigner
une valeur ngative. La libert n'est pas ds qu'on la subordonne.
Elle n'est pas un principe purement ngatif, un simple lment de
contrle et de critique. Elle est le principe actif, crateur
organisateur par excellence. Elle est le moteur et la rgle, la source
de toute vie, et le principe de l'ordre. Elle est, en un mot, le nom
que prend la conscience souveraine, lorsque, se posant en face du
monde social et politique, elle merge du moi pour modeler les
socits sur les donnes de la raison.--BRISSON, _Revue Nationale_,
xxiii. 214. Le droit, dans l'histoire, est le dveloppement progressif
de la libert, sous la loi de la raison.--LERMINIER, _Philosophie du
Droit_, i. 211. En prouvant par les leons de l'histoire que la
libert fait vivre les peuples et que le despotisme les tue, en
montrant que l'expiation suit la faute et que la fortune finit
d'ordinaire par se ranger du ct de la vertu, Montesquieu n'est ni
moins moral ni moins religieux que Bossuet.--LABOULAYE, _OEuvres de
Montesquieu_, ii. 109. Je ne comprendrais pas qu'une nation ne plat
pas les liberts politiques au premier rang, parce que c'est des
liberts politiques que doivent dcouler toutes les autres.--THIERS,
_Discours_, x. 8, _March_ 28, 1865. Nous sommes arrivs  une poque
o la libert est le but srieux de tous, o le reste n'est plus
qu'une question de moyens.--J. LEBEAU, _Observations sur le Pouvoir
Royal_: Lige, 1830, p. 10. Le libralisme, ayant la prtention de se
fonder uniquement sur les principes de la raison, croit d'ordinaire
n'avoir pas besoin de tradition. L est son erreur. L'erreur de
l'cole librale est d'avoir trop cru qu'il est facile de crer la
libert par la rflexion, et de n'avoir pas vu qu'un tablissement
n'est solide que quand il a des racines historiques.--RENAN, 1858,
_Nouvelle Revue_, lxxix. 596. Le respect des individus et des droits
existants est autant au-dessus du bonheur de tous, qu'un intrt moral
surpasse un intrt purement temporel.--RENAN, 1858, _Ib._ lxxix. 597.
Die Rechte gelten nichts, wo es sich handelt um das Recht, und das
Recht der Freiheit kann nie verjhren, weil es die Quelle alles
Rechtes selbst ist.--C. FRANTZ, _Ueber die Freiheit_, 110. Wir
erfahren hienieden nie die ganze Wahrheit: wir geniessen nie die ganze
Freiheit.--REUSS, _Reden_, 56. Le gouvernement constitutionnel, comme
tout gouvernement libre, prsente et doit prsenter un tat de lutte
permanent. La libert est la perptuit de la lutte.--DE SERRE.
BROGLIE, _Nouvelles tudes_, 243. The experiment of free government is
not one which can be tried once for all. Every generation must try it
for itself. As each new generation starts up to the responsibilities
of manhood, there is, as it were, a new launch of Liberty, and its
voyage of experiment begins afresh.--WINTHROP, _Addresses_, 163.
L'histoire perd son vritable caractre du moment que la libert en a
disparu; elle devient une sorte de physique sociale. C'est l'lment
personnel de l'histoire qui en fait la ralit.--VACHEROT, _Revue des
Deux Mondes_, 1869, iv. 215. Demander la libert pour soi et la
refuser aux autres, c'est la dfinition du despotisme.--LABOULAYE,
December 4, 1874. Les causes justes profitent de tout, des bonnes
intentions comme des mauvaises, des calculs personnels comme des
dvouemens courageux, de la dmence, enfin, comme de la raison.--B.
CONSTANT, _Les Cent Jours_, ii. 29. Sie ist die Kunst, das Gute der
schon weit gediehenen Civilisation zu sichern.--BALTISCH, _Politische
Freiheit_, 9. In einem Volke, welches sich zur brgerlichen
Gesellschaft, berhaupt zum Bewusstseyn der Unendlichkeit des
Freien--entwickelt hat, ist nur die constitutionelle Monarchie
mglich.--HEGEL'S _Philosophie des Rechts_,  137, _Hegel und
Preussen_, 1841, 31. Freiheit ist das hchste Gut. Alles andere ist
nur das Mittel dazu: gut falls es ein Mittel dazu ist, bel falls es
dieselbe hemmt.--FICHTE, _Werke_, iv. 403. You are not to inquire how
your trade may be increased, nor how you are to become a great and
powerful people, but how your liberties can be secured. For liberty
ought to be the direct end of your government.--PATRICK HENRY, 1788.
WIRT, _Life of Henry_, 272.

[44] Histori ipsius prter delectationem utilitas nulla est,
quam ut religionis Christian veritas demonstretur, quod aliter quam
per historiam fieri non potest.--LEIBNIZ, _Opera_, ed. Dutens, vi.
297. The study of Modern History is, next to Theology itself, and only
next in so far as Theology rests on a divine revelation, the most
thoroughly religious training that the mind can receive. It is no
paradox to say that Modern History, including Medieval History in the
term, is co-extensive in its field of view, in its habits of
criticism, in the persons of its most famous students, with
Ecclesiastical History.--STUBBS, _Lectures_, 9. Je regarde donc
l'tude de l'histoire comme l'tude de la providence.--L'histoire est
vraiment une seconde philosophie.--Si Dieu ne parle pas toujours, il
agit toujours en Dieu.--D'AGUESSEAU, _OEuvres_, xv. 34, 31, 35. Fr
diejenigen, welche das Wesen der menschlichen Freiheit erkannt haben,
bildet die denkende Betrachtung der Weltgeschichte, besonders des
christlichen Weltalters, die hchste, und umfassendste Theodicee.--VATKE,
_Die Menschliche Freiheit_, 1841, 516. La thologie, que l'on regarde
volontiers comme la plus troite et la plus strile des sciences, en
est, au contraire, la plus tendue et la plus fconde. Elle confine 
toutes les tudes et touche  toutes les questions. Elle renferme tous
les lments d'une instruction librale.--SCHERER, _Mlanges_, 522. The
belief that the course of events and the agency of man are subject to
the laws of a divine order, which it is alike impossible for any one
either fully to comprehend or effectually to resist--this belief is the
ground of all our hope for the future destinies of mankind.--THIRLWALL,
_Remains_, iii. 282. A true religion must consist of ideas and facts
both; not of ideas alone without facts, for then it would be mere
philosophy; nor of facts alone without ideas, of which those facts are
the symbols, or out of which they are grounded; for then it would be
mere history.--COLERIDGE, _Table Talk_, 144. It certainly appears
strange that the men most conversant with the order of the visible
universe should soonest suspect it empty of directing mind; and, on
the other hand, that humanistic, moral and historical studies--which
first open the terrible problems of suffering and grief, and contain
all the reputed provocatives of denial and despair--should confirm, and
enlarge rather than disturb, the prepossessions of natural
piety.--MARTINEAU, _Essays_, i. 122. Die Religion hat nur dann eine
Bedeutung fr den Menschen, wenn er in der Geschichte einen Punkt
findet, dem er sich vllig unbedingt hingeben kann.--STEFFENS,
_Christliche Religionsphilosophie_, 440, 1839. Wir erkennen darin nur
eine Thtigkeit des zu seinem chten und wahren Leben, zu seinem
verlornen, objectiven Selbstverstndnisse sich zurcksehnenden
christlichen Geistes unserer Zeit, einen Ausdruck fr das Bedrfniss
desselben, sich aus den unwahren und unchten Verkleidungen, womit ihn
der moderne, subjective Geschmack der letzten Entwicklungsphase des
theologischen Bewusstseyns umhllt hat, zu seiner historischen allein
wahren und ursprnglichen Gestalt wiederzugebren, zu derjenigen
Bedeutung zurckzukehren, die ihm in dem Bewusstseyn der Geschichte
allein zukommt und deren Verstndniss in dem wogenden luxurisen Leben
der modernen Theologie lngst untergegangen ist.--GEORGII, _Zeitschrift
fr Hist. Theologie_, ix. 5, 1839.

[45] Liberty, in fact, means just so far as it is realised,
the right man in the right place.--SEELEY, _Lectures and Essays_,
109.

[46] In diesem Sinne ist Freiheit und sich entwickelnde
moralische Vernunft und Gewissen gleichbedeutend. In diesem Sinne ist
der Mensch frei, sobald sich das Gewissen in ihm entwickelt.--SCHEIDLER,
_Ersch und Gruber_, xlix. 20. Aus der unendlichen und ewigen Geltung
der menschlichen Persnlichkeit vor Gott, aus der Vorstellung von der
in Gott freien Persnlichkeit, folgt auch der Anspruch auf das Recht
derselben in der weltlichen Sphre, auf brgerliche und politische
Freiheit, auf Gewissen und Religionsfreiheit, auf freie
wissenschaftliche Forschung u.s.w., und namentlich die Forderung dass
niemand lediglich zum Mittel fr andere diene.--MARTENSEN, _Christliche
Ethik_, i. 50.

[47] Es giebt angeborne Menschenrechte, weil es angeborne
Menschenpflichten giebt.--WOLFF, _Naturrecht_; LOEPER, _Einleitung
zu Faust_, lvii.

[48] La constitution de l'tat reste jusqu' un certain point
 notre discrtion. La constitution de la socit ne dpend pas de
nous; elle est donne par la force des choses, et si l'on veut lever
le langage, elle est l'oeuvre de la Providence.--RMUSAT, _Revue des
Deux Mondes_, 1861, v. 795.

