The Project Gutenberg eBook of Early English Meals and Manners, by Various This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: Early English Meals and Manners Author: Various Editor: Frederick Furnivall Release Date: March 9, 2008 [eBook #24790] [Most recently updated: October 19, 2023] Language: English Produced by: Louise Hope, Kathryn Lybarger and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY ENGLISH MEALS AND MANNERS *** [Transcriber’s Note: This e-text includes a few characters that will only display in UTF-8 (Unicode) text readers, including ȝ (yogh) œ (oe ligature) There are also a few lines of Greek, and some rarer characters: ſ (long s, used in one short selection) ł (l with bar, also used only in one selection) m̅ (m with overline, used only in the Boke of Nurture) If any of these characters do not display properly, or if the quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure your text reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a last resort, use the Latin-1 version of the file instead. This very long book has been separated into independent units, set off by triple rows of asterisks: [1] Early English Text Society (information and list of titles) [2] Introductory pages with full table of contents [3] General Preface (“Forewords”) [4] Preface to Russell, _Boke of Nurture_ [5] Collations and Corrigenda (see beginning of “Corrigenda” for details of corrections) [6] John Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_ with detailed table of contents [7] Notes to _Boke of Nurture_ (longer linenotes, printed as a separate section in original text) [8] Lawrens Andrewe on Fish [9] “Illustrative Extracts” (titles listed in Table of Contents) and Recipes [10] _Boke of Keruynge_ and _Boke of Curtasye_, with Notes [11] _Booke of Demeanor_ and following shorter selections [12] _The Babees Book_ and following shorter selections [13] Parallel texts of _The Little Children’s Boke_ and _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ [14] General Index (excluding Postscript) [15] Postscript “added after the Index had been printed” [16] Collected Sidenotes (section added by transcriber: editor’s sidenotes can be read as a condensed version of full text) Each segment has its own footnotes and errata lists. Readers may choose to divide them into separate files. The following notes on text format apply to all texts and will not be repeated in full. _Italics and other text markings:_ Italicized letters within words, representing expanded abbreviations, are shown in the e-text with braces (“curly brackets”): co{n}nyng{e}. Readers who find this added information distracting may globally delete all braces; they are not used for any other purpose. Whole-word italics are shown in the usual way with _lines_. Superscripts are shown with ^, and boldface or blackletter type with +marks+. _Page Layout:_ In the original book, each text page contained several types of secondary material printed in all four margins. The HTML version of this e-text offers a closer approximation of the original appearance. _Headnotes_ appeared at the top of alternate pages, like subsidiary chapter headings. In longer selections they have been retained and moved to the beginning of the most appropriate paragraph; some are also grouped at the beginning of a selection to act as a detailed table of contents. _Footnotes_ were numbered separately for each page. In this e-text, general footnotes are numbered sequentially and grouped at the end of the selection. In some selections, text notes (glosses or variant readings) are marked with capital letters [A] and are kept in small groups near each passage. Footnotes in the form [[10a]] are additional notes from the editor’s Corrigenda. Footnotes with symbols [10*] are _footnotes to footnotes_. _Sidenotes_ were generally added by the editor to give translations or summaries. In this e-text, they are always collected into full sentences. In some verse selections, sidenotes appear immediately _before_ their original location, with no further marking. In other selections-- including all prose passages-- sidenotes are collected into longer paragraphs and placed _after_ the text they refer to. These will be identified either by line number or by lower-case letters [a] showing their original location. Sidenotes in the form [Fol. 10b] or [Page 27] are shown inline, within the body text. Numbered notes printed in the side margin were generally treated as footnotes or text notes.] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Early English Text Society. Original Series, 32. Early English Meals and Manners: John Russell’s Boke of Nurture, Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Keruynge, The Boke of Curtasye,  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor, Seager’s Schoole of Vertue, The Babees Book, Aristotle’s ABC, Urbanitatis, Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy, &c. &c. with some Forewords on Education in Early England. Edited by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall, Cambridge. London: Published for the Early English Text Society by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited, Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W. 1868. [_Re-printed 1894, 1904._] Early English Text Society Committee of Management: Director: DR. FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A. Treasurer: HENRY B. WHEATLEY, Esq. Hon. Sec.: W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67 VICTORIA ROAD, FINSBURY PARK, N. Hon. Secs. for America: { North & East: Prof. G. L. KITTREDGE, Harvard Coll., Cambr., Mass. { South & West: Prof. J. W. BRIGHT, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore. LORD ALDENHAM, M.A. ISRAEL GOLLANCZ, M.A. SIDNEY L. LEE, M.A., D.Lit. Rev. Prof. J. E. B. MAYOR, M.A. Dr. J. A. H. MURRAY, M.A. Prof. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D. EDWARD B. PEACOCK, Esq. ALFRED W. POLLARD, M.A. Rev. Prof. WALTER W. SKEAT, Litt.D. Dr. HENRY SWEET, M.A. Dr. W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A. (_With power to add Workers to their number._) Bankers: THE UNION BANK OF LONDON, 2, PRINCES STREET, E.C. The Early English Text Society was started by Dr. Furnivall in 1864 for the purpose of bringing the mass of Old English Literature within the reach of the ordinary student, and of wiping away the reproach under which England had long rested, of having felt little interest in the monuments of her early language and life. On the starting of the Society, so many Texts of importance were at once taken in hand by its Editors, that it became necessary in 1867 to open, besides the _Original Series_ with which the Society began, an _Extra Series_ which should be mainly devoted to fresh editions of all that is most valuable in printed MSS. and Caxton’s and other black-letter books, though first editions of MSS. will not be excluded when the convenience of issuing them demands their inclusion in the Extra Series. During the thirty-nine years of the Society’s existence, it has produced, with whatever shortcomings, an amount of good solid work for which all students of our Language, and some of our Literature, must be grateful, and which has rendered possible the beginnings (at least) of proper Histories and Dictionaries of that Language and Literature, and has illustrated the thoughts, the life, the manners and customs of our forefathers and foremothers. But the Society’s experience has shown the very small number of those inheritors of the speech of Cynewulf, Chaucer, and Shakspere, who care two guineas a year for the records of that speech: ‘Let the dead past bury its dead’ is still the cry of Great Britain and her Colonies, and of America, in the matter of language. The Society has never had money enough to produce the Texts that could easily have been got ready for it; and many Editors are now anxious to send to press the work they have prepared. The necessity has therefore arisen for trying to increase the number of the Society’s members, and to induce its well-wishers to help it by gifts of money, either in one sum or by instalments. The Committee trust that every Member will bring before his or her friends and acquaintances the Society’s claims for liberal support. Until all Early English MSS. are printed, no proper History of our Language or Social Life is possible. The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s. a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon. Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Rd., Finsbury Park, London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them, must add to their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the Extra Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at the prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in advance to the Hon. Secretary. -> The Society intends to complete, as soon as its funds will allow, the Reprints of its out-of-print Texts of the year 1866, and also of nos. 20, 26 and 33. Prof. Skeat has finisht _Partenay_; Dr. McKnight of Ohio _King Horn_ and _Floris and Blancheflour_; and Dr. Furnivall his _Political, Religious and Love Poems_ and _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish Priest_. Dr. Otto Glauning has undertaken _Seinte Marherete_; and Dr. Furnivall has _Hali Meidenhad_ in type. As the cost of these Reprints, if they were not needed, would have been devoted to fresh Texts, the Reprints will be sent to all Members in lieu of such Texts. Though called ‘Reprints,’ these books are new editions, generally with valuable additions, a fact not noticed by a few careless receivers of them, who have complained that they already had the volumes. As the Society’s copies of the _Facsimile of the Epinal MS._ issued as an Extra Volume in 1883 are exhausted, Mr. J. H. Hessels, M.A., of St. John’s Coll., Cambridge, has kindly undertaken an edition of the MS. for the Society. This will be substituted for the Facsimile as an 1883 book, but will be also issued to all the present Members. JULY 1904. The Original-Series Texts for 1903 were: No. 122, Part II of _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, edited from the unique Laud MS. 595 by Dr. J. E. Wülting; and No. 123, Part II of Robert of Brunne’s _Handlyng Synne_, and its French original, ed. by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. The Extra-Series Texts for 1903 are to be: No. LXXXVIII, _Le Morte Arthur_, in 8-line stanzas, re-edited from the unique MS. Harl. 2252, by Prof. J. Douglas Bruce (issued), No. LXXXIX, Lydgate’s _Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. Ernst Sieper, Part II, and _English Fragments from Latin Medieval Service-Books_, edited, and given to the Society, by Mr. Henry Littlehales. The Original-Series Texts for 1904 will be No. 124, t. Hen. V, _Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from the Digby MS. 102, &c, edited by Dr. J. Kail, and No. 125, Part I of the _Medieval Records of a London City Church_ (St. Mary-at-Hill), A.D. 1420-1559, copied and edited by Mr. Henry Littlehales from the Church Records in the Guildhall, the cost of the setting and corrections of the text being generously borne by its Editor. This book will show the income and outlay of the church; the drink provided for its Palm-Sunday players, its officers’ excursions into Kent and Essex, its dealing with the Plague, the disposal of its goods at the Reformation, &c., &c., and will help our members to realize the church-life of its time. The third Text will be Part I of _An Alphabet of Tales_, a very interesting collection, englisht in the Northern Dialect, about 1440, from the Latin _Alphabetum Narrationum_ by Etienne de Bésançon, and edited by Mrs. M. M. Banks from the unique MS. in the King’s Library in the British Museum; the above-named three texts are now ready for issue. Those for 1905 and 1906 will probably be chosen from Part II of the _Exeter Book_--Anglo-Saxon Poems from the unique MS. in Exeter Cathedral--re-edited by Israel Gollancz, M.A.; Part II of Prof. Dr. Holthausen’s _Vices and Virtues_; Part II of _Jacob’s Well_, edited by Dr. Brandeis; the Alliterative _Siege of Jerusalem_, edited by the late Prof. Dr. E. Kölbing and Prof. Dr. Kaluza; an Introduction and Glossary to the _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS._ by H. Hartley, M.A.; Alain Chartier’s _Quadrilogue_, edited from the unique MS. Univ. Coll. Oxford MS. No. 85, by Mr. J. W. H. Atkins of Owen’s College; a Northern Verse _Chronicle of England_ to 1327 A.D., in 42,000 lines, about 1420 A.D., edited by M. L. Perrin, B.A.; Prof. Bruce’s Introduction to _The English Conquest of Ireland_, Part II; and Dr. Furnivall’s edition of the _Lichfield Gilds_, which is all printed, and waits only for the Introduction, that Prof. E. C. K. Gonner has kindly undertaken to write for the book. Canon Wordsworth of Marlborough has given the Society a copy of the Leofric Canonical Rule, Latin and Anglo-Saxon, Parker MS. 191, C.C.C. Cambridge, and Prof. Napier will edit it, with a fragment of the englisht Capitula of Bp. Theodulf. The _Coventry Leet Book_ is being copied for the Society by Miss M. Dormer Harris--helpt by a contribution from the Common Council of the City,--and will be publisht by the Society (Miss Harris editing), as its contribution to our knowledge of the provincial city life of the 15th century. Dr. Brie of Berlin has undertaken to edit the prose _Brut_ or _Chronicle of Britain_ attributed to Sir John Mandeville, and printed by Caxton. He has already examined more than 100 English MSS. and several French ones, to get the best text, and find out its source. The Extra-Series Texts for 1904 will be chosen from Lydgate’s _DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, Part III, edited by Miss Locock; Dr. M. Konrath’s re-edition of _William of Shorcham’s Poems_, Part II; Dr. E. A. Kock’s edition of Lovelich’s _Merlin_ from the unique MS. in Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge; the _Macro Plays_, edited from Mr. Gurney’s MS. by Dr. Furnivall and A. W. Pollard, M.A.; Prof. Erdmann’s re-edition of Lydgate’s _Siege of Thebes_ (issued also by the Chaucer Society); Miss Rickert’s re-edition of the Romance of _Emare_; Prof. I. Gollanez’s re-edition of two Alliterative Poems, _Winner and Waster_, &c, ab. 1360, lately issued for the Roxburghe Club; Dr. Norman Moore’s re-edition of _The Book of the Foundation of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London_, from the unique MS. ab. 1425, which gives an account of the Founder, Rahere, and the miraculous cures wrought at the Hospital; _The Craft of Nombrynge_, with other of the earliest englisht Treatises on Arithmetic, edited by R. Steele, B.A.; and Miss Warren’s two-text edition of _The Dance of Death_ from the Ellesmere and other MSS. These Extra-Series Texts ought to be completed by their Editors: the Second Part of the prose Romance of _Melusine_--Introduction, with ten facsimiles of the best woodblocks of the old foreign black-letter editions, Glossary, &c, by A. K. Donald, B.A. (now in India); and a new edition of the famous Early-English Dictionary (English and Latin), _Promptorium Parvulorum_, from the Winchester MS., ab. 1440 A.D.: in this, the Editor, the Rev. A. L. Mayhew, M.A., will follow and print his MS. not only in its arrangement of nouns first, and verbs second, under every letter of the Alphabet, but also in its giving of the flexions of the words. The Society’s edition will thus be the first modern one that really represents its original, a point on which Mr. Mayhew’s insistence will meet with the sympathy of all our Members. The Texts for the Extra Series in 1906 and 1907 will be chosen from _The Three Kings’ Sons_, Part II, the Introduction &c. by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner; Part II of _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS., with a full collation of the formerly missing Devonshire MS., by Mr. G. England and Dr. Matthews; the Parallel-Text of the only two MSS. of the _Owl and Nightingale_, edited by Mr. G. F. H. Sykes (at press); Prof. Jespersen’s editions of John Hart’s _Orthographie_ (MS. 1551 A.D.; blackletter 1569), and _Method to teach Reading_, 1570; Deguilleville’s _Pilgrimage of the Sowle_, in English prose, edited by Prof. Dr. L. Kellner. (For the three prose versions of _The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_--two English, one French--an Editor is wanted.) Members are askt to realise the fact that the Society has now 50 years’ work on its Lists,--at its present rate of production,--and that there is from 100 to 200 more years’ work to come after that. The year 2000 will not see finisht all the Texts that the Society ought to print. The need of more Members and money is pressing. Offers of help from willing Editors have continually to be declined because the Society has no funds to print their Texts. An urgent appeal is hereby made to Members to increase the list of Subscribers to the E. E. Text Society. It is nothing less than a scandal that the Hellenic Society should have nearly 1000 members, while the Early English Text Society has not 300! Before his death in 1895, Mr. G. N. Currie was preparing an edition of the 15th and 16th century Prose Versions of Guillaume de Deguilleville’s _Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, with the French prose version by Jean Gallopes, from Lord Aldenham’s MS., he having generously promist to pay the extra cost of printing the French text, and engraving one or two of the illuminations in his MS. But Mr. Currie, when on his deathbed, charged a friend to burn _all_ his MSS. which lay in a corner of his room, and unluckily all the E. E. T. S.’s copies of the Deguilleville prose versions were with them, and were burnt with them, so that the Society will be put to the cost of fresh copies, Mr. Currie having died in debt. Guillaume de Deguilleville, monk of the Cistercian abbey of Chaalis, in the diocese of Senlis, wrote his first verse _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_ in 1330-1 when he was 36.[1] Twenty-five (or six) years after, in 1355, he revised his poem, and issued a second version of it,[2] a revision of which was printed ab. 1500. Of the prose representative of the first version, 1330-1, a prose Englishing, about 1430 A.D., was edited by Mr. Aldis Wright for the Roxburghe Club in 1869, from MS. Ff. 5. 30 in the Cambridge University Library. Other copies of this prose English are in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, Q. 2. 25; Sion College, London; and the Laud Collection in the Bodleian, no. 740.[3] A copy in the Northern dialect is MS. G. 21, in St. John’s Coll., Cambridge, and this is the MS. which will be edited for the E. E. Text Society. The Laud MS. 740 was somewhat condenst and modernised, in the 17th century, into MS. Ff. 6. 30, in the Cambridge University Library:[4] “The Pilgrime or the Pilgrimage of Man in this World,” copied by Will. Baspoole, whose copy “was verbatim written by Walter Parker, 1645, and from thence transcribed by G. G. 1649; and from thence by W. A. 1655.” This last copy may have been read by, or its story reported to, Bunyan, and may have been the groundwork of his _Pilgrim’s Progress_. It will be edited for the E. E. T. Soc., its text running under the earlier English, as in Mr. Herrtage’s edition of the _Gesta Romanorum_ for the Society. In February 1464,[5] Jean Gallopes--a clerk of Angers, afterwards chaplain to John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France--turned Deguilleville’s first verse _Pèlerinaige_ into a prose _Pèlerinage de la vie humaine_.[6] By the kindness of Lord Aldenham, as above mentiond, Gallopes’s French text will be printed opposite the early prose northern Englishing in the Society’s edition. The Second Version of Deguilleville’s _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_, A.D. 1355 or -6, was englisht in verse by Lydgate in 1426. Of Lydgate’s poem, the larger part is in the Cotton MS. Vitellius C. xiii (leaves 2-308). This MS. leaves out Chaucer’s englishing of Deguilleville’s _ABC_ or _Prayer to the Virgin_, of which the successive stanzas start with A, B, C, and run all thro’ the alphabet; and it has 2 main gaps, besides many small ones from the tops of leaves being burnt in the Cotton fire. All these gaps (save the A B C) have been fild up from the Stowe MS. 952 (which old John Stowe completed) and from the end of the other imperfect MS. Cotton, Tiberius A vii. Thanks to the diligence of the old Elizabethan tailor and manuscript-lover, a complete text of Lydgate’s poem can be given, though that of an inserted theological prose treatise is incomplete. The British Museum French MSS. (Harleian 4399,[7] and Additional 22,937[8] and 25,594[9]) are all of the First Version. Besides his first _Pèlerinaige de l’homme_ in its two versions, Deguilleville wrote a second, “de l’ame separee du corps,” and a third, “de nostre seigneur Iesus.” Of the second, a prose Englishing of 1413, _The Pilgrimage of the Sowle_ (with poems by Hoccleve, already printed for the Society with that author’s _Regement of Princes_), exists in the Egerton MS. 615,[10] at Hatfield, Cambridge (Univ. Kk. 1. 7, and Caius), Oxford (Univ. Coll. and Corpus), and in Caxton’s edition of 1483. This version has ‘somewhat of addicions’ as Caxton says, and some shortenings too, as the maker of both, the first translater, tells us in the MSS. Caxton leaves out the earlier englisher’s interesting Epilog in the Egerton MS. This prose englishing of the _Sowle_ will be edited for the Society by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner after that of the _Man_ is finisht, and will have Gallopes’s French opposite it, from Lord Aldenham’s MS., as his gift to the Society. Of the Pilgrimage of Jesus, no englishing is known. As to the MS. Anglo-Saxon Psalters, Dr. Hy. Sweet has edited the oldest MS., the Vespasian, in his _Oldest English Texts_ for the Society, and Mr. Harsley has edited the latest, c. 1150, Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter. The other MSS., except the Paris one, being interlinear versions,--some of the Roman-Latin redaction, and some of the Gallican,--Prof. Logeman has prepared for press, a Parallel-Text edition of the first twelve Psalms, to start the complete work. He will do his best to get the Paris Psalter--tho’ it is not an interlinear one--into this collective edition; but the additional matter, especially in the Verse-Psalms, is very difficult to manage. If the Paris text cannot be parallelised, it will form a separate volume. The Early English Psalters are all independent versions, and will follow separately in due course. Through the good offices of the Examiners, some of the books for the Early-English Examinations of the University of London will be chosen from the Society’s publications, the Committee having undertaken to supply such books to students at a large reduction in price. The net profits from these sales will be applied to the Society’s Reprints. Members are reminded that _fresh Subscribers are always wanted_, and that the Committee can at anytime, on short notice, send to press an additional Thousand Pounds’ worth of work. The Subscribers to the Original Series must be prepared for the issue of the whole of the Early English _Lives of Saints_, sooner or later. The Society cannot leave out any of them, even though some are dull. The Sinners would doubtless be much more interesting. But in many Saints’ Lives will be found valuable incidental details of our forefathers’ social state, and all are worthful for the history of our language. The Lives may be lookt on as the religious romances or story-books of their period. The Standard Collection of Saints’ Lives in the Corpus and Ashmole MSS., the Harleian MS. 2277, &c. will repeat the Laud set, our No. 87, with additions, and in right order. (The foundation MS. (Laud 108) had to be printed first, to prevent quite unwieldy collations.) The Supplementary Lives from the Vernon and other MSS. will form one or two separate volumes. Besides the Saints’ Lives, Trevisa’s englishing of _Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, the mediæval Cyclopædia of Science, &c, will be the Society’s next big undertaking. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker will edit it. Prof. Napier of Oxford, wishing to have the whole of our MS. Anglo-Saxon in type, and accessible to students, will edit for the Society all the unprinted and other Anglo-Saxon Homilies which are not included in Thorpe’s edition of Ælfric’s prose,[11] Dr. Morris’s of the Blickling Homilies, and Prof. Skeat’s of Ælfric’s Metrical Homilies. The late Prof. Kölbing left complete his text, for the Society, of the _Ancren Riwle_, from the best MS., with collations of the other four, and this will be edited for the Society by Dr. Thümmler. Mr. Harvey means to prepare an edition of the three MSS. of the _Earliest English Metrical Psalter_, one of which was edited by the late Mr. Stevenson for the Surtees Society. Members of the Society will learn with pleasure that its example has been followed, not only by the Old French Text Society which has done such admirable work under its founders Profs. Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris, but also by the Early Russian Text Society, which was set on foot in 1877, and has since issued many excellent editions of old MS. Chronicles, &c. Members will also note with pleasure the annexation of large tracts of our Early English territory by the important German contingent, the late Professors Zupitza and Kölbing, the living Hausknecht, Einenkel, Haenisch, Kaluza, Hupe, Adam, Holthausen, Schick, Herzfeld, Brandeis, Sieper, Konrath, Wülfing, &c. Scandinavia has also sent us Prof. Erdmann and Dr. E. A. Kock; Holland, Prof. H. Logeman, who is now working in Belgium; France, Prof. Paul Meyer--with Gaston Paris as adviser (alas, now dead);--Italy, Prof. Lattanzi; Austria, Dr. von Fleischhacker; while America is represented by the late Prof. Child, by Dr. Mary Noyes Colvin, Miss Rickert, Profs. Mead, McKnight, Triggs, Perrin, &c. The sympathy, the ready help, which the Society’s work has cald forth from the Continent and the United States, have been among the pleasantest experiences of the Society’s life, a real aid and cheer amid all troubles and discouragements. All our Members are grateful for it, and recognise that the bond their work has woven between them and the lovers of language and antiquity across the seas is one of the most welcome results of the Society’s efforts. ORIGINAL SERIES. 1. _Early English Alliterative Poems_, ab. 1360 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 16s. 1864 2. _Arthur_, ab. 1440, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 4s. „ 3. _Lauder on the Dewtie of Kyngis, &c._, 1556, ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s. „ 4. _Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight_, ab. 1360, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 5. _Hume’s Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britan Tongue_, ab. 1617, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s. 1865 6. _Lancelot of the Laik_, ab. 1500, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 8s. „ 7. _Genesis & Exodus_, ab. 1250, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 8s. „ 8. _Morte Arthure_, ab. 1440, ed. E. Brock. 7s. „ 9. _Thynne on Speght’s ed. of Chaucer_, A.D. 1599, ed. Dr. G. Kingsley and Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 10s. „ 10. _Merlin_, ab. 1440, Part I., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 2s. 6d. „ 11. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, 1552, Part I., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. „ 12. _Wright’s Chaste Wife_, ab. 1462, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 1s. „ 13. _Seinte Marherete_, 1200-1330, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne; re-edited by Dr. Otto Glauning. [_Out of print._ 1866 14. _Kyng Horn, Floris and Blancheflour, &c._, ed. Rev. J. R. Lumby, B.D., re-ed. Dr. G. H. McKnight. 5s. „ 15. _Political, Religious, and Love Poems_, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s. 6d. „ 16. _The Book of Quinte Essence_, ab. 1460-70, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s. „ 17. _Parallel Extracts from 45 MSS. of Piers the Plowman_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 1s. „ 18. _Hali Meidenhad_, ab. 1200, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne, re-edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. [_At Press._ „ 19. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, Part II., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. 6d. „ 20. _Hampole’s English Prose Treatises_, ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 1s. [_Out of print._ „ 21. _Merlin_, Part II., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s. „ 22. _Partenay_ or _Lusignen_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. „ 23. _Dan Michel’s Ayenbite of Inwyt_, 1340, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. 6d. „ 24. _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ; the Parliament of Devils, &c._, ab. 1430, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1867 25. _The Stacions of Rome, the Pilgrims’ Sea-voyage, with Clene Maydenhod_, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s. „ 26. _Religious Pieces in Prose and Verse_, from R. Thornton’s MS., ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 2s. [_Out of print._ „ 27. _Levins’s Manipulus Vocabulorum, a ryming Dictionary_, 1570, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 12s. „ 28. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, 1362 A.D.; Text A, Part I., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s. „ 29. _Old English Homilies_ (ab. 1220-30 A.D.). Series I, Part I. Edited by Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 7s. „ 30. _Pierce the Ploughmans Crede_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 2s. „ 31. _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish Priest_, in Verse, ab. 1420 A.D., ed. E. Peacock. 4s. 1868 32. _Early English Meals and Manners: the Boke of Norture of John Russell, the Bokes of Keruynge, Curtasye, and Demeanor, the Babees Book, Urbanitatis, &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 12s. „ 33. _The Knight de la Tour Landry_, ab. 1440 A.D. A Book for Daughters, ed. T. Wright, M.A. [_Out of print._ 34. _Old English Homilies_ (before 1300 A.D.). Series I, Part II., ed. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s. „ 35. _Lyndesay’s Works_, Part III.: The Historie and Testament of Squyer Meldrum, ed. F. Hall. 2s. „ 36. _Merlin_, Part III. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. On Arthurian Localities, by J. S. Stuart Glennie. 12s. 1869 37. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part IV., Ane Satyre of the Three Estaits. Ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s. „ 38. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, Part II. Text B. Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s. 6d. „ 39. _Alliterative Romance of the Destruction of Troy_. Ed. D. Donaldson & G. A. Panton. Pt. I. 10s. 6d. „ 40. _English Gilds_, their Statutes and Customs, 1389 A.D. Edit. Toulmin Smith and Lucy T. Smith, with an Essay on Gilds and Trades-Unions, by Dr. L. Brentano. 21s. 1870 41. _William Lauder’s Minor Poems_. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 3s. „ 42. _Bernardus De Cura Rei Famuliaris_, Early Scottish Prophecies, &c. Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. 2s. „ 43. _Ratis Raving_, and other Moral and Religious Pieces. Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. „ 44. _The Alliterative Romance of Joseph of Arimathie_, or _The Holy Grail_: from the Vernon MS.; with W. de Worde’s and Pynson’s Lives of Joseph: ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 5s. 1871 45. _King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_, edited from 2 MSS., with an English translation, by Henry Sweet, Esq., B.A., Balliol College, Oxford. Part I. 10s. „ 46. _Legends of the Holy Rood, Symbols of the Passion and Cross Poems_, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 47. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part V., ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 3s. „ 48. _The Times’ Whistle_, and other Poems, by R. C., 1616; ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s. „ 49. _An Old English Miscellany_, containing a Bestiary, Kentish Sermons, Proverbs of Alfred, and Religious Poems of the 13th cent., ed. from the MSS. by the Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 10s. 1872 50._King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. Part II. 10s. „ 51. _The Life of St Juliana_, 2 versions, A.D. 1230, with translations; ed. T. O. Cockayne & E. Brock. 2s. „ 52. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.), ed. Rev. Barton Lodge, M.A. Part I. 10s. 1872 53. _Old-English Homilies_, Series II., and three Hymns to the Virgin and God, 13th-century, with the music to two of them, in old and modern notation; ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s. 1873 54. _The Vision of Piers Plowman, Text C: Richard the Redeles_ (by William, the author of the _Vision_) and _The Crowned King_; Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 18s. „ 55. _Generydes_, a Romance, ab. 1440 A.D., ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part I. 3s. „ 56. _The Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy_, in alliterative verse; ed. by D. Donaldson, Esq., and the late Rev. G. A. Panton. Part II. 10s. 6d. 1874 57. _The Early English Version of the “Cursor Mundi”_; in four Texts, edited by the Rev. R. Morris, M.A., LL.D. Part I, with 2 photolithographic facsimiles. 10s. 6d. „ 58. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. Part I. 8s. „ 59. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris. Part II. 15s. 1875 60. _Meditacyuns on the Soper of our Lorde_ (by Robert of Brunne), edited by J. M. Cowper. 2s. 6d. „ 61. _The Romance and Prophecies of Thomas of Eroeldoune_, from 5 MSS.; ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 10s. 6d. „ 62. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris. Part III. 15s. 1876 63. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part II. 7s. „ 64. _Francis Thynne’s Embleames and Epigrams_, A.D. 1600, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s. „ 65. _Be Domes Dæge_ (Bede’s _De Die Judicii_), &c., ed. J. R. Lumby, B.D. 2s. „ 66. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part IV., with 2 autotypes. 10s. 1877 67. _Notes on Piers Plowman_, by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. Part I. 21s. „ 68. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in 4 Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris Part V. 25s. 1878 69. _Adam Davie’s 5 Dreams about Edward II., &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 5s. „ 70. _Generydes_, a Romance, ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part II. 4s. „ 71. _The Lay Folks Mass-Book_, four texts, ed. Rev. Canon Simmons. 25s. 1879 72. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.). Part II. Ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. „ 73. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part III. 10s. 1880 74. _English Works of Wyclif_, hitherto unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew, Esq. 20s. „ 75. _Catholicon Anglicum_, an early English Dictionary, from Lord Monson’s MS. A.D. 1483, ed., with Introduction & Notes, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.; and with a Preface by H. B. Wheatley. 20s. 1881 76. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints_, in MS. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. Part I. 10s. „ 77. _Beowulf_, the unique MS. autotyped and transliterated, edited by Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. 25s. 1882 78. _The Fifty Earliest English Wills_, in the Court of Probate, 1387-1439, ed. by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 7s. „ 79. _King Alfred’s Orosius_, from Lord Tollemache’s 9th century MS., Part I, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 13s. 1883 79b. _The Epinal Glossary_, 8th cent., ed. J. H. Hessels, M.A. 15s. [_Preparing._ „ 80. _The Early-English Life of St. Katherine_ and its Latin Original, ed. Dr. Einenkel. 12s. 1884 81. _Piers Plowman_: Notes, Glossary, &c. Part IV, completing the work, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. 18s. „ 82. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A., LL.D. Part II. 12s. 1885 83. _The Oldest English Texts, Charters, &c._, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 20s. „ 84. _Additional Analogs to ‘The Wright’s Chaste Wife,’_ No. 12, by W. A. Clouston. 1s. 1886 85. _The Three Kings of Cologne_. 2 English Texts, and 1 Latin, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 17s. „ 86. _Prose Lives of Women Saints_, ab. 1610 A.D., ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. C. Horstmann. 12s. „ 87. _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ (earliest version), Laud MS. 108, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s. 1887 88. _Hy. Bradshaw’s life of St. Werburghe_ (Pynson, 1521), ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 10s. „ 89. _Vices and Virtues_, from the unique MS., ab. 1200 A.D., ed. Dr. F. Holthausen. Part I. 8s. 1888 90. _Anglo-Saxon and Latin Rule of St. Benet_, interlinear Glosses, ed. Dr. H. Logeman. 12s. „ 91. _Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery-Books_, ab. 1430-1450, edited by Mr. T. Austin. 10s. „ 92. _Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter_, from the Trin. Cambr. MS., ab. 1150 A.D., ed. F. Harsley, B. Pt. I. 12s. 1889 93. _Defensor’s Liber Scintillarum_, edited from the MSS. by Ernest Rhodes, B.A. 12s. „ 94. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7, Part III., ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 12s. 1890 95. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Part I, § 1. 18s. „ 96. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Pt. I, § 2. 15s. 1891 97. _The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, edited from its 2 MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part I. 15s. „ 98. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS_., Part I., ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s. 1892 99. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VI. Preface, Notes, and Glossary, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 100. _Capgrave’s Life of St. Katharine_, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann, with Forewords by Dr. Furnivall. 20s. 1893 101. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VII. Essay on the MSS., their Dialects, &c., by Dr. H. Hupe. 10s. „ 102. _Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. Part I. 20s. 1894 103. _The Legend of the Cross_, from a 12th century MS., &c., ed. Prof. A. S. Napier, M.A., Ph.D. 7s. 6d. „ 104. _The Exeter Book_ (Anglo-Saxon Poems), re-edited from the unique MS. by I. Gollancz, M.A. Part I. 20s. 1895 105. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, Camb. Univ. MS., ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part I. 10s. „ 106. _R. Misyn’s Fire of Love and Mending of Life_ (Hampole), 1434, 1435, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. 15s. 1896 107. _The English Conquest of Ireland_, A.D. 1166-1185, 2 Texts, 1425, 1440, Pt. I., ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s. „ 108. _Child-Marriages and Divorces, Trothplights, &c_. Chester Depositions, 1561-6, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s. 1897 109. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part II. 10s. „ 110. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 1. 15s. 1898 111. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 2. 15s. „ 112. _Merlin, Part IV: Outlines of the Legend of Merlin_, by Prof. W. E. Mead. Ph.D. 15s. 1899 113. _Queen Elizabeth’s Englishings of Boethius, Plutarch &c. &c_., ed. Miss C. Pemberton. 15s. „ 114. _Aelfric’s Metrical lives of Saints_, Part IV and last, ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 10s. 1900 115. _Jacob’s Well_, edited from the unique Salisbury Cathedral MS. by Dr. A. Brandeis. Part I. 10s. „ 116. _An Old-English Martyrology_, re-edited by Dr. G. Herzfeld. 10s. „ 117. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS._, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part II. 15s. 1901 118. _The Lay Folks’ Catechism,_ ed. by Canon Simmons and Rev. H. E. Nolloth, M.A. 5s. „ 119. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. I. 10s. „ 120. _The Rule of St. Benet_, in Northern Prose and Verse, & Caxton’s Summary, ed. Dr. E. A. Kock. 15s. 1902 121. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part I. 15s. „ 122. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part II. 20s. 1903 123. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s. „ 124. _Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from Digby MS. 102 &c, ed. by Dr. J. Kail. Part I. 10s. 1904 125. _Medieval Records of a London City Church_, ed. Henry Littlehales. Pt. 1. 20s. „ 126. _An Alphabet of Tales_, in Northern English from Latin, ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part I. 10s. „ 127. 1905 EXTRA SERIES. The Publications for _1867-1901_ (one guinea each year) are:-- I. _William of Palerne_; or, _William and the Werwolf._ Re-edited by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 13s. 1867 II. _Early English Pronunciation_ with especial Reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part I. 10s. „ III. _Caxton’s Book of Curtesye_, in Three Versions. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 5s. 1868 IV. _Havelok the Dane._ Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s. „  V. _Chaucer’s Boethius._ Edited from the two best MSS. by Rev. Dr. R. Morris 12s. „ VI. _Chevelere Assigne._ Re-edited from the unique MS. by Lord Aldenham, M.A. 3s. „ VII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 10s. 1869 VIII. _Queene Elizabethes Achademy, &c._ Ed. F. J. Furnivall. Essays on early Italian and German Books of Courtesy, by W. M. Rossetti and Dr. E. Oswald. 13s. „ IX. _Awdeley’s Fraternitye of Vacabondes, Harmon’s Caveat, &c._ Ed. E. Viles & F. J. Furnivall. 7_a_. 6d. „ X. _Andrew Boorde’s Introduction of Knowledge, 1547, Dyetary of Helth, 1542, Barnes in Defence of the Berde, 1542-3._ Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 18s. 1870 XI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part I. Ed. from MSS. and editions, by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 12s. „ XII. _England in Henry VIII’s Time_: a Dialogue between Cardinal Pole & Lupset, by Thom. Starkey, Chaplain to Henry VIII. Ed. J. M. Cowper. Part II. 12s. (Part I. is No. XXXII, 1878, 8s.) 1871 XIII. _A Supplicacyon of the Beggers_, by Simon Fish, 1528-9 A.D., ed. F. J. Furnivall; with _A Supplication to our Moste Soueraigne Lorde; A Supplication of the Poore Commons_; and _The Decaye of England by the Great Multitude of Sheep_, ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s. „ XIV. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part III. 10s. „ XV. _Robert Crowley’s Thirty-One Epigrams, Voyce of the Last Trumpet, Way to Wealth, &c._, A.D. 1550-1, edited by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 12s. 1872 XVI. _Chaucer’s Treatise on the Astrolabe._ Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 6s. „ XVII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., with 4 Tracts (1542-48), ed. Dr. Murray. Part I. 10s. „ XVIII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., ed. Dr. Murray. Part II. 8s. 1873 XIX. _Oure Ladyes Myroure_, A.D. 1530, ed. Rev. J. H. Blunt, M.A. 24s. „ XX. _Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_ (ab. 1450 A.D.), ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part I. 8_s_ 1874 XXI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part II., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 4s. „ XXII. _Henry Brinklow’s Complaynt of Roderyck Mors_ (ab. 1542): and _The Lamentacion of a Christian against the Citie of London_, made by Roderigo Mors, A.D. 1545. Ed. J. M. Cowper. 9s. „ XXIII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part IV. 10s. „ XXIV._ Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part II. 10s. 1875 XXV. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 20s. „ XXVI. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part II. 14s. 1876 XXVII. _Bp. Fisher’s English Works_ (died 1535). ed. by Prof. J. E. B. Mayor. Part I, the Text. 16s. „ XXVIII. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part III. 10s. 1877 XXIX. _Barbour’s Bruce._ Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 21s. „ XXX. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part IV. 15s. 1878 XXXI. _The Alliterative Romance of Alexander and Dindimus_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s. „ XXXII. _Starkey’s “England in Henry VIII’s time.”_ Pt. I. Starkey’s Life and Letters, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 8s. „ XXXIII. _Gesta Romanorum_ (englisht ab. 1440), ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. 1879 XXXIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--1. Sir Ferumbras_, from Ashm. MS. 33, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s. „ XXXV. _Charlemagne Romances:--2. The Sege off Melayne, Sir Otuell, &c._, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 12s. 1880 XXXVI. _Charlemagne Romances:--3. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. I., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 16s. „ XXXVII. _Charlemagne Romances:--4. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. II., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s. 1881 XXXVIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--5. The Sowdone of Babylone_, ed. Dr. Hausknecht. 15s. „ XXXIX. _Charlemagne Romances:--6. Rauf Colyear, Roland, Otuel, &c._, ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. 1882 XL. _Charlemagne Romances:--7. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part I. 15s. „ XLI. _Charlemagne Romances:--8. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. II. 15s. 1883 XLII. _Guy of Warwick_: 2 texts (Auchinleck MS. and Cains MS.), ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 15s. „ XLIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--9. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. III. 15s. 1884 XLIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--10. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss Octavia Richardson. Pt. I. 15s. 1884 XLV. _Charlemagne Romances:--11. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss O. Richardson. Pt. II. 20s. 1885 XLVI. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, from the Auchinleck and other MSS., ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part I. 10s. „ XLVII. _The Wars of Alexander_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 20s. 1886 XLVIII. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part II. 10s. „ XLIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Pt. II., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s. 1887 L. _Charlemagne Romances:--12. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part IV. 5s. „ LI. _Torrent of Portyngale_, from the unique MS. in the Chetham Library, ed. E. Adam, Ph.D. 10s. „ LII. _Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence, 1578_ (ed. 1, 1564). Ed. M. & A. H. Bullen. 10s. 1888 LIII. _Vicary’s Anatomie of the Body of Man, 1548_, ed. 1577, ed. F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part I. 15s. „ LIV. _Caxton’s Englishing of Alain Chartier’s Curial_, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall & Prof. P. Meyer. 5s. „ LV. _Barbour’s Bruce_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. Part IV. 5s. 1889 LVI. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Pt. V., the present English Dialects. 25s. „ LVII. _Caxton’s Eneydos_, A.D. 1490, coll. with its French, ed. M. T. Culley, M.A. & Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 13s. 1890 LVIII. _Caxton’s Blanchardyn & Eglantine_, c. 1489, extracts from ed. 1595, & French, ed. Dr. L. Kellner. 17s. „ LIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Part III., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s. 1891 LX. _Lydgate’s Temple of Glass_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. J. Schick. 15s. „ LXI. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, I._, from the Phillipps and Durham MSS., ed. F. J. Furnivall, Ph.D. 15s. 1892 LXII. _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS. by the late Dr. Hermann Deimling. Part I. 15s. „ LXIII. _Thomas a Kempis’s De Imitatione Christi_, englisht ab. 1440, & 1502, ed. Prof. J. K. Ingram. 15s. 1893 LXIV. _Caxton’s Godfrey of Boloyne_, or _Last Siege of Jerusalem_, 1481, ed. Dr. Mary N. Colvin. 15s. „ LXV. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part III. 15s. 1894 LXVI. _Lydgate’s and Burgh’s Secrees of Philisoffres_, ab. 1445-50, ed. R. Steele, B.A. 15s. „ LXVII. _The Three Kings’ Sons_, a Romance, ab. 1500, Part I., the Text, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 10s. 1895 LXVIII. _Melusine_, the prose Romance, ab. 1500, Part I, the Text, ed. A. K. Donald. 20s. „ LXIX. _Lydgate’s Assembly of the Gods_, ed. Prof. Oscar L. Triggs, M.A., Ph.D. 15s. 1896 LXX. _The Digby Plays_, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s. „ LXXI. _The Towneley Plays_, ed. Geo. England and A. W. Pollard, M.A. 15s. 1897 LXXII. _Hoccleve’s Regement of Princes, 1411-12, and 14 Poems_, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s. „ LXXIII. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, II._, from the Ashburnham MS., ed. I. Gollancz, M.A. [_At Press._ „ LXXIV. _Secreta Secretorum_, 3 prose Englishings, by Jas. Yonge, 1428, ed. R. Steele, B. Part I. 20s. 1898 LXXV. _Speculum Guidonis de Warwyk_, edited by Miss G. L. Morrill, M.A., Ph.D. 10s. „ LXXVI. _George Ashby’s Poems, &c._, ed. Miss Mary Bateson. 15s. 1899 LXXVII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part I. 10s. „ LXXVIII. _The Life and Death of Mary Magdalene_, by T. Robinson, c. 1620, ed. Dr. H. O. Sommer. 5s. „ LXXIX. _Caxton’s Dialogues, English and French_, c. 1483, ed. Henry Bradley, M.A. 10s. 1900 LXXX. _Lydgate’s Two Nightingale Poems_, ed. Dr. Otto Glauning. 5s. „ LXXXI. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. I. 15s. „ LXXXII. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. II. 15s. 1901 LXXXIII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s. „ LXXXIV. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part I. 5s. „ LXXXV. _Alexander Scott’s Poems_, 1568, from the unique Edinburgh MS., ed. A. K. Donald, B.A. 10s. 1902 LXXXVI. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. M. Konrath. Part I. 10s. „ LXXXVII. _Two Coventry Corpus-Christi Plays_, re-edited by Hardin Craig, M.A. 10s. [_At Press._ „ LXXXVIII. _Le Morte Arthur_, re-edited from the Harleian MS. 2252 by Prof. Bruce, Ph.D. 15s. 1903 LXXXIX. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part II. 15s. „ XC. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. M. Konrath. Part II. [_At Press._ 1904 XCI. „ EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY TEXTS PREPARING. Besides the Texts named as at press on p. 12 of the Cover of the Early English Text Society’s last Books, the following Texts are also slowly preparing for the Society:-- ORIGINAL SERIES. _The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, ed. Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part II. _The Earliest English Verse Psalter_, 3 texts, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. _Anglo-Saxon Poems_, from the Vercelli MS., re-edited by Prof. I. Gollancz, M.A. _Anglo-Saxon Glosses_ to Latin Prayers and Hymns, edited by Dr. F. Holthausen. _All the Anglo-Saxon Homilies and Lives of Saints_ not accessible in English editions, including those of the Vercelli MS. &c., edited by Prof. Napier, M.A., Ph.D. _The Anglo-Saxon Psalms_; all the MSS. in Parallel Texts, ed. Dr. H. Logeman and F. Harsley, B.A. _Beowulf, a critical Text, &c._, edited by a Pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. _Byrhtferth’s Handboc_, edited by Prof. G. Hempl. _The Seven Sages_, in the Northern Dialect, from a Cotton MS., edited by Dr. Squires. _The Master of the Game, a Book of Huntynge_ for Hen. V. when Prince of Wales. (_Editor wanted._) _Ailred’s Rule of Nuns, &c._, edited from the Vernon MS., by the Rev. Canon H. R. Bramley, M.A. _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_, Standard Collection, from the Harl. MS. (_Editor wanted._) _Early English Confessionals_, edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _A Lapidary_, from Lord Tollemache’s MS., &c., edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _Early English Deeds and Documents_, from unique MSS., ed. Dr. Lorenz Morsbach. _Gilbert Banastre’s Poems_, and other _Boccaccio englishings_, ed. by Prof. Dr. Max Förster. _Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker, Part II. _William of Nassington’s Mirror of Life_, from Jn. of Waldby, edited by J. A. Herbert, M.A. _More Early English Wills from the Probate Registry at Somerset House._ (_Editor wanted._) _Early Lincoln Wills and Documents from the Bishops’ Registers, &c._, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. _Early Canterbury Wills_, edited by William Cowper, B.A., and J. Meadows Cowper. _Early Norwich Wills_, edited by Walter Rye and F. J. Furnivall. _The Cartularies of Oseney Abbey and Godstow Nunnery_, englisht ab. 1450, ed. Rev. A. Clark, M.A. _Early Lyrical Poems_ from the Harl. MS. 2253, re-edited by Prof. Hall Griffin, M.A. _Alliterative Prophecies_, edited from the MSS. by Prof. Brandl, Ph.D. _Miscellaneous Alliterative Poems_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. L. Morsbach. _Bird and Beast Poems_, a collection from MSS., edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Scire Mori, &c._, from the Lichfield MS. 16, ed. Mrs. L. Grindon, LL.A., and Miss Florence Gilbert. _Nicholas Trivet’s French Chronicle_, from Sir A. Acland-Hood’s unique MS., ed. by Miss Mary Bateson. _Early English Homilies_ in Harl. 2276 &c., c. 1400, ed. J. Friedländer. _Extracts from the Registers of Boughton_, ed. Hy. Littlehales, Esq. _The Diary of Prior Moore of Worcester_, A.D. 1518-35, from the unique MS., ed. Henry Littlehales, Esq. _The Pore Caitif_, edited from its MSS., by Mr. Peake. _Thomas Berkley’s englisht Vegetius on the Art of War_, MS. 30 Magd. Coll. Oxf., ed. L. C. Wharton, M.A. EXTRA SERIES. _Bp. Fisher’s English Works_, Pt. II., with his _Life and Letters_, ed. Rev. Ronald Bayne, B.A. [_At Press._ _Sir Tristrem_, from the unique Auchinleck MS., edited by George F. Black. _John of Arderne’s Surgery_, c. 1425, ed. J. F. Payne, M.D. _De Guilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Sowle_, edited by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner. _Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, from the unique MS. copy by George Jeans, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall. _Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, ed. 1577, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part II. [_At Press._ _A Compilacion of Surgerye_, from H. de Mandeville and Lanfrank, A.D. 1392, ed. Dr. J. F. Payne. _William Staunton’s St. Patrick’s Purgatory, &c._, ed. Mr. G. P. Krapp, U.S.A. _Trevisa’s Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, re-edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence_, 1564, 1573, 1578. Ed. A. H. and M. Bullen. Pt. II. _The Romance of Boctus and Sidrac_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _The Romance of Clariodus_, re-edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Sir Amadas_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Sir Degrevant_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. Luick. _Robert of Brunne’s Chronicle of England_, from the Inner Temple MS., ed. by Prof. W. E. Mead, Ph.D. _Maundeville’s Voiage and Travaile_, re-edited from the Cotton MS. Titus C. 16, &c., by Miss M. Bateson. _Avowynge of Arthur_, re-edited from the unique Ireland MS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Guy of Warwick_, Copland’s version, edited by a pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. _Awdelay’s Poems_, re-edited from the unique MS. Douce 302, by Prof. Dr. E. Wülfing. _The Wyse Chylde_ and other early Treatises on Education, Northwich School, Harl. 2099 &c., ed. G. Collar, B.A. _Caxton’s Dictes and Sayengis of Philosophirs_, 1477, with Lord Tollemache’s MS. version, ed. S. I. Butler, Esq. _Caxton’s Book of the Ordre of Chyualry_, collated with Loutfut’s Scotch copy. (_Editor wanted._) _Lydgate’s Court of Sapience_, edited by Dr. Borsdorf. _Lydgate’s Lyfe of oure Lady_, ed. by Prof. Georg Fiedler, Ph.D. _Lydgate’s Dance of Death_, edited by Miss Florence Warren. _Lydgate’s Life of St. Edmund_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. Axel Erdmann. _Lydgate’s Triumph Poems_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. _Lydgate’s Minor Poems_, edited by Dr. Otto Glauning. _Richard Coer de Lion_, re-edited from Harl. MS. 4690, by Prof. Hausknecht, Ph.D. _The Romance of Athelstan_, re-edited by a pupil of the late Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. _The Romance of Sir Degare_, re-edited by Dr. Breul. _Mulcaster’s Positions_ 1581, and _Elementarie_ 1582, ed. Dr. Th. Klaehr, Dresden. _Walton’s verse Boethius de Consolatione_, edited by Mark H. Liddell, U.S.A. _The Gospel of Nichodemus_, edited by Ernest Riedel. _Sir Landeval and Sir Launfal_, edited by Dr. Zimmermann. _Rolland’s Seven Sages_, the Scottish version of 1560, edited by George F. Black. The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s. a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon. Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them must add to their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the Extra Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at the prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in advance to the Hon. Secretary. [Footnote 1: He was born about 1295. See Abbé GOUGET’S _Bibliothèque française_, Vol. IX, p. 73-4.