[49] Die Freiheit ist bekanntlich kein Geschenk der Gtter,
sondern ein Gut das jedes Volk sich selbst verdankt und das nur bei
dem erforderlichen Mass moralischer Kraft und Wrdigkeit
gedeiht.--IHERING, _Geist des Rmischen Rechts_, ii. 290. Liberty, in
the very nature of it, absolutely requires and even supposes, that
people be able to govern themselves in those respects in which they
are free; otherwise their wickedness will be in proportion to their
liberty, and this greatest of blessings will become a curse.--BUTLER,
_Sermons_, 331. In each degree and each variety of public development
there are corresponding institutions, best answering the public needs;
and what is meat to one is poison to another. Freedom is for those who
are fit for it.--PARKMAN, _Canada_, 396. Die Freiheit ist die Wurzel
einer neuen Schpfung in der Schpfung.--SEDERHOLM, _Die ewigen
Thatsachen_, 86.

[50] La libert politique, qui n'est qu'une complexit plus
grande, de plus en plus grande, dans le gouvernement d'un peuple, 
mesure que le peuple lui-mme contient un plus grand nombre de forces
diverses ayant droit et de vivre et de participer  la chose publique,
est un fait de civilisation qui s'impose lentement  une socit
organise, mais qui n'apparat point comme un principe  une socit
qui s'organise.--FAGUET, _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1889, ii. 942.

[51] Il y a bien un droit du plus sage, mais non pas un droit
du plus fort.--La justice est le droit du plus faible.--JOUBERT,
_Penses_, i. 355, 358.

[52] Nicht durch ein pflanzenhnliches Wachsthum, nicht aus
den dunklen Grnden der Volksempfindung, sondern durch den mnnlichen
Willen, durch die Ueberzeugung, durch die That, durch den Kampf
entsteht, behauptet, entwickelt sich das Recht. Sein historisches
Werden ist ein bewusstes, im hellen Mittagslicht der Erkenntniss und
der Gesetzgebung.--_Rundschau_, Nov. 1893, 313. Nicht das Normale,
Zahme, sondern das Abnorme, Wilde, bildet berall die Grundlage und
den Anfang einer neuen Ordnung.--LASAULX, _Philosophie der
Geschichte_, 143.

[53] Um den Sieg zu vervollstndigen, erbrigte das zweite
Stadium oder die Aufgabe: die Berechtigung der Mehrheit nach allen
Seiten hin zur gleichen Berechtigung aller zu erweitern, d.h. bis zur
Gleichstellung aller Bekenntnisse im Kirchenrecht, aller Vlker im
Vlkerrecht, aller Staatsbrger im Staatsrecht und aller socialen
Interessen im Gesellschaftsrecht fortzufhren.--A. SCHMIDT, _Zricher
Monatschrift_, i. 68.

[54] Notre histoire ne nous enseignait nullement la libert.
Le jour o la France voulut tre libre, elle eut tout  crer, tout 
inventer dans cet ordre de faits.--Cependant il faut marcher, l'avenir
appelle les peuples. Quand on n'a point pour cela l'impulsion du
pass, il faut bien se confier  la raison.--DUPONT WHITE, _Revue des
Deux Mondes_, 1861, vi. 191. Le peuple franais a peu de got pour le
dveloppement graduel des institutions. Il ignore son histoire, il ne
s'y reconnat pas, elle n'a pas laiss de trace dans sa
conscience.--SCHERER, _tudes Critiques_, i. 100. Durch die Revolution
befreiten sich die Franzosen von ihrer Geschichte.--ROSENKRANZ, _Aus
einem Tagebuch_, 199.

[55] The discovery of the comparative method in philology, in
mythology--let me add in politics and history and the whole range of
human thought--marks a stage in the progress of the human mind at
least as great and memorable as the revival of Greek and Latin
learning.--FREEMAN, _Historical Essays_, iv. 301. The diffusion of a
critical spirit in history and literature is affecting the criticism
of the Bible in our own day in a manner not unlike the burst of
intellectual life in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.--JOWETT,
_Essays and Reviews_, 346. As the revival of literature in the
sixteenth century produced the Reformation, so the growth of the
critical spirit, and the change that has come over mental science, and
the mere increase of knowledge of all kinds, threaten now a revolution
less external but not less profound.--HADDAN, _Replies_, 348.

[56] In his just contempt and detestation of the crimes and
follies of the Revolutionists, he suffers himself to forget that the
revolution itself is a process of the Divine Providence, and that as
the folly of men is the wisdom of God, so are their iniquities
instruments of His goodness.--COLERIDGE, _Biographia Literaria_, ii.
240. In other parts of the world, the idea of revolutions in
government is, by a mournful and indissoluble association, connected
with the idea of wars, and all the calamities attendant on wars. But
happy experience teaches us to view such revolutions in a very
different light--to consider them only as progressive steps in
improving the knowledge of government, and increasing the happiness of
society and mankind.--J. WILSON, November 26, 1787, _Works_, iii. 293.
La Rvolution, c'est--dire l'oeuvre des sicles, ou, si vous
voulez, le renouvellement progressif de la socit, ou encore, sa
nouvelle constitution.--RMUSAT, _Correspondance_, October 11, 1818. A
ses yeux loin d'avoir rompu le cours naturel des vnements, ni la
Rvolution d'Angleterre, ni la ntre, n'ont rien dit, rien fait, qui
n'et t dit, souhait, fait, ou tent cent fois avant leur
explosion. "Il faut en ceci," dit-il, "tout accorder  leurs
adversaires, les surpasser mme en svrit, ne regarder  leurs
accusations que pour y ajouter, s'ils en oublient; et puis les sommer
de dresser,  leur tour, le compte des erreurs, des crimes, et des
maux de ces temps et de ces pouvoirs qu'ils ont pris sous leur
garde."--_Revue de Paris_, xvi. 303, on Guizot. Quant aux nouveauts
mises en oeuvre par la Rvolution Franaise on les retrouve une 
une, en remontant d'ge en ge, chez les philosophes du XVIIIe
sicle, chez les grands penseurs du XVIe, chez certains Pres
d'glise et jusque dans la Rpublique de Platon.--En prsence de cette
belle continuit de l'histoire, qui ne fait pas plus de sauts que la
nature, devant cette solidarit ncessaire des rvolutions avec le
pass qu'elles brisent.--KRANTZ, _Revue Politique_, xxxiii. 264.
L'esprit du XIXe sicle est de comprendre et de juger les choses du
pass. Notre oeuvre est d'expliquer ce que le XVIIIe sicle avait
mission de nier.--VACHEROT, _De la Dmocratie_, pref., 28.

[57] La commission recherchera, dans toutes les parties des
archives pontificales, les pices relatives  l'abus que les papes ont
fait de leur ministre spirituel contre l'autorit des souverains et
la tranquillit des peuples.--DAUNOU, _Instructions_, Jan. 3, 1811.
LABORDE, _Inventaires_, p. cxii.

[58] Aucun des historiens remarquables de cette poque
n'avait senti encore le besoin de chercher les faits hors des livres
imprims, aux sources primitives, la plupart indites alors, aux
manuscrits de nos bibliothques, aux documents de nos archives.--MICHELET,
_Histoire de France_, 1869, i. 2.

[59] Doch besteht eine Grenze, wo die Geschichte aufhrt und
das Archiv anfngt, und die von der Geschichtschreibung nicht
berschritten werden sollte. _Unsere Zeit_, 1866, ii. 635. Il faut
avertir nos jeunes historiens  la fois de la ncessit inluctable du
document et, d'autre part, du danger qu'il prsente.--M. HANOTAUX.

[60] This process consists in determining with documentary
proofs, and by minute investigations duly set forth, the literal,
precise, and positive inferences to be drawn at the present day from
every authentic statement, without regard to commonly received
notions, to sweeping generalities, or to possible consequences.--HARRISSE,
_Discovery of America_, 1892, p. vi. Perhaps the time has not yet come
for synthetic labours in the sphere of History. It may be that the
student of the Past must still content himself with critical
inquiries.--_Ib._ p. v. Few scholars are critics, few critics are
philosophers, and few philosophers look with equal care on both sides
of a question.--W. S. LANDOR in HOLYOAKE'S _Agitator's Life_, ii. 15.
Introduire dans l'histoire, et sans tenir compte des passions
politiques et religieuses, le doute mthodique que Descartes, le
premier, appliqua  l'tude de la philosophie, n'est-ce pas l une
excellente mthode? n'est-ce pas mme la meilleure?--CHANTELAUZE,
_Correspondant_, 1883, i. 129. La critique historique ne sera jamais
populaire. Comme elle est de toutes les sciences la plus dlicate, la plus
dlie, elle n'a de crdit qu'auprs des esprits cultivs.--CHERBULIEZ,
_Revue des Deux Mondes_, xcvii. 517. Nun liefert aber die Kritik, wenn
sie rechter Art ist, immer nur einzelne Data, gleichsam die Atome des
Thatbestandes, und jede Kombination, jede Zusammenfassung und
Schlussfolgerung, ohne die es doch einmal nicht abgeht, ist ein
subjektiver Akt des Forschers. Demnach blieb Waitz, bei der eigenen
Arbeit wie bei jener der anderen, immer hchst mistrauisch gegen jedes
Rsum, jede Definition, jedes abschliessende Wort.--SYBEL,
_Historische Zeitschrift_, lvi. 484. Mit blosser Kritik wird darin
nichts ausgerichtet, denn die ist nur eine Vorarbeit, welche da
aufhrt wo die echte historische Kunst anfngt.--LASAULX, _Philosophie
der Knste_, 212.

[61] The only case in which such extraneous matters can be
fairly called in is when facts are stated resting on testimony; then
it is not only just, but it is necessary for the sake of truth, to
inquire into the habits of mind of him by whom they are
adduced.--BABBAGE, _Bridgewater Treatise_, p. xiv.

[62] There is no part of our knowledge which it is more
useful to obtain at first hand--to go to the fountain-head for--than
our knowledge of History.--J. S. MILL, _Inaugural Address_, 34. The
only sound intellects are those which, in the first instance, set
their standard of proof high.--J. S. MILL, _Examination of Hamilton's
Philosophy_, 525.

[63] There are so few men mentally capable of seeing both
sides of a question; so few with consciences sensitively alive to the
obligation of seeing both sides; so few placed under conditions either
of circumstance or temper, which admit of their seeing both
sides.--GREG, _Political Problems_, 1870, 173. Il n'y a que les
Allemands qui sachent tre aussi compltement objectifs. Ils se
ddoublent, pour ainsi dire, en deux hommes, l'un qui a des principes
trs arrts et des passions trs vives, l'autre qui sait voir et
observer comme s'il n'en avait point.--LAVELEYE, _Revue des Deux
Mondes_, 1868, i. 431. L'crivain qui penche trop dans le sens o il
incline, et qui ne se dfie pas de ses qualits presque autant que ses
dfauts, cet crivain tourne  la manire.--SCHERER, _Mlanges_, 484.
Il faut faire volte-face, et vivement, franchement, tourner le dos au
moyen ge,  ce pass morbide, qui, mme quand il n'agit pas, influe
terriblement par la contagion de la mort. Il ne faut ni combattre, ni
critiquer, mais oublier. Oublions et marchons!--MICHELET, _La Bible de
l'Humanit_, 483. It has excited surprise that Thucydides should speak
of Antiphon, the traitor to the democracy, and the employer of assassins,
as "a man inferior in virtue to none of his contemporaries." But
neither here nor elsewhere does Thucydides pass moral judgments.--JOWETT,
_Thucydides_, ii. 501.

[64] Non theologi provinciam suscepimus; scimus enim quantum hoc
ingenii nostri tenuitatem superet: ideo sufficit nobis [Greek: to
hoti] fideliter ex antiquis auctoribus retulisse.--MORINUS, _De
Poenitentia_, ix. 10.--Il faut avouer que la religion chrtienne a
quelque chose d'tonnant! C'est parce que vous y tes n, dira-t-on.
Tant s'en faut, je me roidis contre par cette raison-l mme, de peur
que cette prvention ne me suborne.--PASCAL, _Penses_, XVI., 7.--I
was fond of Fleury for a reason which I express in the advertisement;
because it presented a sort of photograph of ecclesiastical history
without any comment upon it. In the event, that simple representation
of the early centuries had a good deal to do with unsettling
me.--NEWMAN, _Apologia_, 152.--Nur was sich vor dem Richterstuhl einer
chten, unbefangenen, nicht durch die Brille einer philosophischen
oder dogmatischen Schule stehenden Wissenschaft als wahr bewhrt, kann
zur Erbauung, Belehrung und Warnung tchtig seyn.--NEANDER,
_Kirchengeschichte_, i. p. vii. Wie weit bei katholischen Publicisten
bei der Annahme der Ansicht von der Staatsanstalt apologetische
Gesichtspunkte massgebend gewesen sind, mag dahingestellt bleiben. Der
Historiker darf sich jedoch nie durch apologetische Zwecke leiten
lassen; sein einziges Ziel soll die Ergrndungder Wahrheit
sein.--PASTOR, _Geschichte der Pbste_, ii. 545. Church history
falsely written is a school of vainglory, hatred, and uncharitableness;
truly written, it is a discipline of humility, of charity, of mutual
love.--SIR W. HAMILTON, _Discussions_, 506. The more trophies and
crowns of honour the Church of former ages can be shown to have won in
the service of her adorable head, the more tokens her history can be
brought to furnish of his powerful presence in her midst, the more
will we be pleased and rejoice, Protestant though we be.--NEVIN,
_Mercersburg Review_, 1851, 168. S'il est une chose  laquelle j'ai
donn tous mes soins, c'est  ne pas laisser influencer mes jugements
par les opinions politiques ou religieuses; que si j'ai quelquefois
pch par quelque excs, c'est par la bienveillance pour les oeuvres
de ceux qui pensent autrement que moi.--MONOD, _R. Hist._, xvi. 184.
Nous n'avons nul intrt  faire parler l'histoire en faveur de nos
propres opinions. C'est son droit imprescriptible que le narrateur
reproduise tous les faits sans aucune rticence et range toutes les
volutions dans leur ordre naturel. Notre rcit restera compltement
en dehors des proccupations de la dogmatique et des dclamations de
la polmique. Plus les questions auxquelles nous aurons  toucher
agitent et passionnent de nos jours les esprits, plus il est du devoir
de l'historien de s'effacer devant les faits qu'il veut faire
connatre.--REUSS, _Nouvelle Revue de Thologie_, vi. 193, 1860. To
love truth for truth's sake is the principal part of human perfection
in this world, and the seed plot of all other virtues.--LOCKE, _Letter
to Collins_. Il n'est plus possible aujourd'hui  l'historien d'tre
national dans le sens troit du mot. Son patriotisme  lui c'est
l'amour de la vrit. Il n'est pas l'homme d'une race ou d'un pays, il
est l'homme de tous les pays, il parle au nom de la civilisation
gnrale.--LANFREY, _Hist. de Nap._, iii. 2, 1870. Juger avec les
parties de soi-mme qui sont le moins des formes du temprament, et le
plus des facults pntres et modeles par l'exprience, par l'tude,
par l'investigation, par le non-moi.--FAGUET, _R. de Paris_, i. 151.
Aucun critique n'est aussi impersonnel que lui, aussi libre de parti
pris et d'opinions prconues, aussi objectif.--Il ne mle ou parait
mler  ses apprciations ni inclinations personnelles de got ou
d'humeur, ou thories d'aucune sorte.--G. MONOD, of Faguet, _Revue
Historique_, xlii. 417. On dirait qu'il a peur, en gnralisant ses
observations, en systmatisant ses connaissances, de mler de lui-mme
aux choses.--Je lis tout un volume de M. Faguet, sans penser une fois
 M. Faguet: je ne vois que les originaux qu'il montre.--J'envisage
toujours une ralit objective, jamais l'ide de M. Faguet, jamais la
doctrine de M. Faguet.--LANSON, _Revue Politique_, 1894, i. 98.

[65] It should teach us to disentangle principles first from
parties, and again from one another; first of all as showing how
imperfectly all parties represent their own principles, and then how
the principles themselves are a mingled tissue.--ARNOLD, _Modern
History_, 184. I find it a good rule, when I am contemplating a person
from whom I want to learn, always to look out for his strength, being
confident that the weakness will discover itself.--MAURICE, _Essays_,
305. We may seek for agreement somewhere with our neighbours, using
that as a point of departure for the sake of argument. It is this
latter course that I wish here to explain and defend. The method is
simple enough, though not yet very familiar.--It aims at conciliation;
it proceeds by making the best of our opponent's case, instead of
taking him at his worst.--The most interesting part of every disputed
question only begins to appear when the rival ideals admit each
other's right to exist.--A. SIDGWICK, _Distinction and the Criticism
of Beliefs_, 1892, 211. That cruel reticence in the breasts of wise
men which makes them always hide their deeper thought.--RUSKIN,
_Sesame and Lilies_, i. 16. Je offener wir die einzelnen Wahrheiten
des Sozialismus anerkennen, desto erfolgreicher knnen wir seine
fundamentalen Unwahrheiten widerlegen.--ROSCHER, _Deutsche
Vierteljahrschrift_, 1849, i. 177.

[66] Dann habe ihn die Wahrnehmung, dass manche Angaben in
den historischen Romanen Walter Scott's, mit den gleichzeitigen
Quellen im Widerspruch standen, "mit Erstaunen" erfllt, und ihn zu
dem Entschlusse gebracht, auf das Gewissenhafteste an der
Ueberlieferung der Quellen festzuhalten.--SYBEL, _Gedchtnissrede auf
Ranke_. _Akad. der Wissenschaften_, 1887, p. 6. Sich frei zu halten
von allem Widerschein der Gegenwart, sogar, soweit das menschenmglich,
von dem der eignen subjectiven Meinung in den Dingen des Staates, der
Kirche und der Gesellschaft.--A. DOVE, _Im Neuen Reich_, 1875, ii. 967.
Wir sind durchaus nicht fr die leblose und schemenartige
Darstellungsweise der Ranke'schen Schule eingenommen; es wird uns
immer khl bis ans Herz heran, wenn wir derartige Schilderungen der
Reformation und der Revolution lesen, welche so ganz im khlen Element
des Pragmatismus sich bewegen und dabei so ganz Undinenhaft sind und
keine Seele haben.--Wir lassen es uns lieber gefallen, dass die Mnner
der Geschichte hier und dort gehofmeistert werden, als dass sie uns
mit Glasaugen ansehen, so meisterhaft immer die Kunst sein mag die sie
ihnen eingesetzt hat.--GOTTSCHALL, _Unsere Zeit_, 1866, ii. 636, 637. A
vivre avec des diplomates, il leur a pris des qualits qui sont un
dfaut chez un historien. L'historien n'est pas un tmoin, c'est un
juge; c'est  lui d'accuser et de condamner au nom du pass opprim et
dans l'intrt de l'avenir.--LABOULAYE on RANKE. _Dbats_, January 12,
1852.