--P. M. The Roxburghe Club printed the 1st version in 1893.] [Footnote 2: The Roxburghe Club’s copy of this 2nd version was lent to Mr. Currie, and unluckily burnt too with his other MSS.] [Footnote 3: These 3 MSS. have not yet been collated, but are believed to be all of the same version.] [Footnote 4: Another MS. is in the Pepys Library.] [Footnote 5: According to Lord Aldenham’s MS.] [Footnote 6: These were printed in France, late in the 15th or early in the 16th century.] [Footnote 7: 15th cent., containing only the _Vie humaine_.] [Footnote 8: 15th cent., containing all the 3 Pilgrimages, the 3rd being Jesus Christ’s.] [Footnote 9: 14th cent., containing the _Vie humaine_ and the 2nd Pilgrimage, _de l’Ame_: both incomplete.] [Footnote 10: Ab. 1430, 106 leaves (leaf 1 of text wanting), with illuminations of nice little devils--red, green, tawny, &c--and damnd souls, fires, angels &c.] [Footnote 11: Of these, Mr. Harsley is preparing a new edition, with collations of all the MSS. Many copies of Thorpe’s book, not issued by the Ælfric Society, are still in stock. Of the Vercelli Homilies, the Society has bought the copy made by Prof. G. Lattanzi.] Typographical Errors: 50. _King Alfred’s ... [_“5” invisible_] _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ ... (_Editor wanted._) [_closing parenthesis missing_] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Meals and Manners in Olden Time. Berlin: Asher & Co., 5, Unter Den Linden. New York: C. Scribner & Co.; Leypoldt & Holt. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. Early English Meals and Manners: John Russell’s Boke of Nurture, Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Lernynge, The Boke of Curtasye,  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor, Seager’s Schoole of Vertue, The Babees Book, Aristotle’s A B C, Urbanitatis, Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy, &c. &c. with some Forewords on Education in Early England. Edited by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall, Cambridge. London: Published for the Early English Text Society by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited, Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W. 1868. [_Reprinted 1894, 1904._] Original Series, 32. _Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay._ DEDICATED to The Historian Of “The Early & Middle Ages Of England,” CHARLES H. PEARSON, ESQ., M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, Late Professor of History at King’s College, London, In Admiration of his Learning and In Gratitude for his Help, BY THE EDITOR NOTICE. The _Russell_ and _De Worde_ of this work were issued, with _Rhodes’s Boke of Nurture_, to the Roxburghe Club, in 4to, in 1867. The whole of the work (except p. 361), with Rhodes, and some short poems in English, French, and Latin, was issued to the Early English Text Society, in 8vo, in 1868, with the title _The Babees Book_, &c. (_Manners and Meals in Olden Time_). CONTENTS. PAGE FOREWORDS, OR GENERAL PREFACE i Education in Early England iv Cleanliness, or Dirt, of Men, Houses, &c. lxiii Notice of the separate Poems up to _Russell_ lxviii PREFACE TO RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE, and the Poems and Treatises following it (except those in the Postscript) lxix COLLATIONS AND CORRECTIONS xcii JOHN RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE 1 (Contents thereof, inserted after title; Notes thereon, p. 84. Lawrens Andrewe on Fish, p. 113.) Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng and Neckeweede 124 Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress 128 William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health 133 The Dyet for every Day (from Sir John Harington’s Schoole of Salerne) 138 On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed (from the same) 140 Recipes (for Fritters, Jussell, and Mawmeny) 145 Recipes (for Hares and Conies in Civeye, and for Doucettes) 146 WYNKYN DE WORDE’S BOKE OF KERUYNGE (ed. 1513) 147 (Contents thereof, p. 150; Notes thereon, p. 173. Note on the first edition of 1508, p. lxxxvii.) THE BOKE OF CURTASYE (from the Sloane MS. 1986, ab. 1460 A.D.) 175 Contents thereof, p. 176. Notes thereto, p. 283 THE BOOKE OF DEMEANOR (from The Schoole of Vertue by Richard Weste) 207 Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes (from the Sloane MS. 1986) 215 Stanzas and Couplets of Counsel (from the Rawlinson MS. C. 86) 219 THE SCHOOLE OF VERTUE by F. Seager (A.D. 1557) 221 Whate-ever thow sey, avyse thee welle! 244 A Dogg Lardyner, & a Sowe Gardyner 246 Maxims in -ly 247 Roger Ascham’s Advice to Lord Warwick’s Servant 248 THE BABEES BOOK, (or a ‘lytyl Reporte’ of how Young People should behave) 250 Lerne or be Lewde 258 The A B C of Aristotle 260 _Vrbanitatis_ 262 The Boris Hede furst 264* The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, or Edyllys be (on left-hand pages to p. 273) 265 The Young Children’s Book (on right-hand pages to p. 274) 266 Stans Puer ad Mensam (in English, from MS. Harl. 2251; on left-hand pages to p. 281) 275 The Book of Curteisie that is clepid _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ (from Lambeth MS. 853; on right-hand pages to p. 282) 276 Notes to the Boke of Curtasye, &c. 283 Index to the Poems, &c. (before the Postscript) 286 [***] POSTSCRIPT (added after the Index was printed). FFOR TO SERVE A LORD (see Preface to Russell, p. lxxii.), with _A Feste for a Bryde_, p. 358 349 Suffer, and hold your tongue 361 The Houshold Stuff occupied at the Lord Mayor’s Feast, A.D. 1505 362 The Ordre of goyng or sittyng 365 Latin Graces 366 SYMON’S Lesson of Wysedome for all maner Chyldryn 381 The Birched School-Boy of about 1500 A.D. 385 The Song of the School-Boy at Christmas 387 The Boar’s Head 388 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: The Headnotes from the General Preface are collected here to act as a table of contents. Each note will also appear in the text at approximately its original location.] EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND. HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS. BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS. YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD. KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH. APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME. GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES. PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND. EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’. STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH. NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS. UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND. POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS. UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478. FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE. NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD. FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES. BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE. FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION. MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS. LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL. EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS. NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE. POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS. POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’. AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478. POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612. A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612. THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH. NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS. FOREWORDS. “The naturall maister Aristotell saith that euery body be the course of nature is enclyned to here & se all that refressheth & quickeneth the spretys of man[1] / wherfor I haue thus in this boke folowinge[2]” gathered together divers treatises touching the Manners & Meals of Englishmen in former days, & have added therto divers figures of men of old, at meat & in bed,[3] to the end that, to my fellows here & to come, the home life of their forefathers may be somewhat more plain, & their own minds somewhat rejoiced. The treatises here collected consist of a main one--John Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, to which I have written a separate preface[4]--extracts and short books illustrating Russell, like the _Booke of Demeanor_ and _Boke of Curtasy_, and certain shorter poems addressed partly to those whom Cotgrave calls “_Enfans de famille_, Yonkers of account, youthes of good houses, children of rich parents (yet aliue),” partly to carvers and servants, partly to schoolboys, partly to people in general, or at least those of them who were willing to take advice as to how they should mend their manners and live a healthy life. [Headnote: EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN] The persons to whom the last poems of the present collection are addressed, the yonge Babees, whom{e} bloode Royall{e} With{e} grace, feture, and hyhe habylite Hath{e} en{ou}rmyd, the “Bele Babees” and “swete Children,” may be likened to the “young gentylmen, Henxmen,--VI Enfauntes, or more, as it shall please the Kinge,”--at Edward the Fourth’s Court; and the authors or translators of the Bokes in this volume, somewhat to that sovereign’s Maistyr of Henxmen, whose duty it was “to shew the schooles[5] of urbanitie and nourture of Englond, to lerne them to ryde clenely and surely; to drawe them also to justes; to lerne them were theyre barneys; to haue all curtesy in wordes, dedes, and degrees; dilygently to kepe them in rules of goynges and sittinges, after they be of honour. Moreover to teche them sondry languages, and othyr lerninges vertuous, to harping, to pype, sing, daunce, and with other honest and temperate behaviour and patience; and to kepe dayly and wekely with these children dew convenity, with corrections in theyre chambres, according to suche gentylmen; and eche of them to be used to that thinge of vertue that he shall be moste apt to lerne, with remembraunce dayly of Goddes servyce accustumed. This maistyr sittith in the halle, next unto these Henxmen, at the same boarde, to have his respecte unto theyre demeanynges, howe manerly they ete and drinke, and to theyre communication and other formes curiall, after _the booke of urbanitie_.” (Liber Niger in _Household Ordinances_, p. 45.) That these young Henxmen were gentlemen, is expressly stated,[6] and they had “everyche of them an honest servaunt to keepe theyre chambre and harneys, and to aray hym in this courte whyles theyre maisters he present in courte.” I suppose that when they grew up, some became Esquires, and then their teaching would prove of use, for “These Esquiers of houshold of old [were] accustumed, wynter and sumer, in aftyrnoones and in eveninges, to drawe to lordes chambres within courte, there to kepe honest company aftyr theyre cunnynge, in talkyng of cronycles of Kings and of other polycyes, or in pypeyng or harpyng, synging, or other actes martialles, to help occupy the courte, and accompany straungers, tyll the tyme require of departing.” But that a higher station than an Esquier’s was in store for some of these henchmen, may be known from the history of one of them. Thomas Howard, eldest son of Sir John Howard, knight (who was afterwards Duke of Norfolk, and killed at Bosworth Field), was among these henchmen or pages, ‘enfauntes’ six or more, of Edward IV.’s. He was made Duke of Norfolk for his splendid victory over the Scots at Flodden, and Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard were his granddaughters. Among the ‘othyr lerninges vertuous’ taught him at Edward’s court was no doubt that of drawing, for we find that ‘He was buried with much pomp at Thetford Abbey under a tomb designed by himself and master Clarke, master of the works at King’s College, Cambridge, & Wassel a freemason of Bury S. Edmund’s.’ Cooper’s _Ath. Cant._, i. p. 29, col. 2. [Headnote: RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] The question of the social rank of these Bele Babees,[[6a]] children, and _Pueri_ who stood at tables, opens up the whole subject of upper-class education in early times in England. It is a subject that, so far as I can find, has never yet been separately treated[7], and I therefore throw together such few notices as the kindness of friends[8] and my own chance grubbings have collected; these as a sort of stopgap till the appearance of Mr Anstey’s volume on early Oxford Studies in the _Chronicles and Memorials_, a volume which will, I trust, give us a complete account of early education in our land. If it should not, I hope that Mr Quick will carry his pedagogic researches past Henry VIII.’s time, or that one of our own members will take the subject up. It is worthy of being thoroughly worked out. For convenience’ sake, the notices I have mentioned are arranged under six heads: 1. Education in Nobles’ houses. 2. At Home and at Private Tutors’, p. xvii. (Girls, p. xxv.) 3. At English Universities, p. xxvi. 4. At Foreign Universities, p. xl. 5. At Monastic and Cathedral Schools, p. xli. 6. At Grammar Schools, p. lii. One consideration should be premised, that manly exercises, manners and courtesy, music and singing, knowledge of the order of precedency of ranks, and ability to carve, were in early times more important than Latin and Philosophy. ‘Aylmar þe kyng’ gives these directions to Athelbrus, his steward, as to Horn’s education: Stiwarde, tak nu here Mi fundlyng for to lere 228 Of þine meste{re}, Of wude {and} of riuere; {And} tech him to harpe Wiþ his nayles scharpe; 232 Biuore me to kerue, And of þe cupe serue; Þu tech him of alle þe liste (craft, AS. _list_) Þat þu eure of wiste; 236 [And] his feiren þou wise (mates thou teach) Into oþere s{er}uise. Horn þu underuonge, {And} tech him of harpe {and} songe. 240 _King Horn_, E. E. T. Soc., 1866, ed. Lumby, p. 7.[9] So in Romances and Ballads of later date, we find The child was taught great nurterye; a Master had him vnder his care, & taught him _curtesie_. _Tryamore_, in Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. ii. ed. 1867. It was the worthy Lord of learen, he was a lord of hie degree; he had noe more children but one sonne, he sett him to schoole to learne _curtesie_. _Lord of Learne_, Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. i. p. 182, ed. 1867. Chaucer’s Squire, as we know, at twenty years of age hadde ben somtyme in chivachie, In Flaundres, in Artoys, and in Picardie, And born him wel, as in so litel space, In hope to stonden in his lady grace ... Syngynge he was, or flowtynge, al the day ... Wel cowde he sitte on hors, and wel cowde ryde. He cowde songes wel make and endite, Justne and eek daunce, and wel purtray and write ... Curteys he was, lowly, and servysable, And carf beforn his fadur at the table.[10] Which of these accomplishments would Cambridge or Oxford teach? Music alone.[[10a]] That, as Harrison says, was one of the Quadrivials, ‘arithmetike, musike, geometrie, and astronomie.’ The Trivium was grammar, rhetoric, and logic. [Headnote: HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS.] 1. The chief places of education for the sons of our nobility and gentry were the houses of other nobles, and specially those of the Chancellors of our Kings, men not only able to read and write, talk Latin and French themselves, but in whose hands the Court patronage lay. As early as Henry the Second’s time (A.D. 1154-62), if not before[11], this system prevailed. A friend notes that Fitz-Stephen says of Becket: “The nobles of the realm of England and of neighbouring kingdoms used to send their sons to serve the Chancellor, whom he trained with honourable bringing-up and learning; and when they had received the knight’s belt, sent them back with honour to their fathers and kindred: some he used to keep. The king himself, his master, entrusted to him his son, the heir of the realm, to be brought up; whom he had with him, with many sons of nobles of the same age, and their proper retinue and masters and proper servants in the honour due.” --_Vita S. Thomæ_, pp. 189, 190, ed. Giles. Roger de Hoveden, a Yorkshireman, who was a clerk or secretary to Henry the Second, says of Richard the Lionheart’s unpopular chancellor, Longchamps the Bishop of Ely: “All the sons of the nobles acted as his servants, with downcast looks, nor dared they to look upward towards the heavens unless it so happened that they were addressing him; and if they attended to anything else they were pricked with a goad, which their lord held in his hand, fully mindful of his grandfather of pious memory, who, being of servile condition in the district of Beauvais, had, for his occupation, to guide the plough and whip up the oxen; and who at length, to gain his liberty, fled to the Norman territory.” (Riley’s _Hoveden_, ii. 232, quoted in _The Cornhill Magazine_, vol. xv. p. 165.)[12] All Chancellors were not brutes of this kind, but we must remember that young people were subjected to rough treatment in early days. Even so late as Henry VI.’s time, Agnes Paston sends to London on the 28th of January, 1457, to pray the master of her son of 15, that if the boy “hath not done well, nor will not amend,” his master Greenfield “will truly belash him till he will amend.” And of the same lady’s treatment of her marriageable daughter, Elizabeth, Clere writes on the 29th of June, 1454, “She (the daughter) was never in so great sorrow as she is now-a-days, for she may not speak with no man, whosoever come, ne not may see nor speak with my man, nor with servants of her mother’s, but that she beareth her on hand otherwise than she meaneth; and she hath since Easter the most part been beaten once in the week or twice, and sometimes twice on a day, and her head broken in two or three places.” (v. i. p. 50, col. 1, ed. 1840.) The treatment of Lady Jane Grey by her parents was also very severe, as she told Ascham, though she took it meekly, as her sweet nature was: “One of the greatest benefites that God ever gave me, is, that he sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so jentle a scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother, whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate, drinke, be merie or sad, be sewyng, plaiyng, dauncing, or doing anie thing els, I must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure, and number, even so perfitelie as God made the world, or els I am so sharplie taunted, so cruellie threatened; yea presentlie some tymes, with pinches, nippes, and bobbes, and other waies which I will not name for the honor I beare them, so without measure misordered, that I thinke my self in hell till tyme cum that I must go to _M. Elmer_, who teacheth me so jentlie, so pleasantlie, with soch faire allurementes to learning, that I thinke all the tyme nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him, I fall on weeping.” --_The Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor. The inordinate beating[13] of boys by schoolmasters--whom he calls in different places ‘sharp, fond, & lewd’[14]--Ascham denounces strongly in the first book of his _Scholemaster_, and he contrasts their folly in beating into their scholars the hatred of learning with the practice of the wise riders who by gentle allurements breed them up in the love of riding. Indeed, the origin of his book was Sir Wm. Cecil’s saying to him “I have strange news brought me this morning, that divers scholars of Eton be run away from the school for fear of beating.” Sir Peter Carew, says Mr Froude, being rather a troublesome boy, was chained in the Haccombe dog-kennel till he ran away from it. [Headnote: BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS.] But to return to the training of young men in nobles’ houses. I take the following from Fiddes’s Appendix to his Life of Wolsey: _John de Athon_, upon the Constitutions of _Othobon, tit._ 23, in respect to the Goods of such who dyed intestate, and upon the Word _Barones_, has the following Passage concerning _Grodsted_ Bishop of _Lincoln_[15] (who died 9th Oct., 1253),-- “Robert surnamed Grodsted of holy memory, late Bishop of Lincoln, when King Henry asked him, as if in wonder, where he learnt the Nurture in which he had instructed the sons of nobles (&) peers of the Realm, whom he kept about him as pages (_domisellos_[16]),--since he was not descended from a noble lineage, but from humble (parents)--is said to have answered fearlessly, ‘In the house or guest-chambers of greater kings than the King of England’; because he had learnt from understanding the scriptures the manner of life of David, Solomon, & other Kings[15].” _Reyner,_ in his _Apostol. Bened._ from _Saunders_ acquaints us, that the Sons of the Nobility were placed with _Whiting_ Abbot of _Glastenbury_ for their Education, who was contemporary with the Cardinal, and which Method of Education was continued for some Time afterward. There is in the Custody of the present Earl of _Stafford_, a Nobleman of the greatest Humanity and Goodness, an Original of Instructions, by the Earl of _Arundell_, written in the Year 1620, for the Benefit of his younger Son, the Earl of _Stafford’s_ Grandfather, under this Title; _Instructions for you my Son _William_, how to behave your self at _Norwich_._ In these Instructions is the following paragraph, “You shall in all Things reverence honour and obey my Lord Bishop of _Norwich_, as you would do any of your Parents, esteeminge whatsoever He shall tell or Command you, as if your Grandmother of _Arundell_, your Mother, or my self, should say it; and in all things esteem your self as my Lord’s Page; a breeding which youths of my house far superior to you were accustomed unto, as my Grandfather of _Norfolk_, and his Brother my good Uncle of _Northampton_ were both bred as Pages with Bishopps, _&c_.” Sir Thomas More, who was born in 1480, was brought up in the house of Cardinal Morton. Roper says that he was “received into the house of the right reverend, wise, and learned prelate Cardinal Morton, where, though he was young of years, yet would he at Christmas-tide suddenly sometimes step in among the players, and never studying for the matter make a part of his own there presently among them, which made the lookers on more sport than all the players beside. In whose wit and towardness the Cardinal much delighting would say of him unto the nobles that divers times dined with him, _This child here waiting at the table, Whosoever shall live to see it, will prove a marvellous man._ Whereupon for his better furtherance in learning he placed him at Oxford, &c.” (Roper’s _Life of More_, ed. Singer, 1822, p. 3.) Cresacre More in his _Life of More_ (ed. 1828, p. 17) states the same thing more fully, and gives the remark of the Cardinal more accurately, thus:-- “that that boy there waiting _on him_, whoever should live to see it, would prove a marvellous rare man.”[17] [Headnote: YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD.] Through Wolsey’s household, says Professor Brewer, almost all the Officials of Henry the Eighth’s time passed. Cavendish, in his Life of Wolsey (vol. i. p. 38, ed. Singer, 1825) says of the Cardinal, “And at meals, there was continually in his chamber a board kept for his Chamberlains, and Gentlemen Ushers, having with them _a mess of the young Lords_, and another for gentlemen.” Among these young Lords, we learn at p. 57, was “my Lord Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumberland, [who] then attended upon the Lord Cardinal, and was also his servitor; and when it chanced the Lord Cardinal at any time to repair to the court, the Lord Percy would then resort for his pastime unto the queen’s chamber, and there would fall in dalliance among the queen’s maidens, being at the last more conversant with Mistress Anne Boleyn than with any other; so that there grew such a secret love between them that, at length they were insured together, intending to marry[18].” Among the persons daily attendant upon Wolsey in his house, down-lying and up-rising, Cavendish enumerates “of Lords nine or ten, who had each of them allowed two servants; and the Earl of Derby had allowed five men” (p. 36-7). On this Singer prints a note, which looks like a guess, signed _Growe_, “Those Lords that were placed in the great and privy chambers were _Wards_, and as such paid for their board and education.” It will be seen below that he had a particular officer called “Instructor of his Wards” (_Cavendish_, p. 38, l. 2). Why I suppose the note to be a guess is, because at p. 33 Cavendish has stated that Wolsey “had also a great number daily attending upon him, both of noblemen and worthy gentlemen, of great estimation and possessions,--with no small number of the tallest yeomen that he could get in all his realm; in so much that well was that nobleman and gentleman that might prefer any tall and comely yeoman unto his service.” In the household of the Earl of Northumberland in 1511 were “..yong gentlemen at their fryndes fynding,[19] in my lords house for the hoole yere” and “Haunsmen ande Yong Gentlemen at thir Fryndes fynding v[j] (As to say, Hanshmen iij. And Yong Gentlemen iij” p. 254,) no doubt for the purpose of learning manners, &c. And that such youths would be found in the house of every noble of importance I believe, for as Walter Mapes (? ab. 1160-90 A.D.) says of the great nobles, in his poem _De diversis ordinibus hominum_, the example of manners goes out from their houses, _Exemplar morum domibus procedit eorum_. That these houses were in some instances only the finishing schools for our well-born young men after previous teaching at home and at College is possible (though the cases of Sir Thomas More and Ascham are exactly the other way), but the Lord Percy last named had a schoolmaster in his house, “The Maister of Graimer j”, p. 254; “Lyverays for the Maister of Gramer[20] in Housholde: Item Half a Loof of Houshold Breide, a Pottell of Beere, and two White Lyghts,” p. 97. “Every Scolemaister techyng Grammer in the Hous C _s_.” (p. 47, 51). Edward IV.’s henxmen were taught grammar; and if the Pastons are to be taken as a type of their class, our nobles and gentry at the end of the 15th century must have been able to read and write freely. Chaucer’s Squire could write, and though the custom of sealing deeds and not signing them prevailed, more or less, till Henry VIII.’s time, it is doubtful whether this implied inability of the sealers to write. Mr Chappell says that in Henry VIII.’s time half our nobility were then writing ballads. Still, the bad spelling and grammar of most of the letters up to that period, and the general ignorance of our upper classes were, says Professor Brewer, the reason why the whole government of the country was in the hands of ecclesiastics. Even in Henry the Eighth’s time, Sir Thomas Boleyn is said to have been the only noble at Court who could speak French with any degree of fluency, and so was learned enough to be sent on an embassy abroad. But this may be questioned. Yet Wolsey, speaking to his Lord Chamberlain and Comptroller when they [Headnote: KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH.] “showed him that it seemed to them there should be some noblemen and strangers [Henry VIII. and his courtiers masked] arrived at his bridge, as ambassadors from some foreign prince. With that, quoth the Cardinal, ‘I shall desire you, _because ye can speak French_, to take the pains to go down into the hall to encounter and to receive them, according to their estates, and to conduct them into this chamber’ (_Cavendish_, p. 51). Then spake my Lord Chamberlain unto them _in French_, declaring my Lord Cardinal’s mind (p. 53).” The general[21] opinion of our gentry as to the study of Letters, before and about 1500 A.D., is probably well represented by the opinion of one of them stated by Pace, in his Prefatory Letter to Colet, prefixed to the former’s _De Fructu_[22]. It remains that I now explain to you what moves me to compile and publish a treatise with this title. When, two years ago, more or less, I had returned to my native land from the city of Rome, I was present at a certain feast, a stranger to many; where, when enough had been drunk, one or other of the guests--no fool, as one might infer from his words and countenance--began to talk of educating his children well. And, first of all, he thought that he must search out a good teacher for them, and that they should at any rate attend school. There happened to be present one of those whom we call gentle-men (_generosos_), and who always carry some horn hanging at their backs, as though they would hunt during dinner. He, hearing letters praised, roused with sudden anger, burst out furiously with these words. “Why do you talk nonsense, friend?” he said; “A curse on those stupid letters! all learned men are beggars: even Erasmus, the most learned of all, is a beggar (as I hear), and in a certain letter of his calls τήν κατάρατον πενίαν (that is, execrable poverty) his wife, and vehemently complains that he cannot shake her off his shoulders right into βαθυκήτεα πόντον, that is, into the deep sea. I swear by God’s body I’d rather that my son should hang than study letters. For it becomes the sons of gentlemen to blow the horn nicely (_apte_), to hunt skilfully, and elegantly carry and train a hawk. But the study of letters should be left to the sons of rustics.” At this point I could not restrain myself from answering something to this most talkative man, in defence of good letters. “You do not seem to me, good man,” I said, “to think rightly. For if any foreigner were to come to the king, such as the ambassadors (_oratores_) of princes are, and an answer had to be given to him, your son, if he were educated as you wish, could only blow his horn, and the learned sons of rustics would be called to answer, and would be far preferred to your hunter or fowler son; and they, enjoying their learned liberty, would say to your face, ‘We prefer to be learned, and, thanks to our learning, no fools, than boast of our fool-like nobility.’ “Then he upon this, looking round, said, “Who is this person that is talking like this? I don’t know the fellow.” And when some one whispered in his ear who I was, he muttered something or other in a low voice to himself; and finding a fool to listen to him, he then caught hold of a cup of wine. And when he could get nothing to answer, he began to drink, and change the conversation to other things. And thus I was freed from the disputing of this mad fellow,--which I was dreadfully afraid would have lasted a long time,--not by Apollo, like Horace was from his babbler, but by Bacchus. [Headnote: APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME.] On the general subject it should be noted that Fleta mentions nothing about boarders or apprentices in his account of household economy; nor does the _Liber Contrarotulatoris Garderobæ Edw. I^mi_ mention any young noblemen as part of the King’s household. That among tradesmen in later times, putting out their children in other houses, and apprenticeships, were the rule, we know from many statements and allusions in our literature, and “The Italian Relation of England” (temp. Hen. VII.) mentions that the Duke of Suffolk was boarded out to a rich old widow, who persuaded him to marry her (p. 27). It also says The want of affection in the English is strongly manifested towards their children; for after having kept them at home till they arrive at the age of 7 or 9 years at the utmost, they put them out, both males and females, to hard service in the houses of other people, binding them generally for another 7 or 9 years. And these are called apprentices, and during that time they perform all the most menial offices; and few are born who are exempted from this fate, for every one, however rich he may be, sends away his children into the houses of others, whilst he, in return, receives those of strangers into his own. And on inquiring their reason for this severity, they answered that they did it in order that their children might learn better manners. But I, for my part, believe that they do it because they like to enjoy all their comforts themselves, and that they are better served by strangers than they would be by their own children. Besides which, the English being great epicures, and very avaricious by nature, indulge in the most delicate fare themselves and give their household the coarsest bread, and beer, and cold meat baked on Sunday for the week, which, however, they allow them in great abundance. That if they had their own children at home, they would be obliged to give them the same food they made use of for themselves. That if the English sent their children away from home to learn virtue and good manners, and took them back again when their apprenticeship was over, they might, perhaps, be excused; but they never return, for the girls are settled by their patrons, and the boys make the best marriages they can, and, assisted by their patrons, not by their fathers, they also open a house and strive diligently by this means to make some fortune for themselves; whence it proceeds that, having no hope of their paternal inheritance, that all become so greedy of gain that they feel no shame in asking, almost “for the love of God,” for the smallest sums of money; and to this it may be attributed, that there is no injury that can be committed against the lower orders of the English, that may not be atoned for by money. --_A Relation of the Island of England_ (Camden Society, 1847), pp. 24-6. “This evidently refers to tradesmen.[23] The note by the Editor[24] however says it was the case with the children of the first nobility, and gives the terms for the Duke of Buckingham’s children with Mrs Hexstall. The document only shows that Mrs Hexstall boarded them by contract ‘during the time of absence of my Lord and my Ladie.’” The Earl of Essex says in a letter to Lord Burleigh, 1576, printed in Murdin’s _State Papers_, p. 301-2. “Neverthelesse, uppon the assured Confidence, that your love to me shall dissend to my Childrenne, and that your Lordship will declare yourself a Frend to me, both alive and dead, I have willed Mr _Waterhouse_ to shew unto you how you may with Honor and Equity do good to my Sonne _Hereford_, and how to bind him with perpetual Frendship to you and your House. And to the Ende I wold have his Love towardes those which are dissended from you spring up and increase with his Yeares, I have wished his Education to be in your Household, though the same had not bene allotted to your Lordship as Master of the Wardes; and that the whole Tyme, which he shold spend in _England_ in his Minority, might be devided in Attendance uppon my Lord _Chamberlayne_ and you, to the End, that as he might frame himself to the Example of my Lord of _Sussex_ in all the Actions of his Life, tending either to the Warres, or to the Institution of a Nobleman, so that he might also reverence your Lordship for your Wisdome and Gravyty, and lay up your Counsells and Advises in the Treasory of his Hart.” [Headnote: GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES.] That girls, as well as boys, were sent out to noblemen’s houses for their education, is evident from Margaret Paston’s letter of the 3rd of April, 1469, to Sir John Paston, “Also I would ye should purvey for your sister [? Margery] to be with my Lady of Oxford, or with my Lady of Bedford, or in some other worshipful place whereas ye think best, and I will help to her finding, for we be either of us weary of other.” Alice Crane’s Letter, in the Paston Letters, v. i. p. 35, ed. 1840, also supports this view, as does Sir John Heveningham’s to Margaret Paston, asking her to take his cousin Anneys Loveday for some time as a boarder till a mistress could be found for her. “If that it please you to have her with you to into the time that a mistress may be purveyed for her, I pray you thereof, and I shall content you for her board that ye shall be well pleased.” Similarly Anne Boleyn and her sister were sent to Margaret of Savoy, aunt of Charles V., who lived at Brussels, to learn courtesy, &c., says Prof. Brewer. Sir Roger Twysden says that Anne was “Not above seven yeares of age, Anno 1514,” when she went abroad. He adds: “It should seeme by some that she served three in France successively; Mary of England maryed to Lewis the twelfth, an. 1514, with whome she went out of England, but Lewis dying the first of January following, and that Queene (being) to returne home, sooner than either Sir Thomas Bullen or some other of her frendes liked she should, she was preferred to Clauda, daughter to Lewis XII. and wife to Francis I. then Queene (it is likely upon the commendation of Mary the Dowager), who not long after dying, an. 1524, not yet weary of France she went to live with Marguerite, Dutchess of Alançon and Berry, a Lady much commended for her favor towards good letters, but never enough for the Protestant religion then in the infancy--from her, if I am not deceived, she first learnt the grounds of the Protestant religion; so that England may seem to owe some part of her happyness derived from that Lady.” (Twysden’s Notes quoted by Singer in his ed. of Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey, 1825, p. 57.) As Henry VIII. fell in love with his wife’s maid of honour,--“began to kindle the brand of amours” at the light of Anne Boleyn’s beauty, “her excellent gesture and behaviour,”--so we find in later times rich young men became enamoured of poor young women staying in the same house with them. Mr Bruce sends me an instance: “the young lady was niece, you will perceive, to a well-beneficed clergyman, and a thriving gentleman well-advanced in the public service. She had lost her mother, and her father was in debt and difficulties. She was therefore placed by the influence of her uncles in a well-known family in Wiltshire.” _State Papers. Dom. Car._ I. Vol. ccclii. No. 29. Dr Matthew Nicholas, afterwards Dean of St Paul’s, to Edward Nicholas, Clerk of the Council, and afterwards Secretary of State. Dated, West Dean, April 4, 1637. “I have spoken with Miss Evelyn since I wrote last unto you, and enquired of her the cause w{hi}ch moued her to displace my coson Hunton. She told me much accordinge to what she had sayd unto my coson Hunton, w{i}th this addition, that she had respect in it as well unto her good as her owne convenience, for hauinge nowe noe employment for her but her needle, she founde that sittinge still at her worke made her sickly, and therefore thought she might doe better in another seruice where she might haue the orderinge of an huswifely charge, for w{hi}ch (she told me) she had made her very able. I expressed myselfe tender of the disgrace w{hi}ch would lay uppon my coson in beinge displaced in such a manner by warninge giuen, wherof whatsoeuer were the cause, it would be imagined by all that knowe it not, to be in her ill carriage, and wished she had done me that fauour as to haue acquainted me with her intents in such time as I might haue taken some course to haue disposed of her before it had bin knowne that she was to leaue her: she slubbered it ouer w{i}th a slight excuse that she had acquainted my wife ... but for my satisfaction she told me that she would be as mindfull of her when God should call her as if she were w{i}th her, and in testimony of her good likinge of her seruice she would allowe her forty shillings yearly towarde her maintainance as longe as herself should liue. I am soe well acquainted w{i}th what she hath as yet disposed to her by will, and soe little value forty shillings to my coson Hunton’s credit, as I gaue her noe thankes. Mr Downes (I heare) is sent for home by his father w{i}th an intent to keepe him w{i}th him, but I doe imagine that when my coson Hunton shall be other where disposed off, he shall returne; for my conceit is stronge that the feare of his beinge match’d to his disadvantage, who was placed w{i}th Mr Evelyn a youth to be bred for his p{re}ferment, hath caused this alteration; howsoever there be noe wordes made of it. I confess that when I have bin told of the good will that was obserued betweene my coson Hunton and Mr Downes, I did put it by w{i}th my coson Huntons protestation to the contrary, and was willinge by that neglect to have suffered it to have come to pass (if it mought have bin) because I thought it would haue bin to her aduantage, but nowe that the busines is come to this issue (as whatsoeuer be p{re}tended I am confident this is the cause of my cosons partinge) I begin to quæstion my discretion.... Good brother, let me haue your aduise what to do.” [Headnote: PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] 2. _Home and Private Education._ Of these, more or less must have been going on all over England, by private tutors at home, or in the houses of the latter. “In five years (after my baptism) I was handed over by my father to Siward, a noble priest, to be trained in letters, to whose mastery I was subdued during five years learning the first rudiments. But in the eleventh year of my age I was given up by my own father for the love of God, and destined to enter the service of the eternal King.” --_Orderic_, vol. ii. p. 301, ed. Prevost. From Adam de Marisco’s Letters, 53, we find that Henry and Almeric, the eldest and youngest sons of the Earl of Montfort, were put under Grosseteste for tuition, he being then a Bishop. At Paris, John of Salisbury (who died in 1180) gained a living by teaching the sons of noblemen,--(_instruendos susceperam_, ? took them in to board). --_Metalogicus_, lib. 11, c. 10. Henry of Huntingdon says, “Richard, the king’s (Henry I.’s) bastard son, was honourably brought up (_festive nutritus_) by our Bishop Robert (Blote of Lincoln), and duly reverenced by me and others in the same household I lived in.” --_Anglia Sacra_, vol. ii. p. 696. Giraldus Cambrensis speaks of beating his _coætanei et conscolares terræ suæ_, of being reproved for idleness by his uncle, the Bishop of St David’s, and of being constantly chaffed by two of his uncle’s chaplains, who used to decline _durus_ and _stultus_ to him. Also he alludes to the rod. Probably there was some sort of school at either Pembroke or St David’s[[24a]].--_De Rebus a se Gestis_, lib. 1, c. 2.[25] The Statutes of a Gild of young Scholars formed to burn lights in honour of some saint or other, and to help one another in sickness, old age, and to burial, will be printed for us by Mr Toulmin Smith in the Early English Text Society’s books this year. Under this head of Private Tuition we may class the houses of Abbots, where boys of good birth were educated. In his History of English Poetry, section 36, vol. iii. p. 9, ed. 1840, Warton says: “It appears to have been customary for the governors of the most considerable convents, especially those that were honoured with the mitre, to receive into their own private lodgings the sons of the principal families of the neighbourhood for education. About the year 1450, Thomas Bromele, abbot of the mitred monastery of Hyde near Winchester, entertained in his own abbatial house within that monastery eight young gentlemen, or _gentiles pueri_, who were placed there for the purpose of literary instruction, and constantly dined at the abbot’s table. I will not scruple to give the original words, which are more particular and expressive, of the obscure record which preserves this curious anecdote of monastic life. ‘_Pro octo gentilibus pueris apud dominum abbatem studii causa perhendinantibus, et ad mensam domini victitantibus, cum garcionibus suis ipsos comitantibus, hoc anno_, xvii_l._ ixs. _Capiendo pro_[26]...’” This, by the way, was more extraordinary, as William of Wykeham’s celebrated seminary was so near. And this seems to have been an established practice of the abbot of Glastonbury, “whose apartment in the abbey was a kind of well-disciplined court, where the sons of noblemen and young gentlemen were wont to be sent for virtuous education, who returned thence home excellently accomplished.[27]” Richard Whiting, the last abbot of Glastonbury, who was cruelly executed by the king, during the course of his government educated near three hundred ingenuous youths, who constituted a part of his family; beside many others whom he liberally supported at the universities.[28] Whitgift, the most excellent and learned archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, was educated under Robert Whitgift his uncle, abbot of the Augustine monastery of black canons at Wellhow in Lincolnshire, “who,” says Strype, “had several other young gentlemen under his care for education.” (Strype’s Whitgift, v. i. ch. i. p. 3.) Of Lydgate--about 1420-30 A.D. I suppose--Prof. Morley says in his _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 423: “After studying at Oxford, Paris, and Padua, and after mastering with special delight the writings of such poets as Dante, Boccaccio, and Alain Chartier, Lydgate opened at his monastery of Bury St Edmund’s a school of rhetoric in which he taught young nobles literature and the art of versifying!” Richard Pace says in his _De Fructu_, 1517: “Now the learning of music too demands its place, especially from me whom it distinguished when a boy amongst boys. For Thomas Langton, bishop of Winchester (the predecessor of him who is now living), whose secretary I was, when he had marked that I was making a proficiency in music far beyond my age (as himself--perchance from his too great affection for me--would point out and repeatedly say), ‘The talent of this lad,’ he said, ‘is born for greater things,’ and a few days afterwards he sent me, to pursue the study of literature, into Italy, to the school at Padua, which then was at its greatest prime, and benevolently supplied the annual expenses, as he showed wonderful favour to all men of letters, and in his day played the part of a second Mecænas, well remembering (as he ofttimes said) that he had been advanced to the episcopal dignity on account of his learning. For he had gained, with the highest commendation, the distinctions of each law[29] (as they say now-a-days). Also he so highly prized the study of Humanity[30] that he had boys and youths instructed in it at a school in his house; And he was vastly delighted to hear the scholars repeat to him at night the lessons given them by the teacher during the day. In this competition he who had borne himself notably went away with a present of something suitable to his character, and with commendation expressed in the most refined language; for that excellent governor had ever in his mouth the maxim that merit grows with praise.”[31] [Headnote: EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’.] Palsgrave in 1530 speaks of “maister Petrus Vallensys, scole maister to his [Charles, Duke of Suffolk’s] excellent yong sonne the Erle of Lyncolne.” Roger Ascham, author of the _Scholemaster_, &c., born in 1515, “was received at a very youthful age into the family of Sir Antony Wingfield, who furnished money for his education, and placed Roger, together with his own sons, under a tutor whose name was Bond. The boy had by nature a taste for books, and showed his good taste by reading English in preference to Latin, with wonderful eagerness. This was the more remarkable from the fact that Latin was still the language of literature, and it is not likely that the few English books written at that time were at all largely spread abroad in places far away from the Universities and Cathedral towns. In or about the year 1530, Mr Bond the domestic tutor resigned the charge of young Roger, who was now about fifteen years old, and by the advice and pecuniary aid of his kind patron Sir Antony, he was enabled to enter St John’s College, Cambridge, at that time the most famous seminary of learning in all England ... he took his bachelor’s degree in 1531, Feb. 18, in the 18th year of his age [“being a boy, new bachelor of art,” he says himself,] a time of life at which it is now more common to enter the University than to take a degree, but which, according to the modes of education then in use, was not thought premature. On the 23rd of March following, he was elected fellow of the College.” Giles’s Life of Ascham, Works, vol. i. p. xi-xiv. Dr Clement and his wife were brought up in Sir T. More’s house. Clement was taken from St Paul’s school, London, appointed tutor to More’s children, and afterwards to his daughter Margaret, p. 402, col. 1. What a young nobleman learnt in Henry the Eighth’s time may be gathered from the following extracts (partly given by Mr Froude, Hist., v. i. p. 39-40) from the letters of young Gregory Cromwell’s tutor, to his father, the Earl of Essex, the King’s Chief Secretary. “The order of his studie, as the houres lymyted for the Frenche tongue, writinge, plaienge att weapons, castinge of accomptes, pastimes of instruments, and suche others, hath bene devised and directed by the prudent wisdome of Mr Southwell; who with a ffatherly zeale and amitie muche desiringe to have hime a sonne worthy suche parents, ceasseth not aswell concerninge all other things for hime mete and necessary, as also in lerninge, t’expresse his tendre love and affection towardes hime, serchinge by all meanes possible howe he may moste proffitte, dailie heringe hime to rede sumwhatt in thenglishe tongue, and advertisenge hime of the naturell and true kynde of pronuntiacõn therof, expoundinge also and declaringe the etimologie and native signification of suche wordes as we have borowed of the Latines or Frenche menue, not evyn so comonly used in our quotidiene speche. Mr Cheney and Mr Charles in lyke wise endevoireth and emploieth themselves, accompanienge Mr Gregory in lerninge, amonge whome ther is a perpetuall contention, strife, and conflicte, and in maner of an honest envie who shall do beste, not oonlie in the ffrenche tongue (wherin Mr Vallence after a wonderesly compendious, facile, prompte, and redy waye, nott withoute painfull delegence and laborious industrie doth enstructe them) but also in writynge, playenge at weapons, and all other theire exercises, so that if continuance in this bihalf may take place, whereas the laste Diana, this shall (I truste) be consecrated to Apollo and the Muses, to theire no small profecte and your good contentation and pleasure. And thus I beseche the Lord to have you in his moste gratious tuition. At Reisinge in Norff[olk] the last daie of Aprill. Your faithfull and most bounden servaunte HENRY DOWES. To his right honorable maister Mr Thomas Crumwell chief Secretary vnto the King’s Maiestie.” Ellis, _Original Letters_. Series I. vol. i. p. 341-3. The next Letter gives further details of Gregory’s studies-- “But forcause somer was spente in the servyce of the wylde goddes, it is so moche to be regarded after what fashion yeouth is educate and browght upp, in whiche tyme that that is lerned (for the moste parte) will nott all holelie be forgotten in the older yeres, I thinke it my dutie to asserteyne yo^r Maistershippe how he spendith his tyme.... And firste, after he hath herde Masse he taketh a lecture of a Diologe of Erasmus Colloquium, called Pietas Puerilis, whereinne is described a veray picture of oone that sholde be vertuouselie brought upp; and forcause it is so necessary for hime, I do not onelie cause him to rede it over, but also to practise the preceptes of the same, and I have also translated it into Englishe, so that he may conferre theime both to-githers, whereof (as lerned men affirme) cometh no smalle profecte[32] ... after that, he exerciseth his hande in writing one or two houres, and redith uppon Fabian’s Chronicle as longe; the residue of the day he doth spende uppon the lute and virginalls. When he rideth (as he doth very ofte) I tell hime by the way some historie of the Romanes or the Greekes, whiche I cause him to reherse agayn in a tale. For his recreation he useth to hawke and hunte, and shote in his long bowe, which frameth and succedeth so well with hime that he semeth to be therunto given by nature.” Ellis, i. 343-4. [Headnote: STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH.] Of the course of study of ‘well-bred youths’ in the early years of Elizabeth’s reign we have an interesting account by Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, father of the great Bacon, in a Paper by Mr J. Payne Collier in the _Archæologia_, vol. 36, Part 2, p. 339, Article xxxi.[33] “Before he became Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon had been Attorney of that Court” [the Court of Wards and Liveries] “a most lucrative appointment; and on the 27th May, 1561, he addressed a letter to Sir William Cecil, then recently (Jan., 1561) made Master of the Wards, followed by a paper thus entitled:--’Articles devised for the bringing up in vertue and learning of the Queenes Majesties Wardes, being heires males, and whose landes, descending in possession and coming to the Queenes Majestie, shall amount to the cleere yearly value of c. markes, or above.’” Sir Nicholas asks the new Master of Wards to reform what he justly calls most “preposterous” abuses in the department:--“That the proceeding hath bin preposterous, appeareth by this: the chiefe thinge, and most of price, in wardeship, is the wardes mynde; the next to that, his bodie; the last and meanest, his land. Nowe, hitherto the chiefe care of governaunce hath bin to the land, being the meaneste; and to the bodie, being the better, very small; but to the mynde, being the best, none at all, which methinkes is playnely to sett the carte before the horse” (p. 343). Mr Collier then summarises Bacon’s Articles for the bringing up of the Wards thus: “The wards are to attend divine service at six in the morning: nothing is said about breakfast,[34] but they are to study Latin until eleven; to dine between 11 and 12; to study with the music-master from 12 till 2; from 2 to 3 they are to be with the French master; and from 3 to 5 with the Latin and Greek masters. At 5 they are to go to evening prayers; then they are to sup; to be allowed honest pastimes till 8; and, last of all, before they go to bed at 9, they are again to apply themselves to music under the instruction of the master. At and after the age of 16 they were to attend lectures upon temporal and civil law, as well as _de disciplinâ militari_. It is not necessary to insert farther details; but what I have stated will serve to show how well-bred youths of that period were usually brought up, and how disgracefully the duty of education as regards wards was neglected.... It may appear singular that in these articles drawn up by Sir Nicholas, so much stress is laid upon instruction in music[35]; but it only serves to confirm the notion that the science was then most industriously cultivated by nearly every class of society.” Pace in 1517 requires that every one should study it, but should join with it some other study, as Astrology or Astronomy. He says also that the greatest part of the art had perished by men’s negligence; “For all that our musicians do now-a-days, is almost trivial if compared with what the old ones (_antiqui_) did, so that now hardly one or two (_unus aut alter_) can be found who know what harmony is, though the word is always on their tongue.” (_De Fructu_, p. 54-5.) Ascham, while lamenting in 1545 (_Toxophilus_, p. 29) ‘that the laudable custom of England to teach children their plain song and prick-song’ is ‘so decayed throughout all the realm as it is,’ denounces the great practise of instrumental music by older students: “the minstrelsy of lutes, pipes, harps, and all other that standeth by such nice, fine, minikin fingering, (such as the most part of scholars whom I know use, if they use any,) is far more fit, for the womanishness of it, to dwell in the Court among ladies, than for any great thing in it which should help good and sad study, to abide in the University among scholars.” [Headnote: NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS.] By 1577 our rich people, according to Harrison, attended properly to the education of their children. After speaking “of our women, whose beautie commonlie exceedeth the fairest of those of the maine,” he says: “This neuerthelesse I vtterlie mislike in the poorer sort of them, for the wealthier doo sildome offend herein: that being of themselues without competent wit, they are so carelesse in the education of their children (wherein their husbands also are to be blamed,) by means whereof verie manie of them neither fearing God, neither regarding either manners or obedience, do oftentimes come to confusion, which (if anie correction or discipline had beene vsed toward them in youth) might haue prooued good members of their common-wealth & countrie, by their good seruice and industrie.” --_Descr. of Britaine_, Holinshed, i. 115, col. 2. This is borne out by Ascham, who says that young men up to 17 were well looked after, but after that age were turned loose to get into all the mischief they liked: “In deede, from seven to seventene, yong jentlemen commonlie be carefullie enough brought up: But from seventene to seven and twentie (the most dangerous tyme of all a mans life, and most slipperie to stay well in) they have commonlie the rein of all licens in their owne hand, and speciallie soch as do live in the Court. And that which is most to be merveled at, commonlie the wisest and also best men be found the fondest fathers in this behalfe. And if som good father wold seek some remedie herein, yet the mother (if the household of our Lady) had rather, yea, and will to, have her sonne cunnyng and bold, in making him to lyve trimlie when he is yong, than by learning and travell to be able to serve his Prince & his countrie, both wiselie in peace, and stoutlie in warre, whan he is old. “The fault is in your selves, ye noble mens sonnes, and therfore ye deserve the greater blame, that commonlie the meaner mens children cum to be the wisest councellours, and greatest doers, in the weightie affaires of this realme.” --_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor, p. 39-40. Note lastly, on this subject of private tuition, that Mulcaster in his _Elementarie_, 1582, complains greatly of rich people aping the custom of princes in having private tutors for their boys, and withdrawing them from public schools where the spirit of emulation against other boys would make them work. The course he recommends is, that rich people should send their sons, with their tutors, to the public schools, and so get the advantage of both kinds of tuition. _Girls’ Home Education._ The earliest notice of an English Governess that any friend has found for me is in “the 34th Letter of Osbert de Clare in Stephen’s reign, A.D. 1135-54. He mentions what seems to be a Governess of his children, ‘_quædam matrona quæ liberos ejus_ (sc. _militis, Herberti de Furcis_) _educare consueverat_.’ She appears to be treated as one of the family: e.g. they wait for her when she goes into a chapel to pray. I think a nurse would have been ‘ancilla quæ liberos ejus nutriendos susceperat.’” Walter de Biblesworth was the tutor of the “lady Dionysia de Monchensi, a Kentish heiress, the daughter of William de Monchensi, baron of Swanescombe, and related, apparently,[[35a]] to the Valences, earls of Pembroke, and wrote his French Grammar, or rather Vocabulary[36], for her. She married Hugh de Vere, the second son of Robert, fifth earl of Oxford. (Wright.) Lady Jane Grey was taught by a tutor at home, as we have seen. Palsgrave was tutor to Henry VIII.’s “most dere and most entirely beloved suster, quene Mary, douagier of France,” and no doubt wrote his _Lesclaircissement de la Langue Francoise_ mainly for her, though also “desirous to do some humble service unto the nobilitie of this victorious realme, and universally unto all other estates of this my natyfe country.” Giles Du Guez, or as Palsgrave says to Henry VIII., “the synguler clerke, maister Gyles Dewes, somtyme instructor to your noble grace in this selfe tong, at the especiall instaunce and request of dyvers of your highe estates and noble men, hath also for his partye written in this matter.” His book is entitled “An Introductorie for to lerne to rede, to pronounce & to speke French trewly: compyled for the Right high, excellent, and most vertuous lady The Lady Mary of Englande, doughter to our most gracious soverayn Lorde Kyng Henry the Eight.” [Headnote: UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] 3. _English University Education._ In early days Cambridge and Oxford must be looked on, I suppose, as mainly the great schools for boys, and the generality of scholars as poor men’s children,[37] like Chaucer’s ‘poore scolares tuo that dwelten in the soler-halle of Cantebregge,’ his Clerk of Oxenford, and those students, gifts to whom are considered as one of the regular burdens on the husbandman, in “God speed the Plough.” Mr Froude says, Hist. of England, I. 37: “The universities were well filled, by the sons of yeomen chiefly. The cost of supporting them at the colleges was little, and wealthy men took a pride in helping forward any boys of promise[38] (_Latimer’s Sermons_, p. 64). It seems clear also, as the Reformation drew nearer, while the clergy were sinking lower and lower, a marked change for the better became perceptible in a portion at least of the laity.” But Grosseteste mentions a “noble” scholar at Oxford (_Epist._ 129), and Edward the Black Prince and Henry V. are said to have been students of Queen’s College, Oxford. Wolsey himself was a College tutor at Oxford, and had among his pupils the sons of the Marquess of Dorset, who afterwards gave him his first preferment, the living of Lymington. (Chappell.) [[38a]] The legend runs that the first school at Oxford was founded by King Alfred[39], and that Oxford was a place of study in the time of Edward the Confessor (1041-66). If one may quote a book now considered to be ‘a monkish forgery and an exploded authority,’ Ingulfus, who was Abbot of Croyland, in the Isle of Ely, under William the Conqueror, says of himself that he was educated first at Westminster, and then passed to Oxford, where he made proficiency in such books of Aristotle as were then accessible to students,[40] and in the first two books of Tully’s Rhetoric.--_Malden_, On the Origin of Universities, 1835, p. 71. In 1201 Oxford is called a _University_, and said to have contained 3000 scholars; in 1253 its first College (University) is founded. In 1244, Hen. III. grants it its first privileges as a corporate body, and confirms and extends them in 1245. In his reign, Wood says the number of scholars amounted to 30,000, a number no doubt greatly exaggerated. [Headnote: POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS.] In the reign of Stephen, we know that Vacarius, a Lombard by birth, who had studied the civil law at Bologna, came into England, and formed a school of law at Oxford[41] ... he remained in England in the reign of Henry II. On account of the difficulty and expense of obtaining copies of the original books of the Roman law, and _the poverty of his English scholars_, Vacarius [ab. 1149, A.D.] compiled an abridgment of the Digests and Codex, in which their most essential parts were preserved, with some difference of arrangement, and illustrated from other law-books.... It bore on its title that it was “_pauperibus presertim destinatus_;” and hence the Oxford students of law obtained the name of _Pauperists._--_Malden_, p. 72-3. Roger Bacon (who died 1248)[[41a]] speaks of a young fellow who came to him, aged 15, not having wherewithal to live, or finding proper masters: “because he was obliged to serve those who gave him necessaries, during two years found no one to teach him a word in the things he learned.” --_Opus Tertium_, cap. xx. In 1214 the Commonalty of Oxford agreed to pay 52s. yearly for the use of poor scholars, and to give 100 of them a meal of bread, ale, and pottage, with one large dish of flesh or fish, every St Nicholas day.--_Wood’s An._ i. 185. _Wood’s Annals_ (ed. Gutch, v. i. p. 619-20) also notes that in 1461 A.D. divers Scholars were forced to get a license under the Chancellor’s hand and seal (according to the Stat. 12 Ric. II., A.D. 1388, _Ib._, p. 519) to beg: and Sir Thos. More says “then may wee yet, like poor Scholars of Oxford, go a begging with our baggs & wallets, & sing salve Regina at rich mens dores.” On this point we may also compare the Statutes of Walter de Merton for his College at Oxford, A.D. 1274, ed. Halliwell, 1843, p. 19: Cap. 13. De admissione scholarium. Hoc etiam in eadem domo specialiter observari volo et decerno, ut circa eos, qui ad hujusmodi eleemosinæ participationem admittendi fuerint, diligenti solicitudine caveatur, ne qui præter castos, honestos, pacificos, humiles, _indigentes_, ad studium habiles ac proficere volentes, admittantur. Ad quorum agnitionem singulis, cum in dicta societate fuerint admittendi sustentationis gratia in eadem, ad annum unum utpote probationis causa primitus concedatur, ut sic demum si in dictis conditionibus laudabiliter se habuerint, in dictam congregationem admittantur. See also cap. 31, against horses of scholars being kept. Lodgings were let according to the joint valuation of 2 Magistri (scholars) and two townsmen (probi et legales homines de Villa). _Wood_, i. 255. An. 15 Hen. III. A.D. 1230-1. In the beginning of the 15th century it had become the established rule that every scholar must be a member of some college or hall. The scholars who attended the public lectures of the university, without entering themselves at any college or hall, were called _chamber dekyns_, as in Paris they were called martinets; and frequent enactments were made against them.--_Malden_, p. 85, ref. to _Woods Annals_, 1408, -13, -22, and 1512, &c. The following are the dates of the foundations of the different Colleges at Oxford as given in the University Calendar:-- University College, 1253-80[42] Balliol Coll., betw. 1263 & 1268 Merton College, founded at Maldon, in Surrey, in 1264, removed to Oxford in 1274 Exeter College 1314 Oriel „ 1326 The Queen’s College 1340 New „ 1386 Lincoln „ 1427 All Souls „ 1437 Magdalen „ 1458 The King’s Hall and } College of Brasenose } 1509 Corpus Christi College 1516 Christ Church „ 1526 Trinity College 1554 St John’s „ 1555 Jesus „ 1571 Wadham „ 1613 Pembroke „ 1624 Worcester „ 1714 HALLS St Edmund Hall 1317 St Mary’s „ 1333 New Inn „ 1438 Magdalen „ 1487 St Alban „ after 1547 [Headnote: UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478.] ‘The Paston Letters’ do not give us much information about studies or life at Oxford, but they do give us material for estimating the cost of a student there (ii. 124[43]); they show us the tutor reporting to a mother her son’s progress in learning (ii. 130), and note the custom of a man, when made bachelor, giving a feast: “I was made bachelor ... on Friday was se’nnight (18 June, 1479), and I made my feast on the Monday after (21 June). I was promised venison against my feast, of my Lady Harcourt, and of another person too, but I was deceived of both; but my guests held them pleased with such meat as they had, blessed be God.” The letter as to the costs is dated May 19, 1478. “I marvel sore that you sent me no word of the letter which I sent to you by Master William Brown at Easter. I sent you word that time that I should send you mine expenses particularly; but as at this time the bearer hereof had a letter suddenly that he should come home, & therefore I could have no leisure to send them to you on that wise, & therefore I shall write to you in this letter the whole sum of my expenses since I was with you till Easter last past, and also the receipts, reckoning the twenty shillings that I had of you to Oxon wards, with the bishop’s finding:-- £ s. d. The whole sum of receipts is 5 17 6 And the whole sum of expenses is 6 5 5¾ And that [= what] cometh over my receipts & my expenses I have borrowed of Master Edmund, & it draweth to 8 0 and yet I reckon none expenses since Easter; but as for them, they be not great.” On this account Fenn says, “he (Wm. Paston) had expended £6 5s. 5¾d. from the time he left his mother to Easter last, which this year fell on the 22nd March, from which time it was now two months, & of the expenses ‘since incurred’ he says ‘they be not great.’ We may therefore conclude the former account was from the Michaelmas preceding, and a moderate one; if so, we may fairly estimate his university education at £100 a-year of our present money. I mean that £12 10s. 11½d. would then procure as many necessaries and comforts as £100 will at this day.” What was the basis of Fenn’s calculation he does not say. In 1468, the estimates for the Duke of Clarence’s household expenses give these prices, among others: s. d. £ s. d. Wheat, a quarter 6 0 now, say 3 0 0 Ale, a gallon - 1½ „ - 1 0 Beves, less hide and tallow, each 10 0 „ 15 0  0[*] Muttons „ „ 1 4 „ 2 10  0[*] Velys „ „ 2 6 „ 4 0  0[*] Porkes „ „ 2 0 „ 5 0 0 Rice, a pound 3 „ 5 Sugar „ 6 „ 6 Holland, an ell (6d., 8d., 16d.) 10 „ 1 3 Diapre „ 4 6 „ 3 0 Towelles „ 1 8 „ 1 6 Napkyns, a dozen, 12s., £1, £2, 17 4 „ 2 0 0 ---------- ------------- £2 7 0½ £31 17 8 [*: Poor ones.] This sum would make the things named nearly 14 times as dear now as in 1468, and raise Fenn’s £100 to about £180; but no reliance can be placed on this estimate because we know nothing of the condition of the beves, muttons, veles, and porkys, then, as contrasted with ours. Possibly they were half the size and half the weight. Still, I have referred the question to Professor Thorold Rogers, author of the _History of Prices_ 1250-1400 A.D., and he says: “In the year to which you refer (1478) bread was very dear, 50 per cent. above the average. But on the whole, wheat prices in the 15th century were lower than in the 14th. Fenn’s calculation, a little below the mark for wheat, is still less below it in most of the second necessaries of life. The multiple of wheat is about 9, that of meat at least 24, those of butter and cheese nearly as much. But that of clothing is not more than 6, that of linen from 4 to 5. Taking however one thing with another, 12 is a safe general multiplier.” This would make the cost of young Paston’s university education £150 11s. 6d. a year. Mr Whiston would raise Fenn’s estimate of £100 to £200. He says that the rent of land in Kent in 1540 was a shilling or eighteenpence an acre,--see _Valor Ecclesiasticus_,--and that the tithes and glebes of the Dean and Chapter of Rochester, which were worth about £480 a-year in 1542, are now worth £19,000. The remaining Oxford letter in the Paston volumes seems to allude to the students bearing part of the expenses of the degree, or the feast at it, of a person related to royal family. “I supposed, when that I sent my letter to my brother John, that the Queen’s brother should have proceeded at Midsummer, and therefore I beseeched her to send me some money, _for it will be some cost to me_, but not much.” The first school at Cambridge is said to have been founded by Edward the Elder, the son of Alfred, but on no good authority. In 1223 the term _University_ was applied to the place. The dates of the foundations of its Colleges, as given in its Calendar, are: St Peter’s 1257 (date of charter, 1264) Clare Hall 1326 Pembroke 1347 Caius 1349 Trinity Hall 1350 Corpus Christi 1351 King’s 1441 Queen’s 1446 (refounded 1465) St Catherine’s Hall 1473 Jesus 1496 Christ’s 1505 St John’s 1511 Magdalene 1519 Trinity 1546 Emmanuel 1584 Sidney 1598 Downing 1800 [Headnote: FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE.] Lord Henry Brandon, son of the Duke of Suffolk, died of the sweating sickness then prevalent in the University, on the 16th July, 1551, while a student of Cambridge. His brother, Lord Charles Brandon, died on the same day. Their removal to Buckden was too late to save them (_Ath. Cant._, i. 105, 541). Of them Ascham says, ‘two noble Primeroses of Nobilitie, the yong Duke of Suffolke and Lord _H. Matrevers_ were soch two examples to the Courte for learnyng, as our tyme may rather wishe, than look for agayne.’--_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor, p. 62. Besides these two young noblemen, the first 104 pages of Cooper’s _Athenæ Cantabrigienses_ disclose only one other, Lord Derby’s son, and the following names of sons of knights:[44] CAMBRIDGE MEN. 1443 Thomas Rotherham, Fellow of King’s, son of Sir Thomas Rotherham, knight, and Alice his wife. 1494 Reginald Bray, high-steward of the university of Oxford, son of Sir Richard Bray, knight, and the lady Joan his second wife. 1502 Humphrey Fitzwilliam, of Pembroke Hall, Vice-Chancellor, _appears_ to have been the son of Sir Richard Fitzwilliam of Ecclesfield, and Elizabeth his wife. ab. 1468 Richard Redman, son of Sir Richard Redman and Elizabeth [Aldburgh] his wife; made Bp. of St Asaph. 1492 Thomas Savage, son of Sir John Savage, knight, Bp. of Rochester. Was LL.D. ? educated at Cambridge. 1485 James Stanley, younger son of Thomas Earl of Derby, educated at both universities, graduated at Cambridge, and became prebendary of Holywell in 1485, Bp. of Ely in 1506. 1497 William Coningsby, son of Sir Humphrey Coningsby, elected from Eton to King’s. 1507 Thomas Elyot, son of Sir Richard Elyot, made M.A. ab. 1520 George Blagge, son of Sir Robert Blagge. Queen Elizabeth’s favourite, Lord Essex, was at Trinity College, Cambridge. See his letter of May 13, from there, in Ellis, series II. v. iii. p. 73; the furniture of his room, and his expenses, in the note p. 73-4; and his Tutor’s letter asking for new clothes for ‘my Lord,’ or else ‘he shall not onely be thrid bare, but ragged.’ Archbp. Whitgift[45], when B.D. at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, A.D. 1563, “bestowed some of his time and abilities in the instruction of ingenious youth, sent to the college for education, in good learning and Christian manners. And among such his pupils, were two noblemen’s sons, viz. the Lord Herbert, son and heir to the Earl of Pembroke; and John, son and heir to the Lord North.” (_Life_, by Strype, ed. 1822, vol. i. p. 14.) While Whitgift was Master of Trinity, Strype says he had bred up under him not only several Bishops, but also “the Earls of Worcester and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicolas and Sir Francis Bacon. To which I may add one more, namely, the son of Sir Nicolas White, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, who married a Devereux.” (_Life_, i. 157, ed. 1822.) [Headnote: NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD.] A search through the whole of the first volume of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_, comprising a period of nearly 100 years, has resulted in the following meagre list of men of noble or knightly birth who distinguished themselves. There are besides many men of “genteel parents,” some of trader-ones, many friars, some Winchester men, but no Eton ones, educated at Oxford. 1478 Edmund Dudley, son of John Dudley, Esq., 2nd son of John Lord Dudley, of Dudley Castle in Staffordshire. ab. 1483 John Colet, the eldest son of Sir Henry Colet, twice lord mayor of London ... was educated in grammaticals, partly in London or Westminster. „ Nicholas Vaux, son of Sir Will. Vaux of Harwedon in Northamptonshire (not the Poet, Lord Vaux). end of Edw. IV. John Bourchier, Lord Berners, eldest son of Sir John Bourchier, knight, Lord Berners of Hertfordshire ... was instructed in several sorts of learning in the university in the latter end of K. Edw. IV.; in whose reign, and before, were the sons of divers of the English nobility educated in academical literature in Baliol Coll.,[46] wherein, as ’tis probable, this our author was instructed also. 1497 Thomas More, son of Sir John More, knight. (_The_ Sir Thomas More.) ? ab. 1510 George Bulleyn, son and heir of Sir Tho. Bullen, and brother of Anne Bulleyn. ? „ Henry Parker, son of Sir William Parker, knight. 1515 Christopher Seintgerman, son of Sir Henry Seintgerman, knight. ? ab. 1520 Thomas Wyatt, son of Henry Wyatt of Alington Castle in Kent, knight and baronet, migrated from St John’s, Cambridge.[47] 1538[48] John Heron, a Kentish man born, near of kin to Sir John Heron, knight. ? ab. 1520 Edward Seymoure, son of Sir John Seymoure, or St Maure of Wolf-hall in Wilts, knight, was educated in trivials, and partly in quadrivials for some time in this university. He was Jane Seymour’s brother, and afterwards Duke of Somerset, and was beheaded on Jan. 22, 1552-3. 1534 John Philpot, son of Sir Pet. Philpot, knight of the Bath. Fellow of New Coll. ab. 15-- Henry Lord Stafford (author of the _Mirror for Magistrates_), the only son of Edward, Duke of Bucks, ‘received his education in both the universities, especially in that of Cambridge, to which his father had been a benefactor.’ 1515 Reynold Pole (the Cardinal), a younger son of Sir Rich. Pole. ? ab. 1530 Anthony Browne, son of Sir Weston Browne, of Abbesroding and of Langenhoo in Essex, knight. ab. 1574 Patrick Plunket, baron of Dunsary in Ireland, son of Rob. Plunket, baron of the same place. ab. 1570 Philip Sidney (the poet), son of Sir Henry Sidney. ? John Smythe, son of Sir Clem. Smythe. (Peter Levens or Levins, our _Manipulus_ or Rhyming-Dictionary man, became a student in the university, an. 1552, was elected probationer-fellow of Mag. Coll. into a Yorkshire place, 18 Jan. 1557, being then bach. of arts, and on the 19th Jan. 1559 was admitted true and perpetual fellow. In 1560 he left his fellowship. _Ath. Ox._ p. 547, col. 2.) ? ab. 1570 Reynolde Scot, a younger son of Sir John Scot of Scotshall, near to Smeeth in Kent. 1590 Hayward Townshend, eldest son of Sir Henry Townshend, knight. ab. 1587 Francis Tresham (of Gunpowder Plot notoriety), son of Sir Thomas Tresham, knight. The number of friars and monks at the Universities before the Reformation, and especially at Oxford, must have been large. Tanner says, In our universities ... were taught divinity and canon law (then, t. Hen. III., much in vogue), and the friers resorting thither in great numbers and applying themselves closely to their studies, outdid the monks in all fashionable knowledge. But the monks quickly perceived it, and went also to the universities and studied hard, that they might not be run down by the friers.[49] And as the friers got houses in the universities, the monks also got colleges founded and endowed there[50] for the education of their novices, where they were for some years instructed in grammar, philosophy, and school divinity, and then returning home, improved their knowledge by their private studies, to the service of God and the credit of their respective societies. So that a little before the Reformation, the greatest part of the proceeders in divinity at Oxford were monks and Regular canons. [Headnote: FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES.] By Harrison’s time, A.D. 1577[51], rich men’s sons had not only pressed into the Universities, but were scrooging poor men’s sons out of the endowments meant only for the poor, learning the lessons that Mr Whiston so well shows our Cathedral dignitaries have carried out with the stipends of their choristers, boys and men. “_Les gros poissons mangent les menus._ Pro. Poore men are (easily) supplanted by the rich, the weake by the strong, the meane by the mighty.”[52] (Cotgrave, u. _manger_.) The law of “natural selection” prevails. Who shall say nay in a Christian land professing the principles of the great “Inventor of Philanthropy”? Whitgift for one, see his Life of Strype, Bk. I. chap. xiii. p. 148-50, ed. 1822. In 1589 an act 31 Eliz. c. 6, was passed to endeavour to prevent the abuse, but, like modern Election-bribery Acts with their abuse, did not do it. [Headnote: BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE.] “at this present, of one sort & other, there are about three thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late serveie it manifestlie appeared). They [the Colleges at our Universities] were created by their founders at the first, onelie for pore men’s sons, whose parents were not able to bring them up unto learning: but now they have the least benefit of them, by reason the rich do so incroch upon them. And so farre hath this inconvenence spread itself, that it is in my time an hard matter for a pore man’s child to come by a fellowship (though he be neuer so good a scholer & worthie of that roome.) Such packing also is used at elections, that not he which best deserveth, but he that hath most friends, though he be the worst scholer, is alwaies surest to speed; which will turne in the end to the overthrow of learning. That some gentlemen also, whose friends have been in times past benefactors to certeine of those houses, doe intrude into the disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or statutes devised by the founders, onelie thereby to place whome they think good (and not without some hope of gaine) the case is too too evident, and their attempt would soone take place, if their superiors did not provide to bridle their indevors. In some grammar schooles likewise, which send scholers to these universities, it is lamentable to see what briberie is used; for yer the scholer can be preferred, such briberye is made, that pore men’s children are commonly shut out, and the richer sort received (who in times past thought it dishonour to live as it were upon almes) and yet being placed, most of them studie little other than histories, tables, dice & trifles, as men that make not the living by their studie the end of their purposes; which is a lamentable bearing. Besides this, being for the most part either gentlemen, or rich men’s sonnes, they oft bring the universities into much slander.[53] For standing upon their reputation and libertie, they ruffle and roist it out, exceeding in apparell, and hanting riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes into an other trade). And for excuse, when they are charged with breach of all good order, thinke it sufficient to saie, that they be gentlemen, which grieveth manie not a little. But to proceed with the rest. “Everie one of these colleges haue in like manner their professors or readers of the tongs and severall sciences, as they call them, which dailie trade up the youth there abiding privatlie in their halles, to the end they may be able afterwards (when their turne commeth about, which is after twelve termes) to show themselves abroad, by going from thence into the common schooles and publike disputations (as it were _In aream_) there to trie their skilles, and declare how they have profited since their coming thither. “Moreover in the publike schooles of both the universities, there are found at the prince’s charge (and that verie largelie) five professors & readers, that is to saie, of divinitie, of the civill law, physicke, the Hebrew and the Greek tongues. And for the other lectures, as of philosophie, logike, rhetorike and the quadriuials, although the latter (I mean, arithmetike, musike, geometrie and astronomie, and with them all skill in the perspectives are now smallie regarded in either of them) the universities themselves do allowe competent stipends to such as reade the same, whereby they are sufficiently provided for, touching the maintenance of their estates, and no less encouraged to be diligent in their functions.” On the introduction of the study of Greek into the Universities, Dr S. Knight says in his _Life of Colet_: “As for _Oxford_, its own _History_ and _Antiquities_ sufficiently confess, that nothing was known there but _Latin_, and that in the most depraved Style of the _School-men_. _Cornelius Vitellius_, an _Italian_, was the first who taught _Greek_ in that University[54]; and from him the famous _Grocyne_ learned the first Elements thereof. “In _Cambridge_, _Erasmus_ was the first who taught the _Greek Grammar_. And so very low was the State of Learning in that University, that (as he tells a Friend) about the Year 1485, the Beginning of _Hen._ VII. Reign, there was nothing taught in that publick Seminary besides _Alexander’s Parva Logicalia_, (as they called them) the old _Axioms_ of _Aristotle_, and the _Questions_ of John Scotus, till in Process of time _good Letters_ were brought in, and some Knowledge of the _Mathematicks_; as also _Aristotle_ in a new Dress, and some Skill in the _Greek_ Tongue; and, by Degrees, a Multitude of _Authors_, whose _Names_ before had not been heard of.[55] “It is certain that even _Erasmus_ himself did little understand _Greek_, when he came first into _England_, in 1497 (13 _Hen._ VII.), and that our Countryman _Linacer_ taught it him, being just returned from _Italy_ with great Skill in that Language: Which _Linacer_ and _William Grocyne_ were the two only Tutors that were able to teach it.” Saml. Knight, Life of Dr John Colet, pp. 17, 18. The age at which boys went up to the University seems to have varied greatly. When Oxford students were forbidden to play marbles they could not have been very old. But in “The Mirror of the Periods of Man’s Life” (? ab. 1430 A.D.), in the Society’s _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ_ of this year, we find the going-up age put at twenty: Quod resou{n}, in age of .XX. ȝeer, Goo to oxenford, or lerne lawe[56]. This is confirmed by young Paston’s being at Eton at nineteen (see below, p. lvi). In 1612, Brinsley (_Grammar Schoole_, p. 307) puts the age at fifteen, and says, “such onely should be sent to the Vniuersities, who proue most ingenuous and towardly, and who, in a loue of learning, will begin to take paines of themselues, hauing attained in some sort the former parts of learning; being good Grammarians at least, able to vnderstand, write and speake Latine in good sort. “Such as haue good discretion how to gouerne themselues there, and to moderate their expenses; which is seldome times before 15 yeeres of age; which is also the youngest age admitted by the statutes of the Vniuersity, as I take it.” [Headnote: FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION.] 4. _Foreign University Education._ That some of our nobles sent their sons to be educated in the French universities (whence they sometimes imported foreign vices into England[57]) is witnessed by some verses in a Latin Poem “in MS. Digby, No. 4 (Bodleian Library) of the end of the 13th or beginning of the 14th century,” printed by Mr Thomas Wright in his _Anecdota Literaria_, p. 38. Filii nobilium, dum sunt juniores, Mittuntur in Franciam fieri doctores; Quos prece vel pretio domant corruptores, Sic prætaxatos referunt artaxata mores. An English _nation_ or set of students of the Faculty of Arts at Paris existed in 1169; after 1430 the name was changed to the German nation. Besides the students from the French provinces subject to the English, as Poictou, Guienne, &c, it included the English, Scottish, Irish, Poles, Germans, &c. --_Encyc. Brit._ John of Salisbury (born 1110) says that he was twelve years studying at Paris on his own account. Thomas a Becket, as a young man, studied at Paris. Giraldus Cambrensis (born 1147) went to Paris for education; so did Alexander Neckham (died 1227). Henry says, “The English, in particular, were so numerous, that they occupied several schools or colleges; and made so distinguished a figure by their genius and learning, as well as by their generous manner of living, that they attracted the notice of all strangers. This appears from the following verses, describing the behaviour of a stranger on his first arrival in Paris, composed by Negel Wircker, an English student there, A.D. 1170:-- The stranger dress’d, the city first surveys, A church he enters, to his God he prays. Next to the schools he hastens, each he views, With care examines, anxious which to chuse. The English most attract his prying eyes, Their manners, words, and looks, pronounce them wise. Theirs is the open hand, the bounteous mind; Theirs solid sense, with sparkling wit combin’d. Their graver studies jovial banquets crown, Their rankling cares in flowing bowls they drown.[58] Montpelier was another University whither Englishmen resorted, and is to be remembered by us if only for the memory of Andrew Borde, M.D., some bits of whose quaintness are in the notes to Russell in the present volume. Padua is to be noted for Pace’s sake. He is supposed to have been born in 1482. Later, the custom of sending young noblemen and gentlemen to Italy--to travel, not to take a degree--was introduced, and Ascham’s condemnation of it, when no tutor accompanied the youths, is too well known to need quoting. The Italians’ saying, _Inglese Italianato è un diabolo incarnato_, sums it up.[59] [Headnote: MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.] 5. _Monastic and Cathedral Schools._ Herbert Losing, Bp. of Thetford, afterwards Norwich, between 1091 and 1119, in his 37th Letter restores his schools at Thetford to Dean Bund, and directs that no other schools be opened there. Tanner (_Not. Mon._ p. xx. ed. Nasmith), when mentioning “the use and advantage of these Religious houses”--under which term “are comprehended, cathedral and collegiate churches, abbies, priories, colleges, hospitals, preceptories (Knights Templars’ houses), and frieries”--says, “Secondly, They were schools of learning & education; for every convent had one person or more appointed for this purpose; and all the neighbours that desired it, might have their children taught grammar and church musick without any expence to them.[60] In the nunneries also young women were taught to work, and to read English, and sometimes Latin also. So that not only the lower rank of people, who could not pay for their learning, but most of the noblemen and gentlemen’s daughters were educated in those places.”[61] [Headnote: LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL.] As Lydgate (born at Lydgate in Suffolk, six or seven miles from Newmarket) was ordained subdeacon in the Benedictine monastery of Bury St Edmunds in 1389[62], he was probably sent as a boy to a monastic school. At any rate, as he sketches his early escapades--apple-stealing, playing truant, &c.,--for us in his _Testament_[63], I shall quote the youth’s bit of the poem here:-- [Line numbers in the following selections were added by the transcriber for use with sidenotes.] Harleian MS. 2255, fol. 60. Duryng the tyme / of this sesou{n} ver I meene the sesou{n} / of my yeerys greene Gynnyng fro childhood / strecchith{e}[A] vp so fer to þe yeerys / accountyd ful Fifteene bexperience / as it was weel seene The gerissh{e} sesou{n} / straunge of condiciou{n}s Dispoosyd to many vnbridlyd passiouns 7 [Sidenote: [fol. 60 b.]] ¶ Voyd of resou{n} / yove to wilfulnesse Froward to vertu / of thrift gaf[B] litil heede loth to lerne / lovid no besynesse Sauf pley or merthe / strau{n}ge to spelle or reede Folwyng al appetites / longyng to childheede lihtly tournyng wylde / and seelde sad Weepyng for nouht / and anoon afftir glad 14 ¶ For litil wroth / to stryve with my felawe As my passiou{n}s / did my bridil leede Of the yeerde somtyme / I Stood in awe to be scooryd[C] / that was al my dreede loth toward scole / lost my tyme in deede lik a yong colt / that ran with-owte brydil Made my freendys / ther good to spend in ydil / 21 [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] In my boyhood, [4] up to 15, [10] I loved no work but play [17] yet I was afraid of being scored by the rod.] ¶ I hadde in custom / to come to scole late Nat for to lerne / but for a contenaunce with my felawys / reedy to debate to Iangle and Iape / was set al my plesaunce wherof rebukyd / this was my chevisaunce to forge a lesyng / and therupon to muse whan I trespasyd / my silven to excuse 28 [Sidenote: [fol. 61.]] ¶ To my bettre / did no reverence Of my sovereyns / gaf no fors at al wex obstynat / by inobedience Ran in to garydns / applys ther I stal To gadre frutys / sparyd hegg[D] nor wal to plukke grapys / in othir mennys vynes Was moor reedy / than for to seyn[E] matynes 35 ¶ My lust was al / to scorne folk and iape Shrewde tornys / evir among to vse to Skoffe and mowe[F] / lyk a wantou{n} Ape whan I did evil / othre I did[G] accuse My wittys five / in wast I did abuse[H] Rediere chirstoonys / for to[I] telle Than gon to chirche / or heere the sacry[K] belle 42 [Sidenotes (by line number): [22] I came to school late, [25] talked, [27] lied to get off blame, [29] and mocked my masters. [32] I stole apples and grapes, [36] played tricks and mocked people, [40] liked counting cherry-stones better than church.] ¶ Loth to ryse / lother to bedde at eve with vnwassh handys[L] / reedy to dyneer My _pater noster_ / my _Crede_ / or my beleeve Cast at the[M] Cok / loo this was my maneer Wavid with ech{e} wynd / as doth a reed speer Snybbyd[N] of my frendys / such techchys fortame{n}de[O] Made deff ere / lyst nat / to them attende 49 [Sidenote: [fol. 61 b.]] ¶ A child resemblyng / which was nat lyk to thryve Froward to god / reklees[P] in his servise loth to correcciou{n} / slouh{e} my sylf to shryve Al good thewys / reedy to despise Cheef bellewedir / of feyned[Q] trwaundise this is to meene / my silf I cowde feyne Syk lyk a trwaunt / felte[R] no maneer peyne 56 ¶ My poort my pas / my foot alwey vnstable my look my eyen / vnswre and vagabounde In al my werkys / sodeynly chaungable To al good thewys / contrary I was founde Now ovir sad / now moornyng / now iocounde Wilful rekles / mad[S] stertyng as an hare To folwe my lust / for no man wold I spare. 63 [Sidenotes (by line number): [43] Late to rise, I was; dirty at dinner, [49] dea to the snubbings of my friends, [51] reckless in God’s service, [54] chief shammer of illness when I was well, [57] always unsteady, [60] ill-conducted, [62] sparing none for my pleasure.] [Collations: A: strecched. (These collations are from Harl. 218, fol. 65, back.) B: toke. C: skoured. D: nedir hegge. E: sey. F: mowen. G: koude. H: alle vse. I: cheristones to. K: sacryng. L: hondes. M: atte. N: Snybbyng. O: tamende. P: rekkes. Q: froward. R: and felt. S: made.] At these monastic schools, I suppose, were educated mainly the boys whom the monks hoped would become monks, cleric or secular; mostly the poor, the Plowman’s brother who was to be the Parson, not often the ploughman himself. Once, though, made a scholar and monk there, and sent by the Monastery to the University, the workman’s, if not the ploughman’s, son, might rule nobles and sit by kings, nay, beard them to their face. Thomas a Becket, himself the son of independent[[63a]] parents, was sent to be brought up in the “religious house of the Canons of Merton.” In 1392 the writer of Piers Plowman’s Crede sketches the then state of things thus: Now mot ich soutere hys sone · seten to schole, And ich a beggeres brol · on the book lerne, And worth to a writere · and with a lorde dwelle, Other falsly to a frere · the fend for to serven; 4 So of that beggares brol · a [bychop[64]] shal worthen, Among the peres of the lond · prese to sytten, And lordes sones[65] lowly · to tho losels alowte, Knyghtes crouketh hem to · and cruccheth ful lowe; 8 And his syre a soutere · y-suled in grees, His teeth with toylyng of lether · tatered as a sawe. [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] Now every cobbler’s son and beggar’s brat turns writer, then Bishop, [7] and lords’ sons crouch to him, [9] a cobbler’s son.] Here I might stop the quotation, but I go on, for justice has never yet been done[66] to this noble _Crede_ and William’s _Vision_ as pictures of the life of their times,--chiefly from the profound ignorance of us English of our own language; partly from the grace, the freshness, and the brilliance of Chaucer’s easier and inimitable verse:-- Alaas! that lordes of the londe · leveth swiche wreechen, And leveth swych lorels · for her lowe wordes. They shulden maken [bichopes[64]] · her owen bretheren childre, Other of som gentil blod · And so yt best semed, 4 And fostre none faytoures[64] · ne swich false freres, To maken fat and fulle · and her flesh combren. For her kynde were more · to y-clense diches Than ben to sopers y-set first · and served with sylver. 8 A grete bolle-ful of benen · were beter in hys wombe, And with the bandes[A] of bakun · his baly for to fillen Than pertryches or plovers · or pecockes y-rosted, And comeren her stomakes · with curiuse drynkes 12 That maketh swyche harlotes · hordom usen, And with her wikkid word · wymmen bitrayeth. God wold her wonyynge · were in wildernesse, And fals freres forboden · the fayre ladis chaumbres; 16 For knewe lordes her craft · treuly I trowe They shulden nought haunten her house · so ho[m]ly[64] on nyghtes, Ne bedden swich brothels · in so brode shetes, 20 But sheten her heved in the stre · to sharpen her wittes. [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] Lords [3] should make gentlemen Bishops, [5] and set these scamps [7] to clean ditches, [9] and eat beans and bacon-rind instead of peacocks, [13] and having women. [17] If Lords but knew their tricks, [20] they’d turn these beggars into the straw.] [Textnote A: ? randes. Sk.] [Headnote: EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS.] There is one side of the picture, the workman’s son turned monk, and clerk to a lord. Let us turn to the other side, the ploughman’s son who didn’t turn monk, whose head _was_ ‘shet’ in the straw, who delved and ditched, and dunged the earth, eat bread of corn and bran, worts fleshless (vegetables, but no meat), drank water, and went miserably (_Crede_, l. 1565-71). What education did he get? To whom could he be apprenticed? What was his chance in life? Let the Statute-Book answer:-- A.D. 1388. 12º Rich. II., Cap. v. _Item._ It is ordained & assented, That he or she which used to labour at the Plough and Cart, or other Labour or Service of Husbandry _till they be of the Age of Twelve Years, that from thenceforth they shall abide at the same Labour_, without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond of Apprentie (_so_) be from henceforth made to the Contrary, the same shall be holden for none. A.D. 1405-6. 7º Henri IV., Cap. xvii. .....And Whereas in the Statutes made at Canterbury among other Articles it is contained That he or she that useth to labour at the Plough or Cart, or other Labour or Service of Husbandry, till he be of the age of Twelve Years, that from the same time forth he shall abide at the same Labour, without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond be made from that time forth to the contrary, it shall be holden for none: Notwithstanding which Article, and the good Statutes afore made through all parts of the Realm, the Infants born within the Towns and Seignories of Upland, whose Fathers & Mothers have no Land nor Rent nor other Living, but only their Service or Mystery, be put by their said Fathers and Mothers and other their Friends to serve, and bound Apprentices, to divers Crafts within the Cities and Boroughs of the said Realm _sometime at the Age of Twelve Years, sometime within the said Age_, and that for the Pride of Clothing and other evil Customs that Servants do use in the same; so that there is so great Scarcity of Labourers and other Servants of Husbandry _that the Gentlemen and other People of the Realm be greatly impoverished for the Cause aforesaid:_ Our Sovereign Lord the King considering the said Mischief, and willing thereupon to provide Remedy, by the advice & assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and at the request of the said Commons, hath ordained and stablished, That no Man nor Woman, of what Estate or Condition they be, shall put their Son or Daughter, of whatsoever Age he or she be, to Serve as Apprentice to no Craft nor other Labour within any City or Borough in the Realm, except he have Land or Rent to the Value of Twenty Shillings by the Year at the least, but they shall be put to other labours as their Estates doth require, upon Pain of one Year’s Imprisonment, and to make Fine and Ransom at the King’s Will. And if any Covenant be made of any such Infant, of what Estate that he be, to the contrary, it shall be holden for none. Provided Always, that every Man and Woman, of what Estate or Condition that he be, shall be free to set their Son or Daughter to take Learning at any manner School that pleaseth them within the Realm. A most gracious saving clause truly, for those children who were used to labour at the plough and cart till they were twelve years old[67]. Let us hope that some got the benefit of it! These Acts I came across when hunting for the Statutes referred to by the _Boke of Curtasye_ as fixing the hire of horses for carriage at fourpence a piece, and they caused me some surprise. They made me wonder less at the energy with which some people now are striving to erect “barriers against democracy” to prevent the return match for the old game coming off.--However improving, and however justly retributive, future legislation for the rich by the poor in the spirit of past legislation for the poor by the rich might be, it could hardly be considered pleasant, and is surely worth putting up the true barrier against, one of education in each poor man’s mind. (He who americanizes us thus far will be the greatest benefactor England has had for some ages.)--These Statutes also made me think how the old spirit still lingers in England, how a friend of my own was curate in a Surrey village where the kind-hearted squire would allow none of the R’s but Reading to be taught in his school; how another clergyman lately reported his Farmers’ meeting on the school question: Reading and Writing might be taught, but Arithmetic not; the boys would be getting to know too much about wages, and that would be troublesome; how, lastly, our gangs of children working on our Eastern-counties farms, and our bird-keeping boys of the whole South, can almost match the children of the agricultural labourer of 1388. [Headnote: NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE.] The early practice of the Freemasons, and other crafts, refusing to let any member take a bondsman’s son as an apprentice, was founded on the reasonable apprehension that his lord would or might afterwards claim the lad, make him disclose the trade-secrets, and carry on his art for the lord’s benefit. The fourth of the ‘Fyftene artyculus or fyftene poyntus’ of the Freemasons, printed by Mr Halliwell (p. 16), is on this subject. _Articulus quartus_ (MS. Bibl. Reg. 17 A, Art. I., fol. 3, &c.) The fowrthe artycul thys moste be, That the mayster hym wel be-se That he _no bondemon_ prentys make, Ny for no covetyse do hym take; For the lord that he ys bond to, May fache the prentes whersever he go. Ȝef yn the logge he were y-take, Muche desese hyt myȝth ther make, And suche case hyt myȝth befalle That hyt myȝth greve summe or alle; For alle the masonus that ben there Wol stonde togedur hol y-fere. Ȝef suche won yn that craft schulde dwelle, Of dyvers desesys ȝe myȝth telle. For more ȝese thenne, and of honesté, Take a prentes of herre[A] degré. By olde tyme, wryten y fynde That the prentes schulde be of gentyl kynde; And so sumtyme grete lordys blod Toke thys gemetry that ys ful good. [Text Note: A: higher.] I should like to see the evidence of a lord’s son having become a working mason, and dwelling seven years with his master ‘hys craft to lurne.’ [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.] _Cathedral Schools._ About the pre-Reformation Schools I can find only the extract from Tanner given above, p. xlii. On the post-Reformation Schools I refer readers to Mr Whiston’s _Cathedral Trusts_, 1850. He says: “The Cathedrals of England are of two kinds, those of the old and those of the new foundation: of the latter, Canterbury (the old archiepiscopal see) and Carlisle, Durham, Ely, Norwich, Rochester, and Worcester, old episcopal sees, were A.D. 1541-2 refounded, or rather reformed, by Henry VIII. ... Besides these, he created five other cathedral churches or colleges, in connexion with the five new episcopal sees of Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford, and Peterborough. He further created the see of Westminster, which was ... subsequently (A.D. 1560) converted to a deanery collegiate by Queen Elizabeth ... (p. 6). The preamble of the Act 31 Henry VIII. c. 9, for founding the new cathedrals, preserved in Henry’s own handwriting, recites that they were established ‘To the intente that Gods worde myght the better be sett forthe, _cyldren broght up in lernynge, clerces nuryshyd in the universities_, olde servantes decayed, to have lyfing, allmes housys for pour folke to be sustayned in, _Reders of grece, ebrew, and latyne to have good stypende_, dayly almes to be mynistrate, mending of hyght wayes, and exhybision for mynisters of the chyrche.’” “A general idea of the scope and nature of the cathedral establishments, as originally planned and settled by Henry VIII., may be formed from the first chapter of the old statutes of Canterbury, which is almost identical with the corresponding chapter of the statutes of all the other cathedrals of the new foundation. It is as follows: “On[68] the entire number of those who have their sustentation (qui sustentantur) in the cathedral and metropolitical church of Canterbury: “First of all we ordain and direct that there be for ever in our aforesaid church, one dean, twelve canons, six preachers, twelve minor canons, one deacon, one subdeacon, twelve lay-clerks, _one master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the boys in grammar, one of whom is to be the head master, the other, second master, fifty boys to be instructed in grammar_,[69] twelve poor men to be maintained at the costs and charges of the said church, two vergers, two subsacrists (_i.e._, sextons), four servants in the church to ring the bells, and arrange all the rest, two porters, who shall also be barber-tonsors, one caterer,[70] one butler, and one under butler, one cook, and one under-cook, who, indeed, in the number prescribed, are to serve in our church every one of them in his own order, according to our statutes and ordinances.” In the Durham statutes, as settled in the first year of Philip and Mary, the corresponding chapter is as follows: On[71] the total number of those who have their sustentation (qui sustentantur) in the cathedral church of Durham. “We direct and ordain that there be for ever in the said church, one dean, twelve prebendaries, twelve minor canons, one deacon, one sub-deacon, ten clerks, (who may be either clerks or laymen,) _one master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the boys in grammar, eighteen boys to be instructed in grammar_, eight poor men to be maintained at the costs of the said church, two subsacrists, two vergers, two porters, one of whom shall also be barber-tonsor, one butler, one under-butler, one cook, and one under-cook.” “The monastic or collegiate character of the bodies thus constituted, is indicated by the names and offices of the inferior ministers above specified, who were intended to form a part of the establishment of the Common Hall, in which most of the subordinate members, including the boys to be instructed in grammar, were to take their meals. There was also another point in which the cathedrals were meant to resemble and supply the place of the old religious houses, _i.e._, in the maintenance of a certain number of students at the universities.” R^t. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts and their Fulfilment_, p. 2-4. ”The nature of these schools, and the desire to perpetuate and improve them, may be inferred from ‘certein articles noted for the reformation of the cathedral churche of Excestr’, submitted by the commissioners of Henry VIII., unto the correction of the Kynges Majestie,’ as follows: _The tenth Article_ submitted. “That ther may be in the said Cathedral churche a free songe scole, the scolemaster to have yerly of the said pastor and prechars xx. marks for his wages, and his howss free, to teache xl. children frely, to rede, to write, synge and playe upon instruments of musike, also to teache ther A. B. C. in greke and hebrew. And every of the said xl. children to have wekely xiid. for ther meat and drink, and yerly vi^s viii^d. for a gowne; they to be bownd dayly to syng _and_ rede within the said Cathedral churche such divine service as it may please the Kynges Majestie to allowe; the said childre to be at comons alltogether, with three prests hereaffter to be spoke off, to see them well ordered at the meat and to reforme their manners.” _Article the eleventh_, submitted. “That ther may be a fre grammer scole within the same Cathedral churche, the scole-master to have xx^li. by yere and his howss fre, the ussher x^li. & his howss fre, and that the said pastor and prechars may be bound to fynd xl. children at the said grammer scole, giving to every oon of the children xiid. wekely, to go to commons within the citie at the pleasour of the frendes, so long to continew as the scolemaster do se them diligent to lerne. The pastor to appointe viii. every prechar iiii. and the scolemaster iiii.; the said childre serving in the said churche and going to scole, to be preferred before strangers; provided always, that no childe be admitted to thexhibicion of the said churche, whose father is knowne to be worthe in goodes above ccc^li., or elles may dispend above xl^li. yerly enheritance.” --_Ibid._, p. 10--12. “Now £300 at that time was worth about £5,000 now, so that these schools were _designed_ for the lower ranks of society, and open to the sons of the poorer gentry. “An interesting illustration of this [and of the class-feeling in education at this time] is supplied,” says Mr Whiston, “by the narrative of what took place-- “when the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was altered from monks to secular men of the clergy, viz.: prebendaries or canons, petty-canons, choristers and scholars. At this erection were present, Thomas Cranmer, archbishop, with divers other commissioners. And nominating and electing such convenient and fit persons as should serve for the furniture of the said Cathedral church according to the new foundation, it came to pass that, when they should elect the children of the Grammar school, there were of the commissioners more than one or two who would have none admitted but sons or younger brethren of gentlemen. As for other, husbandmen’s children, they were more meet, they said, for the plough, and to be artificers, than to occupy the place of the learned sort; so that they wished none else to be put to school, but only gentlemen’s children. Whereunto the most reverend father, the Archbishop, being of a contrary mind, said, ‘That he thought it not indifferent so to order the matter; for,’ said he, ‘poor men’s children are many times endued with more singular gifts of nature, which are also the gifts of God, as, with eloquence, memory, apt pronunciation, sobriety, and such like; and also commonly more apt to apply their study, than is the gentleman’s son, delicately educated.’ Hereunto it was on the other part replied, ‘that it was meet for the ploughman’s son to go to plough, and the artificer’s son to apply the trade of his parent’s vocation; and the gentleman’s children are meet to have the knowledge of government and rule in the commonwealth. For we have,’ said they, ‘as much need of ploughmen as any other state; and all sorts of men may not go to school.’ ‘I grant,’ replied the Archbishop, ‘much of your meaning herein as needful in a commonwealth; but yet utterly to exclude the ploughman’s son and the poor man’s son from the benefits of learning, as though they were unworthy to have the gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them as well as upon others, is as much to say, as that Almighty God should not be at liberty to bestow his great gifts of grace upon any person, nor nowhere else but as we and other men shall appoint them to be employed, according to our fancy, and not according to his most goodly will and pleasure, who giveth his gifts both of learning, and other perfections in all sciences, unto all kinds and states of people indifferently. Even so doth he many times withdraw from them and their posterity again those beneficial gifts, if they be not thankful. If we should shut up into a strait corner the bountiful grace of the Holy Ghost, and thereupon attempt to build our fancies, we should make as perfect a work thereof as those that took upon them to build the Tower of Babel; for God would so provide that the offspring of our first-born children should peradventure become most unapt to learn, and very dolts, as I myself have seen no small number of them very dull and without all manner of capacity. And to say the truth, I take it, that none of us all here, being gentlemen born (as I think), but had our beginning that way from a low and base parentage; and through the benefit of learning, and other civil knowledge, for the most part all gentlemen ascend to their estate.’ Then it was again answered, that the most part of the nobility came up by feats of arms and martial acts. ‘As though,’ said the Archbishop, ‘that the noble captain was always unfurnished of good learning and knowledge to persuade and dissuade his army rhetorically; who rather that way is brought unto authority than else his manly looks. To conclude; the poor man’s son by pains-taking will for the most part be learned when the gentleman’s son will not take the pains to get it. And we are taught by the Scriptures that Almighty God raiseth up from the dunghill, and setteth him in high authority. And whensoever it pleaseth him, of his divine providence, he deposeth princes unto a right humble and poor estate. Wherefore, if the gentleman’s son be apt to learning, let him be admitted; if not apt, let the poor man’s child that is apt enter his room.’ With words to the like effect.” R. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts_, p. 12-14. The scandalous way in which the choristers and poor boys were done out of their proportion of the endowments by the Cathedral clergy, is to be seen in Mr Whiston’s little book. [Headnote: POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’.] 6. _Endowed Grammar Schools._ These were mainly founded for citizens’ and townsmen’s children. Winchester (founded 1373) was probably the only one that did anything before 1450 for the education of our gentry. Eton was not founded till 1440. The following list of endowed schools founded before 1545, compiled for me by Mr Brock from Carlisle’s _Concise Description_, shows the dates of all known to him. BEFORE 1450 A.D. bef. 1162 Derby. Free School. 1195 St Alban’s. Free Grammar School. 1198 St Edmund’s, Bury. Fr. Sch. 1328 Thetford. Gr. Sch. ? 1327 Northallerton. Gr. Sch. 1332 Exeter. Gr. Sch. 1343 Exeter. High School. bef. 1347 Melton Mowbray. Schools. 1373 Winchester College. 1384 Hereford. Gr. Sch. 1385 Wotton-under-Edge. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1395 or 1340 Penrith. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1399-1413 (Hen. IV.) Oswestry. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1418 Sevenoaks. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1422 Higham Ferrers. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1422-61 (Hen. VI.) Ewelme. Gr. Sch. 1440 Eton College. 1447 London. Mercers’ School, but founded earlier. SCHOOLS FOUNDED 1450--1545 A.D. 1461-83 (Edw. IV.) Chichester. The Prebendal School. bef. 1477 Ipswich.[72] Gr. Sch. 1484 Wainfleet. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1485-1509 (Hen. VII.) or before. Kibroorth, near Market Harborough. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1486 Reading. Gr. Sch. 1486 Kingston upon Hull. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1487 Stockport. Gr. Sch. 1487 Chipping Campden. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1491 Sudbury. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1495 Lancaster. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1497 Wimborne Minster. Fr. Gr. Sch. time of Hen. VII., 1485-1509 King’s Lynn. Gr. Sch. 1502-52 Macclesfield. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1503 Bridgenorth. Fr. Sch. 1506 Brough _or_ Burgh _under_ Stainmore. Fr. Sch. 1507 Enfield. Gr. Sch. 1507 Farnworth, in Widnes, near Prescot. Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1508 Cirencester. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1509 Guildford. Royal Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Peterborough. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Basingstoke. Gr Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Plymouth. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Warwick. College or Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Earl’s Colne, near Halsted. Fr. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Carlisle. Gr. Sch. 1512 Southover and Lewes. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1513 Nottingham. Fr. Sch. 1515 Wolverhampton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1517 Aylesham. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1512-18 London.[73] St Paul’s Sch. 1520 Bruton or Brewton. Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1520 Rolleston, nr. Burton-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1521 Tenterden. Fr. Sch. 1521 Milton Abbas, near Blandford. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1522 Taunton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1522 Biddenden, near Cranbrook. Free Latin Gr. Sch. bef. 1524-5 Manchester. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1524 Berkhampstead. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1526 Pocklington. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1526 Childrey, near Wantage. Fr. Sch. bef. 1528 Cuckfield. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1528 Gloucester. Saint Mary de Crypt. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1528 Grantham. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1530 Stamford, or Stanford. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1530 Newark-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. Reform. Norwich. Old Gr. Sch.  t. Ref. Loughborough. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1532 Horsham. Fr. Sch. 1533 Bristol. City Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1533 Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Royal Gr. Sch. ab. 1535 Stoke, near Clare. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1541 Brecknock. Gr. Sch. 1541 Ely. Fr. Sch. 1541 Durham. Gr. Sch. 1541-2 Worcester. The King’s [t.i. Cathedral Grammar] or College School. 1542 Canterbury. The King’s School. 1542 Rochester. The King’s Sch.[74] 1542 Findon, properly Thingdon, near Wellingborough. Fr. Sch. 1542 Northampton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1543 Abergavenny. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1544 Chester. [Cathedral] Gr., or King’s School. 1544 Sutton Coldfield. Gr. Sch. bef. 1545 Gloucester. Cathedral [t.i. King’s], or College School. 1545 St Mary of Ottery. Gr. Sch. bef. 1547 Wisbech. Gr. Sch. bef. 1549 Wellington. Gr. Sch. About 1174 A.D., Fitzstephen speaks of the London schools and scholars thus:--I use Pegge’s translation, 1772, to which Mr Chappell referred me,-- “The three principal churches in London[75] are privileged by grant and ancient usage with schools, and they are all very flourishing. Often indeed through the favour and countenance of persons eminent in philosophy, more schools are permitted. On festivals, at those churches where the Feast of the Patron Saint is solemnized, the masters convene their scholars. The youth, on that occasion, dispute, some in the demonstrative way, and some logically. These produce their enthymemes, and those the more perfect syllogisms. Some, the better to shew their parts, are exercised in disputation, contending with one another, whilst others are put upon establishing some truth by way of illustration. Some sophists endeavour to apply, on feigned topics, a vast heap and flow of words, others to impose upon you with false conclusions. As to the orators, some with their rhetorical harangues employ all the powers of persuasion, taking care to observe the precepts of art, and to omit nothing opposite to the subject. The boys of different schools wrangle with one another in verse; contending about the principles of Grammar, or the rules of the Perfect Tenses and Supines. Others there are, who in Epigrams, or other compositions in numbers, use all that low ribaldry we read of in the Ancients; attacking their school-masters, but without mentioning names, with the old Fescennine licentiousness, and discharging their scoffs and sarcasms against them; touching the foibles of their school-fellows, or perhaps of greater personages, with true Socratic wit, or biting them more keenly with a Theonine tooth: The audience, fully disposed to laugh, ‘With curling nose ingeminate the peals.’” Of the sports of the boys, Fitzstephen gives a long description. On Shrove-Tuesday, each boy brought his fighting cock to his master, and they had a cock-fight all morning in the school-room.[76] After dinner, football in the fields of the suburbs, probably Smithfield. Every Sunday in Lent they had a sham-fight, some on horseback, some on foot, the King and his Court often looking on. At Easter they played at the Water-Quintain, charging a target, which if they missed, souse they went into the water. ‘On holidays in summer the pastime of the youths is to exercise themselves in archery, in running, leaping, wrestling, casting of stones, and flinging to certain distances, and lastly with bucklers.’ At moonrise the maidens danced. In the winter holidays, the boys saw boar-fights, hog-fights, bull and bear-baiting, and when ice came they slid, and skated on the leg-bones of some animal, punting themselves along with an iron-shod pole, and charging one another. A set of merry scenes indeed. “In general, we are assured by the most learned man of the thirteenth century, Roger Bacon, that there never had been so great an appearance of learning, and so general an application to study, in so many different faculties, as in his time, when schools were erected in every city, town, burgh, and castle.” (Henry’s Hist. of England, vol. iv. p. 472-3.) In the twenty-fifth year of Henry VI., 1447, four Grammar schools were appointed to be opened in London[77] for the education of the City youth (_Carlisle_). But from the above lists it will be seen that Grammar Schools had not much to do with the education of our nobility and gentry before 1450 A.D. [Headnote: AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478.] Of Eton studies, the Paston Letters notice only Latin versifying, but they show us a young man supposed to be nineteen, still at school, having a smart pair of breeches for holy days, falling in love, eating figs and raisins, proposing to come up to London for a day or two’s holiday or lark to his elder brother’s, and having 8d. sent him in a letter to buy a pair of slippers with. William Paston, a younger brother of John’s, when about nineteen years old, and studying at Eton, writes on Nov. 7, 1478, to thank his brother for a noble in gold, and says, “my creanser (creditor) Master Thomas (Stevenson) heartily recommendeth him to you, and he prayeth you to send him some money for my commons, for he saith ye be twenty shillings in his debt, for a month was to pay for when he had money last; also I beseech you to send me a hose cloth, one for the holy days of some colour, and another for working days (how coarse soever it be, it maketh no matter), and a stomacher and two shirts, and a pair of slippers: and if it like you that I may come with Alweder by water”--would they take a pair-oar and pull down? (the figs and raisins came up by a barge;)--“and sport me with you at London a day or two this term-time, then ye may let all this be till the time that I come, and then I will tell you when I shall be ready to come from Eton by the grace of God, who have you in his keeping.” _Paston Letters_, modernised, vol. 2, p. 129. This is the first letter; the second one about the figs, raisins, and love-making (dated 23 Feb. 1478-9) is given at vol. ii. p. 122-3. Tusser, who was seized as a Singing boy for the King’s Chapel, lets us know that he got well birched at Eton. “From Paul’s I went · to Eton sent To learn straightways · the Latin phrase When fifty-three · stripes given to me At once I had: For fault but small · or none at all It come to pass · thus beat I was. See, Udall,[78] see · the mercy of thee To me poor lad!” I was rather surprised to find no mention of any Eton men in the first vol. of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_ (ed. Bliss) except two, who had first taken degrees at Cambridge, Robert Aldrich and William Alley, the latter admitted at Cambridge 1528 (Wood, p. 375, col. 2). Plenty of London men are named in Wood, vol. 1. No doubt in early times the Eton men went to their own foundation, King’s (or other Colleges at) Cambridge, while the Winchester men went to their foundation, New College, or elsewhere at Oxford. In the first volume of Bliss’s edition of Wood, the following Winchester men are noticed: p. 30, col. 2, William Grocyn, educated in grammaticals in Wykeham’s school near Winchester. p. 78, col. 2, William Horman, made fellow of New Coll. in 1477. Author of the _Vulgaria Puerorum_, &c. (See also Andrew Borde, p. xxxiv, above, note.) p. 379, col. 2, John Boxall, Fellow of New Coll. 1542. 402, col. 2, Thomas Hardyng „ „ „ 1536. 450, col. 2, Henry Cole „ „ „ 1523. 469, col. 1, Nicholas Saunders „ „ „ 1548. 678, col. 2, Richard Haydock „ „ „ 1590. [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.] That the post-Reformation Grammar Schools did not at first educate as many boys as the old monastic schools is well known. Strype says, “On the 15th of January, 1562, Thomas Williams, of the Inner Temple, esq. being chosen speaker to the lower house, was presented to the queen: and in his speech to her ... took notice of the want of schools; that at least an hundred were wanting in England which before this time had been, [being destroyed (I suppose he meant) by the dissolution of monasteries and religious houses, fraternities and colleges.] He would have had England continually flourishing with ten thousand scholars, which the schools in this nation formerly brought up. That from the want of these good schoolmasters sprang up ignorance: and covetousness got the livings by impropriations; which was a decay, he said, of learning, and by it the tree of knowledge grew downward, not upward; which grew greatly to the dishonour, both of God and the commonwealth. He mentioned likewise the decay of the universities; and how that great market-towns were without schools or preachers: and that the poor vicar had but 20_l._ [or some such poor allowance,] and the rest, being no small sum, was impropriated. And so thereby, no preacher there; but the people, being trained up and led in blindness for want of instruction, became obstinate: and therefore advised that this should be seen to, and impropriations redressed, notwithstanding the laws already made [which favoured them].--Strype, _Annals of the Reformation_, vol. i. p. 437. Of the Grammar Schools in his time (A.D. 1577) Harrison says: Besides these universities, also there are a great number of Grammer Schooles throughout the realme, and those verie liberallie endued for the better relief of pore scholers, so that there are not manie corporate townes, now under the queene’s dominion that have not one Gramer Schole at the least, with a sufficient living for a master and usher appointed to the same. There are in like manner divers collegiat churches, as Windsor, Wincester, Eaton, Westminster (in which I was sometime an unprofitable Grammarian under the reverend father, master Nowell, now dean of Paules) and in those a great number of pore scholers, dailie maintained by the liberality of the founders, with meat, bookes, and apparell; from whence after they have been well entered in the knowledge of the Latine and Greek tongs, and rules of versifying (the triall whereof is made by certain apposers, yearlie appointed to examine them), they are sent to certain especiall houses in each universitie[79], where they are received & trained up in the points of higher knowledge in their privat halls till they be adjudged meet to show their faces in the schooles, as I have said alreadie. [Headnote: STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612.] Greek was first taught at a public school in England by Lillye soon after the year 1500. This was at St Paul’s School in London, then newly established by Dean Colet, and to which Erasmus alluded as the best of its time in 1514, when he said that he had in three years taught a youth more Latin than he could have acquired in any school in England, _ne Liliana quidem excepta_, not even Lillye’s excepted. (Warton, iii. 1.) The first schoolmaster who stood up for the study of English was, I believe, Richard Mulcaster, of King’s College, Cambridge, and Christ Church, Oxford. In 1561 he was appointed the first head-master of Merchant-Taylors School in London, then just founded as a feeder or pro-seminary for St John’s College, Oxford (_Warton_, iii. 282). In his Elementarie, 1582, he has a long passage on the study of English, the whole of which I print here, at Mr Quick’s desire, as it has slipt out of people’s minds, and Mulcaster deserves honour for it:-- “But bycause I take vpon me in this Elementarie, besides som frindship to secretaries for the pen, and to correctors for the print, to direct such peple as teach childern to read and write English, and the _reading_ must nedes be such as the writing leads vnto, thererfor, (_sic_) befor I medle with anie particular precept, to direct the Reader, I will thoroughlie rip vp the hole certaintie of our English writing, so far furth and with such assurance, as probabilitie can make me, bycause it is a thing both proper to my argument, and profitable to my cuntrie. For our naturall tung being as beneficiall vnto vs for our nedefull deliuerie, as anie other is to the peple which vse it: & hauing as pretie, and as fair obseruations in it, as anie other hath: and being as readie to yield to anie rule of Art, as anie other is: why should I not take som pains to find out the right writing of ours, as other cuntrimen haue don to find the like in theirs? & so much the rather, bycause it is pretended, that the writing thereof is meruellous vncertain, and scant to be recouered from extreme confusion, without som change of as great extremitie? I mean therefor so to deall in it, as I maie wipe awaie that opinio{n} of either vncertaintie for co{n}fusion, or impossibilitie for directio{n}, that both the naturall English maie haue wherein to rest, & the desirous st[r]anger maie haue whereby to learn. For the performa{n}ce whereof, and mine own better direction, I will first examin those means, whereby other tungs of most sacred antiquitie haue bene brought to Art and form of discipline for their right writing, to the end that by following their waie, I maie hit vpo{n} their right, and at the least by their president deuise the like to theirs, where the vse of our tung, & the propertie of our dialect will not yeild flat to theirs. That don, I will set all the varietie of our now writing, & the vncertaine force of all our letters, in as much certaintie, as anie writing ca{n} be, by these sene{n} precepts,-- 1. _Generall rule_, which concerneth the propertie and vse of ech letter: 2. _Proportion_ which reduceth all words of one sou{n}d to the same writing: 3. _Composition_, which teacheth how to write one word made of mo: 4. _Deriuation_, which examineth the ofspring of euerie originall: 5. _Distinction_ which bewraieth the difference of sound and force in letters by som writen figure or accent: 6. _Enfranchisment_, which directeth the right writing of all incorporat foren words: 7. _Prerogatiue_, which declareth a reseruation, wherein common vse will continew hir precèdence in our En[g]lish writing, as she hath don euerie where else, both for the form of the letter, in som places, which likes the pen better: and for the difference in writing, where som particular caueat will chek a common rule. In all these seuen I will so examin the particularities of our tung, as either nothing shall seme strange at all, or if anie thing do seme, yet it shall not seme so strange, but that either the self same, or the verie like vnto it, or the more strange then it is, shal appear to be in, those things, which ar more familiar vnto vs for extraordinarie learning, then required of vs for our ordinarie vse. And forasmuch as the eie will help manie to write right by a sene president, which either cannot vnderstand, or cannot entend to vnderstand the reason of a rule, therefor in the end of this treatis for right writing, I purpos to set down a generall table of most English words, by waie of president, to help such plane peple, as cannot entend the vnderstanding of a rule, which requireth both time and conceit in perceiuing, but can easilie run to a generall table, which is readier to their hand. By the which table I shall also confirm the right of my rules, that theie hold thoroughout, & by multitude of exa{m}ples help som maim (_so_) in precepts. Thus much for the right writing of our English tung, which maie seme (_so_) for a preface to the principle of _Reading_, as the matter of the one is the maker of the other.--1582. Rich^d. Mulcaster. The First Part of the Elementarie, pp. 53-4. Brinsley follows Mulcaster in exhorting to the study of English: “there seemes vnto mee, to bee a verie maine want in all our Grammar schooles generally, or in the most of them; whereof I haue heard som great learned men to complain; That there is no care had in respect, to traine vp schollars so as they may be able to expresse their minds purely and readily in our owne tongue, and to increase in the practice of it, as well as in the Latine or Greeke; whereas our chiefe indeuour should bee for it, and that for these reasons. 1. Because that language which all sorts and conditions of men amongst vs are to haue most vse of, both in speech & writing, is our owne natiue tongue. 2. The purity and elegancie of our owne language is to be esteemed a chiefe part of the honour of our nation: which we all ought to aduance as much as in vs lieth. As when Greece and Rome and other nations haue most florished, their languages also haue beene most pure: and from those times of Greece & Rome, wee fetch our chiefest patterns, for the learning of their tongues. 3. Because of those which are for a time trained vp in schooles, there are very fewe which proceede in learning, in comparison of them that follow other callings. John Brinsley, _The Grammar Schoole_, p. 21, 22. His “Meanes to obtaine this benefit of increasing in our English tong, as in the Latin,” are 1. Daily vse of Lillies rules construed. 2. Continuall practice of English Grammaticall translations. 3. Translating and writing English, with some other Schoole exercises. _Ibid._, side-notes, p. 22, 23. On this question of English boys studying English, let it be remembered that in this year of grace 1867, in all England there is just one public school at which English is studied historically--the City of London School--and that in this school it was begun only last year by the new Head-Master, the Rev. Edwin A. Abbot, all honour to him. In every class an English textbook is read, _Piers Plowman_ being that for the highest class. This neglect of English as a subject of study is due no doubt to tutors’ and parents’ ignorance. None of them know the language historically; the former can’t teach it, the latter don’t care about it; why should their boys learn it? Oh tutors and parents, there are such things as asses in the world. [Headnote: A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612.] Of the school-life of a Grammar-school boy in 1612 we may get a notion from Brinsley’s p. 296, “chap. xxx. Of Schoole times, intermissions and recreations,” which is full of interest. ‘1. The Schoole-time should beginne at sixe: all who write Latine to make their exercises which were giuen ouernight, in that houre before seuen’.--To make boys punctual, ‘so many of them as are there at sixe, to haue their places as they had them by election[80] or the day before: all who come after six, euery one to sit as he commeth, and so to continue that day, and vntill he recouer his place againe by the election of the fourme or otherwise.... If any cannot be brought by this, them to be noted in the blacke Bill by a speciall marke, and feele the punishment thereof: and sometimes present correction to be vsed for terrour.... Thus they are to continue vntill nine [at work in class], signified by Monitours, Subdoctour or otherwise. Then at nine ... to let them to haue a quarter of an houre at least, or more, for intermission, eyther for breakefast ... or else for the necessitie of euery one, or their honest recreation, or to prepare their exercises against the Masters comming in. [2.] After, each of them to be in his place in an instant, vpon the knocking of the dore or some other sign ... so to continue vntill eleuen of the clocke, or somwhat after, to counteruaile the time of the intermission at nine. (3.) To be againe all ready, and in their places at one, in an instant; to continue vntill three, or halfe an houre after: then to haue another quarter of an houre or more, as at nine for drinking and necessities; so to continue till halfe an houre after fiue: thereby in that halfe houre to counteruaile the time at three; then to end so as was shewed, with reading a peece of a Chapter, and with singing two staues of a Psalme: lastly with prayer to be vsed by the Master.’ To the objectors to these intermissions at nine and three, who may reproach the schoole, thinking that they do nothing but play, Brinsley answers,-- ‘2. By this meanes also the Schollars may bee kept euer in their places, and hard to their labours, without that running out to the Campo (as the[y] tearme it) at school times, and the manifolde disorders thereof; as watching and striuing for the clubbe,[81] and loytering then in the fields; some hindred that they cannot go forth at all. (5.) it is very requisite also, that they should have weekly one part of an afternoone for recreation, as a reward of their diligence, obedience and profiting; and that to be appointed at the Masters discretion, eyther the Thursday, after the vsuall custom; or according to the best opportunity of the place.... All recreations and sports of schollars, would be meet for Gentlemen. Clownish sports, or perilous, or yet playing for money, are no way to be admitted.’ On the age at which boys went to school, Brinsley says, p. 9, “For the time of their entrance with vs, in our countrey schooles, it is commonly about 7. or 8. yeares olde: six is very soone. If any begin so early, they are rather sent to the schoole to keepe them from troubling the house at home, and from danger, and shrewd turnes, then for any great hope and desire their friends haue that they should learne anything in effect.” [Headnote: THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH.] To return from this digression on Education. Enough has been said to show that the progress of Education, in our sense of the word, was rather from below upwards, than from above downwards; and I conclude that the young people to whom the _Babees Boke_, &c., were addressed, were the children of our nobility, knights, and squires, and that the state of their manners, as left by their home training, was such as to need the inculcation on them of the precepts contained in the Poems. If so, dirty, ill-mannered, awkward young gawks, must most of these hopes-of-England have been, to modern notions. The directions for personal cleanliness must have been much needed when one considers the small stock of linen and clothes that men not rich must have had; and if we may judge from a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_, even the King himself did not use his footpan every Saturday night, and would not have been the worse for an occasional tubbing:-- “This barbour shall have, every satyrday at nyght, _if_ it please the Kinge to cleanse his head, legges, or feet, and for his shaving, two loves, one picher wyne. And the ussher of chambre ought to testyfye if this is necessaryly dispended or not.” So far as appears from Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger Domus_, soap was used only for washing clothes. The yeoman lavender, or washerman, was to take from the Great Spicery ‘as muche whyte soape, greye, and blacke, as can be thought resonable by proufe of the Countrollers,’ and therewith ‘tenderly to waysshe ... the stuffe for the Kinges propyr persone’ (_H. Ord._ p. 85); but whether that cleansing material ever touched His Majesty’s sacred person (except doubtless when and if the barber shaved him), does not appear. The Ordinances are considerate as to sex, and provide for “weomen lavendryes” for a Queen, and further that “these officers oughte to bee sworne to keepe the chambre counsaylle.” But it is not for one of a nation that has not yet taken generally to tubbing and baths, or left off shaving, to reproach his forefathers with want of cleanliness, or adherence to customs that involve contradiction of the teachings of physiologists, and the evident intent of Nature or the Creator. Moreover, reflections on the good deeds done, and the high thoughts thought, by men of old dirtier than some now, may prevent us concluding that because other people now talk through their noses, and have manners different from our own, they and their institutions must be wholly abominable; that because others smell when heated, they ought to be slaves; or that eating peas with a knife renders men unworthy of the franchise. The temptation to value manners above morals, and pleasantness above honesty, is one that all of us have to guard against. And when we have held to a custom merely because it is old, have refused to consider fairly the reasons for its change, and are inclined to grumble when the change is carried out, we shall be none the worse for thinking of the people, young and old, who, in the time of Harrison and Shakspere, the “Forgotten Worthies”[82] and Raleigh, no doubt ‘hated those nasty new oak houses and chimnies,’ and sighed for the good old times: “And yet see the change, for when our houses were builded of willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs, altogither of straw, which is a sore alteration.... Now haue we manie chimnies, and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses. Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake.[83] For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to keepe the goodman and his familie from the quack or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.” _Harrison_, i. 212, col. 1, quoted by Ellis. If rich men and masters were dirty, poor men and servants must have been dirtier still. William Langlande’s description of Hawkyn’s one metaphorical dress in which he slept o’ nightes as well as worked by day, beslobbered (or by-_moled_, bemauled) by children, was true of the real smock; flesh-moths must have been plentiful, and the sketch of Coveitise, as regards many men, hardly an exaggeration: ... as a bonde-man of his bacon · his berd was bi-draveled, With his hood on his heed · a lousy hat above, And in a tawny tabard · of twelf wynter age Al so torn and baudy · and ful of lys crepyng, But if that a lous[84] couthe · han lopen the bettre, She sholde noght han walked on that welthe · so was it thred-bare. (_Vision_, Passus V. vol. 1, l. 2859-70, ed. Wright.) In the _Kinge and Miller_, Percy Folio MS., p. 236 (in vol. ii. of the print), when the Miller proposes that the stranger should sleep with their son, Richard the son says to the King, “Nay, first,” q{uo}th Richard, “good fellowe, tell me true, hast thou noe creep{er}s in thy gay hose? art thou not troabled w{i}th the Scabbado?” The colour of washerwomen’s legs was due partly to dirt, I suppose. The princess or queen Clarionas, when escaping with the laundress as her assistant, is obliged to have her white legs reduced to the customary shade of grey: Right as she should stoupe a-douñ, The quene was tukked wel on high; The lauender p{er}ceiued wel therbigh Hir white legges, and seid “ma dame, Youre shin boones might doo vs blame; Abide,” she seid, “so mot I thee, More slotered thei most be.” Asshes with the water she menged, And her white legges al be-sprenged. ab. 1440 A.D., _Syr Generides_, p. 218, ll. 7060-8. [Headnote: NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS.] If in Henry the Eighth’s kitchen, scullions lay about naked, or tattered and filthy, what would they do elsewhere? Here is the King’s Ordinance against them in 1526: “And for the better avoydyng of corruption and all uncleannesse out of the Kings house, which doth ingender danger of infection, and is very noisome and displeasant unto all the noblemen and others repaireing unto the same; it is ordeyned by the Kings Highnesse, that the three master cookes of the kitchen shall have everie of them by way of reward yearly twenty marks, to the intent they shall prouide and sufficiently furnish the said kitchens of such scolyons as shall not goe _naked or in garments of such vilenesse as they now doe, and have been acustomed to doe, nor lie in the nights and dayes in the kitchens or ground by the fireside;_ but that they of the said money may be found with honest and whole course garments, without such uncleannesse as may be the annoyance of those by whom they shall passe”... That our commonalty, at least, in Henry VIII.’s time did stink (as is the nature of man to do) may be concluded from Wolsey’s custom, when going to Westminster Hall, of “holding in his hand a very fair orange, whereof the meat or substance within was taken out, and filled up again with the part of a sponge, wherein was vinegar, and other confections against the pestilent airs; the which he most commonly smelt unto, passing among the press, or else when he was pestered with many suitors.” (_Cavendish_, p. 43.) On the dirt in English houses and streets we may take the testimony of a witness who liked England, and lived in it, and who was not likely to misrepresent its condition,--Erasmus. In a letter to Francis, the physician of Cardinal Wolsey, says Jortin, “Erasmus ascribes the plague (from which England was hardly ever free) and the sweating-sickness, partly to the incommodious form and bad exposition of the houses, to the filthiness of the streets, and to the sluttishness within doors. The floors, says he, are commonly of clay, strewed with rushes, under which lies unmolested an ancient collection of beer, grease (?), fragments, bones, spittle, excrements [t.i. urine] of dogs and cats [t.i. men,] and every thing that is nasty, &c.” (_Life of Erasmus_, i. 69, ed. 1808, referred to in Ellis, i. 328, note.) The great scholar’s own words are, Tum sola fere sunt argilla, tum scirpis palustribus, qui subinde sic renovantur, ut fundamentum maneat aliquoties annos viginti, sub se fovens sputa, vomitus, mictum canum et hominum, projectam cervisiam, et piscium reliquias, aliasque sordes non nominandas. Hinc mutato cœlo vapor quidam exhalatur, mea sententia minime salubris humano corpori. After speaking also _De salsamentis_ (rendered ‘_salt meat_, beef, pork, &c.,’ by Jortin, but which _Liber Cure Cocorum_ authorises us in translating ‘Sauces’[85]), _quibus vulgus mirum in modum delectatur_, he says the English would be more healthy if their windows were made so as to shut out noxious winds, and then continues, “Conferret huc, si vulgo parcior victus persuaderi posset, ac salsamentorum moderatior usus. Tum si publica cura demandaretur Ædilibus, ut viæ mundiores essent a cœno, mictuque: Curarentur et ea quæ civitati vicina sint. _Jortin’s Life of Erasmus_, ed. 1808, iii. 44 (Ep. 432, C. 1815), No. VIII. Erasmus Rot. Francisco. Cardinalis Eboracencis Medico, S. If it be objected that I have in the foregoing extracts shown the dark side of the picture, and not the bright one, my answer is that the bright one--of the riches and luxury in England--must be familiar to all our members, students (as I assume) of our early books, that the Treatises in this Volume sufficiently show this bright side, and that to me, as foolometer of the Society, this dark side seemed to need showing. But as _The Chronicle_ of May 11, 1867, in its review of Mr Fox Bourne’s _English Merchants_, seems to think otherwise, I quote its words, p. 155, col. 2. “All the nations of the world, says Matthew of Westminster, were kept warm by the wool of England, made into cloth by the men of Flanders. And while we gave useful clothing to other countries, we received festive garments from them in return. For most of our information on these subjects we are indebted to Matthew Paris, who tells us that when Alexander III. of Scotland was married to Margaret, daughter of Henry III., one thousand English knights appeared at the wedding in _cointises_ of silk, and the next day each knight donned a new robe of another kind. This grand entertainment was fatal to sixty oxen, and cost the then Archbishop of York no less a sum than 4000 marks. Macpherson remarks on this great display of silk as a proof of the wealth of England under the Norman kings, a point which has not been sufficiently elaborated. In 1242 the streets of London were covered or shaded with silk, for the reception of Richard, the King’s brother, on his return from the Holy Land. Few Englishmen are aware of the existence of such magnificence at that early period; while every story-book of history gives us the reverse of the picture, telling us of straw-covered floors, scarcity of body linen, and the like. Long after this, in 1367, it is recorded, as a special instance of splendour of costume, that 1000 citizens of Genoa were clothed in silk; and this tale has been repeated from age to age, while the similar display, at an earlier date, in England, has passed unnoticed.” For a notice of the several pieces in the present volume, I refer the reader to the Preface to Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, which follows here. It only remains for me to say that the freshness of my first interest in the poems which I once hoped to re-produce in these Forewords, has become dulled by circumstances and the length of time that the volume has been in the press--it having been set aside (by my desire) for the _Ayenbite_, &c.;--and that the intervention of other work has prevented my making the collection as complete as I had desired it to be. It is, however, the fullest verse one that has yet appeared on its subject, and will serve as the beginning of the Society’s store of this kind of material.[86] If we can do all the English part of the work, and the Master of the Rolls will commission one of his Editors to do the Latin part, we shall then get a fairly complete picture of that Early English Home which, with all its shortcomings, should be dear to every Englishman now. 3, _St George’s Square, N.W._, 5th _June_, 1867. [Footnote 1: The first sentence of Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_ is ‘All men by nature are actuated by the desire of knowledge.’ Mr Skeat’s note on l. 78 of _Partenay_, p. 228.] [Footnote 2: Lawrens Andrewe. _The noble lyfe & natures of man, of bestes_, &c. Johñes Desborrowe. Andewarpe.] [Footnote 3: The woodcuts are Messrs Virtue’s, and have been used in Mr Thomas Wright’s _History of Domestic Manners and Customs_, &c.] [Footnote 4: If any one thinks it a bore to read these Prefaces, I can assure him it was a much greater bore to have to hunt up the material for them, and set aside other pressing business for it. But the Boke of Curtasye binding on editors does not allow them to present to their readers a text with no coat and trowsers on. If any Members should take offence at any expressions in this or any future Preface of mine, as a few did at some words in the last I wrote, I ask such Members to consider the first maxim in their Boke of Curtasye, _Don’t look a gift horse in the mouth_. Prefaces are gift horses; and if mine buck or shy now and then, I ask their riders to sit steady, and take it easy. On the present one at least they’ll be carried across some fresh country worth seeing.] [Footnote 5: scholars?] [Footnote 6: Sir H. Nicolas, in his Glossary to his _Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII._, p. 327, col. 2, says, “No word has been more commented upon than ‘Henchmen’ or Henxmen. Without entering into the controversy, it may be sufficient to state, that in the reign of Henry the Eighth it meant the pages of honour. They were the sons of gentlemen, and in public processions always walked near the monarch’s horse: a correct idea may be formed of their appearance from the representation of them in one of the pictures in the meeting room of the Society of Antiquarians. It seems from these entries (p. 79,[*] 125, 182, 209, 230, 265) that they lodged in the house of Johnson, the master of the king’s barge, and that the rent of it was 40_s_. per annum. Observations on the word will be found in Spelman’s _Etymol._, Pegge’s _Curialia_, from the Liber Niger, Edw. IV., Lodge’s _Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 359, the _Northumberland Household Book_, Blount’s _Glossary_.” The _Promptorium_ has “Heyncemann (henchemanne) _Gerolocista, duorum generum, (gerolocista)_,” and Mr Way in his note says, “The pages of distinguished personages were called henxmen, as Spelman supposes, from Ger. _hengst_, a war-horse, or according to Bp. Percy, from their place being at the side or _haunch_ of their lord.” See the rest of Mr Way’s note. He is a most provokingly careful editor. If ever you hit on a plum in your wanderings through other books you are sure to find it afterwards in one of Mr Way’s notes when you bethink yourself of turning to the Promptorium. In Lord Percy’s Household (_North. H. Book_, p. 362) the Henchemen are mentioned next to the Earl’s own sons and their tutor (?) in the list of “Persones that shall attende upon my Lorde at his Borde Daily, ande have no more but his Revercion Except Brede and Drynk.” My Lordes Secounde Son to serve as Kerver. My Lordes Thurde Son as Sewer. A Gentillman that shall attende upon my Lord’s Eldest Son in the rewarde, and appoynted Bicause he shall allwayes be with my Lord’s Sonnes for seynge the Orderynge of them. My Lordes first _Hauneshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lorde. My Lords ij^de _Hanshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lady. See also p. 300, p. 254, The _Hansmen_ to be at the fyndynge of my Lord, p. 47] [Footnote 6*: p. 79, It{e}m the same daye paied to Johnson the mayster of the king{is} barge for the Rent of the house where the henxe men lye xl s.] [[Footnote 6a: ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve.]] [Footnote 7: When writing this I had forgotten Warton’s section on the Revival of Learning in England before and at the Reformation, _Hist. English Poetry_, v. iii. ed. 1840. It should be read by all who take an interest in the subject. Mr Bruce also refers to Kynaston’s _Museum Minervæ_. P.S.--Mr Bullein and Mr Watts have since referred me to Henry, who has in each volume of his _History of England_ a regular account of learning in England, the Colleges and Schools founded, and the learned men who flourished, in the period of which each volume treats. Had I seen these earlier I should not have got the following extracts together; but as they are for the most part not in Henry, they will serve as a supplement to him.] [Footnote 8: First of these is Mr Charles H. Pearson, then the Rev. Prof. Brewer, and Mr William Chappell.] [Footnote 9: Mr Wm. Chappell gave me the reference.] [Footnote 10: In the Romance of Blonde of Oxford, Jean of Dammartin is taken into the service of the Earl of Oxford as _escuier_, esquire. He waits at table on knights, squires, valets, boys and messengers. After table, the ladies keep him to talk French with them.] [[Footnote 10a: This is not intended to confine the definition of Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus, Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis.]] [Footnote 11: It was in part a principle of Anglo-Saxon society at the earliest period, and attaches itself to that other universal principle of fosterage. A Teuton chieftain always gathered round him a troop of young retainers in his hall who were voluntary servants, and they were, in fact, almost the only servants he would allow to touch his person. T. Wright.] [Footnote 12: Compare Skelton’s account of Wolsey’s treatment of the Nobles, in _Why come ye not to Courte_ (quoted in Ellis’s _Letters_, v. ii. p. 3). --“Our barons be so bolde, Into a mouse hole they wold Runne away and creep Like a mainy of sheep: Dare not look out a dur For drede of the maystife cur, For drede of the boucher’s dog “For and this curre do gnarl, They must stande all afar To holde up their hand at the bar. For all their noble bloude, He pluckes them by the hood And shakes them by the eare, And bryngs them in such feare; He bayteth them lyke a beare, Like an Ox or a Bul. Their wittes, he sayth, are dul; He sayth they have no brayne Their estate to maintaine: And make to bowe the knee Before his Majestie.”] [Footnote 13: Compare also the quotation from Piers Plowman’s Crede, under No. 5, p. xlv, and Palsgrave, 1530 A.D., ‘I mase, I stonysshe, _Je bestourne_. You mased the boye so sore with beatyng that he coulde not speake a worde.’ See a gross instance of cruelty cited from Erasmus’s Letters, by Staunton, in his _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-80.] [Footnote 14: “And therfore do I the more lament that soch [hard] wittes commonlie be either kepte from learning by fond fathers, or _bet from learning by lewde scholemasters_,” ed. Mayor, p. 19. But Ascham reproves parents for paying their masters so badly: “it is pitie, that commonlie more care is had, yea and that emonges verie wise men, to finde out rather a cunnynge man for their horse than a cunnyng man for their children. They say nay in worde, but they do so in deede. For, to the one they will gladlie give a stipend of 200. Crounes by yeare, and loth to offer to the other, 200. shillinges. God, that sitteth in heauen, laugheth their choice to skorne, and rewardeth their liberalitie as it should: for he suffereth them to have tame and well ordered horse, but wilde and unfortunate Children.” _Ib._ p. 20] [Footnote 15-15: _Sanctæ memoriæ _Robertum_ Cognominatum _Grodsted_ dudum _Lincolniendem_ Episcopum, Regi _Henrico_ quasi admirando, cum interrogavit, ubi Noraturam didicit, quâ Filios Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuit Domisellos, instruxerat, cum non de nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus traxisset Originem, fertur intrepide respondisse, In Domo seu Hospitio Majorum Regum quam sit Rex Angliæ; Quia Regum, _David, Salomonis_, & aliorum, vivendi morem didicerat ex Intelligentia scripturarum._] [Footnote 16: DOMICELLUS, Domnicellus, diminutivum a _Domnus_. Gloss. antiquæ MSS.: _Heriles, Domini minores, quod possumus aliter dicere Domnicelli_, Ugutio: _Domicelli et Domicellas dicuntur, quando pulchri juvenes magnatum sunt sicut servientes._ Sic porro primitus appellabant magnatum, atque adeo Regum filios. Du Cange.] [Footnote 17: Mr Bruce sends me the More extracts.] [Footnote 18: How Wolsey broke off the _insurance_ is very well told. Mistress Anne was “sent home again to her father for a season; _whereat she smoked_”; but she “was revoked unto the Court,” and “after she knew the king’s pleasure and the great love that he bare her _in the bottom of his stomach_, then she began to look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels or rich apparel that might be gotten with money” (p. 67).] [Footnote 19: Under the heading “Gentylmen of Houshold, viz. Kervers, Sewars, Cupberers, and Gentillmen Waiters” in the _North. Household Book_, p. 40, we find Item, Gentillmen in Housholde ix, Viz. ij Carvers for my Loords Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym both, _except thai be at their frendis fyndyng_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant. --Two Sewars for my Lordis Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym, _except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant.--ij Cupberers for my Lorde and my Lady, and a Servant allowed bitwixt theym, _except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, And than ather of theym to have a Servant allowid. Under the next heading “My Lordis Hansmen at the fyndynge of my Lorde, and Yonge Gentyllmen _at there Frendys fyndynge_,” is Item, my Lordis Hansmen iij. Yonge Gentyllmen in Houshold _at their Frendis fyndynge_ ij = v.] [Footnote 20: Grammar usually means Latin. T. Wright.] [Footnote 21: The exceptions must have been many and marked.] [Footnote 22: _Richardi Pacei, invictissimi Regis Angliæ primarii Secretarii, eiusque apud Elvetios Oratoris, De Fructu qui ex Doctrinæ percipitur, Liber._ Colophon. _Basileae apud Io. Frobenium, mense VIII. bri. an._ M.D.XVII. Restat ut iam tibi explicem, quid me moueat ad libellum hoc titulo co{n}scribendum _et_ publicandu{m}. Quu{m} duobus annis plus minus iam præteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam redijssem, inter-fui cuida{m} conuiuio multis incognitus. Vbi quu{m} satis fuisset potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex conuiuis, non imprudens, ut ex uerbis uultuq{ue} conijcere licuit, cœpit mentionem facere de liberis suis bene institue{n}dis. Et primu{m} omniu{m}, bonum præceptorem illis sibi quærendu{m}, & scholam omnino frequentanda{m} censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos generosos uocamus, & qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pende{n}s gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendu{m} uenare{n}tur. Is audita literaru{m} laude, percitus repe{n}tina ira, furibundus p{ro}rupit in hæc uerba. Quid nugaris, inquit, amice? abeant in mala{m} rem istæ stultæ literæ, omnes docti sunt me{n}dici, etia{m} Erasmus ille doctissimus (ut audio) pauper est, & in quadam sua epistola vocat την καράρατον πενιαν uxore{m} suam, id est, execrandam paupertatem, & uehementer conqueritur se son posse illam humeris suis usq{ue} in βαθυκήτεα πόντον, id est, p{ro}fundum mare excutere. (Corpus dei iuro) uolo filius meus pendeat potius, qua{m} literis studeat. Decet e{n}im generosoru{m} filios, apte inflare cornu, perite uenari, accipitre{m} pulchre gestare & educare. Studia uero literaru{m}, rusticorum filiis sunt relinquenda. Hic ego cohibere me no{n} potui, quin aliq{ui}d homini loquacissimo, in defensione{m} bonaru{m} literaru{m}, respo{n}dere{m}. No{n} uideris, inqua{m}, mihi bone uir recte sentire, na{m} si ueniret ad rege{m} aliq{ui}s uir exterus, quales sunt principu{m} oratores, & ei dandu{m} esset responsum, filius tuus sic ut tu uis, institutus, inflaret du{n}taxat cornu, & rusticoru{m} filij docti, ad respondendu{m} nocarent{ur}, ac filio tuo uenatori uel aucupi longe anteponerent{ur}, & sua erudita (usi libertate, tibi in facie{m} dicere{n}t, Nos malumus docti esse, & p{er} doctrina{m} no{n} imprudentes, q{uam} stulta gloriari nobilitate. Tu{m} ille hincinde circu{m}spiciens, Quis est iste, inquit, q{ui} hæc loquit{ur}? homine{m} non cognosco. Et quu{m} diceret{ur} in aure{m} ei quisna{m} essem, nescio q{ui}d submissa uoce sibimet susurra{n}s, & stulto usus auditore, illico arripuit uini poculu{m}. Et quu{m} nihil haberet respo{n}dendu{m}, cœpit bibere, & in alia sermone{m} transferre. Et sic me liberauit, non Apollo, ut Horatiu{m} a garrulo, sed Bacchus a uesani hominis disputatione, qua{m} diutius longe duraturam ueheme{n}ter timeba{m}. Professor Brewer gives me the reference.)] [Footnote 23: As to agricultural labourers and their children A.D. 1388-1406, see below, p. xlvi.] [Footnote 24: Readers will find it advisable to verify for themselves some of the statements in this Editor’s notes, &c.] [[Footnote 24a: The regular Cathedral school would have existed at St David’s.]] [Footnote 25: The foregoing three extracts are sent me by a friend.] [Footnote 26: From a fragment of the Computus Camerarii Abbat. Hidens. in Archiv. Wulves. apud Winton. ut supr. (? Hist. Reg. Angl. edit. Hearne, p. 74.)] [Footnote 27: Hist. and Antiq. of Glastonbury. Oxon. 1722, 8vo, p. 98.] [Footnote 28: Reyner, Apostolat. Benedict. Tract. 1, sect. ii. p. 224. Sanders de Schism. page 176.] [Footnote 29: _utriusque juris_, Canon and Civil.] [Footnote 30: _Lit. humaniores._ Latin is still called so in Scotch, and French (I think), universities. J. W. Hales.] [[Footnote 30a: “There are no French universities, though we find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however, its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867.]] [Footnote 31: (Pace _de Fructu_, p. 27.) Exigit iam suu{m} musica quoq{ue} doctrina locu{m}, a me præsertim, que{m} puer{um} inter pueros illustravit. Na{m} Thomas Langton Vyntoniensis episcopus, decessor huius qui nunc [1517 A.D.] uiuit, cui eram a manu minister, quum notasset me longex supra ætatem (ut ipse nimis fortasse amans mei iudicabat, & dictitabat) in musicis proficere, Huius, inquit, pueri ingeniu{m} ad maiora natum est. & paucos post dies in Italia{m} ad Patauinu{m} gymnasium, quod tu{n}c flore{n}tissimu{m} erat, ad bonas literas discendas me misit, annuasq{ue} impensas benigne suppeditauit, ut omnibus literatis mirifice fauebat, & ætate sua alterum Mecenatem agebat, probe memor (ut freque{n}ter dictitabat) sese doctrinæ causa ad episcopalem dignitate{m} prouectum. Adeptus enim fuerat per summam laudem, utriusq{ue} iuris (ut nu{n}c loquu{n}tur) insignia. Item humaniores literas tanti æstimabat, ut domestica schola pueros & iuuenes illis erudiendos curarit. Et summopere oblectabat{ur} audire scholasticos dictata interdiu a præceptore, sibi nocta reddere. In quo certamine qui præclare se gesserat, is aliqua re personæ suæ acco{m}modata, donatus abibat, & humanissimis uerbis laudatus. Habebet e{n}im semper in ore ille optimus Præsul, uirtutem laudatam crescere.] [Footnote 32: Ascham praises most the practice of double translation, from Latin into English, and then back from English into Latin.--_Scholemaster_, p. 90, 178, ed. Giles.] [Footnote 33: Mr Wm. Chappell gives me the reference, and part of the extract.] [Footnote 34: When did _breakfast_ get its name, and its first notice as a regular meal? I do not remember having seen the name in the early part of _Household Ordinances_, or any other work earlier than the _Northumberland Household Book_.] [Footnote 35: On Musical Education, see the early pages of Mr Chappell’s _Popular Music_, and the note in Archæol., vol. xx, p. 60-1, with its references. ‘Music constituted a part of the _quadrivium_, a branch of their system of education.’] [[Footnote 35a: “The first William de Valence married Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.” _The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867.]] [Footnote 36: Le treytyz ke moun sire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist à MA DAME DYONISIE DE MOUNCHENSY, pur aprise de langwage.] [Footnote 37: Later on, the proportions of poor and rich changed, as may be inferred from the extract from Harrison below. In the ‘exact account of the whole number (2920) of Scholars and Students in the University of Oxford taken anno 1612 in the Long Vacation, the _Studentes_ of Christ Church are 100, the _Pauperes Scholares et alii Servientes_ 41; at Magdalene the latter are 76; at New College 18, to 70 _Socii_; at Brasenose (Æneasense Coll.) the _Communarii_ are 145, and the _Pauperes Scholares_ 17; at Exeter, the latter are 37, to 134 _Communarii_; at St John’s, 20 to 43; at Lincoln the _Communarii_ are 60, to 27 _Batellatores et Pauperes Scholares_.’ Collectanea Curiosa, v. i. p. 196-203.] [Footnote 38: Was this in return for the raised rents that Ascham so bitterly complains of the new possessors of the monastic lands screwing out of their tenants, and thereby ruining the yeomen? He says to the Duke of Somerset on Nov. 21, 1547 (ed. Giles, i. p. 140-1), Qui auctores sunt tantæ miseriæ?... Sunt illi qui hodie passim, in Anglia, prædia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis reditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium; hi homines expilant totam rempublicam. Villici et coloni universi laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant.... Hinc tot familiæ dissipatæ, tot domus collapsæ.... Hinc, quod omnium miserrimum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliæ, nomen, inquam, _Yomanorum Anglorum_, fractum et collisum est ... NAM VITA, QUÆ NUNC VIVITUR A PLURIMIS, NON VITA, SED MISERIA EST. When will these words cease to be true of our land? They should be burnt into all our hearts.] [[Footnote 38a: One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41). 1631. Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the vestrie £6. 13. 4. 1628. Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0. Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37.]] [Footnote 39: “He placed Æthelweard, his youngest son, who was fond of learning, together with the sons of his nobility, and of many persons of inferior rank, in schools which he had established with great wisdom and foresight, and provided with able masters. In these schools the youth were instructed in reading and writing both the Saxon and Latin languages, and in other liberal arts, before they arrived at sufficient strength of body for hunting, and other manly exercises becoming their rank.” Henry, _History of England_, vol. ii. pp. 354-5 (quoted from Asser).] [Footnote 40: None were so. T. Wright.] [Footnote 41: Gervaise of Canterbury says, in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus erat magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.” [[‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.]] ] [[Footnote 41a: Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in 1294. _Book of Dates._]] [Footnote 42: This College is said to have been founded in the year 872, by Alfred the Great. It was restored by William of Durham, said to have been Archdeacon of Durham; but respecting whom little authentic information has been preserved, except that he was Rector of Wearmouth in that county, and that he died in 1249, bequeathing a sum of money to provide a permanent endowment for the maintenance of a certain number of “Masters.” The first purchase with this bequest was made in 1253, and the first Statutes are dated 1280.-- _Oxford Univ. Calendar_, 1865, p. 167.] [Footnote 43: I refer to the modernized edition published by Charles Knight in two volumes.] [Footnote 44: Other well-born men, in the _Ath. Cant._, then connected with the University, or supposed to be, were, 1504 Sir Roger Ormston, knight, died. Had been High Steward of the University. 1504 Sir John Mordaunt, High Steward. 1478 George Fitzhugh, 4th son of Henry lord Fitzhugh, admitted B.A. 1488 Robert Leyburn, born of a knightly family, Fellow of Pembroke-hall, and proctor. 1457 John Argentine, of an ancient and knightly family, was elected from Eton to King’s. 1504 Robert Fairfax, of an ancient family in Yorkshire, took the degree of Mus. Doc. 1496 Christopher Baynbrigg, of a good family at Hilton, near Appleby, educated at and Provost of Queen’s, Oxford, incorporated of Cambridge. 1517 Sir Wm. Fyndern, knight, died, and was a benefactor to Clare Hall, in which it is supposed he had been educated. 1481 Robert Rede, of an ancient Northumbrian family, was sometime of Buckingham College, and the Fellow of King’s-hall (?), and was autumn reader at Lincoln’s Inn in 1481. ab. 1460 Marmaduke Constable, son of Sir Robert Constable, knight, believed to have been educated at Cambridge. „ So, Edward Stafford, heir of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, is also believed to have been educated at Cambridge, because his father was a munificent patron of the University, constantly maintaining, or assisting to maintain, scholars therein. „ So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed, &c. 1484 John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient Cumberland family. 1520? Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in favour of Cambridge. The only tradesman’s son mentioned is, 1504 Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker, High-Steward.] [Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St. Anthony’s school, then sent back to his father in the country, and sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.] [Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.] [Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, ‘was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the constant tradition has been among us.’ p. 153, col. 1.] [Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called Pensey [now Pemsey], in Sussex, and not unlikely educated in Wykeham’s school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col. 2, and note.] [Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.] [Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood’s _Fasti Oxon._ The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars’ schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxon._, ed. Bliss: p. 6, col. 2. William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief governor. p. 7, col. 2. Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolnshire. p. 11, col. 2. John Sowle, a Carme of London. p. 14, col. 1. William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis. p. 18, col. 2. Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg’s, Chester. p. 19, col. 1. John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican, commonly called Black, Friars p. 54, col. 2. Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersetshire; ‘whence for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to improve himself, or to pass a course, in theology.’ p. 94, col. 2. John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar p. 101, col. 1. John Rycks, „ „ p. 107, col. 1. John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich. p. 189, col. 1. John Griffen, a Cistercian. p. 278, col. 2. Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or ‘White-fryers.’ p. 363, col. 2. William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Essex. p. 630, col. 2. Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits. The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520 founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a _Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick (Warton, ii. 492).] [Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of Pershore an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet’s Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p. 28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham, and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Notitia Monastica, Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.] [Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare Mr Halliwell’s quotation in his ‘Merton Statutes,’ from his edition of ‘the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon Monastery in the 14th century,’ Now ȝif a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole, Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be; And ȝif ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ȝif a fole, To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chaunceré . . Clerkys that han cunyng, . . thai mai get no vaunsyng Without symony.] [Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: ‘wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairté and pité; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay make here king, they chesen oon that hath no pricke wherwith he may stynge.’--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.] [Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men’s sons did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545, he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by their example; (2.) “quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam inducunt animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicæ munera obeunda levi aliqua et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis quædam injuria bifariam academiæ intentata est; vel quia hoc modo omnis expletæ absolutæque doctrinæ spes longe ante messem, in ipsa quasi herbescenti viriditate, præciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum inopumque expectatio, quorum ætates omnes in literarum studio conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa illusaque præripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium, nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literæ, et aliæ persimiles extraordinariæ illegitimæque rationes vim foris adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam prudentes viri nimis ægre ferunt partem aliquam regiæ pecuniæ in collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut quasi ulla spes perfectæ eruditionis in ullis aliis residere potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum vitæ suæ tabernaculum collocarunt.” Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See also p. 121-2.] [Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _homo_ Italus Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriæ _Oppidum, natus nobili Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]] [Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _præter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque Quæstiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonæ literæ; accessit Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_, Aristoteles; _accessit_ Græcarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._ [Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffæ _Cal._ Sept. 1516.]] [Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue’s description of the study of law at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of his _De laudibus legum Angliæ_.] [Footnote 57: Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Græcus; Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, cæcum ducit cæcus: Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus, Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus. Et quia non metuunt animæ discrimen, Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen, Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen, Exagitata procul non intrat fœmina limen.] [Footnote 58: Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem, Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit. Inde scholas adiens, secum deliberat, utrum Expediat potius illa vel ista schola. Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos, Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis. Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti, Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent. Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros, Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt. A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry’s Hist. of Eng., vol. iii. p. 440-1.] [Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.] [Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165. Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins’s Councils, vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson’s Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a School, where should be taught ‘la grammaire, le calcule, et la musique.’ See Démogeot’s _Histoire de la Littérature Française_, p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says “these teachers of the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church, were intitled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II., at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D. 1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and that they should have authority to superintend all the schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the literary history of France have collected a very distinct account of the scholastics who presided in the principal cathedral-schools of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with many of the most illustrious names for learning of that age.... The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Theology, and Church-Music.” --_Ibid._ p. 442.] [Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.] [Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet (Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of Godstow. Archbishop Greenfield ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what was received “pro prehendationibus,” or the board of young ladies and their servants for education “rec. de domina Margeria Wederly prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa unius famulæ dictæ Margeriæ per iii. septimanas viii d. per sept.” &c. Tanner.] [Footnote 62: Morley’s _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.] [Footnote 63: Edited by Mr Halliwell in his ‘Selection from the Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate.’ Percy Society, 1840, quoted by Prof. Morley.] [[Footnote 63a: ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F.]] [Footnote 64: Mr Skeat’s readings. The _abbot_ and _abbots_ of Mr Wright’s text spoil the alliteration.] [Footnote 65: Compare the previous passages under heading 1, p. vi.] [Footnote 66: May Mr Skeat bring the day when it will be done!] [Footnote 67: Later on, men’s games were settled for them as well as their trades. In A.D. 1541, the 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9, § xvi., says, “Be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no manner of Artificer or Craftsman of any Handicraft or Occupation, Husbandman, Apprentice, Labourer, Servant at Husbandry, Journeyman or Servant of Artificer, Mariners, Fishermen, Watermen or any Serving man, shall from the said feast of the Nativity of St John Baptist play at the Tables, Tennis, Dice, Cards, Bowls, Clash, Coyting, Logating, or any other unlawful Game out of Christmas, under the Pain of xx s. to be forfeit for every Time; (2) and in Christmas to play at any of the said Games in their Master’s Houses, or in their Master’s Presence; (3) and also that no manner of persons shall at any time play at any Bowl or Bowls in open places out of his Garden or Orchard, upon the Pain for every Time so offending to forfeit vi s. viiii d.” (For _Logating_, &c., see Strutt.)] [Footnote 68: Translated from the Latin copy in the British Museum, MS. Harl. 1197, art. 15, folio 319 b.] [Footnote 69: Duodecim pauperes de sumptibus dictæ Ecclesiæ _alendi_.] [Footnote 70: Duo _unus_ Pincernæ, et _unus subpincerna_, duo unus cociquus, et unus subcoquus. Sic in MS] [Footnote 71: MS. No. 688 in Lambeth Library. MS. Harl. cod. 1594, art. 38, in Brit. Mus.] [Footnote 72: Farewell, in Oxford my college cardynall! Farewell, in _Ipsewich, my schole gramaticall!_ Yet oons farewell! I say, I shall you never see! Your somptious byldyng, what now avayllethe me? _Metrical Visions_ [Wolsey.] by George Cavendish, in his Life of Wolsey, (ed. Singer, ii. 17). Wolsey’s Letter of Directions about his school should be consulted. It is printed.] [Footnote 73: Colet’s Statutes for St Paul’s School are given in Howard Staunton’s _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-85.] [Footnote 74: ‘That there was a school at Rochester before Henry VIII.’s time is proved by our Statutes, which speak of the _Schola Grammaticalis_ as being _ruinosa & admodum deformis_.’ R. Whiston.] [Footnote 75: Pegge concludes these to have been St Paul’s, Bow, and Martin’s le Grand.] [Footnote 76: The custom of boys bringing cocks to masters has left a trace at Sedburgh, where the boys pay a sum every year on a particular day (Shrove-Tuesday?) as “cock-penny.” Quick.] [Footnote 77: On the London Schools, see also Sir George Buc’s short _cap._ 36, “Moore of other Schooles in London,” in his _Third Vniuersitie of England_ (t.i. London). He notices the old schools of the monasteries, &c., ‘in whose stead there be some few founded lately by good men, as the Merchant Taylors, and Thomas Sutton, founder of the great new Hospitall in the Charter house, [who] hath translated the Tenis court to a Grammar Schoole ... for 30 schollers, poore mens children.... There be also other Triuiall Schooles for the bringing up of youth in good literature, _viz._, in S. _Magnus_, in S. _Michaels_, in S. _Thomas_, and others.’] [Footnote 78: Udall became Master of Eton about 1534. He was sent to prison for sodomy.] [Footnote 79: The perversion of these elections by bribery is noticed by Harrison in the former extract from him on the Universities.] [Footnote 80: See p. 273-4, ‘all of a fourme to name who is the best of their fourme, and who is the best next him’.] [Footnote 81: ? key of the Campo, see pp. 299 and 300, or a club, the holder of which had a right to go out.] [Footnote 82: See Mr Froude’s noble article in _The Westminster Review_, No. 3, July, 1852 (lately republished by him in a collection of Essays, &c.).] [Footnote 83: Their eyes must have smarted. The natives’ houses in India have (generally) no chimneys still, and Mr Moreshwar says the smoke _does_ make your eyes water.] [Footnote 84: Mouffet is learned on the Louse. “In the first beginning whilest man was in his innocency, and free from wickednesse, he was subject to no corruption and filth, but when he was seduced by the wickednesse of that great and cunning deceiver, and proudly affected to know as much as God knew, God humbled him with divers diseases, and divers sorts of Worms, with Lice, Hand-worms, Belly-worms, others call _Termites_, small Nits and Acares ... a Lowse ... is a beastly Creature, and known better in Innes and Armies then it is wellcome. The profit it bringeth, _Achilles_ sheweth, _Iliad_ I. in these words: _I make no more of him then I doe of a Lowse_; as we have an English Proverb of a poor man, _He is not worth a Lowse_. The Lice that trouble men are either tame or wilde ones, those the _English_ call _Lice_, and these _Crab-lice_; the North _English_ call them _Pert-lice_, that is, a petulant Lowse comprehending both kindes; it is a certain sign of misery, and is sometimes the inevitable scourge of God.” Rowland’s _Mouffet’s Theater of Insects_, p. 1090, ed. 1658 (published in Latin, 1634). By this date we had improved. Mouffet says, “These filthy creatures ... are hated more than Dogs or Vipers by our daintiest Dames,” _ib._ p. 1093; and again, p. 1097, “Cardan, that was a fancier of subtilties, writes that the _Carthusians_ are never vexed with Wall-lice, and he gives the cause, because they eat no flesh.... He should rather have alledged their cleanliness, and the frequent washing of their beds and blankets, to be the cause of it, which when the _French_, the _Dutch_, and _Italians_ do less regard, they more breed this plague. But the English that take great care to be cleanly and decent, are seldom troubled with them.” Also, on p. 1092, he says, ‘As for dressing the body: all _Ireland_ is noted for this, that it swarms almost with Lice. But that this proceeds from the beastliness of the people, and want of cleanly women to wash them is manifest, because the English that are more careful to dress themselves, changing and washing their shirts often, having inhabited so long in _Ireland_, have escaped that plague.... Remedies. The _Irish_ and _Iseland_ people (who are frequently troubled with Lice, and such as will fly, as they say, in Summer) anoint their shirts with Saffron, and to very good purpose, to drive away the Lice, but after six moneths they wash their shirts again, putting fresh Saffron into the Lye.’ Rowland’s Mouffet (1634), _Theater of Insects_, p. 1092, ed. 1658.] [Footnote 85: Prof. Brewer says that Erasmus, rejecting the Mediæval Latin and adopting the Classical, no doubt used _salsamenta_ in its classical sense of salt-meat, and referred to the great quantity of it used in England during the winter, when no fresh meat was eaten, but only that which had been killed at the annual autumn slaughtering, and then salted down. Stall-fattening not being practised, the autumn was the time for fat cattle. _Salsamentum_, however, is translated in White and Riddle’s Dictionary, “A. Fish-pickle, brine; B. Salted or pickled fish (so usually in plural).”] [Footnote 86: If any member or reader can refer me to any other verse or prose pieces of like kind, unprinted, or that deserve reprinting, I shall be much obliged to him, and will try to put them in type.] Errata (noted by transcriber): _Capiendo pro_[26]...’” [_missing ’_] the case is too too evident [_duplication in original_] sums it up.[59] [_footnote marker missing in text_] a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_ [passaeg] ab. 1460 ... Marmaduke Constable [460] In the section “Post-Reformation Cathedral Schools” the attribution of quotes is sometimes obscure. The text layout has been kept as close as possible to the original. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * PREFACE TO RUSSELL. Though this _Boke of Nurture_ by John Russell is the most complete and elaborate of its kind, I have never seen it mentioned by name in any of the many books and essays on early manners and customs, food and dress, that have issued from the press. My own introduction to it was due to a chance turning over, for another purpose, of the leaves of the MS. containing it. Mr Wheatley then told me of Ritson’s reference to it in his _Bibliographica Poetica_, p. 96; and when the text was all printed, a reference in _The Glossary of Domestic Architecture_ (v. III. Pt. I. p. 76, note, col. 2) sent me to MS. Sloane 1315[1]--in the Glossary stated to have been written in 1452--which proved to be a different and unnamed version of Russell. Then the Sloane Catalogue disclosed a third MS., No. 2027[2], and the earliest of the three, differing rather less than No. 1315 from Russell’s text, but still anonymous. I have therefore to thank for knowledge of the MSS. that special Providence which watches over editors as well as children and drunkards, and have not on this occasion to express gratitude to Ritson and Warton, to whom every lover of Early English Manuscripts is under such deep obligations, and whose guiding hands (however faltering) in Poetry have made us long so often for the like in Prose. Would that one of our many Historians of English Literature had but conceived the idea of cataloguing the materials for his History before sitting down to write it! Would that a wise Government would commission another Hardy to do for English Literature what the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records is now doing for English History-- give us a list of the MSS. and early printed books of it! What time and trouble such a Catalogue would save! But to return to John Russell and his Boke. He describes himself at the beginning and end of his treatise as Usher and Marshal to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, delighting in his work in youth, quitting it only when compelled by crooked age, and then anxious to train up worthy successors in the art and mystery of managing a well-appointed household. A man evidently who knew his work in every detail, and did it all with pride; not boastful, though upholding his office against rebellious cooks[3], putting them down with imperial dignity, “we may allow and disallow; our office is the chief!” A simple-minded religious man too,--as the close of his Treatise shows,--and one able to appreciate the master he served, the “prynce fulle royalle,” the learned and munificent Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, the patron of Lydgate, Occleve, Capgrave, Withamstede, Leonard Aretine, Petrus Candidus, Petrus de Monte, Tito Livio, Antoyne de Beccara, &c. &c., the lover of Manuscripts, the first great donor to the Oxford University Library which Bodley revived[4], “that prince peerless,” as Russell calls him, a man who, with all his faults, loved books and authors, and shall be respected by us as he was by Lydgate. But our business is with the Marshal, not the Master, and we will hear what John Russell says of himself in his own verse, an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} / to a prynce of high{e} degre, þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche / all{e} þo thatt wille thrive & thee, Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed by my diligence To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience; Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e}, þat for fawt of necligence, y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience. To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh hit charitable, for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable. (l. 3-9.) At the end of his Boke he gives us a few more details about himself and his work in life: Now good soñ, y haue shewed the / & brought þe in vre, to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e}, In pantry / botery / or celler{e} / & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e}, A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science / y suppose ye byñ sewr{e}, Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e}, with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shalle also in hall{e}, vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid / þey eu{er} ente{n}de shall{e}, Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}: For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff. (l. 1173-82.) Further on, at line 1211, he says, “Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve: my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve. þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve, y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve. while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede, y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede; but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede. þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.” And again, at line 1227, “Now, good soñ, thy self, w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede, which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede, pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede, Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey, duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede. For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo, þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also, vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe, and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. =AMEN=.” [Text Note: The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.] As to his Boke, besides what is quoted above, John Russell says, Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende, and specially to þem þat han exsperience, p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e} and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende. And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence, Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence, which{e} to d{ra}we out [I] haue do my besy diligence, redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence. As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame, For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same, and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade, blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made; Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte; blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no persone suspecte. Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte! þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe. (l. 1235-50.) If John Russell was the writer of the Epilogue quoted above, lines 1235-50, then it would seem that in this Treatise he only corrected and touched up some earlier Book of Norture which he had used in his youth, and which, if Sloane 2027 be not its original, may be still extant in its primal state in Mr Arthur Davenport’s MS., “How to serve a Lord,” _said_ to be of the fourteenth century[6], and now supposed to be stowed away in a hayloft with the owner’s other books, awaiting the rebuilding and fitting of a fired house. I only hope this MS. may prove to be Russell’s original, as Mr Davenport has most kindly promised to let me copy and print it for the Society. Meantime it is possible to consider John Russell’s Book of Norture as his own. For early poets and writers of verse seem to have liked this fiction of attributing their books to other people, and it is seldom that you find them acknowledging that they have imagined their Poems on their own heads, as Hampole has it in his _Pricke of Conscience_, p. 239, l. 8874 (ed. Morris, Philol. Soc.). Even Mr Tennyson makes believe that Everard Hall wrote his _Morte d’ Arthur_, and some Leonard his _Golden Year_. On the other hand, the existence of the two Sloane MSS. is more consistent with Russell’s own statement (if it is his own, and not his adapter’s in the Harleian MS.) that he did not write his Boke himself, but only touched up another man’s. Desiring to let every reader judge for himself on this point, I shall try to print in a separate text[7], for convenience of comparison, the Sloane MS. 1315, which differs most from Russell, and which the Keeper of the MSS. at the British Museum considers rather earlier (ab. 1440-50 A.D.) than the MS. of Russell (ab. 1460-70 A.D.), while of the earliest of the three, Sloane MS. 2027 (ab. 1430-40 A.D.), the nearer to Russell in phraseology, I shall give a collation of all important variations. If any reader of the present text compares the Sloanes with it, he will find the subject matter of all three alike, except in these particulars: Sloane 1315. --Sloane 2027. Omits lines 1-4 of Russell. --Contains these lines. Inserts after l. 48 of R. a passage about behaviour which it nearly repeats, where Russell puts it, at l. 276, _Symple Condicions_. --Inserts and omits as Sl. 1315 does, but the wording is often different. Omits Russell’s stanza, l. 305-8, about ‘these cuttid galauntes with their codware.’ Omits a stanza, l. 319-24, p. 21.2, b.). --Contains this stanza (fol. 42, b.). Contracts R.’s chapter on Fumositees, p. 23-4. --Contracts the Fumositees too (fol. 45 and back). Omits R.’s _Lenvoy_, under Fried Metes, p. 33-4. --Has one verse of _Lenvoy_ altered (fol. 45 b.). Transfers R.’s chapters on _Sewes on Fische Dayes_ and _Sawcis for Fishe_, l. 819-54, p. 55-9, to the end of his chapter on _Kervyng of Fishe_, l. 649, p. 45. --Transfers as Sl. 1315 does (see fol. 48). Gives different Soteltes (or Devices at the end of each course), and omits Russell’s description of his four of the Four Seasons, p. 51-4; and does not alter the metre of the lines describing the Dinners as he does, p. 50-5. --Differs from R., nearly as Sl. 1315 does. Winds up at the end of the _Bathe or Stewe_, l. 1000, p. 69, R., with two stanzas of peroration. As there is no _Explicit_, the MS. may be incomplete, but the next page is blank. --Has 3 winding-up stanzas, as if about to end as Sloane 1315 does, but yet goes on (omitting the _Bathe Medicinable_) with the _Vssher and Marshalle_, R. p. 69, and ends suddenly, at l. 1062, p. 72, R., in the middle of the chapter. In occasional length of line, in words and rhymes, Sloane 1315 differs far more from Russell than Sloane 2027, which has Russell’s long lines and rhymes throughout, so far as a hurried examination shows. But the variations of both these Sloane MSS. are to me more like those from an original MS. of which our Harleian Russell is a copy, than of an original which Russell altered. Why should the earliest Sloane 2027 start with “An vsschere .y. am / as ye may se : to a prynce Of hygh{e} degre” if in its original the name of the prince was not stated at the end, as Russell states it, to show that he was not gammoning his readers? Why does Sloane 1315 omit lines in some of its stanzas, and words in some of its lines, that the Harleian Russell enables us to fill up? Why does it too make its writer refer to the pupil’s lord and sovereign, if in its original the author did not clench his teaching by asserting, as Russell does, that he had served one? This Sloane 1315 may well have been copied by a man like Wynkyn de Worde, who wished not to show the real writer of the treatise. On the whole, I incline to believe that John Russell’s Book of Norture was written by him, and that either the Epilogue to it was a fiction of his, or was written by the superintender of the particular copy in the Harleian MS. 4011, Russell’s own work terminating with the _Amen!_ after line 1234. But whether we consider Russell’s Boke another’s, or as in the main his own,--allowing that in parts he may have used previous pieces on the subjects he treats of, as he has used _Stans Puer_ (or its original) in his _Symple Condicions_, l. 277-304,--if we ask what the Boke contains, the answer is, that it is a complete Manual for the Valet, Butler, Footman, Carver, Taster, Dinner-arranger, Hippocras-maker, Usher and Marshal of the Nobleman of the time when the work was written, the middle of the fifteenth century.--For I take the date of the composition of the work to be somewhat earlier than that of the MS. it is here printed from, and suppose Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, “imprisoned and murdered 1447,” to have been still alive when his Marshal penned it.--Reading it, we see “The Good Duke” rise and dress[8], go to Chapel and meals, entertain at feasts in Hall, then undress and retire to rest; we hear how his head was combed with an ivory comb, his stomacher warmed, his petycote put on, his slippers brown as the waterleech got ready, his privy-seat prepared, and his urinal kept in waiting; how his bath was made, his table laid, his guests arranged, his viands carved, and his salt smoothed[9]; we are told how nearly all the birds that fly, the animals that walk the earth, the fish that swim in river and sea, are food for the pot: we hear of dishes strange to us[10], beaver’s tail, osprey, brewe, venprides, whale, swordfish, seal, torrentyne, pety perveis or perneis, and gravell of beef[11]. Bills of fare for flesh and fish days are laid before us; admired Sotiltees or Devices are described; and he who cares to do so may fancy for himself the Duke and all his brilliant circle feasting in Hall, John Russell looking on, and taking care that all goes right.[12] I am not going to try my hand at the sketch, as I do not write for men in the depths of that deducated Philistinism which lately made a literary man say to one of our members on his printing a book of the 15th century, “Is it possible that you care how those barbarians, our ancestors, lived?” If any one who takes up this tract, will not read it through, the loss is his; those who do work at it will gladly acknowledge their gain. That it is worthy of the attention of all to whose ears tidings of Early England come with welcome sound across the wide water of four hundred years, I unhesitatingly assert. That it has interested me, let the time its notes have taken on this, a fresh subject to me, testify. If any should object to the extent of them[13], or to any words in them that may offend his ear, let him excuse them for the sake of what he thinks rightly present. There are still many subjects and words insufficiently illustrated in the comments, and for the names _venprides_ (l. 820); _sprotis_, (? sprats, as in Sloane 1315), and _torrentille_ (l. 548); almond _iardyne_ (l. 744); ginger _colombyne_, _valadyne_, and _maydelyne_ (l. 132-3); leche _dugard_, &c., I have not been able to find meanings. Explanations and helps I shall gladly receive, in the hope that they may appear in another volume of like kind for which I trust soon to find more MSS. Of other MSS. of like kind I also ask for notice. The reason for reprinting Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, which I had not at first thought of, was because its identity of phrase and word with many parts of Russell,--a thing which came on me with a curious feeling of surprise as I turned over the leaves,--made it certain that de Worde either abstracted in prose Russell’s MS., chopping off his lines’ tails,--adding also bits here[14], leaving out others there,--or else that both writers copied a common original. The most cursory perusal will show this to be the case. It was not alone by happy chance that when Russell had said O Fruture viant / Fruter sawge byñ good / bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche; Appulle fruture / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche (l. 501-2) Wynkyn de Worde delivered himself of “Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say be good; better is fruyter pouche; apple fruyters ben good good hote / and all colde fruters, touche not,” altering _not’s_ place to save the rhyme; or that when Russell had said of the Crane The Crane is a fowle / that strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e}; þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e}; of hyr{e} trompe in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye beware Wynkyn de Worde directed his Carver thus: “A crane, reyse the wynges fyrst, & beware of the trumpe in his brest.” Let any one compare the second and third pages of Wynkyn de Worde’s text with lines 48-137 of Russell, and he will make up his mind that the old printer was either one of the most barefaced plagiarists that ever lived, or that the same original was before him and Russell too. May Mr Davenport’s hayloft, or some learned antiquarian, soon decide the alternative for us! The question was too interesting a “Curiosity of Literature” not to be laid before our Members, and therefore _The Boke of Keruynge_ was reprinted--from the British Museum copy of the second edition of 1513--with added side-notes and stops, and the colophon as part of the title. Then came the necessary comparison of Russell’s Boke with the _Boke of Curtasye_, edited by Mr Halliwell from the Sloane MS. 1986 for the Percy Society. Contrasts had to be made with it, in parts, many times in a page; the tract was out of print and probably in few Members’ hands; it needed a few corrections[15], and was worthy of a thousand times wider circulation than it had had; therefore a new edition from the MS. was added to this volume. Relying on Members reading it for themselves, I have not in the notes indicated all the points of coincidence and difference between this Boke and Russell’s. It is of wider scope than Russell’s, takes in the duties of outdoor officers and servants as well as indoor, and maybe those of a larger household; it has also a _fyrst Boke_ on general manners, and a _Second Book_ on what to learn at school, how to behave at church, &c., but it does not go into the great detail as to Meals and Dress which is the special value of Russell’s Boke, nor is it associated with a writer who tells us something of himself, or a noble who in all our English Middle Age has so bright a name on which we can look back as “good Duke Humphrey.” This personality adds an interest to work that anonymity and its writings of equal value can never have; so that we may be well content to let the _Curtasye_ be used in illustration of the _Nurture_. The MS. of the _Curtasye_ is about 1460 A.D., Mr Bond says. I have dated it wrongly on the half-title. _The Booke of Demeanor_ was “such a little one” that I was tempted to add it to mark the general introduction of handkerchiefs. Having printed it, arose the question, ‘Where did it come from?’ No Weste’s _Schoole of Vertue_ could I find in catalogues, or by inquiring of the Duke of Devonshire, Mr W. C. Hazlitt, at the Bodleian, &c. Seager’s _Schoole of Vertue_ was the only book that turned up, and this I accordingly reprinted, as Weste’s Booke of Demeanor seemed to be little more than an abstract of the first four Chapters of Seager cut down and rewritten. We must remember that books of this kind, which we look on as sources of amusement, as more or less of a joke, were taken seriously by the people they were written for. That _The Schoole of Vertue_, for instance--whether Seager’s or Weste’s--was used as a regular school-book for boys, let Io. Brinsley witness. In his _Grammar Schoole_ of 1612, pp. 17, 18, he enumerates the “Bookes to bee first learned of children”:-- 1. their Abcie, and Primer. 2. The Psalms in metre, ‘because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight through the running of the metre, as it is found by experience. 3. Then the Testament.’ 4. “If any require any other little booke meet to enter children; _the Schoole of Vertue_ is one of the principall, and easiest for the first enterers, being full of precepts of ciuilitie, and such as children will soone learne and take a delight in, thorow the roundnesse of the metre, as was sayde before of the singing Psalmes: And after it _the Schoole of good manners_[16], called, _the new Schoole of Vertue_, leading the childe as by the hand, in the way of all good manners.” I make no apology for including reprints of these little-known books in an Early English Text. _Qui s’excuse s’accuse_; and if these Tracts do not justify to any reader their own appearance here, I believe the fault is not theirs. A poem on minding what you say, which Mr Aldis Wright has kindly sent me, some Maxims on Behaviour, &c., which all end in _-ly_, and Roger Ascham’s Advice to his brother-in-law on entering a nobleman’s service, follow, and then the Poems which suggested the _Forewords_ on Education in Early England, and have been partly noticed in them, p. i-iv. I have only to say of the first, _The Babees Boke_, that I have not had time to search for its Latin original, or other copies of the text. Its specialty is its attributing so high birth to the Bele Babees whom it addresses, and its appeal to Lady Facetia to help its writer. Of the short alphabetic poems that follow,--_The A B C of Aristotle_,--copies occur elsewhere; and that in the Harleian Manuscript 1304, which has a different introduction, I hope to print in the companion volume to this, already alluded to. _Vrbanitatis_, I was glad to find, because of the mention of _the booke of urbanitie_ in Edward the Fourth’s Liber Niger (p. ii. above), as we thus know what the Duke of Norfolk of “Flodden Field” was taught in his youth as to his demeanings, how mannerly he should eat and drink, and as to his communication and other forms of court. He was not to spit or snite before his Lord the King, or wipe his nose on the table-cloth. The next tracts, _The Lytylle Chyldrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys Be_[17] (a title made up from the text) and _The Young Children’s Book_, are differing versions of one set of maxims, and are printed opposite one another for contrast sake. _The Lytil Boke_ was printed from a later text, and with an interlinear French version, by Wynkyn de Worde in ‘_Here begynneth a lytell treatyse for to lerne Englisshe and Frensshe_.’ This will be printed by Mr Wheatley in his Collection of Early Treatises on Grammar for the Society, as the copy in the Grenville Library in the Brit. Mus. is the only one known. Other copies of this Lytil Boke are at Edinburgh, Cambridge, and Oxford. Of two of these Mr David Laing and Mr Henry Bradshaw have kindly given me collations, which are printed at the end of this Preface. Of the last Poem, _Stans Puer ad Mensam_, attributed to Lydgate-- as nearly everything in the first half of the 15th century was-- I have printed two copies, with collations from a third, the Jesus (Cambridge) MS. printed by Mr Halliwell in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, and reprinted by Mr W. C. Hazlitt in his _Early Popular Poetry_, ii. 23-8. Mr Hazlitt notices 3 other copies, in Harl. MS. 4011, fol. 1, &c.; Lansdowne MS. 699; and Additional MS. 5467, which he collated for his text. There must be plenty more about the country, as in Ashmole MS. 61, fol. 16, back, in the Bodleian.[18] Of old printed editions Mr Hazlitt notes one “from the press of Caxton, but the only copy known is imperfect. It was printed two or three times by Wynkyn de Worde. Lowndes mentions two, 1518, 4to, and 1524, 4to; and in the public library at Cambridge there is said by Hartshorne (_Book Rarities_, 156) to be a third without date. It is also appended to the various impressions of the _Boke of Nurture_ by Hugh Rhodes.” This _Boke_ has been reprinted for the Early English Text Society, and its _Stans Puer_ is Rhodes’s own expansion of one of the shorter English versions of the original Latin[19]. The woodcuts Messrs Virtue have allowed me to have copies of for a small royalty, and they will help the reader to realize parts of the text better than any verbal description. The cuts are not of course equal to the beautiful early illuminations they are taken from, but they are near enough for the present purpose. The dates of those from British Museum MSS. are given on the authority of trustworthy officers of the Manuscript Department. The dates of the non-Museum MSS. are copied from Mr Wright’s text. The line of description under the cuts is also from Mr Wright’s text, except in one instance where he had missed the fact of the cut representing the Marriage Feast at Cana of Galilee, with its six water-pots. The MS. of Russell is on thick folio paper, is written in a close--and seemingly unprofessional--hand, fond of making elaborate capitals to the initials of its titles, and thus occasionally squeezing up into a corner the chief word of the title, because the _T_ of _The_ preceding has required so much room.[20] The MS. has been read through by a corrector with a red pen, pencil, or brush, who has underlined all the important words, touched up the capitals, and evidently believed in the text. Perhaps the corrector, if not writer, was Russell himself. I hope it was, for the old man must have enjoyed emphasizing his precepts with those red scores; but then he would hardly have allowed a space to remain blank in line 204, and have left his Panter-pupil in doubt as to whether he should lay his “white payne” on the left or right of his knives. Every butler, drill-serjeant, and vestment-cleric, must feel the thing to be impossible. The corrector was not John Russell. To all those gentlemen who have helped me in the explanations of words, &c.,--Mr Gillett, Dr Günther, Mr Atkinson, Mr Skeat, Mr Cockayne, Mr Gibbs, Mr Way, the Hon. G. P. Marsh--and to Mr E. Brock, the most careful copier of the MS., my best thanks are due, and are hereby tendered. Would that thanks of any of us now profiting by their labours could reach the ears of that prince of Dictionary-makers, Cotgrave, of Frater Galfridus, Palsgrave, Hexham, Philipps, and the rest of the lexicographers who enable us to understand the records of the past! Would too that an adequate expression of gratitude could reach the ears of the lost Nicolas, and of Sir Frederic Madden, for their carefully indexed Household Books,--to be contrasted with the unwieldy mass and clueless mazes of the Antiquaries’ _Household Ordinances_, the two volumes of the Roxburghe _Howard Household Books_, and Percy’s _Northumberland Household Book[21]!_--They will be spared the pains of the special place of torment reserved for editors who turn out their books without glossary or index. May that be their sufficient reward! 3, _St George’s Square_, N.W. 16 _Dec._, 1866. HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. Mr C. H. Pearson has referred me to a most curious treatise on the state of Duke Humphrey’s body and health in 1404 (that is, 1424, says Hearne), by Dr Gilbert Kymer, his physician, part of which (chapters 3 and 19, with other pieces) was printed by Hearne in the appendix to his _Liber Niger_, v. ii. p. 550 (_ed. alt._), from a MS. then in Sir Hans Sloane’s Collection, and now _Sloane_ 4 in the British Museum. It begins at p. 127 or folio 63, and by way of giving the reader a notion of its contents, I add here a copy of the first page of the MS. Incipit dietariu{m} de sanitatis custodia p{re}inclitissi{m}o p{r}incipi ac metuendissimo d{omi}no, d{omi}no humfrido, duci Gloucestrie, Alijsq{ue} p{re}claris titulis insignito, Sc{r}iptu{m} & co{m}pilatu{m}, p{er} ven{er}abile{m} doctore{m}, Magistru{m} Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinar{um} p{ro}fessorem, arciu{m} ac ph{ilosoph}ie Mag{ist}r{u}m & in legib{us} bacallariu{m} p{re}libati p{r}incipis phisicu{m}, Cui{us} dietarij[A] c{ol}l{e}cc{i}o{n}em (?) dilucidancia & effectu{m} viginti sex existu{n}t capit{u}la, q{u}or{um} {con}seque{n}t{er} hic ordo ponit{ur} Rubricar{um}[B]. [Textnotes: A: The letters are to me more like cł, or c{ol}l than anything else, but I am not sure what they are. B: The MS. runs on without breaks. [Transcriber’s Note: Marker [A] is printed at the end of “dietarij”, but must be intended for the following word.]] Cap{itulu}m 1^m est ep{isto}la de laude sanitat{is} & vtilitate bone diete. Cap{itulu}m 2^m est de illis in quib{us} consistit dieta. Cap{itulu}m 3^m de toci{us} co[r]p{or}is & p{ar}ciu{m} disposi{ci}one. Cap{itulu}m 4^m est de Ayer{e} eligendo & corrigendo. Cap{itulu}m 5^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumenda. Cap{itulu}m 6^m de ordine sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}. Cap{itulu}m 7^m de temp{or}e sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}. Cap{itulu}m 8^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumendoru{m}. Cap{itulu}m 9^m de pane eligendo. Cap{itulu}m 10^m de gen{er}ib{us} potagior{um} sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 11^m de carnib{us} vtendis & vitandis. Cap{itulu}m 12^m de ouis sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 13^m de lacticinijs vtend{is}. Cap{itulu}m 14^m de piscib{us} vtendis & vitand{is}. Cap{itulu}m 15^m de fructib{us} sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 16^m de co{n}dime{n}t{is} & sp{eci}ebus vtendis. Cap{itulu}m 17^m de potu eligendo. Cap{itulu}m 18^m de regimi{n}e replec{i}o{n}is & inanic{i}onis. Cap{itulu}m 19^m de vsu coitus. Cap{itulu}m 20^m de excercic{io} & q{u}iete. Cap{itulu}m 21^m de sompni & vigilie regimi{n}e. Cap{itulu}m 22^m de vsu acc{ide}nciu{m} anime. Cap{itulu}m 23^m de bona {con}suetudi{n}e diete tenenda. Cap{itulu}m 24^m de medic{in}is vicissim vtendis. Cap{itulu}m 25^m de adu{er}sis nature infortunijs p{re}cauendis. Cap{itulu}m 26^m de deo semp{er} colendo vt sanitate{m} melius tueatur. [“Unpacked” text, omitting signs of abbreviations or ligatures:] Incipit dietarium de sanitatis custodia preinclitissimo principi ac metuendissimo domino, domino humfrido, duci Gloucestrie, Alijsque preclaris titulis insignito, Scriptum & compilatum, per venerabilem doctorem, Magistrum Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinarum professorem, arcium ac philosophie Magistrum & in legibus bacallarium prelibati principis phisicum, Cuius dietarij colleccionem (?) dilucidancia & effectum viginti sex existunt capitula, quorum consequenter hic ordo ponitur Rubricarum. Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, v. 498, note 35) says euphemistically of the part of this treatise printed by Hearne, that “it implies how much the Duke had injured himself by the want of self-government. It describes him in his 45th year, as having a rheumatic affection in his chest, with a daily morning cough. It mentions that his nerves had become debilitated by the vehemence of his laborious exercises, and from an immoderate frequency of pleasurable indulgences. It advises him to avoid north winds after a warm sun, sleep after dinner, exercise after society, frequent bathings, strong wine, much fruit, the flesh of swine, and the weakening gratification to which he was addicted. The last (chapter), ‘De Deo semper colendo, ut sanitatem melius tueatur,’ is worthy the recollection of us all.” It is too late to print the MS. in the present volume, but in a future one it certainly ought to appear. Of Duke Humphrey’s character and proceedings after the Pope’s bull had declared his first marriage void, Sharon Turner further says: “Gloucester had found the rich dowry of Jacqueline wrenched from his grasp, and, from so much opposition, placed beyond his attaining, and he had become satiated with her person. One of her attendants, Eleanor Cobham, had affected his variable fancy; and tho’ her character had not been spotless before, and she had surrendered her honour to his own importunities, yet he suddenly married her, exciting again the wonder of the world by his conduct, as in that proud day every nobleman felt that he was acting incongruously with the blood he had sprung from. His first wedlock was impolitic, and this unpopular; and both were hasty and self-willed, and destructive of all reputation for that dignified prudence, which his elevation to the regency of the most reflective and enlightened nation in Europe demanded for its example and its welfare. This injudicious conduct announced too much imperfection of intellect, not to give every advantage to his political rival the bishop of Winchester, his uncle, who was now struggling for the command of the royal mind, and for the predominance in the English government. He and the duke of Exeter were the illegitimate brothers of Henry the Fourth, and had been first intrusted with the king’s education. The internal state of the country, as to its religious feelings and interest, contributed to increase the differences which now arose between the prelate and his nephew, who is described by a contemporary as sullying his cultivated understanding and good qualities, by an ungoverned and diseasing love of unbecoming pleasures. It is strange, that in so old a world of the same continuing system always repeating the same lesson, any one should be ignorant that the dissolute vices are the destroyers of personal health, comfort, character, and permanent influence.”[24] After narrating Duke Humphrey’s death, Turner thus sums up his character:-- “The duke of Gloucester, amid failings that have been before alluded to, has acquired the pleasing epithet of The Good; and has been extolled for his promotion of the learned or deserving clergy. Fond of literature, and of literary conversation, he patronized men of talent and erudition. One is called, in a public record, his poet and orator; and Lydgate prefaces one of his voluminous works, with a panegyric upon him, written during the king’s absence on his French coronation, which presents to us the qualities for which, while he was living, the poet found him remarkable, and thought fit to commend him.” These verses are in the Royal MS. 18 D 4, in the British Museum, and are here printed from the MS., not from Turner:-- [Fol. 4.] Eek in this lond--I dar afferme a thyng-- Ther is a prince Ful myhty of puyssau{n}ce, A kynges sone, vncle to the kynge Henry the sexte which is now i{n} frau{n}ce, And is lieftenant, & hath the gouernau{n}ce Off our breteyne; thoruh was discrecion He hath conserued in this regiou{n} Duryng his tyme off ful hih{e}[A] prudence Pes and quiete, and sustened riht{e}.[A] Ȝit natwithstandyng his noble prouyde{n}ce He is in deede prouyd a good knyht, Eied as argus with reson and forsiht; Off hih{e} lectrure I dar eek off hym telle, And treuli deeme that he doth{e} excelle In vndirstondyng all othir of his age, And hath gret Ioie with clerkis to co{m}mune; And no man is mor expert off language. Stable in studie alwei he doth contune, Settyng a side alle chau{n}ges[B] of fortune; And wher he loueth{e}, ȝiff I schal nat tarie, With{e}oute cause ful loth{e} he is to varie. Duc off Gloucestre men this prince calle; And natwithstandyng his staat & dignyte, His corage neuer doth appalle To studie in bookis off antiquite; Therin he hath{e} so gret felicite Vertuousli hym silff to ocupie, Off vicious slouth to haue the maistrie.[25] And with his prudence & wit his manheed Trouthe to susteyne he fauour set a side; And hooli chirche meyntenyng in dede, That in this land no lollard dar abide. As verrai support, vpholdere, & eek guyde, Spareth non, but maketh{e} hym silff strong To punysshe alle tho that do the chirch{e} wrong. Thus is he both manly & eek wise, Chose of god to be his owne knyht{e}; And off o thynge he hath a synguler[C] price, That heretik dar non comen in his siht{e}. In cristes feith{e} he stant so hol vpriht, Off hooli chirche defence and [c]hampion To chastise alle that do therto treson. And to do plesance to oure lord ih{es}u He studieht[D] eu{er}e to haue intelligence. Reedinge off bookis bringth{e} in vertu,-- Vices excludyng, slouthe & necligence,-- Maketh{e} a prince to haue experience To know hym silff i{n} many sundry wise, Wher he trespaseth, his errour to chastise. [Text Notes: A: These _e_-s represent the strokes through the _h_-s. B: MS. thau{n}ges. C: The _l_ is rubbed. D: So in MS.] After mentioning that the duke had considered the book of ‘Boccasio, on the Fall of Princes,’ he adds, ‘and he gave me commandment, that I should, after my conning, this book translate him to do plesance.’ MS. 18 D 4.--Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 55--7. P.S. When printing the 1513 edition of Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, I was not aware of the existence of a copy of the earlier edition in the Cambridge University Library. Seeing this copy afterwards named in Mr Hazlitt’s new catalogue, I asked a friend to compare the present reprint with the first edition, and the result follows. NOTE ON THE 1508 EDITION OF _The Boke of Keruynge_, By The Rev. Walter Skeat, M.A. The title-page of the older edition, of 1508, merely contains the words, “¶ Here begynneth the boke of Keruynge;” and beneath them is--as in the second edition of 1513--a picture of two ladies and two gentlemen at dinner, with an attendant bringing a dish, two servants at a side table, and a jester. The colophon tells us that it was “Enprynted by wynkyn de worde at London in Flete strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of our lorde M.CCCCC.VIII;” beneath which is Wynkyn de Worde’s device, as in the second edition. The two editions resemble each other very closely, running page for page throughout, and every folio in the one begins at the same place as in the other. Thus the word “moche” is divided into mo-che in both editions, the “-che” beginning Fol. A. ii. b. Neither is altogether free from misprints, but these are not very numerous nor of much importance. It may be observed that marks of contraction are hardly ever used in the older edition, the word “y^e” being written “the” at length, and instead of “hãged” we find “hanged.” On the whole, the first edition would seem to be the more carefully printed, but the nature of the variations between them will be best understood by an exact collation of the first two folios (pp. 151-3 of the present edition), where the readings of the first edition are denoted by the letter A. The only variations are these:-- P. 151. _lyft_ that swanne] _lyfte_ that swanne A (_a misprint_). _frusshe_ that chekyn] _fruche_ that chekyn A. thye all maner _of_ small byrdes] A _omits_ of. _fynne_ that cheuen] _fyne_ that cheuen A. _transsene_ that ele] _trassene_ that ele A. Here _hendeth_, &c.] Here _endeth_, &c. A. _Butler_] Butteler A. P. 152, l. 5. _tre{n}choures_] trenchours A. l. 12. _ha{n}ged_] hanged A. l. 15. _cannelles_] canelles A. l. 18, 19. _y^e_] the (_in both places_) A. l. 20. _seasous_] seasons A. l. 23. _after_] After A. l. 27. _good_] goot A. l. 30. _y^e_] the A. l. 34. _modo{n}_] modon A. l. 36. _sourayne_] souerayne A. P. 153. _ye_] the A (_several times_). l. 5. _wyll_] wyl A. l. 9. _rede_] reed A. _reboyle_] reboyle not A. l. 12. _the_ reboyle] _they_ reboyle A. l. 17. _lessynge_] lesynge A. l. 20. _ca{m}polet_] campolet A. l. 21. _tyer_] tyerre A. l. 22. _ypocras_] Ipocras A (_and in the next line, and l. 26_). l. 24. _gy{n}ger_] gynger A. l. 27. _ren_] hange A. l. 29. _your_] youre A. _In l._ 33, A _has_ paradico, _as in the second edition._ It will be readily seen that these variations are chiefly in the spelling, and of a trivial character. The only ones of any importance are, on p. 151, _lyste_ (which is a misprint) for _lyft_, and _trassene_ for _transsene_ (cp. Fr. _transon_, a truncheon, peece of, Cot.); on p. 152, _goot_ for _good_ is well worth notice (if any meaning can be assigned to _goot_), as the direction to beware of _good_ strawberries is not obvious; on p. 153, we should note _lesynge_ for _lessynge_, and _hange_ for _ren_, the latter being an improvement, though _ren_ makes sense, as basins hung by cords on a perch may, like curtains hung on a rod, be said to _run_ on it. The word _ren_ was probably caught up from the line above it in reprinting. The following corrections are also worth making, and are made on the authority of the first edition:-- P. 155, l. 10, _For_ treachour _read_ trenchour. l. 23. _For_ so _read_ se. l. 24. _For_ se’ _read_ se. P. 156, l. 1. _ony_] on A. l. 7. _For_ it _read_ is. l. 15. _y^e so_] and soo A. (_No doubt owing to confusion between & and_ y^e.) l. 16. _your_] you A. l. 29. _For_ bo _read_ be. P. 157, l. 20. _For_ wich _read_ with. P. 158, l. 3. _For_ fumosytces _read_ fumosytees. l. 7. _For_ pygous _read_ pynyons (whence it appears that the _pinion_-bones, not _pigeon’s_-bones, are meant). l. 25. The word “reyfe” is quite plain. P. 160, ll. 18, &c. There is some variation here; the first edition has, after the word _souerayne_, the following:--“laye trenchours before hym / yf he be a grete estate, lay fyue trenchours / & he be of a lower degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours,” &c. This is better; the second edition is clearly wrong about _five_ trenchers. This seems another error made in reprinting, the words _lower degre_ being wrongly repeated. P. 161, l. 6. It may be proper to note the first edition also has _broche_. P. 165, l. 8. _For_ for y^e _read_ for they. P. 165, l. 27. _the[y]_; _in_ A they _is printed in full._ P. 166, l. 18. _For_ raysyus _read_ raysyns. P. 167, l. 21. _For_ slytee _read_ slytte. P. 169, ll. 10, 18. _carpentes_] carpettes A. l. 14. _shall_] shake A. l. 23. _blanked_] blanket A. Nearly all the above corrections have already been made in the side-notes. Only two of them are of any importance, viz. the substitution of _pynyons_ on p. 158, and the variation of reading on p. 160; in the latter case perhaps neither edition seems quite right, though the first edition is quite intelligible. In our Cambridge edition (see p. 170, l. 5) this line about the pope is carefully struck out, and the grim side-note put “_lower down_”, with tags to show to what estate he and the cardinal and bishops ought to be degraded! NOTE TO p. xxiv. l. 10, “OUR WOMEN,” AND THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF LANGUAGES, p. xxv-vi. [These pages can be found under the headnote “NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS”.] The Ladies & Men of Queen Elizabeth’s Court. “I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter conceiued of the same) make a large discourse of such honorable ports, of such graue councellors, and noble personages, as giue their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie there. I could in like sort set foorth a singular commendation of the vertuous beautie, or beautifull vertues of such ladies and gentlewomen as wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable countenances and costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a dailie conflict and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me to gesse, whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence. This further is not to be omitted, to the singular commendation of both sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, [a] that there are verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers (for the most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent gifts, so are manie of them the worst men when they come abroad, that anie man shall either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare thing with vs now, to heare of a courtier which hath but his owne language. [b] And to saie how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine toongs, are thereto no lesse skilfull in the Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded, that as the noble men and gentlemen doo surmount in this behalfe, so these come verie little or nothing at all behind them for their parts; which industrie God continue, and accomplish that which otherwise is wanting! [Sidenotes ([b] bracketed in original): [a] English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers. [[b] Ladies learned in languages.]] “[a] Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies and meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and auoid idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the needle, other in caul-worke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in continuall reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of our owne or forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing volumes of their owne, or translating of other mens into our English and Latine toong, [b] whilest the yoongest sort in the meane time applie their lutes, citharnes, prickesong, and all kind of musike, which they vse onelie for recreation sake, when they haue leisure, and are frée from attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. [c] How manie of the eldest sort also are skilfull in surgerie and distillation of waters, beside sundrie other artificiall practises perteining to the ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I passe ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will generallie saie of them all, that as [d] ech of them are cuning in somthing wherby they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so there is in maner none of them, but when they be at home, can helpe to supplie the ordinarie want of the kitchen with a number of delicat dishes of their owne deuising, [e] wherein the Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some of them are most commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth (by a tricke taken vp of late) [f] to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such and so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo call a [g] memoriall, other a billet, but some a fillet, bicause such are commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or gentlewoman vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?” --1577, W. HARRISON, in _Holinshed’s Chronicles_, vol. I. p. 196, ed. 1586. [Sidenotes (all bracketed in original): [[a] Ancient ladies’ employments.] [[b] Young ladies’ recreations.] [[c] Old ladies’ skill in surgery, &c.] [[d] All are cunning [e] in cookery, helped by the Portuguese.] [[f] Introduction of the _Carte_, [g] Memorial, Billet or Fillet.]] [Footnote 1: This MS. contains a copy of “The Rewle of the Moone,” fol. 49-67, which I hope to edit for the Society.] [Footnote 2: The next treatise to Russell in this MS. is “The booke off the gou{er}naunce off Kyngis and Pryncis,” or _Liber Aristotiles ad Alexandrum Magnum_, a book of Lydgate’s that we ought to print from the best MS. of it. At fol. 74 b. is a heading,-- Here dyed this translatour and noble poette Lidgate and the yong follower gan his prolog on this wys.] [Footnote 3: One can fancy that a cook like Wolsey’s (described by Cavendish, vol. i. p. 34), “a Master Cook who went daily in damask satin, or velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck” (a mark of nobility in earlier days), would be not _leef_ but _loth_ to obey an usher and marshal.] [Footnote 4: Warton, ii. 264-8, ed. 1840. For further details about the Duke see the Appendix to this Preface.] [Footnote 5: See one MS., “How to serve a Lord,” ab. 1500 A.D., quoted in the notes to the Camden Society’s Italian Relation of England, p. 97.] [Footnote 6: For the Early English Text Society.] [Footnote 7: I have put figures before the motions in the dress and undress drills, for they reminded me so of “Manual and Platoon: by numbers.”] [Footnote 8: Mr Way says that the _planere_, l. 58, is an article new to antiquarians.] [Footnote 9: Randle Holme’s tortoise and snails, in No. 12 of his Second Course, Bk. III., p. 60, col. 1, are stranger still. “Tortoise need not seem strange to an alderman who eats turtle, nor to a West Indian who eats terrapin. Nor should snails, at least to the city of Paris, which devours myriads, nor of Ulm, which breeds millions for the table. Tortoises are good; snails excellent.” Henry H. Gibbs.] [Footnote 10: “It is nought all good to the goost that the gut asketh” we may well say with William who wrote _Piers Ploughmon_, v. 1, p. 17, l. 533-4, after reading the lists of things eatable, and dishes, in Russell’s pages. The later feeds that Phylotheus Physiologus exclaims against[*] are nothing to them: “What an _Hodg-potch_ do most that have Abilities make in their Stomachs, which must wonderfully oppress and distract Nature: For if you should take _Flesh_ of various sorts, _Fish_ of as many, _Cabbages_, _Parsnops_, _Potatoes_, _Mustard_, _Butter_, _Cheese_, a _Pudden_ that contains more then ten several Ingredents, _Tarts_, _Sweet-meats_, _Custards_, and add to these _Churries_, _Plums_, _Currans_, _Apples_, _Capers_, _Olives_, _Anchovies_, _Mangoes_, _Caveare_, _&c._, and jumble them altogether into one _Mass_, what Eye would not loath, what Stomach not abhor such a _Gallemaufrey?