[67] Un thologien qui a compos une loquente histoire de la
Rformation, rencontrant  Berlin un illustre historien qui, lui
aussi, a racont Luther et le XVIe sicle, l'embrassa avec effusion
en le traitant de confrre. "Ah! permettez," lui rpondit l'autre en
se dgageant, "il y a une grande diffrence entre nous: vous tes
avant tout chrtien, et je suis avant tout historien."--CHERBULIEZ,
_Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1872, i. 537.

[68] Nackte Wahrheit ohne allen Schmuck; grndliche
Erforschung des Einzelnen; das Uebrige, Gott befohlen.--_Werke_,
xxxiv. 24. Ce ne sont pas les thories qui doivent nous servir de base
dans la recherche des faits, mais ce sont les faits qui doivent nous
servir de base pour la composition des thories.--VINCENT, _Nouvelle
Revue de Thologie_, 1859, ii. 252.

[69] Die zwanglose Anordnungs--die leichte und leise
Andeutungskunst des grossen Historikers voll zu wrdigen, hinderte ihn
in frherer Zeit sein Bedrfniss nach scharfer begrifflicher Ordnung
und Ausfhrung, spter, und in immer zunehmenden Grade, sein Sinn fr
strenge Sachlichkeit, und genaue Erforschung der urschlichen
Zusammenhnge, noch mehr aber regte sich seine geradherzige Offenheit
seine mnnliche Ehrlichkeit, wenn er hinter den fein verstrichenen
Farben der Rankeschen Erzhlungsbilder die gedeckte Haltung des klugen
Diplomaten zu entdecken glaubte.--HAYM, _Duncker's Leben_, 437. The
ground of criticism is indeed, in my opinion, nothing else but
distinct attention, which every reader should endeavour to be master
of.--HARE, _Dec._, 1736, _Warburton's Works_, xiv. 98. Wenn die
Quellenkritik so verstanden wird, als sei sie der Nachweis, wie ein
Autor den andern benutzt hat, so ist das nur ein gelegentliches
Mittel--eins unter anderen--ihre Aufgabe, den Nachweis der Richtigkeit
zu lsen oder vorzubereiten.--DROYSEN, _Historik_, 18.

[70] L'esprit scientifique n'est autre en soi que l'instinct
du travail et de la patience, le sentiment de l'ordre, de la ralit
et de la mesure.--PAPILLON, _R. des Deux Mondes_, 1873, v. 704. Non
seulement les sciences, mais toutes les institutions humaines s'organisent
de mme, et sous l'empire des mmes ides rgulatrices.--COURNOT,
_Ides Fondamentales_, i. 4. There is no branch of human work whose
constant laws have not close analogy with those which govern every
other mode of man's exertion. But more than this, exactly as we reduce
to greater simplicity and surety any one group of these practical
laws, we shall find them passing the mere condition of connection or
analogy, and becoming the actual expression of some ultimate nerve or
fibre of the mighty laws which govern the moral world.--RUSKIN, _Seven
Lamps_, 4. The sum total of all intellectual excellence is good sense
and method. When these have passed into the instinctive readiness of
habit, when the wheel revolves so rapidly that we cannot see it
revolve at all, then we call the combination genius. But in all modes
alike, and in all professions, the two sole component parts, even of
genius, are good sense and method.--COLERIDGE, _June_, 1814, _Mem. of
Coleorton_, ii. 172. Si l'exercice d'un art nous empche d'en
apprendre un autre, il n'en est pas ainsi dans les sciences: la
connoissance d'une vrit nous aide  en decouvrir une autre.--Toutes
les sciences sont tellement lies ensemble qu'il est bien plus facile
de les apprendre toutes  la fois que d'en apprendre une seule en la
dtachant des autres.--Il ne doit songer qu' augmenter les lumires
naturelles de sa raison, non pour rsoudre telle ou telle difficult
de l'cole, mais pour que dans chaque circonstance de la vie son
intelligence montre d'avance  sa volont le parti qu'elle doit
prendre.--DESCARTES, _OEuvres Choisies_, 300, 301. _Rgles pour la
Direction de l'Esprit._ La connaissance de la mthode qui a guid
l'homme de gnie n'est pas moins utile au progrs de la science et
mme  sa propre gloire, que ses dcouvertes.--LAPLACE, _Systme du
Monde_, ii. 371. On ne fait rien sans ides prconues, il faut avoir
seulement la sagesse de ne croire  leurs dductions qu'autant que
l'exprience les confirme. Les ides prconues, soumises au contrle
svre de l'exprimentation, sont la flamme vivante des sciences
d'observation; les ides fixes en sont le danger.--PASTEUR, in
_Histoire d'un Savant_, 284. Douter des vrits humaines, c'est ouvrir
la porte aux dcouvertes; en faire des articles de foi, c'est la
fermer.--DUMAS, _Discours_, i. 123.

[71] We should not only become familiar with the laws of
phenomena within our own pursuit, but also with the modes of thought
of men engaged in other discussions and researches, and even with the
laws of knowledge itself, that highest philosophy.--Above all things,
know that we call you not here to run your minds into our moulds. We
call you here on an excursion, on an adventure, on a voyage of
discovery into space as yet uncharted.--ALLBUTT, _Introductory Address
at St. George's_, October 1889. Consistency in regard to opinions is
the slow poison of intellectual life.--DAVY, _Memoirs_, 68.

[72] Ce sont vous autres physiologistes des corps vivants,
qui avez appris  nous autres physiologistes de la socit (qui est
aussi un corps vivant) la manire de l'observer et de tirer des
consquences de nos observations.--J. B. SAY to DE CANDOLLE, June 1,
1827.--DE CANDOLLE, _Mmoires_, 567.

[73] Success is certain to the pure and true: success to
falsehood and corruption, tyranny and aggression, is only the prelude
to a greater and an irremediable fall.--STUBBS, _Seventeen Lectures_,
20. The Carlylean faith, that the cause we fight for, so far as it is
true, is sure of victory, is the necessary basis of all effective
activity for good.--CAIRD, _Evolution of Religion_, ii. 43. It is the
property of truth to be fearless, and to prove victorious over every
adversary. Sound reasoning and truth, when adequately communicated,
must always be victorious over error.--GODWIN, _Political Justice_
(Conclusion). Vice was obliged to retire and give place to virtue.
This will always be the consequence when truth has fair play.
Falsehood only dreads the attack, and cries out for auxiliaries. Truth
never fears the encounter; she scorns the aid of the secular arm, and
triumphs by her natural strength.--FRANKLIN, _Works_, ii. 292. It is a
condition of our race that we must ever wade through error in our
advance towards truth: and it may even be said that in many cases we
exhaust almost every variety of error before we attain the desired
goal.--BABBAGE, _Bridgewater Treatise_, 27. Les hommes ne peuvent, en
quelque genre que ce soit, arriver  quelque chose de raisonnable
qu'aprs avoir, en ce mme genre, puis toutes les sottises
imaginables. Que de sottises ne dirions-nous pas maintenant, si les
anciens ne les avaient pas dj dites avant nous, et ne nous les
avaient, pour ainsi dire, enleves!--FONTENELLE. Without premature
generalisations the true generalisation would never be arrived at.--H.
SPENCER, _Essays_, ii. 57. The more important the subject of
difference, the greater, not the less, will be the indulgence of him
who has learned to trace the sources of human error,--of error, that
has its origin not in our weakness and imperfection merely, but often
in the most virtuous affections of the heart.--BROWN, _Philosophy of
the Human Mind_, i. 48, 1824. Parmi les chtiments du crime qui ne lui
manquent jamais,  ct de celui que lui inflige la conscience,
l'histoire lui en inflige un autre encore, clatant et manifeste,
l'impuissance.--COUSIN, _Phil. Mod._ ii. 24. L'avenir de la science
est garanti; car dans le grand livre scientifique tout s'ajoute et
rien ne se perd. L'erreur ne fonde pas; aucune erreur ne dure trs
longtemps.--RENAN, _Feuilles Dtaches_, xiii. Toutes les fois que
deux hommes sont d'un avis contraire sur la mme chose,  coup sr,
l'un ou l'autre se trompe; bien plus, aucun ne semble possder la
vrit; car si les raisons de l'un toient certaines et videntes, il
pourroit les exposer  l'autre de telle manire qu'il finiroit par le
convaincre galement.--DESCARTES, _Rgles: OEuvres Choisies_, 302.
Le premier principe de la critique est qu'une doctrine ne captive ses
adhrents que par ce qu'elle a de lgitime.--RENAN, _Essais de
Morale_, 184. Was dem Wahn solche Macht giebt ist wirklich nicht er
selbst, sondern die ihm zu Grunde liegende und darin nur verzerrte
Wahrheit.--FRANTZ, _Schelling's Philosophie_, i. 62. Quand les hommes
ont vu une fois la vrit dans son clat, ils ne peuvent plus
l'oublier. Elle reste debout, et tt ou tard elle triomphe, parce
qu'elle est la pense de Dieu et le besoin du monde.--MIGNET,
_Portraits_, ii. 295. C'est toujours le sens commun inaperu qui fait
la fortune des hypothses auxquelles il se mle.--COUSIN, _Fragments
Phil._ i. 51. Preface of 1826. Wer da sieht wie der Irrthum selbst ein
Trger mannigfaltigen und bleibenden Fortschritts wird, der wird auch
nicht so leicht aus dem thatschlichen Fortschritt der Gegenwart auf
Unumstsslichkeit unserer Hypothesen schliessen.--Das richtigste
Resultat der geschichtlichen Betrachtung ist die akademische Ruhe, mit
welcher unsere Hypothesen und Theorieen ohne Feindschaft und ohne
Glauben als das betrachtet werden was sie sind; als Stufen in jener
unendlichen Annherung an die Wahrheit, welche die Bestimmung unserer
intellectuellen Entwicklung zu sein scheint.--LANGE, _Geschichte des
Materialismus_, 502, 503. Hominum errores divina providentia reguntur,
ita ut spe male jacta bene cadant.--LEIBNIZ, ed. Klopp, i., p. lii.
Sainte-Beuve n'tait mme pas de la race des libraux, c'est--dire
de ceux qui croient que, tout compte fait, et dans un tat de
civilisation donn, le bien triomphe du mal  armes gales, et la
vrit de l'erreur.--D'HAUSSONVILLE, _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1875, i.
567. In the progress of the human mind, a period of controversy
amongst the cultivators of any branch of science must necessarily
precede the period of unanimity.--TORRENS, _Essay on the Production of
Wealth_, 1821, p. xiii. Even the spread of an error is part of the
wide-world process by which we stumble into mere approximations to
truth.--L. STEPHEN, _Apology of an Agnostic_, 81. Errors, to be
dangerous, must have a great deal of truth mingled with them; it is
only from this alliance that they can ever obtain an extensive
circulation.--S. SMITH, _Moral Philosophy_, 7. The admission of the
few errors of Newton himself is at least of as much importance to his
followers in science as the history of the progress of his real
discoveries.--YOUNG, _Works_, iii. 621. Error is almost always partial
truth, and so consists in the exaggeration or distortion of one verity
by the suppression of another, which qualifies and modifies the
former.--MIVART, _Genesis of Species_, 3. The attainment of scientific
truth has been effected, to a great extent, by the help of scientific
errors.--HUXLEY: WARD, _Reign of Victoria_, ii. 337. Jede neue tief
eingreifende Wahrheit hat meiner Ansicht nach erst das Stadium der
Einseitigkeit durchzumachen.--IHERING, _Geist des R. Rechts_, ii. 22.
The more readily we admit the possibility of our own cherished
convictions being mixed with error, the more vital and helpful
whatever is right in them will become.--RUSKIN, _Ethics of the Dust_,
225. They hardly grasp the plain truth unless they examine the error
which it cancels.--CORY, _Modern English History_, 1880, i. 109. Nur
durch Irrthum kommen wir, der eine krzeren und glcklicheren
Schrittes, als der andere, zur Wahrheit; und die Geschichte darf
nirgends diese Verirrungen bergehen, wenn sie Lehrerin und Warnerin
fr die nachfolgenden Geschlechter werden will.--_Mnchner Gel.
Anzeigen_, 1840, i. 737.

[74] Wie die Weltgeschichte das Weltgericht ist, so kann in
noch allgemeinerem Sinne gesagt werden, dass das gerechte Gericht,
d.h. die wahre Kritik einer Sache, nur in ihrer Geschichte liegen
kann. Insbesondere in der Hinsicht lehrt die Geschichte denjenigen,
der ihr folgt, ihre eigene Methode, dass ihr Fortschritt niemals ein
reines Vernichten, sondern nur ein Aufheben im philosophischen Sinne
ist.--STRAUSS, _Hallische Jahrbcher_, 1839, 120.

[75] Dans tous les livres qu'il lit, et il en dvore des
quantits, Darwin ne note que les passages qui contrarient ses ides
systmatiques.--Il collectionne les difficults, les cas pineux, les
critiques possibles.--VERNIER, _Le Temps_, 6 Dcembre, 1887. Je
demandais  un savant clbre o il en tait de ses recherches. "Cela
ne marche plus," me dit-il, "je ne trouve plus de faits
contradictoires." Ainsi le savant cherche  se contredire lui-mme
pour faire avancer sa pense.--JANET, _Journal des Savants_, 1892, 20.
Ein Umstand, der uns die Selbstndigkeit des Ganges der Wissenschaft
anschaulich machen kann, ist auch der: dass der Irrthum, wenn er nur
grndlich behandelt wird, fast ebenso frdernd ist als das Finden der
Wahrheit, denn er erzeugt fortgesetzten Widerspruch.--BAER, _Blicke
auf die Entwicklung der Wissenschaft_, 120. It is only by virtue of
the opposition which it has surmounted that any truth can stand in the
human mind.--BISHOP TEMPLE; KINGLAKE, _Crimea_, _Winter Troubles_,
app. 104. I have for many years found it expedient to lay down a rule
for my own practice, to confine my reading mainly to those journals
the general line of opinions in which is adverse to my own.--HARE,
_Means of Unity_, i. 19. Kant had a harder struggle with himself than
he could possibly have had with any critic or opponent of his
philosophy.--CAIRD, _Philosophy of Kant_, 1889, i. p. ix.

[76] The social body is no more liable to arbitrary changes
than the individual body.--A full perception of the truth that society
is not a mere aggregate, but an organic growth, that it forms a whole
the laws of whose growth can be studied apart from those of the
individual atom, supplies the most characteristic postulate of modern
speculation.--L. STEPHEN, _Science of Ethics_, 31. Wie in dem Leben
des Einzelnen Menschen kein Augenblick eines vollkommenen Stillstandes
wahrgenommen wird, sondern stete organische Entwicklung, so verhlt es
sich auch in dem Leben der Vlker, und in jedem einzelnen Element,
woraus dieses Gesammtleben besteht. So finden wir in der Sprache stete
Fortbildung und Entwicklung, und auf gleiche Weise in dem Recht. Und
auch diese Fortbildung steht unter demselben Gesetz der Erzeugung aus
innerer Kraft und Nothwendigkeit, unabhngig von Zufall und
individueller Willkr, wie die ursprngliche Entstehung.--SAVIGNY,
_System_, i. 16, 17. Seine eigene Entdeckung, dass auch die geistige
Produktion, bis in einem gewissen Punkte wenigstens, unter dem Gesetze
der Kausalitt steht, dass jedeiner nur geben kann was er hat, nur hat
was er irgendwoher bekommen, muss auch fr ihn selber gelten.--BEKKER,
_Das Recht des Besitzes bei den Rmern_, 3, 1880. Die geschichtliche
Wandlung des Rechts, in welcher vergangene Jahrhunderte halb ein Spiel
des Zufalls und halb ein Werk vernnftelnder Willkr sahen, als
gesetzmssige Entwickelung zu begreifen, war das unsterbliche
Verdienst der von Mnnern wie Savigny, Eichhorn und Jacob Grimm
gefhrten historischen Rechtsschule.--GIERKE, _Rundschau_, xviii.
205.

[77] The only effective way of studying what is called the
philosophy of religion, or the philosophical criticism of religion, is
to study the history of religion. The true science of war is the
history of war, the true science of religion is, I believe, the
history of religion.--M. MLLER, _Theosophy_, 3, 4. La thologie ne
doit plus tre que l'histoire des efforts spontans tents pour
rsoudre le problme divin. L'histoire, en effet, est la forme
ncessaire de la science de tout ce qui est soumis aux lois de la vie
changeante et successive. La science de l'esprit humain, c'est de
mme, l'histoire de l'esprit humain.--RENAN, _Averros_, Pref. vi.

[78] Political economy is not a science, in any strict sense,
but a body of systematic knowledge gathered from the study of common
processes, which have been practised all down the history of the human
race in the production and distribution of wealth.--BONAMY PRICE,
_Social Science Congress_, 1878. Such a study is in harmony with the
best intellectual tendencies of our age, which is, more than anything
else, characterized by the universal supremacy of the historical
spirit. To such a degree has this spirit permeated all our modes of
thinking, that with respect to every branch of knowledge, no less than
with respect to every institution and every form of human activity, we
almost instinctively ask, not merely what is its existing condition,
but what were its earliest discoverable germs, and what has been the
course of its development.--INGRAM, _History of Political Economy_, 2.
Wir dagegen stehen keinen Augenblick an, die Nationalkonomie fr eine
reine Erfahrungswissenschaft zu erklren, und die Geschichte ist uns
daher nicht Hlfsmittel, sondern Gegenstand selber.--ROSCHER,
_Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift_, 1849, i. 182. Der bei weitem grsste
Theil menschlicher Irrthmer beruhet darauf, dass man zeitlich und
rtlich Wahres oder Heilsames fr absolut wahr oder heilsam ausgiebt.
Fr jede Stufe der Volksentwickelung passt eine besondere
Staatsverfassung, die mit allen brigen Verhltnissen des Volks als
Ursache und Wirkung auf's Innigste verbunden ist; so passt auch fr jede
Entwickelungsstufe eine besondere Landwirthschaftsverfassung.--ROSCHER,
_Archiv f. p. Oek._, viii., 2 Heft 1845. Seitdem vor allen Roscher,
Hildebrand und Knies den Werth, die Berechtigung und die
Nothwendigkeit derselben unwiderleglich dargethan, hat sich immer
allgemeiner der Gedanke Bahn gebrochen dass diese Wissenschaft, die
bis dahin nur auf die Gegenwart, auf die Erkenntniss der bestehenden
Verhltnisse und die in ihnen sichtbaren Gesetze den Blick gerichtet
hatte, auch in die Vergangenheit, in die Erforschung der bereits
hinter uns liegenden wirthschaftlichen Entwicklung der Vlker sich
vertiefen msse.--SCHNBERG, _Jahrbcher f. Nationalkonomie und
Statistik_, Neue Folge, 1867, i. 1. Schmoller, moins dogmatique et
mettant comme une sorte de coquetterie  tre incertain, dmontre, par
les faits, la fausset ou l'arbitraire de tous ces postulats, et
laisse l'conomie politique se dissoudre dans l'histoire.--BRETON, _R.
de Paris_, ix. 67. Wer die politische Oekonomie Feuerlands unter
dieselben Gesetze bringen wollte mit der des heutigen Englands, wrde
damit augenscheinlich nichts zu Tage frdern als den allerbanalsten
Gemeinplatz. Die politische Oekonomie ist somit wesentlich eine
historische Wissenschaft. Sie behandelt einen geschichtlichen, das
heisst einen stets wechselnden Stoff. Sie untersucht zunchst die
besondern Gesetze jeder einzelnen Entwicklungsstufe der Produktion und
des Austausches, und wird erst am Schluss dieser Untersuchung die
wenigen, fr Produktion und Austausch berhaupt geltenden, ganz
allgemeinen Gesetze aufstellen knnen.--ENGELS, _Dhrings Umwlzung der
Wissenschaft_, 1878, 121.