_ yet this is done every Day, and counted _Gallent Entertainment_.”] [Footnote 10*: Monthly Observations for the preserving of Health, 1686, p. 20-1.] [Footnote 11: See descriptions of a dinner in Parker’s Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages, iii. 74-87 (with a good cut of the Cupboard, Dais, &c.), and in Wright’s _Domestic Manners and Customs_. Russell’s description of the Franklin’s dinner, l. 795-818, should be noted for the sake of Chaucer’s Franklin, and we may also notice that Russell orders butter and fruits to be served on an empty stomach before dinner, l. 77, as a whet to the appetite. _Modus Cenandi_ serves potage first, and keeps the fruits, with the spices and biscuits, for dessert.] [Footnote 12: The extracts from Bulleyn, Borde, Vaughan, and Harington are in the nature of notes, but their length gave one the excuse of printing them in bigger type as parts of a Text. In the same way I should have treated the many extracts from Laurens Andrewe, had I not wanted them intermixed with the other notes, and been also afraid of swelling this book to an unwieldy size.] [Footnote 13: The Termes of a Kerver so common in MSS. are added, p. 151, and the subsequent arrangement of the modes of carving the birds under these Termes, p. 161-3. The Easter-Day feast (p. 162) is also new, the bit why the heads of pheasants, partridges, &c., are unwholesome--’for they ete in theyr degrees foule thynges, as wormes, todes, and other suche,’ p. 165-6--and several other pieces.] [Footnote 14: _do the_, l. 115, is _clothe_ in the MS.; _grayne_, l. 576 (see too ll. 589, 597,) is _grayue_, Scotch _greive_, A.S. _gerefa_, a kind of bailiff; _resceyne_, ll. 547, 575, is _resceyue_, receive; &c.] [Footnote 15: This is doubtless a different book from Hugh Rhodes’s _Booke of Nurture & Schoole of Good Manners_, p. 71, below.] [Footnote 16: What this _Edyllys Be_ means, I have no idea, and five or six other men I have asked are in the same condition. A.S. _æþel_ is noble, _æþeling_, a prince, a noble; that may do for _edyllys_. _Be_ may be for A B C, alphabet, elementary grammar of behaviour.] [Footnote 17: P.S. Mr Hazlitt, iv. 366, notices two others in MS. Ashmole 59, art. 57, and in Cotton MS. Calig. A II. fol. 13, the latter of which and Ashmole 61, are, he says, of a different translation.] [Footnote 18: See Hazlitt, iv. 366.] [Footnote 19: The MS. has no title. The one printed I have made up from bits of the text.] [Footnote 20: Still one is truly thankful for the material in these unindexed books.] [Footnote 21: Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. v. pp. 496-8.] [Footnote 22: This is the stanza quoted by Dr Reinhold Pauli in his _Bilder aus Alt-England_, c. xi. p. 349: “Herzog von Glocester nennen sie den Fürsten, Der trotz des hohen Rangs und hoher Ehren Im Herzen nährt ein dauerndes Gelüsten Nach Allem, was die alten Bücher lehren; So glücklich gross ist hierin sein Begehren, Dass tugendsam er seine Zeit verbringt Und trunkne Trägheit männiglich bezwingt.” The reader should by all means consult this chapter, which is headed “Herzog Humfrid von Glocester. Bruchstück eines Fürstenlebens im fünfzehnten Jahrhunderte” (Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. Sketch of the life of a prince in the fifteenth century). There is an excellent English translation of this book, published by Macmillan, and entitled “Pictures of Old England.” --W. W. Skeat.] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * COLLATIONS. These are given as a warning to other editors either to collate in foot-notes or not at all. The present plan takes up as much room as printing a fresh text would, and gives needless trouble to every one concerned. [Transcriber’s Note: Each of these Collations will be repeated in or after the appropriate selection.] p. 260. _The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated by Mr Brock, omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here be-gynneth{e} Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.” A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode D, „ „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat E, „ „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e} G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never H, _for_ in þine _read_ off I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde; _for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng; _for_ goodis _read_ woordys M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous; _for_ but as mesure wole it meeue _read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e} N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e}; _for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous; _for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e} V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the ¶ _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs _Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se. Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen. p. 265, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_, with part of the Advocates Library MS., fol. 84, back (collated by Mr David Laing). l. 1, _for_ children̅ _read_ childur l. 2, _dele_ þat l. 3 _dele_ For l. 6, _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady l. 7, _for_ arn̅ _read_ byn l. 9, _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke and _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd l. 12, _for_ tylle _read_ to l. 13, _prefix_ And _to_ Loke l. 14, _is_, To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt l. 16, _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on l. 17, _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle l. 18, _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle l. 20, _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely p. 267, l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of l. 30, _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the _for_ thy salte _read_ hit l. 31, _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a l. 32, _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the _and dele_ þyne ll. 33-4, _are_ Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe The poem in the Advocates’ MS. has 108 lines, and fills 5 pages of the MS. (Wynkyn de Worde’s version ends with this, after l. 105, ‘And in his laste ende wyth the swete Ihesus. Amen. Here endeth the boke of curtesye.’) p. 265. _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ collated with the Cambridge University MS., by Mr Henry Bradshaw. _Hem_ is always written for _him_ in this MS., and so with other words. l. 2, _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd l. 6, _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey l. 7, _for_ closide _read_ clodyd l. 10, _for_ on _read_ yn l. 11, 12, _for_ þou _read_ ye l. 14, _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt l. 15, _for_ þe _read_ they l. 16, _for_ on _read_ no l. 17, _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle l. 18, _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt l. 19, _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey l. 20, _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde _for_ esely _read_ all yesley p. 267, l. 23, _for_ Kerue not thy brede _read_ Kot they bred not l. 24, _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels; _for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of l. 27, _for_ on _read_ yn ll. 28-30, _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys. Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr l. 32, _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep l. 33, _for_ ne _read_ nother l. 34, _for_ If _read_ And _for_ come _read_ comest l. 35, _for_ And _read_ Seche _put the_ is _before_ yn l. 37, _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn l. 38, _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle; _omit_ done l. 40, _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe l. 42, _for_ þow put _read_ take owt l. 43, _for_ Ne _read_ Nether l. 44, _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell l. 45, _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys l. 46, _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle l. 47, _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte l. 48, _for_ karle þat _read_ charle _for_ cote _read_ cotte l. 50, _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be l. 51, _for_ sterke _read_ lowde p. 269, l. 52, _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe l. 53, _for_ at _read_ all _omit_ loke þou l. 54, _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye l. 55, _omit_ thy _for_ and _read_ ne l. 56, _for_ doo _read_ make l. 57, _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe l. 58, _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke _for_ mayst _read_ may l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner and _for the second_ ne _read_ not l. 60, _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not l. 61, _for_ thy _read_ the l. 66, _omit_ a l. 67, _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of l. 68, _for_ neþer _read_ neuer _omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk l. 69, _for_ þat _read_ they l. 73, _for_ þou see _read_ be saye l. 76, _for_ þou _read_ yow _for_ thow art _read_ yow ar l. 77, _for_ forthe _read_ before yow l. 78, _omit_ þow not l. 79, _for_ ynto _read_ yn p. 271, l. 83, _for_ ende _read_ hendyng l. 84, _for_ wasshen _read_ was l. 85, _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor l. 86, _for_ to- _read_ be- _omit_ & _for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey ll. 87, 88, 89, are omitted. l. 90, _for_ nether _read_ not _for_ ne _read_ ne with l. 91, _omit_ þi _for_ the hede _read_ they lorde l. 92, _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley l. 93, _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere p. 271, l. 94, _for_ no blame _read_ the same l. 95, _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter l. 96, _after_ that _add_ he ys _for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr l. 97, _omit_ And _for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise l. 99, _for_ Nether _read_ neuer l. 100, _for_ Ner _read_ ne l. 101, _after_ for _add_ sent l. 102, _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen l. 103, _omit_ and _for_ made _read_ wret l. 106, is omitted. p. 273, l. 107, _before_ vs _put_ hem and l. 108, _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all _for the_ Explicit &c. _read_ Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey. CORRIGENDA, ADDITIONAL NOTES, &c. [Transcriber’s Note: Where appropriate, changes listed have been incorporated into the e-text; they are marked here in double brackets as [[corrected]]. Conversely, notes and larger corrections have been added to the main text in [[double brackets]], with added footnotes shown as [[6a]], [[10a]]... The bracketed paragraph, following, is from the original text.] [A few corrections of letters and figures have been made in this Reprint.] p. iv. l. 6. ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve. [[6a]] p. v. last line. This is not intended to confine the definition of Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus, Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis. [[10a]] p. xviii. l. 16. The regular Cathedral school would have existed at St David’s. [[24a]] p. xix., note 4. “There are no French universities, though we find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however, its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867. [[30a]] p. xxiv. l. 9, _for_ 1574 _read_ 1577. [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. xxv. l. 17, related apparently. “The first William de Valence married Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.” _The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867. [[35a]] p. xxvi. One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41). 1631. Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the vestrie £6. 13. 4. 1628. Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0. Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37. [[38a]] p. xxvii., last line. Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in 1294. _Book of Dates._ [[41a]] p. xxvii., _dele_ note 3 [[41]]. ‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F. p. xxxiii. note [[45]], l. 1, _for_ St Paul’s _read_ St Anthony’s [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. xxxiv., _for_ sister _read_ brother [[Corrected in reprint. The word “brother” appears twice on this page: “brother of Anne Bulleyn” and “Jane Seymour’s brother”.]] p. xlv. l. 2, _for_ poor _read_ independent. ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F. [[Corrected; Footnote 63a]] p. liii. Thetford. See also p. xli. [[Author’s intention unclear. List on page liii shows Thetford grammar school, founded 1328. Page xli text has “between 1091 and 1119 ... schools at Thetford”.]] p. lxxix. last line. A Postscript of nine fresh pieces has been since added, on and after p. 349, with ‘The Boris hede furst’ at p. 264*. [[Section rewritten for reprint.]] p. 6, l. 77, _for the note on_ plommys, damsons, _see_ p. 91, _note on l. 177_. [[Note corrected from “177” to “77” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]] p. 7, l. 2 of notes, _for_ Houeshold _read_ Household [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. 27, l. 418, Areyse. Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346 (E. E. T. Soc. 1866). [[Added to footnote 80.]] p. 35, note 3 (to l. 521), _for_ end of this volume _read_ p. 145 [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. 36, l. 536. _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason. Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67. [[127a]] p. 58, l. 851; p. 168, l. 13, 14. Green sauce. There is a herb of an acid taste, the common name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a dozen miles from Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851, vol. iii. p. 474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white wine, is made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with Vineger or Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke. Otherwise with Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with Vineger. In Winter, the same sawces are made with many spices, and little quantity of Garlicke, and of the best Wine, and with a little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67-8. [[Added to note 237.]] p. 62, l. 909, ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and _‘his cloak or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe, p. 65, l. 964. [[242a]] p. 66, l. 969. Dogs. The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have been may be judged of by the following payments in the Church-Wardens’ Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in _Nichols_, p. 34-5. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs 0. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing 14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion 1. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of 24 dozen of dogs 1. 8. See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._ i. 155. [[250a]] p. 67, last line of note, _for_ Hoss _read_ Hog’s [[Corrected in reprint]] p. 71, side-note 12, _for_ King’s _read_ chief [[Corrected in reprint]] p. 84, note to l. 51. Chipping or paring bread. “_Non comedas crustam, colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature, cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr. _chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave. [[Added to note.]] p. 85, note to l. 98, _Trencher_, should be to l. 52. [[Note corrected to “52” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]] p. 91, last note, on l. 177, should be on l. 77. [[See above under “p. 6”.]] p. 92, l. 6, _goddes good_. This, and _barme_, and _bargood_ (= beer-good) are only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so called ‘because it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the following extract, sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate Assembly of Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.: “The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good, w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e valewe only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned, bicause it cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons of this Cite, callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their singler lucre & avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money for their seid goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it never so litle and insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore, an halfpeny or a peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e seid Goddis good at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde & laudable custome of alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite, to grete hurte & slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is ordeyned & provided, That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite shall from this time foorth take of eny p{er}son for lyvering, gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d goddis good, in money nor other rewarde, above y^e valewe of a ferthyng. He shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, warne, ne restregne y^e s^d goddis good to eny p{er}sone y^t will honestly & lefully aske it, & paye therefore y^e valewe of a ferthyng, &c.” [[Added as second footnote to note on l. 178.]] p. 161, l. 4. Flawnes. ‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die . panis j’ (allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._ ed. Hale, 1865. [[Added to editor’s Note on this word.]] p. 296, col. 1, Clof. Can it be “cloth”? [[Added to Index. The entry is in col. 2, not col. 1; the word occurs on p. 192.]] p. 181, l. 144, Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it. Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers; but as probably from a superstitious custom of writing the alphabet in the form of a cross, by way of charm. This was even solemnly practised by the bishop in the consecration of a church. See Picart’s Religious Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_. [[8a.]] p. 185, l. 267, _for_ be, falle, _read_ be-falle (it befalls, becomes) [[Corrected]] p. 189, l. 393, side-note, _Hall,_ should be _Hall._ Fires in Hall lasted to _Cena Domini_, the Thursday before Easter: see l. 398. Squires’ allowances of lights ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights, or _candle_ of l. 839, would be only part of the allowances. The rest would continue all the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous. Book_. Dr Rock says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer to the change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:-- “In die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is called in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the manner in every place of worship at this day _to do the fire out of the hall;_ and the black winter brands, and all thing that is foul with smoke shall be done away, and there the fire was, shall be gaily arrayed with fair flowers, and strewed with green rushes all about, showing a great ensample to all Christian people, like as they make clean their houses to the sight of the people, in the same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away the foul brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith and charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord God at the Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v. iii. pt. 2, p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more fit for the purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of deciduous trees. I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet follow the custom, and keep the grate filled with flowers and foliage till late in the autumn.” --D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the _Liber Festivalis_--“First if a man asked why Sherethursday is called so, ye may say that in Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our Lord’s Supper Day; for that day he supped with his disciples openly.... It is also in English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the people would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock, _ib._, p. 235. [[Corrected; 15a. The Sidenote belongs to the Latin line between 394, 395.]] p. 192, l. 462-4, _cut out_ . _after_ hete; _put_ ; _after_ sett, _and_ , _after_ let; l. 468-9, _for_ sett, In syce, _read_ sett In syce; l. 470, ? some omission after this line. [[Corrected; 28a.]] p. 200, l. 677, side-note, steel spoon _is more likely_ spoon handle [[Corrected]] p. 215, l. 14. _The _T_ of _T the_ is used as a paragraph mark in the MS._ p. 274, l. 143-4, ? sense, reading corrupt. [[Corrected; 63a.]] p. 275, Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ the _Carmen Juvenile_ of Sulpitius. [[Corrected; 63b.]] p. 312, col. 2, Holyn. Bosworth gives A.S. _holen_, a rush; Wright’s Vocab., _holin_, Fr. _hous_; and that Cotgrave glosses ‘The Hollie, Holme, or Huluer tree.’ _Ancren Riwle_, 418 note *, and _Rel. Ant._, ii. 280, have it too. See Stratmann’s Dict. p. 317, col. 2, _The extract for_ Lopster _should have been under_ creuis _or_ crao. p. 318, col. 1, Lorely may be _lorel-ly_, like a lorel, a loose, worthless fellow, a rascal. p. 339, col. 1, Syles _is_ strains. SILE, _v._, to strain, to purify milk through a straining dish; Su.-Got. _sila_, colare.--SILE, s., a fine sieve or milk strainer; Su.-Got. _sil_, colum. Brockett. See quotations in Halliwell’s Gloss., and Stratmann, who gives Swed. _sîla_, colare. On the general subject of diet in olden time consult “Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, with an Introduction by Sir Alex. Croke, Oxford, 1830.” H. B. Wheatley. On manners, consult _Liber Metricus Faceti Morosi_. J. E. Hodgkin. -> Ten fresh pieces relating more or less to the subjects of this volume having come under my notice since the Index was printed and the volume supposed to be finished, I have taken the opportunity of the delay in its issue--caused by want of funds--to add nine of the new pieces as a Postscript, and the tenth at p. 264*. An 11th piece, _Caxton’s Book of Curtesye_, in three versions, too important to be poked into a postscript, will form No. 3 of the Early English Text Society’s Extra Series, the first Text for 1868. POSTSCRIPT, 1894. [18 Oct. 1894. Much has been done for the history of Education since I put the foregoing notes together: see Arthur Leach’s articles in the _Contemp. Review_, Sept. 1892, Nov. 1894; _Fortnightly Review_, Nov. 1892; _Westminster Gazette_, 26 July, 1894; and _National Observer_, Sept. 1, 1894. Also Herbert Quick’s books, J. Bass Mullinger’s, Maria Hackett’s (1814, 1816, &c.), and Foster Watson’s forthcoming _Writers on Education in England_, 1500--1660.[1] See too Foss’s _Lives of the Judges_; Jn. Smith’s _Lives of the Berkeleys_; the _Life of William of Wykeham_; Lupton’s _Life of Colet_; articles in Thomassin’s _Ecclesiastica Disciplina, Vetus et Nova_; Dr. P. Alford’s _Abbots of Tavistock_, p. 119-120; R. N. Worth’s Calendar of the _Tavistock Parish Records_ (1588-9), p. 37, 39, &c.; _Dugdale_, i. 82, ii. 142, iii. 10, iv. 404-5; Leland, _Collectanea_, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 302; Ellis, _Orig. Let._, 3rd Series, i. 333, ii. 243; Marston’s _Scourge of Villanie_ (1599), Works, ed. 1856, iii. 306; Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_, Kelmscott Press, 1893, p. 24; John of Salisbury, Epist. XIX, ed. Giles; _Churchwardens’ Accounts_, Somerset Record Soc. (1890), p. xix; _Glastonbury Abbey Accounts_, p. 249; _Engl. Hist. Rev._, Jan. 1891, p. 24; _Songs & Carols_, Warton Club, 1855, p. 10; Dr. Woodford’s Report on National Education in Scotland, 1868; _Macmillan’s Mag._, July 1870 (Scotch at Oxford); Essays on Grammar Schools, by members of the Free Kirk in Scotland; Stevenson’s _Nottingham Boro’ Records_, iv. 272, 299, 302; Dr. Buelbring’s Introduction to Defoe’s _Compleat English Gentleman_; Bradshaw on the _A B C_ as a School-book, Cambr. Antiq. Soc., vol. iii.; &c., &c. Much of my Forewords above, appeard in two numbers of the _Quarterly Journal of Education_, no. 2, Aug. 1867, vol. i, p. 48-56, and no. 3, Nov. 1867, p. 97-100.--F. J. F.] The friend to whom this book was dedicated, C. H. Pearson, died, alas, this year (1894) after his return from Melbourne, where he had organised free education thro’ the whole State, and done much other good work. [Footnote 1: Department of Education, Washington, U.S.A.] Errata (noted by transcriber): Collations: _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ ... (Wynkyn de Worde ...) [_final parenthesis missing_] l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner [first] Corrigenda: p. 36, l. 536. [l. 356] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: This second table of contents is as originally printed. Note that Andrewe on Fish is a separate text, although listed in the Contents as part of the linenotes to the Boke of Nurture. To aid in text searching, the Headnotes from the Boke of Nurture are interlaced with the table of contents. Each note will also appear in the text at approximately its original location. Large boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter. Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the full e-text.] * * * * * * * * * The BOKE OF NURTURE Folowyng Englondis gise by me JOHN RUSSELL, Sum Tyme Seruande With Duke Vmfrey Of Glowcetur, A Prynce Fulle Royalle, With Whom Vschere In Chambur Was Y, And Mershalle Also In Halle. _Edited from the Harleian MS. 4011 in the British Museum_ by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall. Camb.; Member of Council of the Philological and Early English Text Societies; Lover of Old Books. CONTENTS. [Line numbers added by transcriber] Page Line PROLOGUE 1 1 INTRODUCTION. MEETING OF MASTER AND PUPIL 2-3 13 [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.] THE PANTER OR BUTLER. HIS DUTIES 3-9 41 (And Herein of Broaching Wine, of Fruits and Cheese, and of the Care of Wines in Wood) [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.] [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.] [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.] NAMES OF SWEET WINES 9 117 HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS 9-12 121 [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.] THE BOTERY 12-13 177 [Headnote: THE BOTERY.] HOW TO LAY THE TABLE-CLOTH, ETC. 13-14 185 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.] HOW TO WRAP UP BREAD STATELY 14-16 209 HOW TO MAKE THE SURNAPE 16-17 237 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.] HOW TO MANAGE AT TABLE 17-18 257 SYMPLE CONDICIONS, 18-21 277 (Or Rules for Good Behaviour for Every Servant) [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.] THE CONNYNGE OF KERVYNGE 21-3 313 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.] FUMOSITEES 23-4 349 [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.] KERUYNG OF FLESH 24-30 377 [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.] BAKE METES (How to Carve) 30-2 477 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS, SWAN, CAPON, &C.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.] FRIED METES; WITH L’ENVOY 33-4 501 POTAGES 34-5 517 [Headnote: POTAGES.] DIUERCE SAWCES 35-7 529 [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.] KERVYNG OF FISCH{E} 37-45 546 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.] OFFICE OF A SEWER 46-7 658 (Or Arranger of the Dishes on the Table, etc.) [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.] A DYNERE OF FLESCH{E}: THE FURST COURSE 48 686 [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] THE SECOND COURSE 49 693 THE iij^D COURSE 49-50 705 [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] A DINERE OF FISCH{E}: THE FURST COURSE 50-1 719 [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.] THE SECOND COURSE 51 731 THE THRID COURSE 52 744 [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.] THE .iiij. COURSE OF FRUTE, WITH FOUR SOTELTEES 52-3 757 THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN OF THE SUTILTEES ABOUE SPECIFIED 53-4 787 A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN 54-5 795 [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.] SEWES ON FISH{E} DAYES 55-6 819 SAWCE FOR FISCH{E} 56-9 831 [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.] THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE 59-64 863 (How to Dress Your Lord, Prepare his Pew in Church, Strip his Bed, Prepare his Privy, etc.) [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.] THE WARDEROBES 64-6 939 (How to Put Your Lord to Bed, and Prepare his Bedroom, etc.) [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.] [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.] A BATHE OR STEWE SO CALLED 66-7 975 (How to Prepare One for Your Lord) [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.] THE MAKYNG OF A BATH{E} MEDICINABLE 67-9 991 [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.] THE OFFICE OF VSSHER & MARSHALL{E} 69-78 1001 (With the Order of Precedency of All Ranks) [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.] [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK AND DINE TOGETHER.] [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL AND PROPERTY.] [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.] THE SUMMARY 78-82 1173 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.] [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE CHIEF OFFICER.] L’ENVOY 82-3 1235 (The Author Asks the Prayers of his Readers, and He or the Copier Commends this Book to Them) [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.] NOTES 84-123 (With Bits from Lawrens Andrewe, on Fish, &c.) ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. WILYAM BULLEYN ON BOXYNG AND NECKEWEEDE 124-7 ANDREW BORDE ON SLEEP, RISING, AND DRESS 128-32 WILLIAM VAUGHAN’S 15 DIRECTIONS TO PRESERVE HEALTH 133-7 SIR JN. HARINGTON’s DYET FOR EVERY DAY 138-9 SIR JN. HARINGTON ON RISING, DIET, AND GOING TO BED 140-3 John Russells Boke of Nurture. [_Harl. MS. 4011, Fol. 171._] [Sidenote: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, God keep me! I am an Usher to a Prince, and delight in teaching the inexperienced.] ++In nomine patris, god kepe me / et filij for charite, Et spiritus sancti, wher{e} that y goo by lond or els by see! an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} / to a prynce of high{e} degre, þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche / all{e} þo thatt will{e} thrive & thee[1], 4 Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed by my diligence To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience; Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e}, þat[2] for fawt of necligence, y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience. 8 [Sidenote: It is charitable to teach ignorant youths. If any such won’t learn, give them a toy.] To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh{e} hit charitable, for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable; þer-for{e} he þ{a}t no good cañ / ne to nooñ will{e} be agreable. he shall{e} neu{er} y-thryve / þ{er}for{e} take to hym a babull{e}. 12 [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.] [Sidenote: One May I went to a forest, and by the Forester’s leave walked in the woodland,] ++As y rose owt of my bed, in a mery sesou{n} of may, to sporte me in a forest / wher{e} sightes wer{e} fresch{e} & gay, y met w{i}t{h} þe forst{er} / y prayed hym to say me not nay, þat y mygh[t] walke in to his lawnde[3] where þe deer{e} lay. 16 [Sidenote: where I saw three herds of deer in the sunshine.] as y wandered weldsomly[4] / in-to þe lawnd þat was so grene, þer lay iij. herdis of deer{e} / a semely syght for to sene; y behild oñ my right hand / þe soñ þat shoñ so shene; y saw wher{e} walked / a semely yong{e} mañ, þat sklendur was & leene; 20 [Sidenote: A young man with a bow was going to stalk them, but I asked him to walk with me, and inquired whom he served.] his bowe he toke in hand toward þe deer{e} to stalke; y prayed hym his shote to leue / & softely w{i}t{h} me to walke. þis yong{e} mañ was glad / & louyd w{i}t{h} me to talke, he prayed þat he myȝt with{e} me goo / in to som herne[5] or halke[6]; 24 [Sidenote: ‘No one but myself, and I wish I was out of this world.’] þis yong{e} mañ frayned[7] / w{i}t{h} hoom þ{a}t he wo{n}ned þañ, “So god me socour{e},” he said / “Sir, y serue myself / & els nooñ oþ{er} mañ.” “is þy gou{er}naunce good?” y said, / “soñ, say me ȝiff þow cañ.” “y wold y wer{e} owt of þis world” / seid he / “y ne rouȝt how sone whañ.” 28 [Sidenote: ‘Good son, despair is sin; tell me what the matter is. When the pain is greatest the cure is nearest!’] “Sey nought so, good soñ, bewar{e} / me thynketh{e} þow menyst amysse; for god forbedith{e} wanhope, for þat a horrible synne ys, þerfor{e} Soñ, opeñ thyñ hert / for p{er}aveñtur{e} y cowd the lis[8]; “wheñ bale is hext / þañ bote is next” / good sone, lerne well{e} þis.” 32 [Sidenote: ‘Sir, I’ve tried everywhere for a master; but because I know nothing, no one will take me.’] “In certeyñ, sir / y haue y-sought / Ferr{e} & ner{e} many a wilsom way to gete mete[9] a mastir; & for y cowd nouȝt / eu{er}y mañ seid me nay, y cowd no good, ne nooñ y shewd{e} / wher{e} eu{er} y ede day by day but wantouñ & nyce, recheles & lewd{e} / as Iangelyng{e} as a Iay.” 36 [Sidenote: ‘Will you learn if I’ll teach you? What do you want to be?’] ++“Now, son, ȝiff y the teche, wiltow any thyng{e} ler{e}? [Fol. 171b.] wiltow be a s{er}uaunde, plowȝmañ, or a laborer{e}, Courtyour or a clark / Marchaund / or masou{n}, or an artificer{e}, Chamburlayn, or buttiller{e} / panter{e} or karver{e}?” 40 [Sidenote: ‘A Butler, Sir, Panter, Chamberlain, and Carver. Teach me the duties of these.’] ++“The office of buttiler, sir, trewly / panter{e} or chamburlayne, The connyng{e} of a kerver{e}, specially / of þat y wold lerne fayne all{e} þese co{n}nyng{es} to haue / y say yow in certayñ, y shuld pray for your{e} sowle nevyr to come in payne.” 44 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.] [Sidenote: ‘I will, if you’ll love God and be true to your master.’] ++“Son, y shall{e} teche þe with{e} ryght a good will{e}, So þat þow loue god & drede / for þat is ryght and skyll{e}, and to þy mastir be trew / his good{es} þat þow not spill{e}, but hym loue & drede / and hys co{m}maundementȝ dew / fulfylle. 48 [Sidenote: A Panter or Butler must have three knives: 1 to chop loaves, 1 to pare them, 1 to smooth the trenchers.] The furst yer{e}, my soñ, þow shall{e} be panter{e} or buttilar{e}, þow must haue iij. knyffes kene / in pantry, y sey the, eu{er}mar{e}: Oñ knyfe þe loves to choppe, another{e} them for to pare, the iij. sharpe & kene to smothe þe trenchurs and squar{e}.[10] 52 [Sidenote: Give your Sovereign new bread, others one-day-old bread; for the house, three-day bread; for trenchers four-day bread;] alwey thy sou{er}aynes bred thow choppe, & þat it be newe & able; se all{e} oþ{er} bred a day old or þ{o}u choppe to þe table; all{e} howsold bred iij. dayes old / so it is p{ro}fitable; and trencher bred iiij. dayes is co{n}venyent & agreable. 56 [Sidenote: Have your salt white, and your salt-planer of ivory, two inches broad, three long.] loke þy salte be sutill{e}, whyte, fayre and drye, and þy planer{e} for thy salte / shall{e} be made of yverye / þe brede þ{er}of ynches two / þen þe length, ynche told thrye; and þy salt seller{e} lydde / towche not thy salt bye. 60 [Sidenote: Have your table linen sweet and clean, your knives bright, spoons well washed, two wine-augers some box taps, a broaching gimlet, a pipe and bung.] Good soñ, loke þat þy napery be soote / & also feyr{e} & clene, bordcloth{e}, towell{e} & napkyñ, foldyñ all{e} bydene. bryght y-pullished your{e} table knyve, semely in syȝt to sene; and þy spones fayr{e} y-wasch{e} / ye wote well{e} what y meene. 64 looke þow haue tarrers[11] two / a mor{e} & lasse for wyne; wyne canels[12] accordyng{e} to þe tarrers, of box fetice & fyne; also a gymlet sharpe / to broche & perce / sone to turne & twyne, w{i}t{h} fawcet[13] & tampyne[14] redy / to stoppe whe{n} ye se tyme. 68 [Sidenote: To broach a pipe, pierce it with an auger or gimlet, four fingers- breadth over the lower rim, so that the dregs may not rise.] So wheñ þow settyst a pipe abroche / good [sone,] do aft{ur} my lor{e}: iiij fyngur ou{er} / þe ner{e} chyne[15] þow may percer or bor{e}; with tarrer{e} or gymlet perce ye vpward þe pipe ashor{e},[16] and so shall{e} ye not cawse þe lies vp to ryse, y warne yow eu{er} mor{e}. 72 [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.] [Sidenote: Serve Fruit according to the season, figs, dates, quince-marmalade, ginger, &c.] Good sone, all{e} man{er} frute / þat longeth{e} for sesoñ of þe yer{e}, Fygg{es} / reysons / almand{es}, dat{es} / butt{ur}, chese[17] / nottus, apples, & per{e}, Compost{es}[18] & confit{es}, char{e} de quync{es} / white & grene gynger{e}; and ffor aft{ur} questyons, or þy lord sytte / of hym þow know & enquer{e}. 76 [Sidenote: Before dinner, plums and grapes after, pears, nuts, and hard cheese. After supper, roast apples, &c.] Serve fastyng{e} / plommys / damsons / cheries / and grapis to plese; [Fol. 172.] aft{ur} mete / peer{es}, nottys / strawberies, wȳneberies,[19] and hardchese, also blawnderell{es},[20] pepyns / careawey in comfyte / Compost{es}[21] ar like to þese. aftur sopper, rosted apples, per{es}, blaunche powd{er},[22] yo{ur} stomak for to ese. 80 [Sidenote: In the evening don’t take cream, strawberries, or junket, unless you eat hard cheese with them.] [Footnote *: ‘at eve’ has a red mark through as if to cut it out] Bewar at eve[*] / of crayme of cowe & also of the goote, þauȝ it be late, of Strawberies & hurtilberyes / w{i}t{h} the cold Ioncate,[23] For þese may marr{e} many a mañ changyng{e} his astate, but ȝiff he haue aft{u}r, hard chese / wafurs, w{i}t{h} wyne ypocrate.[24] 84 [Sidenote: Hard cheese keeps your bowels open.] hard chese hath{e} þis condiciou{n} in his operaciou{n}: Furst he will{e} a stomak kepe in the botom opeñ,[25] the helth{e} of eu{er}y creatur{e} ys in his condiciou{n}; yf he diete hym̅ thus dayly / he is a good co{n}clusiou{n}. 88 [Sidenote: Butter is wholesome in youth and old age, anti-poisonous, and aperient.] buttir is an holsom mete / furst and eke last,[26] For he will{e} a stomak kepe / & helpe poyson a-wey to cast, also he norisheth{e} a mañ to be laske / and evy humer{us} to wast, and w{i}t{h} white bred / he will{e} kepe þy mouthe in tast. 92 [Sidenote: Milk, Junket, Posset, &c., are binding. Eat hard cheese after them.] Milke, crayme, and crudd{es}, and eke the Ioncate,[27] þey close a ma{n}nes stomak / and so doth{e} þe possate; þerfor{e} ete hard chese aftir, yef ye sowpe late, and drynk romney modou{n},[28] for feere of chekmate.[29] 96 [Sidenote: Beware of green meat; it weakens your belly.] bewar{e} of saladis, grene metis, & of frut{es} rawe for þey make many a mañ haue a feble mawe. Þ{er}for{e}, of suche fresch lust{es} set not an hawe, For suche wantou{n} appetit{es} ar not worth a strawe. 100 [Sidenote: For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat almonds and cheese, but not more than half an ounce.] all{e} man{er} met{is} þat þy teth{e} oñ egge doth sette, take almond{es} þ{er}for{e}; & hard chese loke þ{o}u not for-gette. hit will{e} voide hit awey / but looke to moche þ{er}of not þ{o}u ete; for þe wight of half an vnce w{i}t{h}-owt rompney is gret. 104 [Sidenote: If drinks have given you indigestion, eat a raw apple. Moderation is best sometimes, at others abstinence.] Ȝiff dyu{er}se drynk{es} of their{e} fumosite haue þe dissesid, Ete an appull{e} rawe, & his fumosite will{e} be cesed; mesur{e} is a mery meene / whañ god is not displesed; abstyne{n}s is to prayse what body & sowle ar plesed. 108 [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.] [Sidenote: Look every night that your wines don’t ferment or leak [the _t_ of the MS. has a _k_ over it.] Always carry a gimlet, adze, and linen cloths; and wash the heads of the pipes with cold water.] Take good hede to þe wynes / Red, white / & swete, looke eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} a Candell{e} þ{a}t þey not reboyle / nor lete; eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} cold wat{ur} wash{e} þe pipes hede, & hit not forgete, & all{e}-wey haue a gy{m}let, & a dise,[30] w{i}t{h} lynneñ clowt{es} small{e} or grete. 112 [Sidenote: If the wine boil over, put to it the lees of red wine, and that will cure it. Romney will bring round sick sweet wine.] Ȝiff þe wyne reboyle / þow shall{e} know by hys syngyng{e}; þ{er}for{e} a pipe of colour{e} de rose[31] / þ{o}u kepe þ{a}t was spend in drynkyng{e} the reboyle to Rakke to þe lies of þe rose / þ{a}t shall{e} be his amendyng{e}. [Fol. 172b.] Ȝiff swete wyne be seeke or pallid / put in a Rompney for lesyng{e}.[32] 116 ++Swete Wynes.[33] [Sidenote: _The names of Sweet Wines._] ++The namys of swete wynes y wold þ{a}t ye them knewe: Vernage, vernagell{e}, wyne Cute, pyment, Raspise, Muscadell{e} of grew, Rompney of modoñ, Bastard, Tyre, Oȝey, Torrentyne of Ebrew. Greke, Malevesyñ, Caprik, & Clarey whañ it is newe. 120 [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.] ++Ypocras. [Sidenote: _Recipe for making Ypocras._ Take spices thus, Cinnamon, &c., long Pepper] ++Good soñ, to make ypocras, hit wer{e} gret lernyng{e}, and for to take þe spice þ{er}to aft{ur} þe p{ro}porcionyng{e}, [Sidenote: +for lord{es}[34] [MS].+] [Sidenote: +fo[r] co{m}mynte+] Gynger, Synamome / Graynis, Sugur / Turnesole, þ{a}t is good colouryng{e}; For co{m}myñ peple / Gynger, Canell{e} / long{e} pepur / hony aft{ur} claryfiyng{e}. 124 [Sidenote: Have three basins and three straining-bags to them; hang ’em on a perch.] look ye haue of pewt{ur} basons ooñ, two, & thre, For to kepe in you{re} powdurs / also þe lico{ur} þ{er}in to renne wheñ þ{a}t nede be; to iij. basou{n}s ye must haue iij bagges renners / so clepe ham we, & hang{e} þem̅ oñ a p{er}che, & looke þat Sur{e} they be. 128 [Sidenote: Let your ginger be well pared, hard, not worm-eaten, (Colombyne is better than Valadyne or Maydelyne);] Se þat your{e} gynger be well{e} y-pared / or hit to powd{er} ye bete, and þ{a}t hit be hard / w{i}t{h}-owt worme / bytyng{e}, & good hete; For good gyng{er} colombyne / is best to drynke and ete; Gyng{er} valadyne & maydelyñ ar not so holsom in mete. 132 [Sidenote: your sticks of Cinnamon thin, hot and sweet; Canel is not so good. Cinnamon is hot and dry, Cardamons are hot and moist.] looke þat yo{ur} stikk{es} of synamome be thyñ, bretill{e}, & fayr{e} in colewr{e}, and in your{e} mowth{e}, Fresch{e}, hoot, & swete / þat is best & sure, For canell{e} is not so good in þis crafte & cur{e}. Synamome is hoot & dry in h{i}s worchyng{e} while he will{e} dur{e}. 136 [Sidenote: Take sugar or sugar candy, red wine,] Graynes of p{ar}adise,[35] hoote & moyst þey be: Sugre of .iij. cute[36] / white / hoot & moyst in his p{ro}purte; Sugr{e} Candy is best of all{e}, as y telle the, and red wyne is whote & drye to tast, fele, & see, 140 [Sidenote: graines, ginger, pepper, cinnamon, spice, and turnesole, and put each powder in a bladder by itself.] Graynes[35] / gyng{er}, long{e} pepur, & sugr{e} / hoot & moyst in worchyng{e};[37] Synamome / Canelle[38] / red wyne / hoot & drye in þeir{e} doyng{e}; Turnesole[39] is good & holsom for red wyne colowryng{e}: all{e} þese ingredyent{es}, þey ar for ypocras makyng{e}. 144 [Sidenote: Hang your straining-bags so that they mayn’t touch,--first bag a gallon, others a pottle.] Good soñ, your{e} powdurs so made, vche by þam self in bledd{ur} laid, hang{e} sur{e} your{e} p{er}che & bagges þ{a}t þey from yow not brayd, & þat no bagge touche oþ{er} / do as y haue yow said{e}; þe furst bag a galou{n} / all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e}, vchoñ by oþ{er} teied. 148 [Sidenote: Put the powders in two or three gallons of red wine; then into the runner, the second bag,] Furst put in a basou{n} a galou{n} ij. or iij. wyne so red; [Fol. 173.] þeñ put in your{e} powdurs, yf ye will{e} be sped, and aftyr in-to þe renner{e} so lett hym be fed, þañ in-to þe second bagge so wold it be ledde. 152 [Sidenote: (tasting and trying it now and then), and the third vessel.] loke þ{o}u take a pece in þyne hand eu{er}mor{e} among{e}, and assay it in þy mouth{e} if hit be any thyng{e} strong{e}, and if þow fele it welle boþe w{i}t{h} mouth{e} & tong{e}, þañ put it in þe iij. vessell{e} / & tary not to long{e}. 156 [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as wanted.] And þañ ȝiff þ{o}u feele it be not made p{ar}fete, þat it cast to moche gyng{er}, with synamome alay þ{a}t hete; and if hit haue synamome to moche, w{i}t{h} gyng{er} of iij. cute; þañ if to moche sigur{e} þ{er} be / by discressiou{n} ye may wete. 160 [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as wanted. Mind you keep tasting it. Strain it through bags of fine cloth,] Thus, son, shaltow make p{ar}fite ypocras, as y the say; but w{i}t{h} þy mowth{e} to prove hit, / be þow tastyng{e} all{e}-way; let hit renne in iiij. or vj bagg{es}[40]; gete þem, if þow may, of bultell{e} cloth{e}[41], if þy bagg{es} be þe fyner{e} w{i}t{h}-owteñ nay. 164 [Sidenote: hooped at the mouth, the first holding a gallon, the others a pottle,] Good soñ loke þy bagg{es} be hoopid at þe mothe a-bove, þe surer{e} mayst þow put in þy wyne vn-to þy behoue, þe furst bag of a galou{n} / all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e} to prove; hang{e} þy bagg{es} sur{e} by þe hoopis; do so for my loue; 168 [Sidenote: and each with a basin under it. The Ypocras is made. Use the dregs in the kitchen.] And vndur eu{er}y bagge, good soñ, a basou{n} cler{e} & bryght; and now is þe ypocras made / for to plese many a wight. þe draff of þe spicery / is good for Sewes in kychyn diȝt; and ȝiff þow cast hit awey, þow dost þy mastir no riȝt. 172 [Sidenote: Put the Ypocras in a tight clean vessel, and serve it with wafers.] ++Now, good son, þyne ypocras is made p{ar}fite & well{e}; y wold þan ye put it in staunche & a clene vessell{e}, and þe mouth{e} þ{er}-off y-stopped eu{er} more wisely & fell{e}, and s{er}ue hit forth w{i}t{h} wafurs boþe in chambur & Cell{e}. 176 [Headnote: THE BOTERY.] [Sidenote: _The Buttery._] ++The botery. [Sidenote: Keep all cups, &c., clean. Don’t serve ale till it’s five days old.] ++Thy cuppes / þy pott{es}, þ{o}u se be clene boþe w{i}t{h}-in & owt; [T]hyne ale .v. dayes old er þow s{er}ue it abowt, for ale þat is newe is wastable w{i}t{h}-owteñ dowt: And looke þat all{e} þyng{e} be pure & clene þat ye go abowt. 180 [Sidenote: Be civil and obliging, and give no one stale drink.] Be fayr{e} of answer{e} / redy to s{er}ue / and also gentell{e} of cher{e}, and þañ meñ will{e} sey ‘þer{e} goth{e} a gentill{e} officer{e}.’ be war{e} þat ye geue no p{er}sone palled[42] drynke, for feer{e} hit myȝt bryng{e} many a man in dissese / duryng{e} many a ȝer{e}. 184 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.] [Sidenote: _To lay the cloth_, &c. Wipe the table. Put a cloth on it (a cowche); you take one end, your mate the other;] ++Son, hit is tyme of þe day / þe table wold be layde. [Fol. 173b.] Furst wipe þe table w{i}t{h} a cloth{e} or þ{a}t hit be splayd, þañ lay a cloth{e} oñ þe table / a cowche[43] it is called & said: take þy felow ooñ ende þ{er}of / & þ{o}u þat other{e} that brayde, 188 [Sidenote: lay the fold of the second cloth(?) on the outer edge of the table, that of the third cloth(?) on the inner.] Thañ draw streight þy cloth{e}, & ley þe bouȝt[44] oñ þe vtt{ur} egge of þe table, take þe vpper part / & let hyt hang{e} evyñ able: þanñ take þe .iij. cloth{e}, & ley the bouȝt oñ þe Inner side plesable, and ley estate w{i}t{h} the vpper part, þe brede of half fote is greable. 192 [Sidenote: Cover your cupboard with a diaper towel, put one round your neck, one side on your left arm with your sovereign’s napkin;] Cover þy cuppeborde of thy ewery w{i}t{h} the towell{e} of diapery; take a towell{e} abowt thy nekke / for þat is curtesy, lay þ{a}t ooñ side of þe towaile oñ þy lift arme manerly, an oñ þe same arme ley þy sou{er}aignes napkyñ honestly; 196 [Sidenote: on that, eight loaves to eat, and three or four trencher loaves: in your left the salt-cellar. In your right hand, spoons and knives.] þañ lay oñ þat arme viij. louys bred / w{i}t{h} iij. or iiij. trencher{e} lovis; Take þat oo ende of þy towaile / in þy lift hand, as þe man{er} is, and þe salt Seller{e} in þe same hand, looke þ{a}t ye do this; þat oþ{er} ende of þe towaile / in riȝt hand w{i}t{h} spones & knyffes y-wis; 200 [Sidenote: Put the Salt on the right of your lord; on its left, a trencher or two; on their left, a knife, then white rolls,] Set your{e} salt oñ þe right side / wher{e} sitt{es} your{e} soverayne, oñ þe lyfft Side of your{e} salt / sett your{e} trencher oon & twayne, oñ þe lifft side of yo{ur} tr{e}nchour{e} lay your{e} knyffe syng{u}l{e}r & playñ; [Textnote: [* a space in the MS.]] and oñ þe ....[*] side of your{e} knyff{es} / ooñ by oñ þe white payne; 204 [Sidenote: and beside them a spoon folded in a napkin. Cover all up. At the other end set a Salt and two trenchers.] your{e} spone vppoñ a napkyñ fayr{e} / ȝet foldeñ wold he be, besides þe bred it wold be laid, soñ, y telle the: Cover your spone / napkyñ, trencher, & knyff, þ{a}t no mañ hem se. at þe oþ{er} ende of þe table / a salt w{i}t{h} ij. trenchers sett ye. 208 [Sidenote: _How to wrap up your lord’s bread in a stately way._ Cut your loaves all equal.] [Textnote: [† ? MS.]] +S+{ir},[†] ȝeff þow wilt wrappe þy sou{er}aynes bred stately, Thow must square & p{ro}porciou{n} þy bred clene & evenly, and þat no loof ne bunne be mor{e} þañ oþ{er} p{ro}porcionly, and so shaltow make þy wrappe for þy mast{er} man{er}ly; 212 [Sidenote: Take a towel two and a half yards long by the ends, fold up a handful from each end,] þañ take a towaile of Raynes,[45] of ij. yard{es} and half wold it be, take þy towaile by the end{es} dowble / and fair{e} oñ a table lay ye, þañ take þe end of þ{a}t bought / an handfull{e} in hande, now her{e} ye me: wrap ye hard þat handfull{e} or mor{e} it is þe styffer, y telle þe 216 [Sidenote: and in the middle of the folds lay eight loaves or buns, bottom to bottom;] Þañ ley betwene þe endes so wrapped, in myddes of þat towell{e}, viij loves or bonnes, botom to botom̅, forsothe it will{e} do well{e}, and wheñ þe looff{es} ar betweñ, þañ wrappe hit wisely & fell{e}; and for your{e} enformaciou{n} mor{e} playnly y will{e} yow tell{e}, 220 [Sidenote: put a wrapper on the top, twist the ends of the towel together, smooth your wrapper,] ley it oñ þe vpper part of þe bred, y telle yow honestly; [Fol. 174.] take boþe endis of þe towell{e}, & draw þem straytly, and wrythe an handfull{e} of þe towell{e} next þe bred myghtily, and se þat thy wrapper{e} be made strayt & evyñ styffely. 224 [Sidenote: and quickly open the end of it before your lord.] wheñ he is so y-graithed,[46] as riȝt befor{e} y haue saide, þeñ shall{e} ye opeñ hym thus / & do hit at a brayd, opeñ þe last end of þy wrapper{e} befor{e} þi sou{er}ayne laid, and your{e} bred sett in man{er} & forme: þeñ it is honestly arayd. 228 [Sidenote: After your lord’s lay the other tables. Deck your cupboard with plate, your washing-table with basins, &c.] ++Soñ, wheñ þy sou{er}eignes table is drest in þus array, kou{er} all{e} oþ{er} bord{es} w{i}t{h} Salt{es}; trenchers & cuppes þ{er}oñ ye lay; þan emp{er}iall{e} þy Cuppeborde / w{i}t{h} Silu{er} & gild full{e} gay, þy Ewry borde w{i}t{h} basons & lauo{ur}, wat{ur} hoot & cold, eche oþ{er} to alay. 232 [Sidenote: Have plenty of napkins, &c., and your pots clean.] loke p{a}t ye haue napkyns, spones, & cuppis eu{er} y-nowe to your sou{er}aynes table, your{e} honeste for to allowe, also þat pott{es} for wyne & ale be as clene as þey mowe; be eu{er}more war{e} of flies & mot{es}, y telle þe, for þy prowe. 236 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.] [Sidenote: Make the _Surnape_ with a cloth under a double napkin.] ++The surnape[47] ye shull{e} make w{i}t{h} lowly curtesye with a cloth{e} vndir a dowble of riȝt feir{e} napry; take thy towailes end{es} next yow w{i}t{h}-out vilanye, and þe ende of þe cloth{e} oñ þe vttur side of þe towell{e} bye; 240 [Sidenote: Fold the two ends of your towel, and one of the cloth, a foot over, and lay it smooth for your lord to wash with.] Thus all{e} iij. end{es} hold ye at onis, as ye well{e} may; now fold ye all{e} ther{e} at oonys þ{a}t a pliȝt passe not a fote brede all{e} way, þañ lay hyt fayr{e} & evyñ þer{e} as ye cañ hit lay; þus aft{ur} mete, ȝiff yowr{e} mastir will{e} wasch{e}, þat he may. 244 [Sidenote: The marshal must slip it along the table, and pull it smooth.] at þe riȝt ende of þe table ye must it owt gyde, þe marchall{e} must hit convey along{e} þe table to glide; So of all{e} iij clothes vppeward þe riȝt half þat tide, and þat it be draw strayt & evyñ boþe in length{e} & side. 248 [Sidenote: Then raise the upper part of the towel, and lay it even, so that the Sewer (arranger of dishes) may make a state.] Then must ye draw & reyse / þe vpper p{ar}te of þe towell{e}, Ley it w{i}t{h}-out ruffelyng{e} streiȝt to þat oþ{er} side, y þe telle; þañ at eu{er}y end þ{er}of convay half a yarde or an elle, þat þe sewer{e} may make[A] a state / & plese h{i}s mastir well{e}. 252 [Text note A: _make_ is repeated in the MS.] [Sidenote: When your lord has washed, take up the Surnape with your two arms, and carry it back to the Ewery.] whan þe state hath wasch{e}, þe surnap drawne playne, þeñ must ye ber{e} forþe þe surnape befor{e} your{e} souerayne, and so must ye take it vppe with{e} your{e} armes twayne, and to þe Ewery bere hit your{e} silf agayne. 256 [Sidenote: Carry a towel round your neck. Uncover your bread; see that all diners have knife, spoon, and napkin.] a-bowt your{e} nekke a towell{e} ye ber{e}, so to s{er}ue your{e} lorde, þañ to hym make curtesie, for so it will{e} accorde. vnkeu{er} your{e} brede, & by þe salt sette hit euyñ oñ þe borde; looke þer{e} be knyfe & spone / & napkyñ w{i}t{h}-outy[{n}] any worde. 260 [Sidenote: Bow when you leave your lord. Take eight loaves from the bread-cloth, and put four at each end.] Eu{er} whañ ye dep{ar}te from your{e} sou{er}aigne, looke ye bowe yo{ur} knees; [Fol. 174b.] to þe port-payne[48] forth{e} ye passe, & þer{e} viij. loues ye leese: Set at eiþur end of þe table .iiij. loofes at a mese, þañ looke þat ye haue napkyñ & spone eu{er}y p{er}sone to plese. 264 [Sidenote: Lay for as many persons as the Sewer has set potages for, and have plenty of bread and drink.] wayte well{e} to þe Sewer{e} how many potag{es} keuered he; keu{er} ye so many p{er}sonis for your{e} honeste. þañ serve forth{e} your{e} table / vche p{er}sone to his degre, and þat þ{er} lak no bred / trenchour{e}, ale, & wyne / eu{er}mor{e} ye se. 268 [Sidenote: Be lively and soft-spoken, clean and well dressed. Don’t spit or put your fingers into cups.] be glad of cher{e} / Curteise of kne / & soft of speche, Fayr{e} hand{es}, clene nayles / honest arrayed, y the teche; Coughe[*] not, ner spitte, nor to lowd ye reche, ne put your{e} fyngurs in the cuppe / moot{es} for to seche. 272 [Footnote *: Mark over _h_.] [Sidenote: Stop all blaming and backbiting, and prevent complaints.] yet to all{e} þe lord{es} haue ye a sight / for groggy{n}g{e} & atwytyng{e}[49] of fellows þat be at þe mete, for þeir{e} bakbytyng{e}; Se þey be s{er}ued of bred, ale, & wyne, for complaynyng{e}, and so shall{e} ye haue of all{e} meñ / good loue & praysyng{e}. 276 [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.] [Sidenote: _General Directions for Behaviour._] ++Symple condicions. [Sidenote: Don’t claw your back as if after a flea; or your head, as if after a louse.] ++Symple Co{n}dicyons of a p{er}sone þ{a}t is not taught, y will{e} ye eschew, for eu{er}mor{e} þey be nowght. your{e} hed ne bak ye claw / a fleigh as þaugh{e} ye sought, ne your{e} heer{e} ye stryke, ne pyke / to prall{e}[50] for a flesch{e} mought.[51] 280 [Sidenote: See that your eyes are not blinking and watery. Don’t pick your nose, or let it drop, or blow it too loud,] Glowtyng{e}[52] ne twynkelyng{e} w{i}t{h} your{e} yȝe / ne to heuy of cher{e}, watery / wynkyng{e} / ne droppyng{e} / but of sight cler{e}. pike not your{e} nose / ne þat hit be droppyng{e} w{i}t{h} no peerlis cler{e}, Snyff nor snityng{e}[53] hyt to lowd / lest your{e} sou{er}ayne hit her{e}. 