[79] History preserves the student from being led astray by a
too servile adherence to any system.--WOLOWSKI. No system can be
anything more than a history, not in the order of impression, but in
the order of arrangement by analogy.--DAVY, _Memoirs_, 68. Avec des
matriaux si nombreux et si importants, il fallait bien du courage
pour rsister  la tentation de faire un systme. De Saussure eut ce
courage, et nous en ferons le dernier trait et le trait principal de
son loge.--CUVIER, _loge de Saussure_, 1810.

[80] C'tait, en 1804, une ide heureuse et nouvelle,
d'appeler l'histoire au secours de la science, d'interroger les deux
grandes coles rivales au profit de la vrit.--COUSIN, _Fragments
Littraires_, 1843, 95, on Dgerando. No branch of philosophical
doctrine, indeed, can be fairly investigated or apprehended apart from
its history. All our systems of politics, morals, and metaphysics
would be different if we knew exactly how they grew up, and what
transformations they have undergone; if we knew, in short, the true
history of human ideas.--CLIFFE LESLIE, _Essays in Political and Moral
Philosophy_, 1879, 149. The history of philosophy must be rational and
philosophic. It must be philosophy itself, with all its elements, in
all their relations, and under all their laws represented in striking
characters by the hands of time and of history, in the manifested
progress of the human mind.--SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, _Edin. Rev._ l.
200, 1829. Il n'est point d'tude plus instructive, plus utile que
l'tude de l'histoire de la philosophie; car on y apprend  se
dsabuser des philosophes, et l'on y dsapprend la fausse science de
leurs systmes.--ROYER COLLARD, _OEuvres de Reid_, iv. 426. On ne
peut gure chapper  la conviction que toutes les solutions des
questions philosophiques n'aient t dveloppes ou indiques avant le
commencement du dix-neuvime sicle, et que par consquent il ne soit
trs difficile, pour ne pas dire impossible, de tomber, en pareille
matire, sur une ide neuve de quelque importance. Or si cette
conviction est fonde, il s'ensuit que la science est faite.--JOUFFROY,
in DAMIRON, _Philosophie du XIXe Sicle_, 363. Le but dernier de tous
mes efforts, l'me de mes crits et de tout mon enseignement, c'est
l'identit de la philosophie et de son histoire.--COUSIN, _Cours de
1829_. Ma route est historique, il est vrai, mais mon but est
dogmatique; je tends  une thorie, et cette thorie je la demande 
l'histoire.--COUSIN, _Ph. du XVIIIe Sicle_, 15. L'histoire de la
philosophie est contrainte d'emprunter d'abord  la philosophie la
lumire qu'elle doit lui rendre un jour avec usure.--COUSIN, _Du Vrai_,
1855, 14. M. Cousin, durant tout son professorat de 1816  1829, a
pens que l'histoire de la philosophie tait la source de la
philosophie mme. Nous ne croyons pas exagrer en lui prtant cette
opinion.--B. ST. HILAIRE, _Victor Cousin_, i. 302. Il se hta de
convertir le fait en loi, et proclama que la philosophie, tant
identique  son histoire, ne pouvait avoir une loi diffrente, et
tait voue  jamais  l'volution fatale des quatre systmes, se
contredisant toujours, mais se limitant, et se modrant, par cela mme
de manire  maintenir l'equilibre, sinon l'harmonie de la pense
humaine.--VACHEROT, _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1868, iii. 957. Er hat
berhaupt das unvergngliche Verdienst, zuerst in Frankreich zu der
Erkenntniss gelangt zu sein, dass die menschliche Vernunft nur durch
das Studium des Gesetzes ihrer Entwickelungen begriffen werden
kann.--LAUSER, _Unsere Zeit_, 1868, i. 459. Le philosophe en qute du
vrai en soi, n'est plus rduit  ses conceptions individuelles; il est
riche du trsor amass par l'humanit.--BOUTROUX, _Revue Politique_,
xxxvii. 802. L'histoire, je veux dire l'histoire de l'esprit humain,
est en ce sens la vraie philosophie de notre temps.--RENAN, _tudes de
Morale_, 83. Die Philosophie wurde eine hchst bedeutende
Hlfswissenschaft der Geschichte, sie hat ihre Richtung auf das
Allgemeine gefrdert, ihren Blick fr dasselbe geschrft, und sie,
wenigstens durch ihre Vermittlung, mit Gesichtspuncten, Ideen,
bereichert die sie aus ihrem eigenen Schoosse sobald noch nicht
erzeugt haben wrde. Weit die fruchtbarste darunter war die aus der
Naturwissenschaft geschpfte Idee des organischen Lebens, dieselbe auf
der die neueste Philosophie selbst beruht. Die seit zwei bis drei
Jahrzehnten in der Behandlung der Geschichte eingetretene
durchgreifende Vernderung, wie die vllige Umgestaltung so mancher
anderen Wissenschaft ... ist der Hauptsache nach ihr Werk.--HAUG,
_Allgemeine Geschichte_, 1841, i. 22. Eine Geschichte der Philosophie
in eigentlichen Sinne wurde erst mglich als man an die Stelle der
Philosophen deren Systeme setzte, den inneren Zusammenhang zwischen
diesen feststellte und--wie Dilthey sagt--mitten in Wechsel der
Philosophien ein siegreiches Fortschreiten zur Wahrheit nachwies. Die
Gesammtheit der Philosophie stellt sich also dar als eine
geschichtliche Einheit.--SAUL, _Rundschau_, Feb. 1894, 307. Warum die
Philosophie eine Geschichte habe und haben msse, blieb unerrtert, ja
ungeahnt, dass die Philosophie am meisten von allen Wissenschaften
historisch sei, denn man hatte in der Geschichte den Begriff der
Entwicklung nicht entdeckt.--MARBACH, _Griechische Philosophie_, 15.
Was bei oberflchlicher Betrachtung nur ein Gewirre einzelner Personen
und Meinungen zu sein schien, zeigt sich bei genauerer und grndlicherer
Untersuchung als eine geschichtliche Entwicklung, in der alles, bald
nher, bald entfernter, mit allem anderen zusammenhngt.--ZELLER,
_Rundschau_, Feb. 1894, 307. Nur die Philosophie, die an die
geschichtliche Entwickelung anknpft kann auf bleibenden Erfolg auch
fr die Zukunft rechnen und fortschreiten zu dem, was in der
bisherigen philosophischen Entwickelung nur erst unvollkommen erreicht
oder angestrebt worden ist. Kann sich doch die Philosophie berhaupt
und insbesondere die Metaphysik ihrer eigenen geschichtlichen
Entwickelung nicht entschlagen, sondern hat eine Geschichte der
Philosophie als eigene und zwar zugleich historische und spekulative
Disziplin, in deren geschichtlichen Entwickelungsphasen und
geschichtlich aufeinanderfolgenden Systemen der Philosophen die neuere
Spekulation seit Schelling and Hegel zugleich die Philosophie selbst
als ein die verschiedenen geschichtlichen Systeme umfassendes ganzes
in seiner dialektischen Gliederung erkannt hat.--GLOATZ, _Spekulative
Theologie_, i. 23. Die heutige Philosophie fhrt uns auf einen
Standpunkt von dem aus die philosophische Idee als das innere Wesen
der Geschichte selbst erscheint. So trat an die Stelle einer abstrakt
philosophischen Richtung, welche das Geschichtliche verneinte, eine
abstrakt geschichtliche Richtung welche das Philosophische
verlugnete. Beide Richtungen sind als berschrittene und besiegte zu
betrachten.--BERNER, _Strafrecht_, 75. Die Geschichte der Philosophie
hat uns fast schon die Wissenschaft der Philosophie selbst
ersetzt.--HERMANN, _Phil. Monatshefte_, ii. 198, 1889.

[81] Le sicle actuel sera principalement caractris par
l'irrvocable prpondrance de l'histoire, en philosophie, en
politique, et mme en posie.--COMTE, _Politique Positive_, iii. 1.

[82] The historical or comparative method has revolutionized
not only the sciences of law, mythology, and language, of anthropology
and sociology, but it has forced its way even into the domain of
philosophy and natural science. For what is the theory of evolution
itself, with all its far-reaching consequences, but the achievement of
the historical method?--PROTHERO, _Inaugural_. _National Review_,
_Dec._ 1894, 461. To facilitate the advancement of all the branches of
useful science, two things seem to be principally requisite. The first
is, an historical account of their rise, progress, and present state.
Without the former of these helps, a person every way qualified for
extending the bounds of science labours under great disadvantages;
wanting the lights which have been struck out by others, and
perpetually running the risk of losing his labour, and finding himself
anticipated.--PRIESTLEY, _History of Vision_, 1772, i. Pref. i.
Cuvier se proposait de montrer l'enchanement scientifique des
dcouvertes, leurs relations avec les grands vnements historiques,
et leur influence sur les progrs et le dveloppement de la
civilisation.--DARESTE, _Biographie Gnrale_, xii. 685. Dans ses
loquentes leons, l'histoire des sciences est devenue l'histoire mme
de l'esprit humain; car, remontant aux causes de leurs progrs et de
leurs erreurs, c'est toujours dans les bonnes ou mauvaises routes
suivies par l'esprit humain, qu'il trouve ces causes.--FLOURENS,
_loge de Cuvier_, xxxi. Wie keine fortlaufende Entwickelungsreihe von
nur Einem Punkte aus vollkommen aufzufassen ist, so wird auch keine
lebendige Wissenschaft nur aus der Gegenwart begriffen werden
knnen.--Deswegen ist aber eine solche Darstellung doch noch nicht der
gesammten Wissenschaft adquat, und sie birgt, wenn sie damit
verwechselt wird, starke Gefahren der Einseitigkeit, des Dogmatismus
und damit der Stagnation in sich. Diesen Gefahren kann wirksam nur
begegnet werden durch die verstndige Betrachtung der Geschichte der
Wissenschaften, welche diese selbst in stetem Flusse zeigt und die
Tendenz ihres Fortschreitens in offenbarer und sicherer Weise
klarlegt.--ROSENBERGER, _Geschichte der Physik_, iii., p. vi. Die
Continuitt in der Ausbildung aller Auffassungen tritt um so
deutlicher hervor, je vollstndiger man sich damit, wie sie zu
verschiedenen Zeiten waren, vertraut macht.--KOPP, _Entwickelung der
Chemie_, 814.

[83] Die Geschichte und die Politik sind Ein und derselbe
Janus mit dem Doppelgesicht, das in der Geschichte in die
Vergangenheit, in der Politik in die Zukunft hinschaut.--GGLER'S
_Leben_, ii. 59.

[84] The papers inclosed, which give an account of the
killing of two men in the county of Londonderry; if they prove to be
Tories, 'tis very well they are gone.--I think it will not only be
necessary to grant those a pardon who killed them, but also that they
have some reward for their own and others' encouragement.--ESSEX,
_Letters_, 10, _Jan._ 10, 1675. The author of this happened to be
present. There was a meeting of some honest people in the city, upon
the occasion of the discovery of some attempt to stifle the evidence
of the witnesses.--Bedloe said he had letters from Ireland, that there
were some Tories to be brought over hither, who were privately to
murder Dr. Oates and the said Bedloe. The doctor, whose zeal was very
hot, could never after this hear any man talk against the plot, or
against the witnesses, but he thought he was one of these Tories, and
called almost every man a Tory that opposed him in discourse; till at
last the word Tory became popular.--DEFOE, _Edinburgh Review_, l.
403.

[85] La Espaa ser el primer pueblo en donde se encender
esta guerra patriotica que solo puede libertar  Europa.--Hemos oido
esto en Inglaterra  varios de los que estaban alli presentes. Muchas
veces ha oido lo mismo al duque de Wellington el general Don Miguel de
Alava, y dicho duque refiri el suceso en una comida diplomatica que
di en Paris el duque de Richelieu en 1816.--TORENO, _Historia del
Levantamiento de Espaa_, 1838, i. 508.

[86] Nunquam propter auctoritatem illorum, quamvis magni sint
nominis (supponimus scilicet semper nos cum eo agere qui scientiam
historicam vult consequi), sententias quas secuti sunt ipse tamquam
certas admittet, sed solummodo ob vim testimoniorum et argumentorum
quibus eas confirmarunt.--DE SMEDT, _Introductio ad historiam critice
tractandam_, 1866, i. 5.

[87] Hundert schwere Verbrechen wiegen nicht so schwer in der
Schale der Unsittlichkeit, als ein unsittliches Princip.--_Hallische
Jahrbcher_, 1839, 308. Il faut fltrir les crimes; mais il faut
aussi, et surtout, fltrir les doctrines et les systmes qui tendent 
les justifier.--MORTIMER TERNAUX, _Histoire de la Terreur_.

[88] We see how good and evil mingle in the best of men and
in the best of causes; we learn to see with patience the men whom we
like best often in the wrong, and the repulsive men often in the
right; we learn to bear with patience the knowledge that the cause
which we love best has suffered, from the awkwardness of its
defenders, so great disparagement, as in strict equity to justify the
men who were assaulting it.--STUBBS, _Seventeen Lectures_, 97.

[89] Caeteris paribus, on trouvera tousjours que ceux qui ont plus de
puissance sont sujets  pcher davantage; et il n'y a point de thorme
de gomtrie qui soit plus asseur que cette proposition.--LEIBNIZ,
1688, ed. Rommel, ii. 197. Il y a toujours eu de la malignit dans la
grandeur, et de l'opposition  l'esprit de l'vangile; mais maintenant
il y en a plus que jamais, et il semble que comme le monde va  sa
fin, celui qui est dans l'lvation fait tous ses efforts pour dominer
avec plus de tyrannie, et pour touffer les maximes du Christianisme et
le rgne de Jsus-Christ, voiant qu'il s'approche.--GODEAU, _Lettres_,
423, March 27, 1667. There is, in fact, an unconquerable tendency in
all power, save that of knowledge, acting by and through knowledge, to
injure the mind of him by whom that power is exercised.--WORDSWORTH,
June 22, 1817. _Letters of Lake Poets_, 369.

[90] I cieli han messo sulla terra due giudici delle umane
azioni, la coscienza e la storia.--COLLETTA. Wenn gerade die edelsten
Mnner um des Nachruhmes willen gearbeitet haben, so soll die
Geschichte ihre Belohnung sein, sie auch die Strafe fr die
Schlechten.--LASAULX, _Philosophie der Knste_, 211. Pour juger ce qui
est bon et juste dans la vie actuelle ou passe, il faut possder un
criterium, qui ne soit pas tir du pass ou du prsent, mais de la
nature humaine.--AHRENS, _Cours de Droit Naturel_, i. 67.

[91] L'homme de notre temps! La conscience moderne! Voil
encore de ces termes qui nous ramnent la prtendue philosophie de
l'histoire et la doctrine du progrs, quand il s'agit de la justice,
c'est--dire de la conscience pure et de l'homme rationnel, que
d'autres sicles encore que le ntre ont connu.--RENOUVIER, _Crit.
Phil._ 1873, ii. 55.

[92] Il faut pardonner aux grands hommes le marchepied de
leur grandeur.--COUSIN, in J. SIMON, _Nos Hommes d'tat_, 1887, 55.
L'esprit du XVIIIe sicle n'a pas besoin d'apologie: l'apologie d'un
sicle est dans son existence.--COUSIN, _Fragments_, iii. 1826.
Suspendus aux lvres loquentes de M. Cousin, nous l'entendmes
s'crier que la meilleure cause l'emportait toujours, que c'tait la
loi de l'histoire, le rhythme immuable du progrs.--GASPARIN, _La
Libert Morale_, ii. 63. Cousin verurtheilen heisst darum nichts
Anderes als jenen Geist historischer Betrachtung verdammen, durch
welchen das 19 Jahrhundert die revolutionre Kritik des 18
Jahrhunderts ergnzt, durch welchen insbesondere Deutschland die
geistigen Wohlthaten vergolten hat, welche es im Zeitalter der
Aufklrung von seinen westlichen Nachbarn empfangen.--IODL, _Gesch.
der Ethik_, ii. 295. Der Gang der Weltgeschichte steht ausserhalb der
Tugend, des Lasters, und der Gerechtigkeit.--HEGEL, _Werke_, viii.
425. Die Vermischung des Zuflligen im Individuum mit dem an ihm
Historischen fhrt zu unzhligen falschen Ansichten und Urtheilen.
Hierzu gehrt namentlich alles Absprechen ber die moralische
Tchtigkeit der Individuen, und die Verwunderung, welche his zur
Verzweiflung an gttlicher Gerechtigkeit sich steigert, dass
historisch grosse Individuen moralisch nichtswrdig erscheinen knnen.
Die moralische Tchtigkeit besteht in der Unterordnung alles dessen
was zufllig am Einzelnen unter das an ihm dem Allgemeinen
Angehrige.--MARBACH, _Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie_, 7.
Das Sittliche der Neuseelnder, der Mexikaner ist vielmehr ebenso
sittlich, wie das der Griechen, der Rmer; und das Sittliche der
Christen des Mittelalters ist ebenso sittlich, wie das der
Gegenwart.--KIRCHMANN, _Grundbegriffe des Rechts_, 194. Die
Geschichtswissenschaft als solche kennt nur ein zeitliches und mithin
auch nur ein relatives Maass der Dinge. Alle Werthbeurtheilung der
Geschichte kann daher nur relativ und aus zeitlichen Momenten
fliessen, und wer sich nicht selbst tuschen und den Dingen nicht
Gewalt anthun will, muss ein fr allemal in dieser Wissenschaft auf
absolute Werthe verzichten.--LORENZ, _Schlosser_, 80. Only according
to his faith is each man judged. Committed as this deed has been by a
pure-minded, pious youth, it is a beautiful sign of the time.--DE
WETTE to Sand's Mother, CHEYNE, _Founders of Criticism_, 44. The men
of each age must be judged by the ideal of their own age and country,
and not by the ideal of ours.--LECKY, _Value of History_, 50.