284 [Sidenote: or twist your neck. Don’t claw your cods, rub your hands,] wrye not your{e} nek a doyle[54] as hit wer{e} a dawe; put not your{e} hand{es} in your{e} hoseñ your{e} codwar{e}[55] fer to clawe, nor pikyng{e}, nor trifelyng{e} / ne shrukkyng{e} as þauȝ ye wold sawe; yo{ur} hond{es} frote ne rub / brydelynge w{i}t{h} brest vppoñ yo{ur} crawe; 288 [Sidenote: pick your ears, retch, or spit too far. Don’t tell lies,] w{i}t{h} your{e} eris pike not / ner be ye slow of heryng{e}; areche / ne spitt to ferr{e} / ne haue lowd laughyng{e}; Speke not lowd / be war of mowyng{e}[56] & scornyng{e}; be no lier w{i}t{h} your{e} mouth{e} / ne lykorous, ne dryvelyng{e}. 292 [Sidenote: or squirt with your mouth, gape, pout, or put your tongue in a dish to pick dust out.] w{i}t{h} your{e} mouthe ye vse nowþ{er} to squyrt, nor spowt; be not gapyng{e} nor ganyng{e}, ne w{i}t{h} þy mouth to powt lik not w{i}t{h} þy tong{e} in a disch, a mote to haue owt. Be not rasche ne recheles, it is not worth a clowt. 296 [Sidenote: Don’t cough, hiccup, or belch, straddle your legs, or scrub your body.] w{i}t{h} your{e} brest / sigh{e}, nor cowgh{e} / nor brethe, your{e} sou{er}ayne befor{e}; [Fol. 175.] be yoxing{e},[57] ne bolkyng{e} / ne gronyng{e}, neu{er} þe more; w{i}t{h} your{e} feet trampelyng{e}, ne settyng{e} your{e} leggis a shor{e}[58]; w{i}t{h} your{e} body be not shrubbyng{e}[59]; Iettyng{e}[60] is no loor{e}. 300 [Sidenote: Don’t pick your teeth, cast stinking breath on your lord, fire your stern guns, or expose your codware before your master.] Good soñ, þy teth{e} be not pikyng{e}, grisyng{e},[61] ne gnastynge[62]; ne stynkyng{e} of breth{e} oñ your{e} sou{er}ayne castyng{e}; w{i}t{h} puffyng{e} ne blowyng{e}, nowþ{er} full{e} ne fastyng{e}; and all{e} wey be war{e} of þy hyndur part from gu{n}nes blastyng{e}. 304 These Cuttid[63] galaunt{es} with their{e} codwar{e}; þat is añ vngoodly gise;-- Other tacches[64] as towchyng{e} / y spar{e} not to mysp{ra}ue aft{ur} myne avise,-- wheñ he shall{e} s{er}ue his mastir, befor{e} hym̅ oñ þe table hit lyes; Eu{er}y sou{er}eyne of sadnes[65] all{e} suche sort shall{e} dispise. 308 [Sidenote: Many other improprieties a good servant will avoid.’] Many moo condicions a mañ myght fynde / þañ now ar named her{e}, þ{er}for{e} Eu{er}y honest s{er}uand / avoyd all{e} thoo, & worshipp{e} lat hym leer{e}. Panter, yomañ of þe Celler{e}, butler{e}, & Ewer{e}, y will{e} þat ye obeye to þe marshall{e}, Sewer{e}, & kerver{e}.[66]’ 312 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.] [Sidenote: ‘Sir, pray teach me how to carve, handle a knife, and cut up birds, fish, and flesh.’] “++Good syr, y yow pray þe connyng{e}[A] of kervyng{e} ye will{e} me teche, and þe fayr{e} handlyng{e} of a knyfe, y yow beseche, and all{e} wey wher{e} y shall{e} all{e} man{er} fowles / breke, vnlace, or seche,[67] and w{i}t{h} Fysch{e} or flesch{e}, how shall{e} y demene me w{i}t{h} eche.” 316 [Text note: MS. comynge.] [Sidenote: ‘Hold your knife tight, with two fingers and a thumb,] ++“Soñ, thy knyfe must be bryght, fayr{e}, & clene, and þyne hand{es} fair{e} wasch{e}, it wold þe well{e} be sene. hold alwey thy knyfe sur{e}, þy self not to tene, and passe not ij. fyngurs & a thombe oñ thy knyfe so kene; 320 [Sidenote: in your midpalm. Do your carving, lay your bread, and take off trenchers, with two fingers and thumb.] In mydde wey of thyne hande set the ende of þe haft Sur{e}, Vnlasyng{e} & mynsyng{e} .ij. fyngur{s} w{i}t{h} þe thombe / þ{a}t may ye endur{e}. kervyng{e} / of bred leiyng{e} / voydyng{e} / of cromes & trenchewr{e}, w{i}t{h} ij. fyngurs and a thombe / loke ye haue þe Cure. 324 [Sidenote: Never touch others’ food with your right hand, but only with the left.] Sett neu{er} oñ fysch{e} nor flesch{e} / beest / nor fowle, trewly, Moor{e} þañ ij. fyngurs and a thombe, for þat is curtesie. Touche neu{er} w{i}t{h} your{e} right hande no man{er} mete surely, but w{i}t{h} your lyft hande / as y seid afor{e}, for þ{a}t is goodlye. 328 [Sidenote: Don’t dirty your table or wipe your knives on it.] All{e}-wey w{i}t{h} your{e} lift hand hold yo{ur} loof w{i}t{h} myght, [Fol. 175b.] and hold your{e} knyfe Sur{e}, as y haue geue yow sight. enbrewe[68] not your{e} table / for þañ ye do not ryght, ne þ{er}-vppoñ ye wipe your{e} knyff{es}, but oñ your{e} napkyñ plight. 332 [Sidenote: Take a loaf of trenchers, and with the edge of your knife raise a trencher, and lay it before your lord;] Furst take a loofe of trenchurs in þy lifft hande, þañ take þy table knyfe,[69] as y haue seid afor{e} hande; w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe your{e} trencher{e} vp be ye reysande as nyghe þe poynt as ye may, to-for{e} your{e} lord hit leyande; 336 [Sidenote: lay four trenchers four-square, and another on the top. Take a loaf of light bread,] right so .iiij. trenchers ooñ by a-nothur .iiij. squar{e} ye sett, and vppoñ þo trenchurs .iiij. a trenchur sengle w{i}t{h}-out lett; þañ take your{e} loof of light payne / as y haue said ȝett, and w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe nygh{e} your hand ye kett. 340 [Sidenote: pare the edges, cut the upper crust for your lord,] Furst par{e} þe quarters of the looff round all{e} a-bowt, þañ kutt þe vpper crust / for your{e} sou{er}ayne, & to hym alowt. Suffer{e} your{e} parell{e}[70] to stond still{e} to þe botom / & so nyȝe y-spend owt, so ley hym of þe cromes[A] a quarter of þe looff Sauncȝ dowt; 344 [Text note: MS. _may be_ coomes.] [Sidenote: and don’t touch it after it’s trimmed. Keep your table clean.] Touche neu{er} þe loof aft{ur} he is so tamed, put it, [on] a plater{e} or þe almes disch þ{er}-for{e} named. Make clene your{e} bord eu{er}, þañ shall{e} ye not be blamed, þañ may þe sewer{e} his lord s{er}ue / & neyth{ur} of yow be gramed[71] 348 [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.] [Sidenote: _Indigestibilities._] Fumositees. [Sidenote: You must know what meat is indigestible, and what sauces are wholesome.] ++Of all{e} man{er} met{es} ye must thus know & fele þe fumositees of fysch, flesch{e}, & fowles dyu{er}s & feele, And all{e} man{er} of Sawc{es} for fisch{e} & flesch{e} to p{re}serue yo{ur} lord in heele; to yow it behouyth to knew all{e} þese eu{er}y deele.” 352 ++“Syr, hertyly y pray yow for to telle me Certenle of how many met{es} þat ar fumose in þeir{e} degre.” [Sidenote: These things are indigestible:] ++“In certeyñ, my soñ, þat sone shall{e} y shew the by letturs dyu{er}s told{e} by thries thre, 356 [Sidenote: Fat and Fried, Raw and Resty, Salt and Sour,] +F, R,+ and +S+ / in dyu{er}se tyme and tyde +F+ is þe furst / þat is, ++Fatt, ++Farsed, & ++Fried; +R+, ++raw / ++resty, and ++rechy, ar combero{us} vndefied; +S+ / ++salt / ++sowre / and ++sowse[72] / all{e} suche þow set a-side, 360 [Sidenote: also sinews, skin, hair, feathers, crops, heads, pinions, &c., legs, outsides of thighs, skins;] w{i}t{h} other of the same sort, and lo thus ar thay, Senowis, skynnes / heer{e} / Cropyns[73] / yong{e} fedurs for certeñ y say, heedis / py{n}nyns, boonis / all{e} þese pyke away, Suffir neu{er} þy sou{er}ayne / to fele þem, y the pray / 364 [Sidenote: these destroy your lord’s rest.’] All{e} man{er} leggis also, bothe of fowle and beestis, the vttur side of the thygh{e} or legge of all{e} fowlis in feest{is}, the fumosite of all{e} man{er} skynnes y p{ro}mytt þe{e} by heestis, all{e} þese may benym[74] þy sou{er}ayne / from many nyght{is} rest{is}.” 368 [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.] [Sidenote: ‘Thanks, father, I’ll put your teaching into practice, and pray for you.] ++“Now fayr{e} befall{e} yow fadur / & well{e} must ye cheve,[75] For these poyntes by practik y hope full{e} well{e} to p{re}ve, and yet shall{e} y p{ra}y for yow / dayly while þat y leue / bothe for body and sowle / þat god yow gyde from greve; 372 [Sidenote: But please tell me how to carve fish and flesh.’] Prayng{e} yow to take it, fadur / for no displesur{e}, yf y durst desir{e} mor{e} / and þat y myght{e} be sur{e} to know þe kervyng{e} of fisch{e} & flesch{e} / aftur cock{es} cur{e}: y hed leu{er} þe sight of that / thañ A Scarlet hur{e}.”[76] 376 [Sidenote: _Carving of Meat._] Kervyng of flesh: [Sidenote: Cut _brawn_ on the dish, and lift slices off with your knife;] ++“Son, take þy knyfe as y taught þe while er{e}, kut bravne in þe disch{e} riȝt as hit lieth{e} ther{e}, and to þy sou{er}eynes trenchour{e} / w{i}t{h} þe knyfe / ye h{i}t ber{e}: pare þe fatt þ{er}-from / be war{e} of hide & heer{e}. 380 [Sidenote: serve it with mustard. Venison with furmity.] Thañ whan ye haue it so y-leid / oñ þy lord{es} trenchour{e}, looke ye haue good mustarde þ{er}-to and good licour{e}; Fatt venesou{n} w{i}t{h} frumenty / hit is a gay plesewr{e} your{e} sou{er}ayne to s{er}ue with in sesou{n} to his honowr{e}: 384 [Sidenote: Touch _Venison_ only with your knife, pare it, cross it with 12 scores,] Towche not þe venisou{n} w{i}t{h} no bare hand but with{e} þy knyfe; þis wise shall{e} ye be doand{e}, with{e} þe fore part of þe knyfe looke ye be hit parand, xij. draught{es} w{i}t{h} þe egge of þe knyfe þe venison crossand{e}. 388 [Sidenote: cut a piece out, and put it in the furmity soup.] Thañ whañ ye þat venesou{n} so haue chekkid hit, [Fol. 176b.] with þe fore p{ar}te of your{e} knyfe / þ{a}t ye hit owt kytt, In þe frume{n}ty potage honestly ye co{n}vey hit, in þe same forme w{i}t{h} pesyñ & bakeñ whañ sesou{n} þ{er}-to doth{e} sitt. 392 [Sidenote: Touch with your left hand, pare it clean, put away the sinews, &c.] With{e} your{e} lift hand touche beeff / Chyne[77] / motou{n}, as is a-for{e} said, & pare hit clene or þ{a}t ye kerve / or hit to yo{ur} lord be layd; and as it is showed afor{e} / bewar{e} of vpbrayd{e}; all{e} fumosite, salt / senow / Raw / a-side be hit convayd{e}. 396 [Sidenote: _Partridges_, &c.: take up by the pinion, and mince them small in the sirrup.] In siripp{e} / p{ar}trich{e} / stokdove / & chekyns, in s{er}uyng{e}, w{i}t{h} yo{ur} lifft hand take þem by þe pynoñ of þe whyng{e}, & þat same w{i}t{h} þe fore p{ar}te of þe knyfe be ye vp reryng{e}, Mynse hem small{e} in þe sirupp{e}: of fumosite algate be ye feeryng{e}. 400 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS, SWAN, CAPON, &C.] [Sidenote: Larger roast birds, as the _Osprey_, &c., raise up [? cut off] the legs, then the wings,] Good soñ, of all{e} fowles rosted y tell{e} yow as y Cañ, Every goos / teele / Mallard / Ospray / & also swanne, reyse vp þo leggis of all{e} þese furst, y sey the thañ, afft{ur} þat, þe whyng{es} large & rownd / þañ dar{e} blame þe no man; 404 [Sidenote: lay the body in the middle, with the wings and legs round it, in the same dish.] Lay the body in mydd{es} of þe disch{e} / or in a-nod{ur} charger{e}, of vche of þese w{i}t{h} whyng{es} in mydd{es}, þe legg{es} so aftir ther{e}. of all{e} þese in .vj. lees[78] / if þat ye[A] will{e}, ye may vppe arer{e}, & ley þem̅ betwene þe legg{es}, & þe whyng{es} in þe same plater{e}. 408 [Text note: _MS. may be_ yo.] [Sidenote: _Capons:_ take off the wings and legs; pour on ale or wine, mince them into the flavoured sauce.] Capoñ, & hen of hawt grees[79], þus wold þey be dight:-- Furst, vn-lace þe whynges, þe legg{es} þan in sight, Cast ale or wyne oñ þem̅, as þ{er}-to belo{n}geth of ryght, & mynse þem̅ þañ in to þe sawce w{i}t{h} powdurs kene of myght. 412 [Sidenote: Give your lord the left wing, and if he want it, the right one too.] Take capou{n} or heñ so enlased, & devide; take þe lift whynge; in þe sawce mynce hit eueñ beside, and yf your{e} sou{er}ayne ete sau{er}ly / & haue þ{er}to appetide, þañ mynce þat oþur whyng{e} þ{er}-to to satisfye hym̅ þ{a}t tyde. 416 [Sidenote: _Pheasants_, &c.: take off the wings, put them in the dish, then the legs.] Feysaunt, p{ar}trich{e}, plou{er}, & lapewynk, y yow say, areyse[80] þe whyng{es} furst / do as y yow pray; In þe disch{e} forth{e}-with{e}, boþe þat ye ham lay, þañ aftur þat / þe leggus / w{i}t{h}out lengur delay. 420 [Sidenote: _Woodcocks_, Heronshaws, Brew, &c. break the pinions, neck, and beak.] wodcok / Betowr{e}[81] / Egret[82] / Snyte[83] / and Curlew, heyrou{n}sew[84] / resteratiff þey ar / & so is the brewe;[85] þese .vij. fowles / must be vnlaced, y tell{e} yow trew, breke þe pynons / nek, & beek, þus ye must þem shew. 424 [Sidenote: Cut off the legs, then the wings, lay the body between them.] Thus ye must þem vnlace / & in thus manere: [Fol. 177.] areyse þe leggis / suffir{e} þeir{e} feete still{e} to be oñ ther{e}, þañ þe whyng{es} in þe disch{e} / ye may not þem forber{e}, þe body þañ in þe middes laid / like as y yow leer{e}. 428 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.] [Sidenote: _Crane_: take off the wings, but not the trompe in his breast.] The Crane is a fowle / þat strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e}; þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e}; of hyr{e} trompe[86] in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye bewar{e}. towche not hir trompe / eu{er}mor{e} þat ye spar{e}. 432 [Sidenote: _Peacocks_, &c.: carve like you do the Crane, keeping their feet on.] Pecok / Stork / Bustarde / & Shovellewr{e}, ye must vnlace þem in þe plite[87] / of þe crane prest & pur{e}, so þ{a}t vche of þem̅ haue þeyre feete aft{ur} my cur{e}, and eu{er} of a sharpe knyff wayte þat ye be sur{e}. 436 [Sidenote: _Quails_, larks, pigeons: give your lord the legs first.] Of quayle / sparow / larke / & litell{e} / m{er}tinet, pygeou{n} / swalow / thrusch{e} / osull{e} / ye not forgete, þe legges to ley to yo{ur} sou{er}eyne ye ne lett, and afturward þe whyngus if his lust be to ete. 440 [Sidenote: _Fawn_: serve the kidney first, then a rib. Pick the fyxfax out of the neck.] Off Foweñ / kid / lambe, / þe kydney furst it lay, Þañ lifft vp the shuldur, do as y yow say, Ȝiff he will{e} þ{er}of ete / a rybbe to hym̅ convay; but in þe nek þe fyxfax[88] þat þow do away. 444 venesou{n} rost / in þe disch{e} if your{e} sou{er}ayne hit chese, [Sidenote: _Pig_: 1. shoulder, 2. rib. _Rabbit_: lay him on his back; pare off his skin;] þe shuldir of a pigge furst / þañ a rybbe, yf hit will{e} hym plese; þe cony, ley hym oñ þe bak in þe disch, if he haue grece, while ye par awey þe skyñ oñ vche side / & þañ breke hym̅ or y[e] sece 448 [Sidenote: break his haunch bone, cut him down each side of the back, lay him on his belly, separate the sides from the chine, put them together again,] betwene þe hyndur legg{is} breke þe canell{e} booñ,[89] þañ w{i}t{h} your{e} knyfe areyse þe sides along{e} þe chyne Alone; so lay yo{ur} cony wombelong{e} vche side to þe chyne / by craft as y co{n}ne, betwene þe bulke, chyne, þe sid{es} to-gedur{e} lat þem be dooñ; 452 [Sidenote: cutting out the nape of the neck; give your lord the sides.] The .ij. sides dep{ar}te from þe chyne, þus is my loor{e}, þen ley bulke, chyne, & sides, to-gedir{e} / as þey wer{e} yor{e}. Furst kit owte þe nape in þe nek / þe shuldurs befor{e}; w{i}t{h} þe sides serve your{e} sou{er}anyne / hit state to restor{e}. 456 [Sidenote: Sucking rabbits: cut in two, then the hind part in two; pare the skin off, serve the daintiest bit from the side.] Rabett{es} sowkers,[90] þe furþ{er} p{ar}te from þe hyndur, ye devide; þañ þe hyndur part at tweyñ ye kut þat tyde, par{e} þe skyñ away / & let it not þer{e} abide, þañ s{er}ue your{e} sou{er}ayne of þe same / þe deynteist of þe side. 460 [Sidenote: Such is the way of carving gross meats.] ++The man{er} & forme of kervyng{e} of met{es} þat byñ groos, [Fol. 177b.] afftur my symplenes y haue shewed, as y suppose: yet, good soñ, amonge oþ{er} estat{es} eu{er} as þow goose, as ye se / and by vse of your{e} self / ye may gete yow loos. 464 [Sidenote: Cut each piece into four slices (?) for your master to dip in his sauce.] But furþ{er}mor{e} enforme yow y must in metis kervyng{e}; Mynse ye must iiij lees[91] / to ooñ morsell{e} hangyng{e}, þat your{e} mastir may take w{i}t{h} .ij. fyngurs in his sawce dippyng{e}, and so no napkyñ / brest, ne borcloth{e}[92], in any wise enbrowyng{e}. 468 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.] [Sidenote: Of large birds’ wings, put only three bits at once in the sauce.] Of gret fowle / in to þe sawce mynse þe whyng{e} this wise; pas not .iij. morcell{es} in þe sawc{e} at onis, as y yow avise; To your{e} sou{er}ayne þe gret fowles legge ley, as is þe gise, and þus mowe ye neu{er} mysse of all{e} co{n}nyng{e} s{er}uise. 472 [Sidenote: Of small birds’ wings, scrape the flesh to the end of the bone, and put it on your lord’s trencher.] Of all{e} man{er} smale brydd{is}, þe whyng{is} oñ þe trencher leying{e}, w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyfe / þe flesch{e} to þe booñ end ye bryng{e}, and so co{n}veye hit oñ þe trencher{e}, þ{a}t wise yo{ur} sou{er}ayne plesyng{e}, and w{i}t{h} fair{e} salt & trenchour{e} / hym̅ also oft renewyng{e}. 476 [Sidenote: _How to carve Baked Meats._] Bake metes.[93] [Sidenote: Open hot ones at the top of the crust, cold ones in the middle.] Almaner{e} bakemet{es} þat byñ good and hoot, Opeñ hem aboue þe brym of þe coffyñ[94] cote, and all{e} þat byñ cold / & lusteth your{e} sou{er}eyñ to note, alwey in þe mydway opeñ hem ye mote. 480 [Sidenote: Take Teal, &c., out of their pie, and mince their wings,] Of capoñ, chikeñ, or teele, in coffyñ bake, Owt of þe pye furst þat ye hem take, In a dische besyde / þat ye þe whyngus slake, thynk[95] y-mynsed in to þe same w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyfe ye slake, 484 [Sidenote: stir the gravy in; your lord may eat it with a spoon.] And ster{e} well{e} þe stuff þ{er}-in w{i}t{h} þe poynt of yo{ur} knyfe; Mynse ye thynne þe whyng{is}, be it in to veele or byffe; w{i}t{h} a spone lightely to ete yo{ur} sou{er}ayne may be leeff, So w{i}t{h} suche diet as is holsom he may length{e} his life. 488 [Sidenote: Cut Venison, &c., in the pasty. Custard: cut in squares with a knife.] ++Venesou{n} bake, of boor or othur venur{e}, [Fol. 178.] Kut it in þe pastey, & ley hit oñ his trenchur{e}. Pygeoñ bake, þe legg{is} leid to your{e} lord sur{e}, Custard,[96] chekkid buche,[97] squar{e} w{i}t{h} þe knyfe; þ{us} is þe cur{e} 492 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.] [Sidenote: Dowcets: pare away the sides; serve in a sawcer.] Þañ þe sou{er}ayne, w{i}t{h} his spone whañ he lusteth{e} to ete. of dowcet{es},[98] par{e} awey the sid{es} to þe botom̅, & þ{a}t ye lete, In a sawcer{e} afor{e} your{e} sou{er}ayne semely ye hit sett whañ hym̅ liketh{e} to atast: looke ye not forgete. 496 [Sidenote: Payne-puff: pare the bottom, cut off the top. Fried things are indigestible.] Payne Puff,[99] par{e} þe botom nyȝe þe stuff, take hede, Kut of þe toppe of a payne puff, do thus as y rede; [Textnote: (? p{ar}neys)] Also pety p{er}ueys[100] be fayr{e} and clene / so god be your{e} spede. off Fryed met{es}[101] be war{e}, for þey ar Fumose in dede. 500 Fried metes. [Sidenote: Poached-egg (?) fritters are best. Tansey is good hot. Don’t eat Leessez.] ++O Frutur{e} viant[102] / Frutur sawge,[102] byñ good / bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche;[102] Appull{e} frutur{e}[103] / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche. Tansey[104] is good hoot / els cast it not in your{e} clowche. all{e} man{er} of leesseȝ[105] / ye may forber{e} / herber{e} in yow none sowche. 504 _Len-voy_ [Sidenote: Cooks are always inventing new dishes that tempt people and endanger their lives:] { Cook{es} w{i}t{h} þeir{e} newe co{n}ceyt{es}, choppyng{e} / stampyng{e}, & gryndyng{e}, { Many new curies / all{e} day þey ar co{n}tryvyng{e} & Fyndyng{e} { þ{a}t p{ro}voketh{e} þe peple to p{er}ell{es} of passage / þrouȝ peyne soor{e} pyndyng{e}, { & þrouȝ nice excesse of suche receyt{es} / of þe life to make a endyng{e}. 508 [Sidenote: Syrups Comedies, Jellies, that stop the bowels.] { Some w{i}t{h} Sireppis[106] / Sawces / Sewes,[107] and soppes,[108] { Comedies / Cawdell{es}[109] cast in Cawdrons / ponnes, or pottes, { leesses / Ielies[110] / Fruturs / fried mete þat stoppes { and distempereth{e} all{e} þe body, bothe bak, bely, & roppes:[111] 512 [Sidenote: Some dishes are prepared with unclarified honey. Cow-heels and Calves’ feet are sometimes mixed with unsugared leches and Jellies.] { Some man{er} cury of Cooke{s} crafft Sotelly y haue espied, { how þeir{e} dischmet{es} ar dressid w{i}t{h} hony not claryfied. { Cow heelis / and Calves fete / ar der{e} y-bouȝt some tide { To medill{e} among{e} leeches[112] & Ielies / whañ sug{er} shall{e} syt a-side. 516 [Headnote: POTAGES.] Potages.[113] [Sidenote: Furmity with venison, mortrewes,] ++Wortus w{i}t{h} an henne / Cony / beef, or els añ haar{e}, [Fol. 178b.] Frumenty[114] w{i}t{h} venesou{n} / pesyñ w{i}t{h} bakoñ, long{e} wort{es} not spar{e}; Gr{ow}ell{e} of force[115] / Gravell{e} of beeff[116] / or motou{n}, haue ye no car{e}; Gely, mortrows[117] / creyme of almond{es}, þe mylke[118] {þer}-of is good fare. 520 [Sidenote: jussell, &c., are good. Other out-of-the-way soups set aside.] Iussell{e}[119], tartlett[120], cabag{es}[121], & nombles[122] of vennur{e},[A] all{e} þese potages ar good and sur{e} of oþ{er} sewes & potages þ{a}t ar not made by natur{e}, all{e} Suche siropis sett a side your{e} heer{e} to endur{e}. 524 [Text note: The long _r_ and curl for _e_ in the MS. look like f, as if for vennuf.] [Sidenote: Such is a flesh feast in the English way.] ++Now, soñ, y haue yow shewid somewhat of myne avise, þe service of a flesch{e} feest folowyng{e} englondis gise; Forgete ye not my loor{e} / but looke ye ber{e} good yȝes vppoñ oþur co{n}nyng{e} kervers: now haue y told yow twise. 528 [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.] [Sidenote: Sauces.] Diuerce Sawces.[123] [Sidenote: Sauces provoke a fine appetite.] ++Also to know your{e} sawces for flesch{e} conveniently, hit p{ro}vokith{e} a fyne apetide if sawce your{e} mete be bie; to the lust of your{e} lord looke þ{a}t ye haue þer redy suche sawce as hym liketh{e} / to make hym glad & mery. 532 [Sidenote: Have ready Mustard for brawn, &c., Verjuice for veal, &c., Chawdon for cygnet and swan, Garlic, &c., for beef and goose,] Mustard[124] is meete for brawne / beef, or powdred[125] motou{n}; verdius[126] to boyled capou{n} / veel / chikeñ /or bakoñ; And to signet / & swañ, co{n}venyent is þe chawdoñ[127]; Roost beeff / & goos / w{i}t{h} garlek, vinegr{e}, or pepur,[[127a]] in co{n}clusiou{n}. 536 [Sidenote: Ginger for fawn, &c., Mustard and sugar for pheasant, &c., Gamelyn for heronsew, &c., Sugar and Salt for brew, &c.,] Gyng{er} sawce[128] to lambe, to kyd / pigge, or fawñ / in fere; to feysand, p{ar}trich{e}, or cony / Mustard w{i}t{h} þe sugur{e}; Sawce gamelyñ[129] to heyroñ-sewe / egret / crane / & plover{e}; also / brewe[130] / Curlew / sugre & salt / w{i}t{h} water{e} of þe ryver{e}; 540 [Sidenote: Gamelyn for bustard, &c., Salt and Cinnamon for woodcock, thrushes, &c., and quails, &c.] Also for bustard / betowr{e} / & shoveler{e},[131] gamelyñ[132] is in sesou{n}; Wodcok / lapewynk / M{er}tenet / larke, & venysou{n}, Sparows / thrusches / all{e} þese .vij. w{i}t{h} salt & synamome: Quayles, sparowes, & snytes, whañ þeir{e} sesou{n} com,[133] 544 Thus to p{ro}voke a{n} appetide þe Sawce hath{e} is op{er}aciou{n}. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.] [Sidenote: _How to carve Fish._] Kervyng of fische.[134] [Sidenote: With pea soup or furmity serve a Beaver’s tail, salt Porpoise, &c.] ++Now, good soñ, of kervyng{e} of fysch{e} y wot y must þe leer{e}: To pesoñ[135] or frumeñty take þe tayle of þe bever{e},[136] or ȝiff ye haue salt purpose[137] / ȝele[138] / torrentill{e}[139], deynteith{us} fulle der{e}, 548 ye must do aftur{e} þe forme of frumenty, as y said while er{e}. [Sidenote: Split up Herrings, take out the roe and bones, eat with mustard.] Bakeñ heryng{e}, dressid & diȝt w{i}t{h} white sugur{e}; þe white heryng{e} by þe bak a brode ye splat hym̅ sur{e}, bothe rough{e} & boon{us} / voyded / þeñ may your{e} lorde endur{e} 552 to ete merily w{i}t{h} mustard þ{a}t tyme to his plesur{e}. [Sidenote: Take the skin off salt fish, Salmon, Ling, &c., and let the sauce be mustard,] Of all{e} man{er} salt fisch{e}, looke ye par{e} awey the felle, Salt samou{n} / Congur[140], grone[141] fisch{e} / boþe lyng{e}[142] & myllewelle[143], & oñ your{e} sou{er}aynes trenche{ur} ley hit, as y yow telle. 556 þe sawce þ{er}-to, good mustard, alway accordeth{e} well{e}. [Sidenote: but for Mackarel, &c., butter of Claynes or Hackney (?)] Saltfysch{e}, stokfisch{e}[144] / m{er}lyng{e}[145] / makerell{e}, butt{ur} ye may w{i}t{h} swete butt{ur} of Claynos[146] or els of hakenay, þe boon{us}, skynnes / & fynnes, furst y-fette a-way, 560 þeñ sett your{e} dische þer{e} as your{e} sou{er}ey{n} may tast & assay. [Sidenote: Of Pike, the belly is best, with plenty of sauce.] Pike[147], to your{e} sou{er}eyñ y wold þat it be layd, þe wombe is best, as y haue herd it said{e}, Fysch{e} & skyñ to-gedir be hit convaied 564 w{i}t{h} pike sawce y-noughe þ{er}-to / & h{i}t shall{e} not be denayd. [Sidenote: Salt Lampreys, cut in seven gobbets, pick out the backbones, serve with onions and galentine.] The salt lamprey, gobeñ hit a slout[148] .vij. pec{is} y assigne; þañ pike owt þe boon{us} nyȝe þe bak spyne, and ley hit oñ {your} lord{es} trencher{e} wheþ{er} he sowpe or dyne, 568 & þat ye haue ssoddyñ ynons[149] to meddill{e} w{i}t{h} galantyne.[150] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.] [Sidenote: Plaice: cut off the fins, cross it with a knife, sauce with wine, &c.] Off playce,[151] looke ye put a-way þe wat{ur} clene, afft{ur} þat þe fynnes also, þat þey be not sene; Crosse hym þeñ w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyffe þat is so kene; 572 wyne or ale / powd{er} þ{er}-to, your{e} sou{er}ayñ well{e} to queme. [Sidenote: Gurnard, Chub, Roach, Dace, Cod, &c., split up and spread on the dish.] Gurnard / roche[152] / breme / chevyñ / base / melet / in her kervyng{e}, Perche / rooche[153] / darce[154] / Makerell{e}, & whityng{e}, Codde / haddok / by þe bak / splat þem̅ in þe disch{e} liyng{e}, 576 pike owt þe boon{us}, clense þe refett[155] in þe bely bydyng{e}; [Sidenote: Soles, Carp, &c., take off as served.] Soolus[156] / Carpe / Breme de mer{e},[157] & trowt, [Fol. 179b.] þey must be takyñ of as þey in þe disch{e} lowt, bely & bak / by gobyñ[158] þe booñ to pike owt, 580 so serve ye lord{es} trencher{e}, looke ye well{e} abowt. [Sidenote: Whale, porpoise, congur, turbot, Halybut, &c., cut in the dish,] Whale / Swerdfysch{e} / purpose / dorray[159] / rosted wele, Bret[160] / samoñ / Congur[161] / sturgeou{n} / turbut, & ȝele, þornebak / thurle polle / hound fysch[162] / halybut, to hy{m} þ{a}t hath{e} heele, 584 all{e} þese / cut in þe disch{e} as your{e} lord eteth{e} at meele. [Sidenote: and also Tench in jelly. On roast Lamprons cast vinegar, &c., and bone them.] Tenche[163] in Iely or in Sawce[164] / loke þe{re} ye kut hit so, and oñ your{e} lord{es} trencher{e} se þ{a}t it be do. Elis & lampurnes[165] rosted / wher{e} þ{a}t eue{r} ye go, 588 Cast vinegr{e} & powd{er} þ{er}oñ / furst fette þe bon{us} þem̅ fro. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.] [Sidenote: Crabs are hard to carve: break every claw, put all the meat in the body-shell,] Crabbe is a slutt / to kerve / & a wrawd[166] wight; breke eu{er}y Clawe / a sond{ur} / for þ{a}t is his ryght: In þe brode shell{e} putt your{e} stuff / but furst haue a sight 592 þat it be clene from skyñ / & senow / or ye begyñ to dight. [Sidenote: and then season it with _vinegar or verjuice_ and powder. (?)] And what[167] ye haue piked / þe stuff owt of eu{er}y shell{e} w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyff, loke ye temp{er} hit well{e}, put vinegr{e} / þ{er}to, verdjus, or aysell{e},[168] 596 Cast þ{er}-oñ powdur, the bettur it will{e} smell{e}. [Sidenote: Heat it, and give it to your lord. Put the claws, broken, in a dish.] Send þe Crabbe to þe kychyñ / þer{e} for to hete, agayñ hit facch{e} to þy sou{er}ayne sittyng{e} at mete; breke þe clawes of þe crabbe / þe small{e} & þe grete, 600 In a disch þem̅ ye lay / if hit like yo{ur} sou{er}ayne to ete. [Sidenote: The sea Crayfish: cut it asunder, slit the belly of the back part, take out the fish,] Crevise[169] / þus wise ye must them dight: Dep{ar}te the crevise a-sondir{e} euyñ to your{e} sight, Slytt þe bely of the hyndur part / & so do ye right, 604 and all{e} hoole take owt þe fisch{e}, like as y yow behight. [Sidenote: clean out the _gowt_ in the middle of the sea Crayfish’s back; pick it out, tear it off the fish,] Par{e} awey þe red skyñ for dyu{er}s cawse & dowt, and make clene þe place also / þat ye call{e} his gowt,[170] hit lies in þe mydd{es} of þe bak / looke ye pike it owt; 608 areise hit by þe þyknes of a grote / þe fisch{e} rownd abowt. [Sidenote: and put vinegar to it; break the claws and set them on the table.] put it in a disch{e} lees{e} by lees[171] / & þat ye not forgete to put vinegr{e} to þe same / so it towche not þe mete; breke þe gret clawes your{e} self / ye nede no cooke to trete, 612 Set þem̅ oñ þe table / ye may / w{i}t{h}-owt any man{er} heete. [Sidenote: Treat the back like the crab, stopping both ends with bread.] The bak of þe Crevise, þus he must be sted: array hym̅ as ye doth{e} / þe crabbe, if þat any be had, and boþe end{es} of þe shell{e} / Stoppe them fast w{i}t{h} bred, 616 & s{er}ue / your{e} sou{er}eyñ þ{er} w{i}t{h} / as he liketh{e} to be fedd. [Sidenote: The fresh-water Crayfish: serve with vinegar and powder.] Of Crevis dewe douȝ[172] Cut his bely a-way, [Fol. 180.] þe fisch{e} in A disch{e} clenly þat ye lay w{i}t{h} vineg{er} & powdur þ{er} vppoñ, þus is vsed ay, 620 þañ your{e} sou{er}ayne / whañ hym semeth{e}, sadly he may assay. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.] [Sidenote: Salt Sturgeon: slit its joll, or head, thin. Whelk: cut off its head and tail, throw away its operculum, mantle, &c.,] The Iolle[173] of þe salt sturgeou{n} / thyñ / take hede ye slytt, & rownd about þe disch{e} dresse ye musteñ hit. Þe whelke[174] / looke þat þe hed / and tayle awey be kytt, 624 his pyntill[175] & gutt / almond & mantill{e},[176] awey þ{er} fro ye pitt; [Sidenote: cut it in two, and put it on the sturgeon, adding vinegar.] Theñ kut ye þe whelk asond{ur}, eveñ pec{is} two, and ley þe pecis þ{er}of / vppoñ your{e} sturgeou{n} so, rownd all abowt þe disch / while þ{a}t hit will{e} go; 628 put vinegr{e} þ{er}-vppoñ / þe bett{ur} þañ will{e} hit do. [Sidenote: Carve Baked Lampreys thus: take off the piecrust, put thin slices of bread on a Dish,] Fresch{e} lamprey bake[177] / þus it must be dight: Opeñ þe pastey lid, þ{er}-in to haue a sight, Take þeñ white bred þyñ y-kut & liȝt, 632 lay hit in a charger{e} / disch{e}, or plater, ryght; [Sidenote: pour galentyne over the bread, add cinnamon and red wine.] w{i}t{h} a spone þeñ take owt þe gentill{e} galantyne,[178] In þe disch{e}, oñ þe bred / ley hit, le{m}mañ myne, þeñ take powd{ur} of Synamome, & te{m}p{er} hit w{i}t{h} red wyne: 636 þe same wold plese a por{e} mañ / y suppose, well{e} & fyne. [Sidenote: Mince the lampreys, lay them on the sauce, &c., on a hot plate, serve up to your lord.] Mynse ye þe gobyns as thyñ as a grote, þañ lay þem̅ vppoñ your{e} galantyne stondyng{e} oñ a chaffir{e} hoote: þus must ye diȝt a lamprey owt of his coffyñ cote, 640 and so may your{e} sou{er}ayne ete merily be noote. [Sidenote: White herrings fresh; the roe must be white and tender serve with salt and wine.] White heryng{e} in a disch{e}, if hit be seaward & fressh{e}, yo{ur} sou{er}eyñ to ete in seesou{n} of yer{e} / þ{er}-aft{ur} he will{e} Asch{e}. looke he be white by þe booñ / þe rough{e} white & nesch{e}; 644 w{i}t{h} salt & wyne s{er}ue ye hym̅ þe same / boldly, & not to bassh{e}. [Sidenote: Shrimps picked, lay them round a sawcer, and serve with vinegar.”] Shrympes well{e} pyked / þe scales awey ye cast, Round abowt a sawcer / ley ye þem in hast; þe vinegr{e} in þe same sawcer, þ{a}t your{e} lord may attast, 648 þañ w{i}t{h} þe said fisch{e} / he may fede hym̅ / & of þem make no wast.” [Sidenote: “Thanks, father, I know about Carving now,] ++“Now, fadir, feir{e} falle ye / & crist yow haue in cure, For of þe nurtur{e} of kervyng{e} y suppose þat y be sur{e}, [Fol. 180b.] but yet a-nod{ur} office þ{er} is / saue y dar not endure 652 to frayne yow any further / for feer{e} of displesur{e}: [Sidenote: but I hardly dare ask you about a Sewer’s duties, how he is to serve.”] For to be a sewer{e} y wold y hed þe co{n}nyng{e}, þañ durst y do my devoir{e} / w{i}t{h} any worshipfull{e} to be wo{n}nyng{e}; señ þat y know þe course / & þe craft of kervyng{e}, 656 y wold se þe siȝt of a Sewer{e}[179] / what wey he / sheweth{e} in s{er}uyng{e}.” [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.] [Sidenote: _The Duties of a Sewer._] Office of a sewer.[180] [Sidenote: “Son, since you wish to learn, I will gladly teach you.] ++“Now sen yt is so, my son / þat science ye wold fayñ lere, drede yow no þyng{e} daungeresnes; þ{us}[A] y shall{e} do my dever{e} to enforme yow feithfully w{i}t{h} ryght gladsom cher{e}, 660 & yf ye woll{e} lysteñ my lor{e} / somewhat ye shall{e} her{e}: [Text note: Inserted in a seemingly later hand.] [Sidenote: Let the Sewer, as soon as the Master begins to say grace, hie to the kitchen.] Take hede whañ þe worshipfull{e} hed / þat is of any place hath wasch{e} afor{e} mete / and bigy{n}neth{e} to sey þe grace, Vn-to þe kechyñ þañ looke ye take your{e} trace, 664 Entendyng & at your{e} co{m}maundyng{e} þe s{er}uaund{es} of þe place; [Sidenote: I. Ask the Panter for fruits (as butter, grapes, &c.),] Furst speke w{i}t{h} þe panter{e} / or officer{e} of þe spicery For frutes a-fore mete to ete þem fastyng{e}ly, as butt{ur} / plommes / damesyns, grapes, and chery, 668 Suche in sesons of þe yer{e} / ar served / to make meñ mery, [Sidenote: if they are to be served. II. Ask the cook and Surveyor what dishes are prepared.] Serche and enquere of þem̅ / yf such{e} s{er}uyse shall{e} be þat day; þan co{m}myñ w{i}t{h} þe cooke / and looke what he will{e} say; þe surveyour{e} & he / þe certeynte tell{e} yow will{e} þay, 672 what met{es} // & how many disches / þey dyd for{e} puruay. [Sidenote: III. Let the Cook serve up the dishes, the Surveyor deliver them] And whañ þe surveour{e}[181] & þe Cooke / w{i}t{h} yow done accorde, þen shall{e} þe cook dresse all{e} þyng{e} to þe surveyng{e} borde, þe surveour{e} sadly / & soburly / w{i}t{h}-owteñ any discorde 676 Delyu{er} forth{e} his disches, ye to co{n}vey þem̅ to þe lorde; [Sidenote: and you, the Sewer, have skilful officers to prevent any dish being stolen.] And wheñ ye bith{e} at þe borde / of s{er}uyce and surveyng{e}, [Fol. 181.] se þat ye haue officers boþe courtly and co{n}nyng{e}, For drede of a disch{e} of your{e} course stelyng{e}[181], 680 whych{e} myght cawse a vileny ligtly in your{e} s{er}uice sewyng{e}. [Sidenote: IV. Have proper servants, Marshals, &c., to bring the dishes from the kitchen. V. You set them on the table yourself.] And se þ{a}t ye haue s{er}uytours semely / þe disches for to ber{e}, M{ar}chall{es}, Squyers / & s{er}geaunt{es} of armes[182], if þ{a}t þey be ther{e}, þat your{e} lord{es} mete may be brought w{i}t{h}out dowt or der{e}; 684 to sett it surely oñ þe borde / your{e} self nede not feer{e}. [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _A Meat Dinner._] A dynere of flesche.[183] [Sidenote: _First Course._] The Furst Course. [Sidenote: 1. Mustard and brawn. 2. Potage. 3. Stewed Pheasant and Swan, &c. 4. Baked Venison.] ++Furst set forth{e} mustard / & brawne / of boor{e},[184] þe wild swyne, Suche potage / as þe cooke hath{e} made / of yerbis / spice / & wyne, Beeff, motoñ[185] / Stewed feysaund / Swañ[186] w{i}t{h} the Chawdwyñ,[187] 688 Capou{n}, pigge / vensou{n} bake, leche lombard[188] / frutur{e} viaunt[189] fyne; +A Sotelte+ [Sidenote: 5. A Device of Gabriel greeting Mary.] { And þan a Sotelte: { Maydoñ mary þat holy virgyne, { And Gabriell{e} gretyng{e} hur / w{i}t{h} an Ave. 692 [Sidenote: _Second Course._] The Second Course. [Sidenote: 1. Blanc Mange (of Meat). 2. Roast Venison, &c. 3. Peacocks, heronsew,] T{w}o potag{es}, blanger manger{e},[190] & Also Iely[191]: For a standard / vensou{n} rost / kyd, favne, or cony, bustard, stork / crane / pecok in hakill{e} ryally,[192] heiron-sew or / betowr{e}, w{i}t{h}-s{er}ue wit{h} bred, yf þat drynk be by; 696 [Sidenote: egrets, sucking rabbits, larks, bream, &c. 4. Dowcets, amber Leche, poached fritters.] Partrich{e}, wodcok / plover{e} / egret / Rabett{es} sowker{e}[193]; Gret briddes / larkes / gentill{e} breme de mer{e}, dowcett{es},[194] payne puff, w{i}t{h} leche / Ioly[195] Amber{e}, Fretour{e} powche / a sotelte folowyng{e} in fer{e}, 700 [Sidenote: 5. A Device of an Angel appearing to three Shepherds on a hill.] þe course for to fullfylle, An angell{e} goodly kañ apper{e}, and syngyng{e} w{i}t{h} a mery cher{e}, Vn-to .iij. shep{er}d{es} vppoñ añ hill{e}. 704 [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _Third Course._] The iij^d Course. [Sidenote: 1. Almond cream. 2. Curlews, Snipes, &c. 3. Fresh-water crayfish, &c. 4. Baked Quinces, Sage fritters, &c.] “Creme of almond{es}, & mameny, þe iij. course in coost, Curlew / brew / snyt{es} / quayles / sp{ar}ows / m{er}tenett{es} rost, P{er}che in gely / Crevise dewe douȝ / pety p{er}ueis[196] w{i}t{h} þe moost, Quynces bake / leche dugard / Frutur{e} sage / y speke of cost, 708 [Sidenote: 5. Devices: The Mother of Christ, presented by the Kings of Cologne.] and soteltees full{e} soleyñ: þat lady þ{a}t conseuyd by the holygost hym̅ þ{a}t distroyed þe fend{es} boost, presentid plesauntly by þe kyng{es} of coleyñ. 712 [Sidenote: _Dessert._ White apples, caraways, wafers and Ypocras.] Afft{ur} þis, delicat{is} mo. Blaunderell{e}, or pepyns, w{i}t{h} carawey in confite, Waffurs to ete / ypocras to drynk w{i}t{h} delite. [Sidenote: _Clear the Table._] now þis fest is fynysched / voyd þe table quyte 716 Go we to þe fysch{e} fest while we haue respite, & þañ w{i}t{h} godd{es} g{ra}ce þe fest will{e} be do. [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _A Fish Dinner._] A Dinere of Fische.[197] [Sidenote: _First Course._] The Furst Course. [Sidenote: 1. Minnows, &c. 2. Porpoise and peas. 3. Fresh Millwell. 4. Roast Pike.] “Musclade or[198] menows // w{i}t{h} þe Samou{n} bellows[199]// eles, lampurns in fer{e}; Pesoñ w{i}t{h} þe purpose // ar good potage, as y suppose // 720 as falleth{e} for tyme of þe yer{e}: Bakeñ herynge// Sugr{e} þ{er}oñ strewyng{e} // [Fol. 182.] grene myllewell{e}, deynteth{e} & not der{e}; pike[200] / lamprey / or Soolis // purpose rosted oñ coles[201] // 724 g{ur}nard / lamp{ur}nes bake / a leche, & a fritur{e}; [Sidenote: 5. A Divice: A young man piping on a cloud, and called _Sanguineus_, or Spring.] a semely sotelte folowyng{e} evyñ þer{e}. A galaunt yong{e} mañ, a wanton wight, pypyng{e} & syngyng{e} / lovyng{e} & lyght, 728 Standyng{e} oñ a clowd, Sang{ui}neus he hight, þe begy{n}nyng{e} of þe sesoñ þ{a}t cleped is ver.” [Sidenote: _Second Course._] The second course. [Sidenote: 1. Dates and Jelly, 2. Doree in Syrup, 3. Turbot, &c. 4. Eels, Fritters,] “Dat{es} in confyte // Iely red and white // þis is good dewyng{e}[202]; 732 Cong{ur}, somoñ, dorray // In siripp{e} if þey lay // w{i}t{h} oþ{er} disches in sewyng{e}. Brett / turbut[203] / or halybut // Carpe, base / mylet, or trowt // Cheveñ,[204] breme / renewyng{e}; 736 Ȝole / Eles, lampurnes / rost // a leche, a frytur{e}, y make now bost // [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man of War, red and angry called _Estas_, or Summer.] þe seco{n}d / sotelte sewynge. A mañ of warr{e} semyng{e} he was, A rough{e}, a red, angry syr{e}, 740 An hasty mañ standyng{e} in fyr{e}, As hoot as som{er} by his attyre; his name was þ{er}oñ, & cleped Estas. [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _Third Course._] The thrid course. [Sidenote: 1. Almond Cream, &c., 2. Sturgeon, Whelks, Minnows, 3. Shrimps, &c., 4. Fritters.] Creme of almond[205] Iardyne // & mameny[206] // good & fyne // 744 Potage for þe .iij^d s{er}uyse. Fresch sturgeñ / breme de mer{e} // P{er}che in Iely / oryent & cler{e} // whelk{es}, menuse; þ{us} we devise: Shrympis / Fresch heryng{e} bryled // pety p{er}ueis may not be exiled, 748 leche frytur{e},[207] a tansey gyse // [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man with a Sickle, tired, called Harvest.] The sotelte / a mañ w{i}t{h} sikell{e} in his hand{e}, In a ryver{e} of watur stand{e} / wrapped in wed{es} in a werysom wyse, hauyng{e} no deynteith{e} to daunce: 752 þe thrid age of mañ by liklynes; hervist we clepe hym̅, full{e} of werynes ȝet þer folowyth{e} mo þat we must dres, regard{es} riche þ{a}t ar full{e} of plesaunce. 756 [Sidenote: _Fourth Course._] The .iiij. course of frute. [Sidenote: Hot apples, Ginger, Wafers, Ypocras.] Whot appuls & peres w{i}t{h} sugr{e} Candy, [Fol. 182b.] With{e} Gyng{re} columbyne, mynsed man{er}ly, Wafurs w{i}t{h} ypocras. Now þis fest is fynysched / for to make glad cher{e}: 760 and þaugh{e} so be þat þe vse & maner{e} not afor{e} tyme be seyñ has, [Sidenote: The last Device, _Yemps_ or Winter, with grey locks, sitting on a stone.] Neu{er}thelese aft{ur} my symple affeccioñ y must conclude w{i}t{h} þe fourth co{m}pleccioñ, 764 ‘yemps’ þe cold terme of þe yer{e}, Wyntur / w{i}t{h} his lokkys grey / febill{e} & old, Syttyng{e} vppoñ þe stone / bothe hard & cold, Nigard in hert & hevy of cher{e}. 768 [Sidenote: These Devices represent the Ages of Man: _Sanguineus_, the 1st age, of pleasure.] ++The furst Sotelte, as y said, ‘Sang{ui}ne{us}’ hight [T]he furst age of mañ / Iocond & light, þe sp{ri}ngyng{e} tyme clepe ‘ver.’ [Sidenote: _Colericus_, the 2nd, of quarrelling.] ¶ The second course / ‘colericus’ by callyng{e}, 772 Full{e} of Fyghtyng{e} / blasfemyng{e}, & brallyng{e}, Fallyng{e} at veryaunce w{i}t{h} felow & fere. [Sidenote: _Autumpnus_ the 3rd, of melancholy.] ¶ The thrid sotelte, y declar{e} as y kan, ‘Autu{m}pnus,’ þat is þe .iij^d age of mañ, 776 With a flewisch{e}[208] countenaunce. [Sidenote: _Winter_, the 4th, of aches and troubles.] ¶ The iiij^th countenaunce[209], as y seid before, is wyntur w{i}t{h} his lokk{es} hoor{e}, þe last age of mañ full{e} of grevaunce. 780 [Sidenote: These Devices give great pleasure, when shown in a house.] ++These iiij. soteltees devised in towse,[210] wher þey byñ shewed in an howse, hith{e} doth{e} gret plesaunce w{i}t{h} oþ{er} sightes of gret Nowelte 784 þañ hañ be shewed in Riall{e} feest{es} of solempnyte, A notable cost þe ordynaunce. [Sidenote: _Inscriptions for the Devices._] The superscripcioun of þe sutiltees aboue specified, here folowethe +Versus+ [Sidenote: _Spring._] +Sanguine{us}.+ [Sidenote: Loving, laughing, singing, benign.] Largus, amans, hillaris, ridens, rubei q{ue} coloris, Cantans, carnos{us}, sat{is} audax, atque benignus. 788 [Sidenote: _Summer._] +¶ Estas+ +Colericus.+ [Fol. 183.] [Sidenote: Prickly, angry, crafty, lean.] Hirsutus, Fallax / irascens / p{ro}digus, sat{is} audax, Astutus, gracilis / Siccus / crocei q{ue} coloris. [Sidenote: _Autumn._] +¶ Autumpnus+ +Fleumaticus.+ [Sidenote: Sleepy, dull, sluggish, fat, white-faced.] Hic sompnolentus / piger, in sputamine multus, Ebes hinc sensus / pinguis, facie color albus. 792 [Sidenote: _Winter._] +¶ yemps+ +Malencolicus.+ [Sidenote: Envious, sad, timid, yellow-coloured.] Invidus et tristis / Cupidus / dextre que tenac{is}, Non expers fraudis, timidus, lutei q{ue} coloris. [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.] [Sidenote: _A Franklin’s Feast._] +A fest for a franklen.+ [Sidenote: Brawn, bacon and pease,] ++“A Frankleñ may make a feste Imp{ro}berabill{e}, brawne w{i}t{h} mustard is con{c}ordable, 796 bakoñ s{er}ued w{i}t{h} pesoñ, [Sidenote: beef and boiled chickens,] beef or motoñ stewed s{er}uysable, Boyled Chykoñ or capoñ agreable, convenyent for þe sesoñ; 800 [Sidenote: roast goose, capon, and custade.] Rosted goose & pygge full{e} profitable, Capoñ / Bakemete, or Custade Costable, wheñ eggis & crayme be gesoñ. [Sidenote: _Second Course._ Mortrewes,] Þerfor{e} stuffe of household is behoveable, 804 Mortrowes or Iussell{e}[211] ar delectable for þe second course by resoñ. [Sidenote: veal, rabbit, chicken, dowcettes,] Thañ veel, lambe, kyd, or cony, Chykoñ or pigeoñ rosted tendurly, 808 bakemet{es} or dowcett{es}[212] w{i}t{h} all{e}. [Sidenote: fritters, or leche,] þeñ followyng{e}, frytowrs & a leche lovely; Suche s{er}uyse in sesou{n} is full{e} semely To s{er}ue w{i}t{h} bothe chambur & hall{e}. 812 [Sidenote: spiced pears, bread and cheese,] Theñ appuls & peris w{i}t{h} spices delicately Aft{ur} þe terme of þe yer{e} full{e} deynteithly, w{i}t{h} bred and chese to call{e}. [Sidenote: spiced cakes, bragot and mead.] Spised cak{es} and wafurs worthily 816 with{e} bragot[213] & meth{e},[214] þus meñ may meryly plese well{e} bothe gret & small{e}.” [Sidenote: _Dinners on Fish-days._] Sewes on fishe dayes. [Fol. 183b.] [Sidenote: Gudgeons, minnows, venprides (?) musclade (?) of almonds, oysters dressed,] ++“Flowndurs / gogeons, muskels,[215] menuce in sewe, Eles, lampurnes, venprid{es} / quyk & newe, 820 Musclade in wortes / musclade[216] of almondes for stat{es} full{e} dewe, Oysturs in Ceuy[217] / oysturs in grauey,[218] your helth{e} to renewe, [Sidenote: porpoise or seal, pike cullis, jelly, dates, quinces, pears,] The baly of þe fresch{e} samoñ / els purpose, or seele[219], Colice[220] of pike, shrympus[221] / or p{er}che, ye know full{e} wele; 824 P{ar}tye gely / Creme of almond{es}[222] / dat{es} in confite / to rekeu{er} heele, Quinces & peris / Ciryppe w{i}t{h} p{ar}cely rot{es} / riȝt so bygyñ yo{ur} mele. [Sidenote: houndfish, rice, mameny. If you don’t like these potages, taste them only.] Mortrowis of houndfisch{e}[223] / & Rice standyng{e}[224] white, Mameny,[225] mylke of almond{es}, Rice rennyng{e} liquyte,-- 828 þese potages ar holsom for þem þat hañ delite þ{er}of to ete / & if not so / þeñ taste he but a lite.” [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.] [Sidenote: _Fish Sauces._] Sawce for fishe.[226] [Sidenote: Mustard for salt herring, conger, mackerel, &c.] ++“Yowr{e} sawces to make y shall{e} geue yow lerynge: Mustard is[A] / is metest w{i}t{h} all{e} man{er} salt heryng{e}, 832 Salt fysch{e}, salt Congur, samou{n}, w{i}t{h} sparlyng{e},[227] Salt ele, salt makerell{e}, & also with{e} m{er}lyng{e}.[228] [Text note: ? _is_ repeated by mistake.] [Sidenote: Vinegar for salt porpoise, swordfish, &c. Sour wine for whale, with powder.] ++Vynegur is good to salt purpose & torrentyne,[229] Salt sturgeoñ, salt swyrd-fysch{e} savery & fyne. 836 Salt Thurlepolle, salt whale,[230] is good w{i}t{h} egr{e} wyne, with{e} powdur put þ{er}-oñ shall{e} cawse ooñ well{e} to dyne. [Sidenote: Wine for plaice. Galantine for lamprey. Verjuice for mullet. Cinnamon for base, carp, and chub.] Playce w{i}t{h} wyne; & pike with{e} his reffett; þe galantyne[231] for þe lamprey / wher{e} þey may be gete; 840 verdius[232] to roche / darce / breme / soles / & molett; Baase, flow[{n}]durs / Carpe / Cheveñ / Synamome ye þ{er}-to sett. [Sidenote: Garlic, verjuice, and pepper, for houndfish, stockfish, &c.] Garlek / or mustard, v{er}geus þ{er}to, pep{ur} þe {po}wderyng{e}-- For þornebak / houndfysch{e} / & also fresch{e} heryng{e}, 844 hake[233], stokfysh{e}[234], haddok[235] / cod[236] / & whytyng{e}-- ar moost metist for thes met{es}, as techith{e} vs þe wrytynge. [Sidenote: Vinegar, cinnamon, and ginger, for fresh-water crayfish, fresh porpoise, sturgeon, &c.] Vinegr{e} / powdur with{e} synamome / and gynger{e}, [Fol. 184.] to rost Eles / lampurnes / Creveȝ dew douȝ, and breme de mer{e}, 848 For Gurnard / for roche / & fresch{e} purpose, if hit appe{re}, Fresch{e} sturgeoñ / shrympes / p{er}che / molett / y wold it wer{e} her{e}. [Sidenote: Green Sauce for green fish (fresh ling): Mustard is best for every dish.] ++Grene sawce[237] is good w{i}t{h} grene fisch[238], y her{e} say; botte lyng{e} / brett[239] & fresch{e} turbut / gete it who so may. 852 yet make moche of mustard, & put it not away, For w{i}t{h} euery disch{e} he is dewest / who so lust to assay. [Sidenote: Other sauces are served at grand feasts, but the above will please familiar guests.”] Other sawces to sovereyns ar s{er}ued in som solempne festis, but these will plese them full{e} well{e} / þ{a}t ar but hoomly gestis. 856 Now have y shewyd yow, my soñ, somewhat of dyu{er}se Iestis þat ar reme{m}bred in lord{es} courte / þer{e} as all rialte restis.” [Sidenote: “Fair fall you, father! You have taught me lovesomely; but please tell me, too, the duties of a Chamberlain.”] ++“Now fayre falle yow fadir / in fayth{e} y am full fayñ, For louesomly ye han lered me þe nurtur þat ye han sayñ; 860 pleseth{e} it you to certifye me with ooñ worde or twayñ þe Curtesy to co{n}ceue conveniently for eu{er}y chamburlayñ.” [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.] [Sidenote: _The Chamberlain’s Duties._] The office off a chamburlayne.[240] [Sidenote: He must be diligent, neatly dressed, clean-washed, careful of fire and candle,] ++“The Curtesy of a chamburlayñ is in office to be diligent, Clenli clad, his cloþis not all to-rent; 864 handis & face wascheñ fayr{e}, his hed well kempt; & war eu{er} of fyr{e} and candill{e} þat he be not neccligent. [Sidenote: attentive to his master, light of ear, looking out for things that will please.] To your{e} mastir looke ye geue diligent attendaunce; be curteyse, glad of cher{e}, & light of er{e} in eu{er}y semblaunce, 868 eu{er} waytyng{e} to þat thyng{e} þat may do hym plesaunce: to these p{ro}purtees if ye will apply, it may yow well{e} avaunce. [Sidenote: The Chamberlain must prepare for his lord a clean shirt, under and upper coat and doublet, breeches, socks, and slippers as brown as a water-leech.] Se that your{e} sou{er}ayne haue clene shurt & breche, a petycote,[241] a dublett, a long{e} coote, if he wer{e} suche, 872 his hosyñ well brusshed, his sokk{es} not to seche, his shoñ or slyppers as browne as is þe wat{ur}leche. [Sidenote: In the morning, must have clean linen ready, warmed by a clear fire.] In þe morow tyde, agaynst your{e} sou{er}ayne doth ryse, wayte hys lynnyñ þat hit be clene; þeñ warme h{i}t in þ{i}s wise, 876 by a cler{e} fyr{e} w{i}t{h}owt smoke / if it be cold or frese, and so may ye your{e} sou{er}ayñ plese at þe best asise. [Sidenote: When his lord rises, he gets ready the foot-sheet; puts a cushioned chair before the fire, a cushion for the feet,] Agayne he riseth vp, make redy your{e} fote shete in þ{i}s man{er} made greithe / & þat ye not forgete 880 furst a chayer{e} a-for{e} þe fyr{e} / or som oþ{er} honest sete With{e} a cosshyñ þ{er} vppoñ / & a noþ{ur} for the feete [Fol. 184b.] [Sidenote: and over all spreads the foot-sheet: has a comb and kerchief ready,] aboue þe coschyñ & chayer{e} þe said shete ou{er} sprad So þat it keu{er} þe fote coschyñ and chayer{e}, riȝt as y bad; 884 Also combe & kercheff / looke þer{e} bothe be had your{e} sou{er}eyñ hed to kymbe or he be graytly clad: [Sidenote: and then asks his lord to come to the fire and dress while he waits by.] ++Than pray your{e} sou{er}eyñ w{i}t{h} wordus mansuetely to com to a good fyr{e} and aray hym ther by, 888 and ther{e} to sytt or stand / to his p{er}sone plesauntly, and ye eu{er} redy to awayte w{i}t{h} maners metely. [Sidenote: 1. Give your master his under coat, 2. His doublet, 3. Stomacher well warmed, 4. Vampeys and socks,] Furst hold to hym a petycote aboue your{e} brest and barme, his dublet þañ aftur to put in boþe hys arme, 892 his stomacher{e} well{e} y-chaffed to kepe hym fro harme, his vampeys[242] and sokkes, þañ all day he may go warme; [Sidenote: 5. Draw on his socks, breeches, and shoes, 6. Pull up his breeches, 7. Tie ’em up,] Theñ drawe oñ his sokkis / & hosyñ by the fur{e}, his shoñ laced or bokelid, draw them̅ oñ sur{e}; 896 Strike his hosyñ vppewarde his legge ye endur{e}, þeñ trusse ye them vp strayte / to his plesur{e}, [Sidenote: 8. Lace his doublet, 9. Put a kerchief round his neck, 10. Comb his head with an ivory comb, 11. Give him warm water to wash with,] Then lace his dublett eu{er}y hoole so by & bye; oñ his shuldur about his nek a kercheff þer{e} must lye, 900 and curteisly þañ ye kymbe his hed w{i}t{h} combe of yvery, and watur warme his hand{es} to wasche, & face also clenly. [Sidenote: 12. Kneel down and ask him what gown he’ll wear: 13. Get the gown, 14. Hold it out to him;] ++Than knele a dowñ oñ your{e} kne / & þ{us} to your{e} sou{er}ayñ ye say “Syr, what Robe or govñ pleseth it yow to wer{e} to day?” 904 Suche as he axeth for{e} / loke ye plese hym to pay, þañ hold it to hym̅ a brode, his body þ{er}-in to array; [Sidenote: 15. Get his girdle, 16. His Robe (see l. 957). 17. His hood or hat.] his gurdell{e}, if he wer{e}, be it strayt or lewse; Set his garment goodly / aftur as ye know þe vse; 908 take hym̅ hode or hatt / for his hed[[242a]] cloke or cappe de huse; So shall{e} ye plese hym̅ prestly, no nede to make excuse [Sidenote: 18. Before he goes brush him carefully.] Wheþ{ur} hit be feyr{e} or foule, or mysty all{e} with{e} reyñ. Or your{e} mastir depart his place, afor{e} þ{a}t þis be seyñ, 912 to brusch{e} besily about hym̅; loke all be pur and playñ wheþur he wer{e} sateñ / sendell, vellewet, scarlet, or greyñ. [Sidenote: Before your lord goes to church, see that his pew is made ready, cushion, curtain, &c.] Prynce or p{re}late if hit be, or any oþ{er} potestate, or he entur in to þe church{e}, be it erly or late, 916 p{er}ceue all þyng{e} for his pewe þ{a}t it be made p{re}p{ar}ate, boþe cosshyñ / carpet / & curteyñ / bed{es} & boke, forgete not that. [Sidenote: Return to his bedroom, throw off the clothes, beat the featherbed, see that the fustian and sheets are clean.] ++Thañ to your{e} sou{er}eynes chambur walke ye in hast; all þe cloþes of þe bed, them aside ye cast; 920 þe Fethurbed ye bete / w{i}t{h}out hurt, so no feddurs ye wast, Fustiañ[243] and shetis clene by sight and sans ye tast. [Sidenote: Cover the bed with a coverlet, spread out the bench covers and cushions, set up the headsheet and pillow, remove the urinal and basin,] Kover w{i}t{h} a keu{er}lyte clenly / þat bed so man{er}ly made; þe bankers & quosshyns, in þe chambur se þem̅ feir{e} y-sprad, 924 boþe hedshete & pillow also, þat þe[y] be saaff vp stad, the vrnell{e} & basoñ also that they awey be had. [Sidenote: lay carpets round the bed, and with others dress the windows and cupboard, have a fire laid.] Se the carpett{is} about þe bed be forth spred & laid, [Fol. 185.] wyndowes & cuppeborde w{i}t{h} carpett{is} & cosshyns splayd; 928 Se þer be a good fyr{e} in þe chambur conveyed, w{i}t{h} wood & fuell{e} redy þe fuyr{e} to bete & aide. [Sidenote: Keep the Privy sweet and clean, cover the boards with green cloth, so that no wood shows at the hole; put a cushion there,] ++Se þe privehouse for esement[244] be fayr{e}, soote, & clene, & þat þe bord{es} þ{er} vppoñ / be keu{er}ed with{e} clothe feyr{e} & grene, 932 & þe hool{e} / hym self, looke þer no borde be sene, þ{er}oñ a feir{e} quoschyñ / þe ordour{e} no mañ to tene [Sidenote: and have some blanket, cotton, or linen to wipe on; have a basin, jug, and towel, ready for your lord to wash when he leaves the privy.] looke þ{er} be blanket / cotyñ / or lynyñ to wipe þe neþ{ur} ende[245]; and eu{er} wheñ he clepith{e}, wayte redy & entende, 936 basou{n} and ewer{e}, & oñ yo{ur} shuldur a towell{e}, my frende[246]; In þis wise worship shall{e} ye wyñ / wher{e} þ{a}t eu{er} ye wende [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.] The warderober.[247] [Sidenote: In the Wardrobe take care to keep the clothes well,] ++In þe warderobe ye must muche entende besily the robes to kepe well / & also to brusche þem̅ clenly; 940 w{i}t{h} the ende of a soft brusch{e} ye brusch{e} þem clenly, and yet ou{er} moche bruschyng{e} wereth{e} cloth lyghtly. [Sidenote: and brush ’em with a soft brush at least once a week, for fear of moths. Look after your Drapery and Skinnery.] lett neu{er} wollyñ cloth ne furr{e} passe a seuenyght to be vnbrossheñ & shakyñ / tend þ{er}to aright, 944 for mought{es} be redy eu{er} in þem to gendur & aliȝt; þerfore to drapery / & skynn{er}y eu{er} haue ye a sight. [Sidenote: If your lord will take a nap after his meal, have ready kerchief, comb, pillow and headsheet] your{e} souerayñ aftir mete / his stomak to digest yef he will{e} take a slepe / hym self þer{e} for to rest, 948 looke bothe kercheff & combe / þat ye haue þer{e} prest, bothe pillow & hedshete / for hym̅ þe[y] must be drest; [Sidenote: (don’t let him sleep too long), water and towel.] yet be ye nott ferr{e} hym fro, take tent what y say, For moche slepe is not medcynable in myddis of þe day. 952 wayte þat ye haue watur to wasch{e} / & towell{e} all{e} way aftur slepe and sege / honeste will not hit denay. [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.] [Sidenote: When he goes to bed, 1. Spread out the footsheet, 2. Take off your lord’s Robe and put it away.] ++Whañ your{e} sou{er}ayne hath{e} supped / & to chamb{ur} takith{e} his gate, þañ sprede forth{e} your{e} fote shete / like as y lered yow late; 956 thañ his gowne ye gadir of, or garment of his estate, by his licence / & ley hit vpp in suche place as ye best wate. [Sidenote: 3. Put a cloak on his back, 4. Set him on his footsheet, 5. Pull off his shoes, socks, and breeches, 6. Throw the breeches over your arm,] vppoñ his bak a ma{n}tell ye ley / his body to kepe from cold, Set hym̅ oñ his fote shete[248] / made redy as y yow told; 960 his shoñ, sokkis, & hosyñ / to draw of be ye bolde; þe hosyñ oñ your{e} shuldyr cast / oñ vppoñ yo{ur} arme ye hold; [Fol. 185b.] [Sidenote: 7. Comb his head, 8. Put on his kerchief and nightcap, 9. Have the bed, and headsheet, &c., ready,] your{e} sou{er}eynes hed ye kembe / but furst ye knele to ground; þe kercheff and cappe oñ his hed / hit wolde be warmely wounde; 964 his bed / y-spred / þe shete for þe hed / þe pelow prest þ{a}t stounde, þat wheñ your{e} sou{er}eyñ to bed shall go / to slepe þer{e} saaf & sounde, [Sidenote: 10. Draw the curtains, 11. Set the night-light, 12. Drive out dogs and cats, 13. Bow to your lord,] The curteyns let draw þem̅ þe bed round about; se his morter[249] w{i}t{h} wax or p{er}cher{e}[250] þat it go not owt; 968 dryve out dogge[[250a]] and catte, or els geue þem̅ a clovt; Of your{e} sou{er}ayne take no leue[251]; / but low to hym̅ alowt. [Sidenote: 14. Keep the night-stool and urinal ready for whenever he calls, and take it back when done with.] looke þat ye haue þe basoñ for ch{a}mbur & also þe vrnall{e} redy at all{e} howres wheñ he will{e} clepe or call{e}: 972 his nede p{er}formed, þe same receue agayñ ye shall{e}, & þus may ye haue a thank / & reward wheñ þ{a}t eu{er} hit fall{e}. [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.] [Sidenote: _How to prepare a Bath._] A bathe or stewe so called. [Sidenote: Hang round the roof, sheets full of sweet herbs, have five or six sponges to sit or lean on,] Ȝeff your{e} sou{er}ayne will{e} to þe bath{e}, his body to wasch{e} clene, hang shetis round about þe rooff; do thus as y meene; 976 eu{er}y shete full of flowres & herbis soote & grene, and looke ye haue sponges .v. or vj. p{er}oñ to sytte or lene: [Sidenote: and one great sponge to sit on with a sheet over and a sponge under his feet. Mind the door’s shut.] looke þ{er} be a gret sponge, þ{er}-oñ your{e} sou{er}ayne to sytt; þ{er}oñ a shete, & so he may bathe hym̅ þer{e} a fytte; 980 vndir his feete also a sponge, ȝiff þ{er} be any to putt; and alwey be sur{e} of þe dur, & se þat he be shutt. [Sidenote: With a basinful of hot herbs, wash him with a soft sponge, throw rose-water on him; let him go to bed.] A basyñ full in your{e} hand of herbis hote & fresch{e}, & with a soft sponge in hand, his body þ{a}t ye wasch{e}; 984 Rynse hym̅ with rose watur warme & feir{e} vppoñ hym flasch{e}, þeñ lett hym̅ go to bed / but looke it be soote & nesch{e}; [Sidenote: Put his socks and slippers on, stand him on his footsheet, wipe him dry, take him to bed to cure his troubles.] but furst sett oñ his sokkis, his slyppers oñ his feete, þat he may go feyr{e} to þe fyr{e}, þer{e} to take his fote shete, 988 þañ with{e} a clene cloth{e} / to wype awey all wete; thañ bryng{e} hym̅ to his bed, his bales ther{e} to bete.” [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.] [Sidenote: _To make a Medicinal Bath._] The makyng of a bathe medicinable.