[93] La dure ici-bas, c'est le droit, c'est la sanction de
Dieu.--GUIRAUD, _Philosophie Catholique de l'Histoire_.

[94] Ceux qui ne sont pas contens de l'ordre des choses ne
sauroient se vanter d'aimer Dieu comme il faut.--Il faut toujours
estre content de l'ordre du pass, parce qu'il est conforme  la
volont de Dieu absolue, qu'on connoit par l'vnement. Il faut tcher
de rendre l'avenir, autant qu'il dpend de nous, conforme  la volont
de Dieu prsomptive.--LEIBNIZ, _Werke_, ed. Gerhardt, ii. 136. Ich
habe damals bekannt und bekenne jetzt, dass die politische Wahrheit
aus denselben Quellen zu schpfen ist, wie alle anderen, aus dem
gttlichen Willen und dessen Kundgebung in der Geschichte des
Menschengeschlechts.--RADOWITZ, _Neue Gesprche_, 65.

[95] A man is great as he contends best with the
circumstances of his age.--FROUDE, _Short Studies_ i. 388. La
persuasion que l'homme est avant tout une personne morale et libre, et
qu'ayant conu seul, dans sa conscience et devant Dieu, la rgle de sa
conduite, il doit s'employer tout entier  l'appliquer en lui, hors de
lui, absolument, obstinment, inflexiblement, par une rsistance
perptuelle oppose aux autres; et par une contrainte perptuelle
exerce sur soi, voil la grande ide anglaise.--TAINE; SOREL,
_Discours de Rception_, 24. In jeder Zeit des Christenthums hat es
einzelne Mnner gegeben, die ber ihrer Zeit standen und von ihren
Gegenstzen nicht berhrt wurden.--BACHMANN, _Hengstenberg_, i. 160.
Eorum enim qui de iisdem rebus mecum aliquid ediderunt, aut solus
insanio ego, aut solus non insanio; tertium enim non est, nisi (quod
dicet forte aliquis) insaniamus omnes.--HOBBES, quoted by DE MORGAN,
June 3, 1858, _Life of Sir W. R. Hamilton_, iii. 552.

[96] I have now to exhibit a rare combination of good
qualities, and a steady perseverance in good conduct, which raised an
individual to be an object of admiration and love to all his
contemporaries, and have made him to be regarded by succeeding
generations as a model of public and private virtue.--The evidence
shows that upon this occasion he was not only under the influence of
the most vulgar credulity, but that he violated the plainest rules of
justice, and that he really was the murderer of two innocent
women.--Hale's motives were most laudable.--CAMPBELL'S _Lives of the
Chief Justices_, i. 512, 561, 566. It was not to be expected of the
colonists of New England that they should be the first to see through
a delusion which befooled the whole civilized world, and the gravest
and most knowing persons in it.--The people of New England believed
what the wisest men of the world believed at the end of the
seventeenth century.--PALFREY, _New England_, iv. 127, 129 (also
speaking of witchcraft). Il est donc bien trange que sa svrit
tardive s'exerce aujourd'hui sur un homme auquel elle n'a d'autre
reproche  faire que d'avoir trop bien servi l'tat par des mesures
politiques, injustes peut-tre, violentes, mais qui, en aucune
manire, n'avaient l'intrt personnel du coupable pour objet.--M.
Hastings peut sans doute paratre rprhensible aux yeux des
trangers, des particuliers mme, mais il est assez extraordinaire
qu'une nation usurpatrice d'une partie de l'Indostan veuille mler les
rgles de la morale  celles d'une administration force, injuste et
violente par essence, et  laquelle il faudrait renoncer  jamais pour
tre consquent.--MALLET DU PAN, _Memories_, ed. Sayous, i. 102.

[97] On parle volontiers de la stabilit de la constitution
anglaise. La vrit est que cette constitution est toujours en
mouvement et en oscillation et qu'elle se prte merveilleusement au
jeu de ses diffrentes parties. Sa solidit vient de sa souplesse;
elle plie et ne rompt pas.--BOUTMY, _Nouvelle Revue_, 1878, 49.

[98] This is not an age for a man to follow the strict
morality of better times, yet sure mankind is not yet so debased but
that there will ever be found some few men who will scorn to join
concert with the public voice when it is not well grounded.--_Savile
Correspondence_, 173.

[99] Cette proposition: L'homme est incomparablement plus
port au mal qu'au bien, et il se fait dans le monde incomparablement
plus de mauvaises actions que de bonnes--est aussi certaine qu'aucun
principe de mtaphysique. Il est donc incomparablement plus probable
qu'une action faite par un homme, est mauvaise, qu'il n'est probable
qu'elle soit bonne. Il est incomparablement plus probable que ces
secrets ressorts qui l'ont produite sont corrompus, qu'il n'est
probable qu'ils soient honntes. Je vous avertis que je parle d'une
action qui n'est point mauvaise extrieurement.--BAYLE, _OEuvres_,
ii. 248.

[100] A Christian is bound by his very creed to suspect evil,
and cannot release himself.--His religion has brought evil to light in
a way in which it never was before; it has shown its depth, subtlety,
ubiquity; and a revelation, full of mercy on the one hand, is terrible
in its exposure of the world's real state on the other. The Gospel
fastens the sense of evil upon the mind; a Christian is enlightened,
hardened, sharpened, as to evil; he sees it where others do
not.--MOZLEY, _Essays_, i. 308. All satirists, of course, work in the
direction of Christian doctrine, by the support they give to the
doctrine of original sin, making a sort of meanness and badness a law
of society.--MOZLEY, _Letters_, 333. Les critiques, mme malveillants,
sont plus prs de la vrit dernire que les admirateurs.--NISARD,
_Lit. fr._, Conclusion. Les hommes suprieurs doivent ncessairement
passer pour mchants. O les autres ne voient ni un dfaut, ni un
ridicule, ni un vice, leur implacable oeil l'aperoit.--BARBEY
D'AUREVILLY, _Figaro_, March 31, 1888.

[101] Prenons garde de ne pas trop expliquer, pour ne pas
fournir des arguments  ceux qui veulent tout excuser.--BROGLIE,
_Rception de Sorel_, 46.

[102] The eternal truths and rights of things exist,
fortunately, independent of our thoughts or wishes, fixed as
mathematics, inherent in the nature of man and the world. They are no
more to be trifled with than gravitation.--FROUDE, _Inaugural Lecture
at St. Andrews_, 1869, 41. What have men to do with interests? There
is a right way and a wrong way. That is all we need think
about.--CARLYLE to FROUDE, _Longman's Magazine_, Dec. 1892, 151. As to
History, it is full of indirect but very effective moral teaching. It
is not only, as Bolingbroke called it, "Philosophy teaching by
examples," but it is morality teaching by examples.--It is essentially
the study which best helps the student to conceive large thoughts.--It
is impossible to overvalue the moral teaching of History.--FITCH,
_Lectures on Teaching_, 432. Judging from the past history of our
race, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, war is a folly and a
crime.--Where it is so, it is the saddest and the wildest of all
follies, and the most heinous of all crimes.--GREG, _Essays on
Political and Social Science_, 1853, i. 562. La volont de tout un
peuple ne peut rendre juste ce qui est injuste: les reprsentants
d'une nation n'ont pas le droit de faire ce que la nation n'a pas le
droit de faire elle-mme.--B. CONSTANT, _Principes de Politique_, i.
15.

[103] Think not that morality is ambulatory; that vices in
one age are not vices in another, or that virtues, which are under the
everlasting seal of right reason, may be stamped by opinion.--SIR
THOMAS BROWNE, _Works_, iv. 64.

[104] Osons croire qu'il seroit plus  propos de mettre de
ct ces traditions, ces usages, et ces coutumes souvent si
imparfaites, si contradictoires, si incohrentes, ou de ne les
consulter que pour saisir les inconvniens et les viter; et qu'il
faudroit chercher non-seulement les lments d'une nouvelle
lgislation, mais mme ses derniers dtails dans une tude approfondie
de la morale.--LETROSNE, _Rflexions sur la Lgislation Criminelle_,
137. M. Renan appartient  cette famille d'esprits qui ne croient pas
en ralit la raison, la conscience, le droit applicables  la
direction des socits humaines, et qui demandent  l'histoire,  la
tradition, non  la morale, les rgles de la politique. Ces esprits
sont atteints de la maladie du sicle, le scepticisme moral.--PILLON,
_Critique Philosophique_, i. 49.

[105] The subject of modern history is of all others, to my
mind, the most interesting, inasmuch as it includes all questions of
the deepest interest relating not to human things only, but to
divine.--ARNOLD, _Modern History_, 311.





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