[252] [Sidenote: Boil together hollyhock centaury, herb-benet, scabious,] ++“Holy hokke / & yardehok[253] / p{er}itory[254] / and þe brown fenell{e},[255] [Fol. 186.] walle wort[256] / herbe Iohñ[257] / Sentory[258] / rybbewort[259] / & camamell{e}, 992 hey hove[260] / heyriff[261] / herbe benet[262] / bresewort[263] / & smallache,[264] broke lempk[265] / Scabiose[266] / Bilgres[267] / wildflax / is good for ache; [Sidenote: withy leaves; throw them hot into a vessel, set your lord on it; let him bear it as hot as he can, and whatever disease he has will certainly be cured, as men say.] wethy leves / grene otes / boyled in fer{e} fulle soft, Cast þem̅ hote in to a vessell{e} / & sett your{e} soverayñ alloft, 996 and suffir{e} þat hete a while as hoot as he may a-bide; se þ{a}t place be cou{er}ed well{e} ou{er} / & close oñ eu{er}y side; and what dissese ye be vexed w{i}t{h}, grevaunce ouþ{er} peyñ, þis medicyne shall{e} make yow hoole surely, as meñ seyñ.” 1000 [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.] [Sidenote: _The Duties of an Usher and Marshal._] The office of ussher & marshalle.[268] [A]my lorde, my master, of lilleshull{e} abbot[A] [Text note: This line is in a later hand.] [Sidenote: He must know the rank and precedence of all people.] ++“The office of a co{n}nyng{e} vscher{e} or marshall{e} w{i}t{h}-owt fable must know all{e} estat{es} of the church goodly & greable, and þe excellent estate of a kyng{e} w{i}t{h} his blode honorable: 1004 hit is a notable nurtur{e} / co{n}nyng{e}, curyouse, and commendable. [Sidenote: I. 1. The Pope. 2. Emperor. 3. King. 4. Cardinal. 5. Prince. 6. Archbishop. 7. Royal Duke.] [Sidenote: II. Bishop, &c.] +Thestate of a+ +The pope+ hath no peere; { Emperowr{e} is nex hym eu{er}y wher{e}; { Kyng{e} corespondent; þus nurtur{e} shall{e} yow lere. { high{e} Cardynell{e}, þe dignyte doth{e} requer{e}; 1008 { Kyngis soñe, prynce ye hym Call{e}; { Archebischopp{e} is to hym p{er}egall{e}. { Duke of þe blod{e} royall{e}, { bishopp{e} / Marques / & erle / coequall{e}. 1012 [Sidenote: III. 1. Viscount. 2. Mitred abbot. 3. Three Chief Justices. 4. Mayor of London.] [Sidenote: IV. (The Knight’s rank.) 1. Cathedral Prior, Knight Bachelor. 2. Dean, Archdeacon. 3. Master of the Rolls. 4. Puisné Judge. 5. Clerk of the Crown. 6. Mayor of Calais. 7. Doctor of Divinity. 8. Prothonotary. 9. Pope’s Legate.] { ++Vycount / legate / baroune / suffrigañ / abbot w{i}t{h} myt{ur} feyr{e}, { barovñ of þescheker{e} / iij. þe cheff Iusticeȝ / of londoñ þe meyr{e}; { Pryour{e} Cathedrall{e}, myt{ur} abbot w{i}t{h}out / a knyght bachiller{e} { P{ri}oure / deane / archedekoñ / a knyght / þe body Esquyer{e}, 1016 { Mastir of the rolles / riȝt þus rykeñ y, { Vndir Iustice may sitte hym by: { Clerke of the crowne / & thescheker{e} Co{n}venyently { Meyr{e} of Calice ye may p{re}ferr{e} plesauntly. 1020 { Provynciall{e}, & doctur diuyne, [Fol. 186b.] { P{ro}thonot{ur}, ap{er}tli to-gedur þey may dyne. [Sidenote: V. (The Squire’s rank.) 1. Doctor of Laws. 2. Ex-Mayor of London. 3. Serjeant of Law. 4. Masters of Chancery. 5. Preacher. 6. Masters of Arts. 7. Other Religious. 8. Parsons and Vicars. 9. Parish Priests. 10. City Bailiffs. 11. Serjeant at Arms. 12. Heralds (the chief Herald has first place), 13. Merchants, 14. Gentlemen, 15. Gentlewomen may all eat with squires.] { ++Þe popes legate or collectour{e}, to-ged{ur} ye assigne, { Doctur of bothe lawes, beyng{e} in science digne. 1024 { ++Hym þat hath byñ meyr{e} / & a londyner{e}, { Sargeaunt of lawe / he may w{i}t{h} hym comper{e}; { The mastirs of the Chauncery w{i}t{h} comford & cher{e}, { Þe worshipfull{e} p{re}chour{e} of p{ar}dou{n} in þ{a}t place to apper{e}. 1028 The clerk{es} of connyng{e} that hañ takeñ degre, And all{e} othur ordurs of chastite chosyñ, & also of pou{er}te, all{e} p{ar}sons & vicaries þat ar of dignyte, parisch{e} prest{es} kepynge cur{e}, vn-to þem loke ye se. 1032 For þe baliff{es} of a Cite purvey ye must a space, A yemañ of þe crowne / Sargeaunt of armes w{i}t{h} mace, A herrowd of Armes as gret a dygnyte has, Specially kyng{e} harrawd / must haue þe p{ri}ncipall{e} place; 1036 Worshipfull{e} m{er}chaund{es} and riche artyficeris, Gentilmeñ well{e} nurtured & of good maneris, W{i}t{h} gentilwo{m}men / and namely lord{es} nurrieris, all{e} these may sit at a table of good squyeris. 1040 [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK AND DINE TOGETHER.] [Sidenote: I have now told you the rank of every class, and now I’ll tell you how they may be grouped at table.] ++Lo, soñ, y haue shewid the aft{ur} my symple wytte euery state aftir þeir{e} degre, to þy knowleche y shall{e} co{m}mytte, and how þey shall{e} be s{er}ued, y shall{e} shew the ȝett, in what place aft{ur} þeir{e} dignyte how þey owght to sytte: 1044 [Sidenote: I. Pope, King, Prince, Archbishop and Duke.] +Thestate of a+ { Pope, Emp{er}owr{e} / kyng{e} or cardynall{e}, { Prynce w{i}t{h} goldyñ rodde Royall{e}, { Archebischopp{e} / vsyñg to wer{e} þe palle, { Duke / all{e} þese of dygnyte owȝt not kepe þe hall{e}. 1048 [Sidenote: II. Bishop, Marquis, Viscount, Earl. III. The Mayor of London, Baron, Mitred Abbot, three Chief Justices, Speaker,] Bisshoppes, M{er}ques, vicount, Erle goodly, May sytte at .ij. messeȝ yf þey be lovyng{e}ly. þe meyr{e} of londoñ, & a baroñ, an abbot myterly, the iij. chef Iusticeȝ, þe speker{e} of þe p{ar}lement, p{ro}purly 1052 [Sidenote: may sit together, two or three at a mess.] all{e} these Estat{es} ar gret and honorable, þey may sitte in Chambur or hall{e} at a table, .ij. or els iij. at a messe / ȝeff þey be greable: þus may ye in your{e} office to eu{er}y mañ be plesable. 1056 [Sidenote: IV. The other ranks (three or four to a mess) equal to a Knight, unmitred Abbot, Dean, Master of the Rolls,] Of all{e} oþ{er} estat{es} to a messe / iij. or iiij. þus may ye sur{e}, And of all{e} estatis þat ar egall{e} w{i}t{h} a knyght / digne & demur{e}, Off abbot & p{ri}our{e} sauncȝ myt{ur}, of co{n}vent þey hañ cur{e}; Deane / Archedecoñ, mast{ur} of þe rolles, aft{ur} your{e} plesur{e}, 1060 [Sidenote: under Judges, Doctor of Divinity, Prothonotary, Mayor of Calais.] Alle the vndirIusticeȝ and barou{n}es of þe kyng{es} Eschekier{e}, [Fol. 187.] a p{ro}vinciall{e} / a doctour{e} devine / or boþe lawes, þus yow ler{e}, A p{ro}thonot{ur} ap{ert}li, or þe popis collectour{e}, if he be ther{e}, Also þe meyr{e} of þe stapull{e} / In like purpose þ{er} may apper{e}. 1064 [Sidenote: V. Other ranks equal to a Squire, four to a mess. Serjeants of Law, ex-Mayor of London, Masters of Chancery,] Of all{e} oþ{ur} estat{es} to a messe ye may sette four{e} / & four{e}, as suche p{er}sones as ar p{er}egall{e} to a squyer{e} of honour{e}: Sargeaund{es} of lawe / & hym̅ þat hath byñ meyr{e} of londoñ aforne, and þe mastyrs of þe chauncery, þey may not be forborne. 1068 [Sidenote: Preachers and Parsons, Apprentices of Law, Merchants and Franklins.] All{e} p{re}chers / residencers / and p{er}sones þat ar greable, Apprentise of lawe In courtis pletable, Marchaund{es} & Frankloñȝ, worshipfull{e} & honorable, þey may be set semely at a squyers table. 1072 [Sidenote: Each estate or rank shall sit at meat by itself, not seeing another.] These worthy[A] Estat{es} a-foreseid / high of renowne, Vche Estate syngulerly in hall{e} shall{e} sit a-downe, that none of hem se othur{e} / at mete tyme in feld nor in towne, but vche of þem̅ self in Chambur or in pavilowne. 1076 [Text note: royall{e} _is written over_ worthy.] [Sidenote: The Bishop of Canterbury shall be served apart from the Archbishop of York, and the Metropolitan alone.] ++Yeff þe bischopp{e} of þe p{ro}vynce of Caunturbury be in þe p{re}sence of the archebischopp{e} of yorke reu{er}ently, þeir{e} s{er}uice shall{e} be kou{er}ed / vche bisshopp{e} syngulerly, and in þe p{re}sence of þe metropolytan{e} none oþ{er} sicurly. 1080 [Sidenote: The Bishop of York must not eat before the Primate of England.] yeff bischopps of yorke p{ro}vynce be fortune be syttyng{e} In þe p{re}sence of þe p{ri}mate of Englond þañ beyng{e}, þey must be cou{er}ed in all{e} þeyr{e} s{er}uyng{e}, and not in p{re}sence of þe bischopp{e} of yorke þer{e} apperyng{e}. 1084 [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL AND PROPERTY.] [Sidenote: Sometimes a Marshal is puzzled by Lords of royal blood being poor, and others not royal being rich;] ++Now, soñ, y p{er}ceue þat for dyu{er}se cawses / as well{e} as for ignorau{n}ce, a m{er}chall{e} is put oft tymes in gret comberaunce For som lord{es} þat ar of blod royall{e} / & litell{e} of lyvelode p{er} chaunce, and some of gret lyvelode / & no blode royall{e} to avaunce; 1088 [Sidenote: also by a Lady of royal blood marrying a knight, and _vice versâ_. The Lady of royal blood shall keep her rank; the Lady of low blood shall take her husband’s rank.] And som knyght is weddid / to a lady of royall{e} blode, and a poor{e} lady to blod ryall{e}, manfull{e} & myghty of mode: þe lady of blod royall{e} shall{e} kepe þe state / þat she afor{e} in stode, the lady of low blode & degre / kepe her lordis estate, y make h{i}t good. 1092 [Sidenote: Property is not so worthy as royal blood, so the latter prevails over the former, for royal blood may become King.] The substau{n}ce of lyvelode is not so digne / as is blode royall{e}, Þ{er}for{e} blode royall{e} opteyneth þe sou{er}eynte in chambur & in hall{e}, For blode royall{e} somtyme tiȝt to be kyng{e} in pall{e}; of þe which{e} mater{e} y meve no more: let god gou{er}ne all{e}! 1096 [Sidenote: The parents of a Pope or Cardinal must not presume to equality with their son,] ++There as pope or cardynall{e} in þeir{e} estate beyng{e}, þat hañ fadur & mod{ur} by their{e} dayes lyvyng{e}, þeir{e} fadur or modir ne may in any wise be p{re}sumyng{e} to be egall{e} w{i}t{h} their{e} soñ standyng{e} ne sittyng{e}: 1100 [Sidenote: and must not want to sit by him, but in a separate room.] Therfor{e} fadir ne moder / þey owe not to desire to sytte or stond by þeyr{e} son / his state will{e} h{i}t not requir{e}, but by þem self / a chambur assigned for them sur{e}, Vn-to whom vche office ought gladly [Fol. 187b.] to do plesur{e}. 1104 [Sidenote: A Marshal must look to the rank of every estate,] To the birth{e} of vche estate a m{er}shall{e} must se, and þeñ next of his lyne / for þeyr{e} dignyte; þen folowyng{e}, to officers affter{e} þeir{e} degre, As chaunceler{e}, Steward / Chamburleyñ / tresorer{e} if he be: 1108 [Sidenote: and do honour to _foreign visitors_ and residents.] Mor{e} ou{er} take hede he must / to aliene / co{m}mers straungeres, and to straungers of þis land, resi[d]ent dwelleres, and exalte þem to honour{e} / if þe be of honest maneres; þeñ all{e} oþ{er} aft{ur} þeir{e} degre / like as cace requeres. 1112 [Sidenote: A well-trained Marshal should think beforehand where to place strangers at the table.] In a man{er}able m{er}shall{e} þe co{n}nyng{e} is moost co{m}mendable to haue a for{e} sight to straungers, to sett þem at þe table; For if þey haue gentill{e} cher{e} / & gydyng{e} man{er}able, þe m{er}shall{e} doth his sou{er}eyñ honour{e} / & he þe mor{e} lawdable. 1116 [Sidenote: If the King sends any messenger to your Lord receive him one degree higher than his rank.] ¶ Ȝeff þow be a m{er}shall{e} to any lord of þis land, yff þe kyng{e} send to þy sou{er}eyñ eny his s{er}uand by sand, +Yeff he be a+ +receve hym as a+ { knyght { barouñ honorand { Squyer{e} { knyght w{i}t{h} hand { yomañ of þe crowñ { Squyer{e} { grome { yemañ in maner{e} { page { grome goodly in fer{e} { Childe { grome gentill{e} lerner{e}. [Sidenote: The King’s groom may dine with a Knight or Marshal,] ¶ hit rebuketh not a knyght / þe knyg{es} grome to sytte at his table, 1125 no mor{e} hit doth{e} a m{er}shall{e} of maners plesable; and so from̅ þe hiest degre / to be lowest honorable, if þe m{er}shall{e} haue a sight þ{er}to, he is co{m}mendable. 1128 [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.] [Sidenote: A Marshal must also understand the rank of County and Borough officers,] ¶ Wisdom woll{e} a m{er}shall{e} man{er}abely þ{a}t he vndirstand all{e} þe worshipfull{e} officers of the comunialte of þis land, of Shires / Citees / borowes; like as þey ar ruland, þey must be sett aft{ur} þeir{e} astate dewe in degre as þey stand. 1132 [Sidenote: and that a Knight of blood and property is above a poor Knight,] ¶ hit belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall{e} to haue a for{e} sight of all{e} estatis of þis land in eu{er}y place pight, For þestate of a knyght of blode, lyvelode, & myght, [Fol. 188.] is not p{er}egall{e} to a symple & a poouere knyght. 1136 [Sidenote: the Mayor of London above the Mayor of Queenborough,] ¶ Also þe meyr{e} of londoñ, notable of dignyte, and of queneborow[269] þe meir{e}, no þyng{e} like in degre, at one messe þey owght in no wise to sitt ne be; hit no þyng{e} besemeth{e} / þ{er}for{e} to suche semble ye se / 1140 [Sidenote: the Abbot of Westminster above the poor Abbot of Tintern,] ¶ Also þe abbote of Westmynster{e}, þe hiest of þ{is} lande / The abbot of tynterne[270] þe poorest, y vndirstande, [Fol. 188a.] þey ar boþe abbot{es} of name, & not lyke of fame to fande; ȝet Tynterne w{i}t{h} Westmynster shall{e} nowþ{er} sitte ne stande. 1144 [Sidenote: the Prior of Canterbury above the Prior of Dudley,] ¶ Also þe Pryour{e} of Caunturbury,[271] a cheff churche of dignyte, And þe priour{e} of Dudley,[272] no þyng{e} so digne as he:-- ȝet may not þe priour{e} of dudley, symple of degre, Sitte w{i}t{h} þe priour{e} of Caunturbury: þ{er} is why, a dyu{er}site. 1148 [Sidenote: the Prior who is Prelate of a Cathedral Church above any Abbot or Prior of his diocese,] ¶ And reme{m}br{e} eu{er}mor{e} / añ rule þ{er} is generall{e}: A p{ri}our{e} þat is a p{re}late of any churche Cathedrall{e}, above abbot or priour{e} w{i}t{h}-in the diocise sitte he shall{e}, In churche / in chapell{e} / in chambur / & in hall{e}. 1152 [Sidenote: a Doctor of 12 years’ standing above one of 9 (though the latter be the richer),] ¶ Right so reu{er}end docturs, degre of xij. yer{e}, þem ye must assigne to sitte aboue hym / þat co{m}mensed hath but .ix. and þaugh{e} þe yonger may larger spend gold red & fyne, ȝet shall{e} þe eldur sitte aboue / wheþ{ur} he drynke or dyne. 1156 [Sidenote: the old Aldermen above the young ones, and 1. the Master of a craft, 2. the ex-warden.] ¶ like wise the aldremen, ȝef þey be eny wher{e}, þe yonger{e} shall{e} sitte or stande benethe þe elder riȝt þer{e}; and of eu{er}y crafft þe mastir aftur rule & maner{e}, and þeñ þe eldest of þem, þ{a}t wardeñ was þe for{e} yer{e}. 1160 [Sidenote: Before every feast, then, think what people are coming, and settle what their order of precedence is to be.] ¶ Soche poyntes, w{i}t{h} many oþ{er}, belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall; þerfor{e} whensoeu{er} your{e} sovereyñ a feest make shall, demeene what estates shall{e} sitte in the hall, þañ resoñ w{i}t{h} your{e} self lest your{e} lord yow call{e}; 1164 [Sidenote: If in doubt, ask your lord or the chief officer,] ¶ Thus may ye devise your{e} marshallyng{e}, like as y yow ler{e}, þe honour{e} and worshipp{e} of your{e} sou{er}eyñ eu{er}y wher{e}; And ȝeff ye haue eny dowt / eu{er} looke þ{a}t ye enquer{e}, Resorte eu{er} to your{e} souereyn{e} / or to þe cheff officer{e}; 1168 [Sidenote: and then you’ll do wrong to no one, but set all according to their birth and dignity.] ¶ Thus shall{e} ye to any state / do wronge ne pr{e}iudice, to sette eu{er}y p{er}sone accordyng{e} w{i}t{h}-owteñ mys, as aftur þe birthe / livelode / dignite / a-fore y taught yow this, all{e} degrees of high{e} officer{e}, & worthy as he is. 1172 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.] [Sidenote: Now I have told you of Court Manners, how to manage in Pantry, Buttery, Carving, and as Sewer, and Marshal,] ¶ ++Now good soñ, y hau{e} shewed the / & brought þe in vre, to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e}, In pantry / botery / or celler{e} / & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e}, A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science / y suppose ye byñ sewr{e}, 1176 [Sidenote: as I learnt with a Royal Prince whose Usher and Marshal I was. All other officers have to obey me.] ¶ Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e}, with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shall{e} also in hall{e}, vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid / þey eu{er} ente{n}d{e} shall{e}, Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}: 1180 [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE CHIEF OFFICER.] [Sidenote: Our office is the chief, whether the Cook likes it or not.] For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff.[273] [Sidenote: All these offices may be filled by one man, but a Prince’s dignity requires each office to have its officer, and a servant under him,] ¶ ++Thus þe diligences of dyu{er}se officeȝ y haue shewed to þe allone, [Fol. 188b.] the which science may be shewed & dooñ by a syng{e}l{er}[274] p{er}sone; 1184 but þe dignyte of a prince req{ui}reth{e} vche office must haue ooñ to be rewler{e} in his rome / a s{er}uand hym̅ waytyng{e} oñ. [Sidenote: (all knowing their duties perfectly) to wait on their Lord and please his guests.] ¶ Moor{e}-ou{er} h{i}t requireth{e} eu{er}ich of þem in office to haue p{er}fite science, For dowt and drede doyng{e} his souereyñ displicence, 1188 hym to attende, and his gest{is} to plese in place wher{e} þey ar p{re}sence, that his souereyñ þrough{e} his s{er}uice may make grete co{n}gaudence. [Sidenote: Don’t fear to serve a prince; take good heed to your duties, watch, and you need not fear.] ¶ For a prynce to s{er}ue, ne dowt he not / and god be his spede! Furþ{er} þañ his office / & þ{er}-to let hym̅ take good hede, 1192 and his warde wayte wisely // & eu{er}mor{e} þ{er}-in haue drede; Þus doyng{e} his dewte dewly, to dowte he shall{e} not nede. [Sidenote: _Tasting_ is done only for those of royal blood, as a Pope, King, Duke, and Earl: not below.] ¶ ++Tastyng{e} and credence[275] longeth{e} to blode & birth royall{e},[276] As pope / emp{er}our{e} / E{m}p{er}atrice, and Cardynall{e}, 1196 kyng{e} / queene / prynce / Archebischoppe in palle, Duke / Erle and no mo / þat y to remembraunce / calle. [Sidenote: Tasting is done for fear of poison; therefore keep your room secure, and close your safe, for fear of tricks.] ¶ ++Credence is vsed, & tastyng{e}, for drede of poysenyng{e}, To all{e} officers y-sworne / and grete oth{e} by chargyng{e}; 1200 þ{er}for{e} vche mañ in office kepe his rome sewr{e}, closyng{e} Cloos howse / chest / & gardevyañ[277], for drede of congettyng{e}. [Sidenote: A Prince’s Steward and Chamberlain have the oversight of all offices and of tasting,] ¶ ++Steward and Chamburlayñ of a p{r}ince of royalte, þey haue / knowleche of homages, s{er}uice, and fewte; 1204 so þey haue ou{er}sight of eu{er}y office / aft{ur} þeir{e} degre, by wrytyng{e} þe knowleche / & þe Credence to ou{er}se; [Sidenote: and they must tell the Marshal, Sewer, and Carver how to do it.] ¶ Therfore in makyng{e} of his credence, it is to drede, y sey, To m{er}shall{e} / sew{e}r{e}[278] and kerver{e} þey must allowte allwey, 1208 to teche hym̅ of his office / þe credence hym to prey: þus shall{e} he not stond in makyng{e} of his credence in no fray. [Sidenote: I don’t propose to write more on this matter. I tried this treatise myself,] ¶ ++Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve: my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve. 1212 þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve, y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve. [Sidenote: in my youth, and enjoyed these matters, but now age compels me to leave the court; so try yourself.”] while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede, y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede; 1216 but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede. þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.” [Sidenote: “Blessing on you, Father, for this your teaching of me! Now I shall dare to serve where before I was afraid.] ++“Now feir{e} falle yow, fadur / & blessid mote ye be, For þis comenyng{e} / & þe co{n}nyng{e} / þat y[e] haue her{e} shewed me! 1220 now dar y do s{er}uice diligent / to dyu{er}s of dignyte, wher{e} for scantnes of conny{n}g{e} y durst no mañ y-se. [Sidenote: I will try, and shall learn by practice. May God reward you for teaching me!”] So p{er}fitely seth{e} y hit p{er}ceue / my parte y woll{e} p{re}ue and assay; / [Fol. 189.] boþe by practike and ex{er}cise / yet som good lerne y may: 1224 and for your{e} gentill{e} lernyng{e} / y am bound eu{er} to pray that our{e} lorde rewarde you in blis that lasteth aye.” [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.] [Sidenote: “Good son, and all readers of this _Boke of Nurture_, pray for the soul of me, John Russell, (servant of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester;)] ++“Now good soñ, thy self w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede, which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede, pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede, Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey, duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede. [Text note: The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.] [Sidenote: also for the Duke, my wife, father, and mother, that we may all go to bliss when we die.”] For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo, þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also, 1232 vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe, and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. +AMEN+.” [Sidenote: Little book, commend me to all learners, and to the experienced, whom I pray to correct its faults.] Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende, 1236 and specially to þem þat han exsperience, p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e} and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende. [Sidenote: Any such, put to my copying, which I have done as I best could.] ¶ And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence, Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence, 1240 which{e} to drawe out [I] haue do my besy diligence, redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence. [Sidenote: The transcriber is not to blame; he copied what was before him, and neither of us wrote it,] ¶ As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame, For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same, 1244 and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade, blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made; [Sidenote: I only corrected the rhyme. God! grant us grace to rule in Heaven with Thine elect!] ¶ Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte; blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no p{er}sone suspecte. 1248 Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte! þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe. [Some word or words in large black letter have been cut off at the bottom of the page.] [Footnote 1: do, get on.] [Footnote 2: ? þat = nought can.] [Footnote 3: The Lawnd in woodes. _Saltus nemorum._ Baret, 1580. _Saltus_, a launde. Glossary in _Rel. Ant._, v. 1, p. 7, col. 1. _Saltus_, a forest-pasture, woodland-pasture, woodland; a forest.] [Footnote 4: at will. A.S. _wilsum_, free willed.] [Footnote 5: A.S. _hirne_, corner. Dan. _hiörne_.] [Footnote 6: Halke or hyrne. _Angulus_, _latibulum_; A.S. hylca, _sinus_ Promptorium Parvulorum and note.] [Footnote 7: AS. _fregnan_, to ask; Goth., _fraihnan_; Germ., _fragen._] [Footnote 8: AS. _lis_ remissio, lenitas; Dan. _lise_, Sw. _lisa_, relief.] [Footnote 9: _for_ me to] [Footnote 10: In Sir John Fastolfe’s _Bottre_, 1455, are “ij. kerving knyves, iij. kneyves in a schethe, the haftys of every (ivory) withe naylys gilt ... j. trencher-knyfe.” _Domestic Arch._, v. 3, p. 157-8. _Hec mensacula_, a dressyng-knyfe, p. 256; trencher-knyves, _mensaculos_. Jn. de Garlande, Wright’s Vocab. p. 123.] [Footnote 11: An Augre, or wimble, wherewith holes are bored. Terebra & terebrum. _Vng tarriere._ Baret’s Alvearie, 1580.] [Footnote 12: A Cannell or gutter. _Canalis._ Baret. _Tuyau_, a pipe, quill, cane, reed, canell. Cotgrave. _Canelle_, the faucet [l. 68] or quill of a wine vessel; also, the cocke, or spout of a conduit. Cot.] [Footnote 13: A Faucet, or tappe, a flute, a whistle, a pipe as well to conueigh water, as an instrument of Musicke. _Fistula_ ... _Tábulus._ Baret.] [Footnote 14: _Tampon_, a bung or stopple. Cot. Tampyon for a gon--_tampon._ Palsg.] [Footnote 15: The projecting rim of a cask. Queen Elizabeth’s ‘yeoman drawer hath for his fees, all the lees of wine within fowre fingers of the _chine_, &c.’ _H. Ord._ p. 295, (referred to by Halliwell).] [Footnote 16. _Ashore_, aslant, see note to l. 299.] [_Labeled in text as “l. 71” and printed between notes 13, 14. The “note to l. 299” is Footnote 58._] [Footnote 17: ? This may be _butter-cheese_, milk- or cream-cheese, as contrasted with the ‘hard chese’ l. 84-5; but butter is treated of separately, l. 89.] [Footnote 18: Fruit preserves of some kind; not the stew of chickens, herbs, honey, ginger, &c., for which a recipe is given on p. 18 of _Liber Cure Cocorum._ Cotgrave has _Composte_: f. A condiment or composition; a wet sucket (wherein sweet wine was vsed in stead of sugar), also, a pickled or winter Sallet of hearbes, fruits, or flowers, condited in vinegar, salt, sugar, or sweet wine, and so keeping all the yeare long; any hearbes, fruit, or flowers in pickle; also pickle it selfe. Fr. _compote_, stewed fruit. The Recipe for _Compost_ in the Forme of Cury, Recipe 100 (C), p. 49-50, is “Take rote of p{er}sel. pasternak of raseñs. scrape hem and waische he{m} clene. take rap{is} & caboch{is} ypared and icorne. take an erthen pa{n}ne w{i}t{h} clene wat{er}, & set it on the fire. cast all þise þ{er}inne. whan þey buth boiled, cast þ{er}to peer{is}, & p{ar}boile hem wel. take þise thyng{is} up, & lat it kele on a fair cloth, do þ{er}to salt whan it is colde in a vessel; take vineg{ur}, & powdo{ur}, & safrou{n}, & do þ{er}to, & lat alle þise þing{is} lye þ{er}in al nyȝt oþ{er} al day, take wyne greke and hony clarified togidur, lumbarde mustard, & raisou{n}s corance al hool. & grynde powdo{ur} of canel, powdo{ur} douce, & aneys hole. & fenell seed. take alle þise þing{is}, & cast togyd{ur} i{n} a pot of erthe. and take þ{er}of whan þ{o}u wilt, & s{er}ue forth.”] [Footnote 19: ? not A.S. _wínberie_, a wine-berry, a grape, but our _Whinberry_. But ‘Wineberries, currants’, Craven Gloss.; Sw. _vin-bär_, a currant. On _hard cheese_, see note to l. 86.] [Footnote 20: _Blandureau_, m. The white apple, called (in some part of England) a Blaundrell. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 21: See note to l. 75.] [Footnote 22: _Pouldre blanche_. A powder compounded of Ginger, Cinnamon, and Nutmegs; much in use among Cookes. Cotgrave. Is there any authority for the statement in _Domestic Architecture_, v. 1, p. 132; that sugar ‘was sometimes called _blanch powdre_’? P.S.--Probably the recollection of what Pegge says in the Preface to the _Forme of Cury_, “There is mention of _blanch-powder or white sugar_,” 132 [p. 63]. They, however, were not the same, for see No. 193, p. xxvi-xxvii. On turning to the Recipe 132, of “Peer{is} in confyt,” p. 62-3, we find “whan þei [the pears] buth ysode, take he{m} up, make a syrup of wyne greke. oþ{er} v{er}nage w{i}t{h} blau{n}che powd{ur}, oþ{er} white sug{ur}, and powdo{ur} gyng{ur}, & do the per{is} þ{er}in.” It is needless to say that if a modern recipe said take “sugar or honey,” sugar could not be said “to be sometimes called” honey. See Dawson Turner in Howard Household Books.] [Footnote 23: _Ioncade_: f. A certaine spoone-meat made of creame, Rose-water and Sugar. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 24: See the recipe to make it, lines 121-76; and in _Forme of Cury_, p. 161.] [Footnote 25: Muffett held a very different opinion. ‘Old and dry cheese hurteth dangerously: for it stayeth siege [stools], stoppeth the Liver, engendereth choler, melancholy, and the stone, lieth long in the stomack undigested, procureth thirst, maketh a stinking breath and a scurvy skin: Whereupon Galen and Isaac have well noted, That as we may feed liberally of ruin cheese, and more liberally of fresh Cheese, so we are not to taste any further of old and hard Cheese, then to close up the mouth of our stomacks after meat,’ p. 131.] [Footnote 26: In youth and old age. Muffett says, p. 129-30, ‘according to the old Proverb, _Butter is Gold in the morning, Silver at noon, and lead at night._ It is also best for children whilst they are growing, and for old men when they are declining; but very unwholesom betwixt those two ages, because through the heat of young stomacks, it is forthwith converted into choler [bile]. The Dutchmen have a by-Verse amongst them to this effect, _Eat Butter first, and eat it last,_ _And live till a hundred years be past’_] [Footnote 27: See note to l. 82.] [Footnote 28: See ‘Rompney of Modoñ,’ among the sweet wines, l. 119.] [Footnote 29: _Eschec & mat._ Checke-mate at Chests; and (metaphorically) a remedilesse disaster, miserie, or misfortune. Cot.] [Footnote 30: _? ascia_, a dyse, Vocab. in _Reliq. Ant._ v. 1, p. 8, col. 1; _ascia_, 1. an axe; (2. a mattock, a hoe; 3. an instrument for mixing mortar). _Diessel_, ofte _Diechsel_, A Carpenter-axe, or a Chip-axe. Hexham.] [Footnote 31: ? The name of the lees of some red wine. Phillips has _Rosa Solis_, a kind of Herb; also a pleasant Liquor made of Brandy, Sugar, Cinnamon, and other Ingredients agreeable to the Taste, and comfortable to the Heart. (So called, as being at first prepared wholly of the juice of the plant ros-solis (sun-dew) or drosera. Dict. of Arts and Sciences, 1767.)] [Footnote 32: See note, l. 31.] [Footnote 33: See note on these wines at the end of the poem.] [Footnote 34: In the Recipe for Jussel of Flessh (Household Ord., p. 462), one way of preparing the dish is ‘for a Lorde,’ another way ‘for Commons.’ Other like passages also occur.] [Footnote 35: Graines. _Cardamomum, Graine de paradis._ Baret. ‘Graines of Paradise; or, the spice which we call, Graines.’ Cotgrave.] [Footnote 36: _Cuite_, a seething, baking. Cot.] [Footnote 37: _Spices._ Of those for the Percy Household, 1512, the yearly cost was £25 19s. 7d., for _Piper_, Rasyns of Corens, Prones, _Gynger_, Mace, Clovvez, Sugour, _Cinamom_, Allmonds, Daytts, Nuttmuggs, _Granes_, _Tornesole_, Saunders, _Powder of Annes_, Rice, Coumfetts, _Galyngga_, _Longe Piper_, _Blaynshe Powder_, and Safferon, p. 19, 20. Household Book, ed. Bp. Percy.] [Footnote 38: Canel, spyce. _Cinamomum, amomum._ Promt. Parv. _Canelle_, our moderne Cannell or Cinnamom. Cot. (Named from its tube stalk?)] [Footnote 39: _Tourne-soleil._ Tornesole, Heliotropium. Cotgrave. Take bleue _turnesole_, and dip hit in wyne, that the wyne may catch the colour thereof, and colour the potage therwith. _H. Ord._, p. 465.... and take red _turnesole_ steped wel in wyne, and colour the potage with that wine, _ibid._ ‘And then with a little _Turnsole_ make it of a high murrey [mulberry] colour.’ Markham’s Houswife, p. 70.] [Footnote 40: Manche: f. A sleeue; also a long narrow bag (such as Hypocras is made in). Cotgrave.] [Footnote 41: boulting or straining cloth. ‘ij bulteclothes.’ Status Domus de Fynchall, A.D. 1360. _Dom. Arch._ v. 1, p. 136, note _f_.] [Footnote 42: Stale, dead. Pallyd, as drynke (palled, as ale). _Emortuus._ P. Parv. See extract from A. Borde in notes at end.] [Footnote 43: See _Dict. de L’Academie_, p. 422, col. 2, ed. 1835. ‘_Couche_ se dit aussi de Toute substance qui est étendue, appliquée sur une autre, de manière à la couvrir. _Revêtir un mur d’une_ couche _de plâtre, de mortier, &c._’] [Footnote 44: Fr. _repli_: m. A fould, plait, or _bought_. Cotgrave. cf. _Bow_, bend.] [Footnote 45: Fine cloth, originally made at Rennes, in Bretagne.] [Footnote 46: A.S. _gerǣdian_, to make ready, arrange, prepare.] [Footnote 47: See the mode of laying the Surnape in Henry VII.’s time described in _H. Ord._, p. 119, at the end of this Poem.] [Footnote 48: “A _Portpayne_ for the said Pantre, an elne longe and a yerd brode.” The _Percy_, or Northumberland Household Book, 1512, (ed. 1827), p. 16, under _Lynnon Clothe_. ‘A _porte paine_, to beare breade fro the Pantree to the table with, _lintheum panarium_.’ Withals.] [Footnote 49: A.S. _ætwítan_, twit; _oðwítan_, blame.] [Footnote 50: ‘prowl, proll, to seek for prey, from Fr. _proie_ by the addition of a formative _l_, as kneel from knee.’ Wedgwood.] [Footnote 51: Louse is in English in 1530 ’Louse, a beest--_pov._ Palsgrave. And see the note, p. 19, _Book of Quinte Essence_.] [Footnote 52: To look sullen (?). _Glowting_ round her rock, to fish she falls. _Chapman_, in Todd’s Johnson. Horrour and _glouting_ admiration. _Milton._ _Glouting_ with sullen spight. _Garth._] [Footnote 53: Snytyn a nese or a candyl. _Emungo, mungo._ Prompt. Parv. _Emungo_, to make cleane the nose. _Emunctio_, snuffyng or wypynge of the nose. Cooper. _Snuyt uw neus_, Blow your nose. Sewel, 1740; but _snuyven, ofte snuffen_, To Snuffe out the Snot or Filth out of ones Nose. Hexham, 1660. A learned friend, who in his bachelor days investigated some of the curiosities of London Life, informs me that the modern Cockney term is _sling_. In the dress-circle of the Bower Saloon, Stangate, admission 3d., he saw stuck up, four years ago, the notice, “_Gentlemen_ are requested not to _sling_,” and being philologically disposed, he asked the attendant the meaning of the word.] [Footnote 54: askew. _Doyle_, squint. Gloucestershire. Halliwell.] [Footnote 55: Codde, of mannys pryuyte (preuy membris). _Piga, mentula._ Promptorium Parvulorum.] [Footnote 56: Mowe or skorne, _Vangia vel valgia_. Catholicon, in P. P.] [Footnote 57: Ȝyxyñ _Singulcio_. Ȝyxynge _singultus_. P. P. To yexe, sobbe, or haue the hicket. _Singultio._ Baret. To yexe or sobbe, _Hicken_, To Hick, or to have the Hick-hock. Hexham.] [Footnote 58: ? shorewise, as shores. ‘Schore, undur settynge of a þynge þat wolde falle.’ P. Parv. Du. _Schooren_, To Under-prop. _Aller eschays_, To shale, stradle, goe crooked, or wide betweene the feet, or legs. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 59: Dutch _Schrobben_, To Rubb, to Scrape, to Scratch. Hexham.] [Footnote 60: Iettyn _verno_. P. Parv. Mr Way quotes from Palsgrave, “I _iette_, I make a countenaunce with my legges, _ie me iamboye_,” &c.; and from Cotgrave, “_Iamboyer_, to _iet_, or wantonly to go in and out with the legs,” &c.] [Footnote 61: grinding.] [Footnote 62: gnastyn (gnachyn) _Fremo, strideo_. Catholicon. Gnastyng of the tethe--_stridevr, grincement_. Palsg. Du. _gnisteren_, To Gnash, or Creake with the teeth. Hexham.] [Footnote 63: Short coats and tight trousers were a great offence to old writers accustomed to long nightgown clothes. Compare Chaucer’s complaint in the Canterbury Tales, The Parsones Tale, _De Superbiâ_, p. 193, col. 2, ed. Wright. “Upon that other syde, to speke of the horrible disordinat scantnes of clothing, as ben these cuttid sloppis or anslets, that thurgh her schortnes ne covereth not the schamful membre of man, to wickid entent. Alas! som men of hem schewen the schap and the boce of the horrible swollen membres, that semeth like to the maladies of hirnia, in the wrapping of here hose, and eek the buttokes of hem, that faren as it were the hinder part of a sche ape in the fulle of the moone.” The continuation of the passage is very curious. “Youre schort gownys thriftlesse” are also noted in the song in Harl. MS. 372. See Weste, _Booke of Demeanour_, l. 141, below.] [Footnote 64: Fr. _tache_, spot, staine, blemish, reproach. C.] [Footnote 65: sobriety, gravity.] [Footnote 66: Edward IV. had ‘Bannerettes IIII, or Bacheler Knights, to be kervers and cupberers in this courte.’ _H. Ord._, p. 32.] [Footnote 67: See the _Termes of a Keruer_ in Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_ below.] [Footnote 68: to embrew. _Ferrum tingere sanguine._ Baret.] [Footnote 69: The table-knife, ‘Mensal knyfe, or borde knyfe, _Mensalis_,’ P. Parv., was, I suppose, a lighter knife than the trencher-knife used for cutting trenchers off very stale coarse loaves.] [Footnote 70: ? Fr. _pareil_, A match or fellow. C.] [Footnote 71: A.S. _gramian_, to anger.] [Footnote 72: Sowce mete, _Succidium_. P. Parv.] [Footnote 73: ? Crop or crawe, or cropon of a beste (croupe or cropon), _Clunis_. P. Parv. Crops are emptied before birds are cooked.] [Footnote 74: A.S. _beniman_, take away, deprive.] [Footnote 75: Fr. _achever_, To atchieue; to end, finish. Cot.] [Footnote 76: Hwyr, cappe (hure H.), _Tena_. A.S. _hufe_, a tiara, ornament. Promptorium Parv.] [Footnote 77: Chyne, of bestys bakke. _Spina._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 78: slices, strips.] [Footnote 79: ‘_De haute graisse_, Full, plumpe, goodlie, fat, well-fed, in good liking.’ Cotgrave.] [Footnote 80: Fr. _arracher_. To root vp ... pull away by violence. Cotgrave. [[Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346 (E. E. T. Soc. 1866).]] ] [Footnote 81: The Bittern or Bittour, _Ardea Stellaris_.] [Footnote 82: _Egrette_, as _Aigrette_; A foule that resembles a Heron. _Aigrette_ (A foule verie like a Heron, but white); a criell Heron, or dwarfe Heron. Cot. _Ardea alba_, A crielle or dwarfe heron. Cooper.] [Footnote 83: Snype, or snyte, byrde, _Ibex._ P. P. A snipe or snite: a bird lesse than a woodcocke. _Gallinago minor_, &c. Baret.] [Footnote 84: A small Heron or kind of Heron; Shakspere’s editors’ _handsaw_. The spelling _heronshaw_ misled Cotgrave, &c.; he has _Haironniere_. A herons neast, or ayrie; a _herne_-shaw or shaw of wood, wherein herons breed. ‘An Hearne. _Ardea._ A hearnsew, _Ardeola_.’ Baret, 1580. ‘Fr. _heronceau_, a young heron, gives E. _heronshaw_,’ Wedgwood. I cannot find _heronceau_, only _heronneau_. ‘A yong _herensew_ is lyghter of dygestyon than a crane. A. Borde. _Regyment_, fol. F i, ed. 1567. ‘In actual application a _heronshaw_, _hernshaw_ or _hernsew_, is simply a Common Heron (Ardea Vulgaris) with no distinction as to age, &c.’ Atkinson.] [Footnote 85: The Brewe is mentioned three times, and each time in connection with the Curlew. I believe it to be the Whimbrel (_Numenius Phæopus_) or Half Curlew. I have a recollection (or what seems like it) of having seen the name with a French form like Whimbreau. [Pennant’s British Zoology, ii. 347, gives _Le petit Courly, ou le Courlieu_, as the French synonym of the Whimbrel.] Morris (Orpen) says the numbers of the Whimbrel are lessening from their being sought as food. Atkinson.] [Footnote 86: “The singular structure of the windpipe and its convolutions lodged between the two plates of bone forming the sides of the keel of the sternum of this bird (the Crane) have long been known. The trachea or windpipe, quitting the neck of the bird, passes downwards and backwards between the branches of the merry-thought towards the inferior edge of the keel, which is hollowed out to receive it. Into this groove the trachea passes, ... and after making three turns passes again forwards and upwards and ultimately backwards to be attached to the two lobes of the lungs.” Yarrell, _Brit. Birds_ ii. 441. Atkinson.] [Footnote 87: Way, manner. Plyte or state (plight, P.). _Status._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 88: A sort of gristle, the tendon of the neck. Germ. _flachse_, Brockett. And see Wheatley’s Dict. of Reduplicated Words.] [Footnote 89: The ‘canelle boon’ between the hind legs must be the pelvis, or pelvic arch, or else the _ilium_ or haunch-bone: and in cutting up the rabbit many good carvers customarily disjoint the haunch-bones before helping any one to the rump. Atkinson.] [Footnote 90: Rabet, yonge conye, _Cunicellus_. P. Parv. ‘The Conie beareth her _Rabettes_ xxx dayes, and then kindeleth, and then she must be bucked againe, for els she will eate vp hir _Rabets_. 1575. Geo. Turbervile, The Booke of Venerie, p. 178, ch. 63.’ --H. H. Gibbs.] [Footnote 91: slices, or rather strips.] [Footnote 92: board-cloth, table-cloth.] [Footnote 93: Part IV. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 38-42, is ‘of bakun mete.’ On Dishes and Courses generally, see _Randle Holme_, Bk. III. Chap. III. p. 77-86.] [Footnote 94: rere a _cofyn_ of flowre so fre. _L. C. C._, p. 38, l. 8. The crust of a raised pie.] [Footnote 95: _for_ thin; _see line_ 486.] [Footnote 96: ? A dish of batter somewhat like our Yorkshire Pudding; not the _Crustade_ or pie of chickens, pigeons, and small birds of the _Household Ordinances_, p. 442, and Crustate of flesshe of _Liber Cure_, p. 40.] [Footnote 97: ? _buche de bois._ A logge, backe stocke, or great billet. Cot. I suppose the _buche_ to refer to the manner of _checkering_ the custard, buche-wise, and not to be a dish. Venison is ‘chekkid,’ l. 388-9. This rendering is confirmed by _The Boke of Keruynge’s_ “Custarde, cheke them inch square” (in Keruynge of Flesshe). Another possible rendering of _buche_ as a dish of batter or the like, seems probable from the ‘Bouce Jane, a dish in Ancient Cookery’ (Wright’s Prov^l. Dict^y.), but the recipe for it in Household Ordinances, p. 431, shows that it was a stew, which could not be checkered or squared. It consisted of milk boiled with chopped herbs, half-roasted chickens or capons cut into pieces, ‘pynes and raysynges of corance,’ all boiled together. In _Household Ordinances_, p. 162-4, _Bouche_, or _Bouche of court_, is used for allowance. The ‘Knights and others of the King’s Councell,’ &c., had each ‘for their _Bouch_ in the morning one chet loafe, one manchet, one gallon of ale; for afternoone, one manchett, one gallon of ale; for after supper, one manchett, &c.’] [Footnote 98: See the recipe, end of this volume. In Sir John Howard’s Household Books is an entry in 1467, ‘for viij boshelles of flour for _dowsetes_ vj s. viij d.’ p. 396, ed. 1841. See note 5 to l. 699, below.] [Footnote 99: The last recipe in _The Forme of Cury_, p. 89, is one for Payn Puff, but as it refers to the preceding receipt, that is given first here. THE PETY P{ER}UAU{N}T.[*] XX IX.XV.[= 195] Take male Marow. hole parade, and kerue it rawe; powd{our} of Gyng{ur}, yolk{is} of Ayren{e}, dat{is} mynced, raisoñs of corañce, salt a lytel, & loke þ{a}t þ{o}u make þy past with ȝolkes of Ayren, & þat no wat{er} come þ{er}to; and fo{ur}me þy coffyn, and make up þy past. PAYN PUFF XX IX.XVI[= 196] Eodem m{odo} fait payn puff, but make it more tendre þ^e past, and loke þ^e past be rou{n}de of þ^e payn puf as a coffyn & a pye. Randle Holme treats of Puffe, Puffs, and Pains, p. 84, col. 1, 2, but does not mention _Payn Puff_. ‘Payn puffe, and pety-pettys, and cuspis and doucettis,’ are mentioned among the last dishes of a service on Flessh-Day (_H. Ord._, p. 450), but no recipe for either is given in the book.] [Footnote 99*: Glossed _Petypanel, a Marchpayne._ Leland, Coll. vi. p. 6. Pegge.] [Footnote 100: In lines 707, 748, the _pety perueys_ come between the fish and pasties. I cannot identify them as fish. I suppose they were pies, perhaps _The Pety Peruaunt_ of note 2 above; or better still, the fish-pies, _Petipetes_ (or _pety-pettys_ of the last note), which Randle Holme says ‘are Pies made of Carps and Eels, first roasted, and then minced, and with Spices made up in Pies.’] [Footnote 101: De cibi elecc{i}one: (Sloane MS. 1986, fol. 59 b, and elsewhere,) “Frixa nocent, elixa fouent, assata cohercent.”] [Footnote 102: Meat, sage, & poached, fritters?] [Footnote 103: Recipe in _L. Cure_, p. 39.] [Footnote 104: There is a recipe ‘for a Tansy Cake’ in _Lib. C._, p. 50. Cogan says of _Tansie_,-- “it auoideth fleume.... Also it killeth worms, and purgeth the matter whereof they be engendred. Wherefore it is much vsed among vs in England, about Easter, with fried Egs, not without good cause, to purge away the fleume engendred of fish in Lent season, whereof worms are soone bred in them that be thereto disposed.” Tansey, says Bailey (_Dict. Domesticum_) is recommended for the dissipating of wind in the stomach and belly. He gives the recipe for ‘A Tansy’ made of spinage, milk, cream, eggs, grated bread and nutmeg, heated till it’s as thick as a hasty pudding, and then baked.] [Footnote 105: Slices or strips of meat, &c., in sauce. See note to l. 516, p. 34.] [Footnote 106: Recipe ‘For Sirup,’ _Liber Cure_, p. 43, and ‘Syrip for a Capon or Faysant,’ _H. Ord._ p. 440.] [Footnote 107: potages, soups.] [Footnote 108: Soppes in Fenell, Slitte Soppes, _H. Ord._ p. 445.] [Footnote 109: Recipe for a Cawdel, _L. C. C._ p. 51.] [Footnote 110: Recipes for Gele in Chekyns or of Hennes, and Gele of Flesshe, _H. Ord._ p. 437.] [Footnote 111: A.S. _roppas_, the bowels.] [Footnote 112: “leeche” is a slice or strip, _H. Ord._ p. 472 (440), p. 456 (399)--’cut hit on _leches_ as hit were pescoddes,’ p. 439,--and also a stew or dish in which strips of pork, &c., are cooked. See Leche Lumbarde, _H. Ord._ p. 438-9. Fr. _lesche_, a long slice or shiue of bread, &c. Cot. _Hic lesca Ae_, scywe (shive or slice), Wright’s Vocab. p. 198: _hec lesca_, a schyfe, p. 241. See also Mr Way’s long note 1, Prompt. Parv., p. 292, and the recipes for 64 different “Leche vyaundys” in MS. Harl. 279, that he refers to.] [Footnote 113: For Potages see Part I. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 7-27.] [Footnote 114: Recipe for Potage de Frumenty in _H. Ord._ p. 425, and for Furmente in _Liber Cure_, p. 7, _H. Ord._ p. 462.] [Footnote 115: Recipe ‘For gruel of fors,’ _Lib. C._ p. 47, and _H. Ord._ p. 425.] [Footnote 116: ? minced or powdered beef: Fr. _gravelle_, small grauell or sand. Cot. ‘Powdred motoun,’ l. 533, means sprinkled, salted.] [Footnote 117: Recipes for ‘Mortrewes de Chare,’ _Lib. C._ p. 9; ‘of fysshe,’ p. 19; blanched, p. 13; and _H. Ord._ pp. 438, 454, 470.] [Footnote 118: Butter of Almonde mylke, _Lib. C._ p. 15; _H. Ord._ p. 447.] [Footnote 119: See the recipe, p. 145.] [Footnote 120: Recipe for _Tartlotes_ in _Lib. C. C._ p. 41.] [Footnote 121: Recipe for _Cabaches_ in _H. Ord._ p. 426, and _caboches_, p. 454, both the vegetable. There is a fish _caboche_ in the 15th cent. Nominale in Wright’s Vocab. _Hic caput, A^e_, Caboche, p. 189, col. 1, the bullhead, or miller’s thumb, called in French _chabot_.] [Footnote 122: See two recipes for Nombuls in _Liber Cure_, p. 10, and for ‘Nombuls of a Dere,’ in _H. Ord._ p. 427.] [Footnote 123: For Sauces (_Salsamenta_) see Part II. of _Liber Cure_, p. 27-34.] [Footnote 124: Recipe ‘for lumbardus Mustard’ in _Liber Cure_, p. 30.] [Footnote 125: Fleshe _poudred_ or salted. _Caro salsa, vel salita_. Withals.] [Footnote 126: The juice of unripe grapes. See _Maison Rustique_, p. 620.] [Footnote 127: Chaudwyn, l. 688 below. See a recipe for “Chaudern for Swannes” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 441; and for “þandon (MS. chaudon [*]) for wylde digges, swannus and piggus,” in _Liber Cure_, p. 9, and “Sawce for swannus,” _Ibid._ p. 29. It was made of chopped liver and entrails boiled with blood, bread, wine, vinegar, pepper, cloves, and ginger.] [Footnote 127*: Sloane 1986, p. 48, or fol. 27 b. It is not safe to differ from Mr Morris, but on comparing the C of ‘Chaudoñ for swann{is},’ col. 1, with that of ‘Caudell{e} of almonde,’ at the top of the second col., I have no doubt that the letter is _C_. So on fol. 31 b. the C of Chaudon is more like the C of Charlet opposite than the T of Take under it. The _C_ of Caudel dalmo{n} on fol. 34 b., and that of _Cultellis_, fol. 24, l. 5, are of the same shape.] [[Footnote 127a: _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason. Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67.]] [Footnote 128: See the recipe “To make Gynger Sause” in _H. Ord._ p. 441, and “For sawce gynger,” _L. C. C._ p. 52.] [Footnote 129: No doubt the “sawce fyne þat men calles camelyne” of _Liber Cure_, p. 30, ‘raysons of corouns,’ nuts, bread crusts, cloves, ginger, cinnamon, powdered together and mixed with vinegar. “Camelin, sauce cameline, A certaine daintie Italian sauce.” Cot.] [Footnote 130: A bird mentioned in _Archæologia_, xiii. 341. Hall. See note, l. 422.] [Footnote 131: Shovelars feed most commonly upon the Sea-coast upon cockles and Shell-fish: being taken home, and dieted with new garbage and good meat, they are nothing inferior to fatted Galls. _Muffett_, p. 109. _Hic populus_, a schevelard (the _anas clypeata_ of naturalists). Wright’s Voc., p. 253.] [Footnote 132: See note 6 to line 539, above.] [Footnote 133: Is not this line superfluous? After 135 stanzas of 4 lines each, we here come to one of 5 lines. I suspect l. 544 is simply de trop. W. W. Skeat.] [Footnote 134: For the fish in the Poem mentioned by Yarrell, and for references to him, see the list at the end of this _Boke of Nurture_.] [Footnote 135: Recipes for “Grene Pesen” are in _H. Ord._ p. 426-7, p. 470; and Porre of Pesen, &c. p. 444.] [Footnote 136: Topsell in his _Fourfooted Beasts_, ed. Rowland, 1658, p. 36, says of Beavers, “There hath been taken of them whose tails have weighed four pound weight, and they are accounted a very delicate dish, for being dressed they eat like Barbles: they are used by the Lotharingians and Savoyans [says Bellonius] for meat allowed to be eaten on fish-dayes, although the body that beareth them be flesh and unclean for food. The manner of their dressing is, first roasting, and afterward seething in an open pot, that so the evill vapour may go away, and some in pottage made with Saffron; other with Ginger, and many with Brine; it is certain that the tail and forefeet taste very sweet, from whence came the Proverbe, _That sweet is that fish, which is not fish at all_.”] [Footnote 137: See the recipe for “Furmente with Purpeys,” _H. Ord._ p. 442.] [Footnote 138: I suppose this to be Seal. If it is Eel, see recipes for “Eles in Surre, Browet, Gravê, Brasyle,” in _H. Ord._ p. 467-8.] [Footnote 139: Wynkyn de Worde has ‘a salte purpos or sele turrentyne.’ If this is right, torrentille must apply to ȝele, and be a species of seal: if not, it must be allied to the Trout or Torrentyne, l. 835.] [Footnote 140: Congur in Pyole, _H. Ord._ p. 469. ‘I must needs agree with Diocles, who being asked, _whether were the better fish, a Pike or a Conger_: That (said he) sodden, and this broild; shewing us thereby, that all flaggy, slimy and moist fish (as Eeles, Congers, Lampreys, Oisters, Cockles, Mustles, and Scallopes) are best broild, rosted or bakt; but all other fish of a firm substance and drier constitution is rather to be sodden.’ _Muffett_, p. 145.] [Footnote 141: So MS., but _grone_ may mean _green_, see l. 851 and note to it. If not, ? for Fr. _gronan_, a gurnard. The Scotch _crowner_ is a species of gurnard.] [Footnote 142: Lynge, fysshe, _Colin_, Palsgrave; but _Colin_, a Sea-cob, or Gull. Cotgrave. See Promptorium, p. 296.] [Footnote 143: Fr. _Merlus ou Merluz_, A Mellwell, or Keeling, a kind of small Cod whereof Stockfish is made. Cotgrave. And see Prompt. Parv. p. 348, note 4. “Cod-fish is a great Sea-whiting, called also a Keeling or Melwel.” Bennett’s Muffett on Food, p. 148.] [Footnote 144: Cogan says of stockfish, “Concerning which fish I will say no more than Erasmus hath written in his _Colloquio_. _There is a kind of fishe_, which _is called in English_ Stockfish: _it nourisheth no more than a stock_. Yet I haue eaten of a pie made onely with Stockefishe, whiche hath been verie good, but the goodnesse was not so much in the fishe as in the cookerie, which may make that sauorie, which of it selfe is vnsavourie ... it is sayd a good Cooke can make you good meate of a whetstone.... Therfore a good Cooke is a good iewell, and to be much made of.” “Stockfish whilst it is unbeaten is called Buckhorne, because it is so tough; when it is beaten upon the stock, it is termed stockfish.” _Muffett._ Lord Percy (A.D. 1512) was to have “cxl Stok fisch for the expensys of my house for an hole Yere, after ij.d. obol. the pece,” p. 7, and “Dccccxlij Salt fisch ... after iiij the pece,” besides 9 barrels of white and 10 cades of red herring, 5 cades of Sprats (_sprootis_), 400 score salt salmon, 3 firkins of salt sturgeon and 5 cags of salt eels.] [Footnote 145: Fr. _Merlan_, a Whiting, a Merling. Cot. ‘The best Whitings are taken in Tweede, called _Merlings_, of like shape and vertue with ours, but far bigger.’ _Muffett_, p. 174.] [Footnote 146: MS. may be Cleynes. ? what place can it be; Clayness, Claynose? Claybury is near Woodford in Essex.] [Footnote 147: A recipe for Pykes in Brasey is in _H. Ord._ p. 451. The head of a Carp, the _tail_ of a Pike, and the Belly of a Bream are most esteemed for their tenderness, shortness, and well rellishing. _Muffett_, p. 177.] [Footnote 148: Cut it in gobets or lumps a-slope. “Aslet or _a-slowte_ (asloppe, a slope), _Oblique_.” P. Parv. But _slout_ may be _slot_, bolt of a door, and so _aslout_ = in long strips.] [Footnote 149: Onions make a man stink and wink. Berthelson, 1754. ‘The Onion, though it be the Countrey mans meat, is better to vse than to tast: for he that eateth euerie day tender Onions with Honey to his breakfast, shall liue the more healthfull, so that they be not too new.’ _Maison Rustique_, p. 178, ed. 1616.] [Footnote 150: Recipes for this sauce are in _Liber C._ p. 30, and _H. Ord._ p. 441: powdered crusts, galingale, ginger, and salt, steeped in vinegar and strained. See note to l. 634 below.] [Footnote 151: See “Plays in Cene,” that is, Ceue, chives, small onions somewhat like eschalots. _H. Ord._ p. 452. See note 5, l. 822. [Footnote 222 in this e-text.]] [Footnote 152: Of all sea-fish Rochets and Gurnards are to be preferred; for their flesh is firm, and their substance purest of all other. Next unto them Plaise and Soles are to be numbered, being eaten in time; for if either of them be once stale, there is no flesh more carrion-like, nor more troublesome to the belly of man. Mouffet, p. 164.] [Footnote 153: Roches or Loches in Egurdouce, _H. Ord._ p. 469.] [Footnote 154: _Or_ dacce.] [Footnote 155: _Rivet_, roe of a fish. Halliwell. Dan. _ravn, rogn_ (rowne of Pr. Parv.) under which Molbech refers to AS. _hræfe_ (raven, Bosworth) as meaning roe or spawn. G. P. Marsh. But see _refeccyon_, P. Parv.] [Footnote 156: See “Soles in Cyne,” that is, Cyue, _H. Ord._ p. 452.] [Footnote 157: Black Sea Bream, or Old Wife. _Cantharus griseus_. Atkinson. “Abramides Marinæ. Breams of the Sea be a white and solid substance, good juice, most easie digestion, and good nourishment.” _Muffett_, p. 148.] [Footnote 158: gobbets, pieces, see l. 638.] [Footnote 159: Fr. _Dorée_: f. The Doree, or Saint Peters fish; also (though not so properly) the Goldfish or Goldenie. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 160: _Brett_, § xxi. He beareth Azure a _Birt_ (or _Burt_ or _Berte_) proper by the name of _Brit_.... It is by the Germans termed a _Brett-fish_ or _Brett-cock_. Randle Holme.] [Footnote 161: Rec. for Congur in Sause, _H. Ord._ p. 401; in Pyole, p. 469.] [Footnote 162: This must be Randle Holme’s “_Dog fish_ or _Sea Dog Fish_.” It is by the Dutch termed a _Flackhund_, and a _Hundfisch_: the Skin is hard and redish, beset with hard and sharp scales; sharp and rough and black, the Belly is more white and softer. Bk II. Ch. XIV. No. lv, p. 343-4. For names of Fish the whole chapter should be consulted, p. 321-345.] [Footnote 163: ‘His flesh is stopping, slimy, viscous, & very unwholesome; and (as Alexander Benedictus writeth) of a most unclean and damnable nourishment ... they engender palsies, stop the lungs, putrifie in the stomach, and bring a man that much eats them to infinite diseases ... they are worst being fried, _best being kept in gelly_, made strong of wine and spices.’ _Muffett_, p. 189.] [Footnote 164: Recipes for Tenches in grave, _L. C. C._ p. 25; in Cylk (wine, &c.), _H. Ord._ p. 470; in Bresyle (boiled with spices, &c.), p. 468.] [Footnote 165: Lamprons in Galentyn, _H. Ord._ p. 449. “Lampreys and Lamprons differ in bigness only and in goodness; they are both a very sweet and nourishing meat.... The little ones called Lamprons are best broild, but the great ones called Lampreys are best baked.” _Muffett_, p. 181-3. See l. 630-40 of this poem.] [Footnote 166: Wraw, froward, ongoodly. _Perversus ... exasperans._ Pr. Parv.] [Footnote 167: for _whan_, when.] [Footnote 168: A kind of vinegar; A.S. _eisile_, vinegar; given to Christ on the Cross.] [Footnote 169: _Escrevisse:_ f. A Creuice, or Crayfish [see l. 618]; (By some Authors, but not so properly, the Crab-fish is also tearmed so.) _Escrevisse de mer._ A Lobster; or, (more properly) a Sea-Creuice. Cotgrave. A _Crevice_, or a _Crefish_, or as some write it, a _Crevis Fish_, are in all respects the same in form, and are a Species of the Lobster, but of a lesser size, and the head is set more into the body of the _Crevice_ than in the _Lobster_. Some call this a Ganwell. R. Holme, p. 338, col. 1, § xxx.] [Footnote 170: No doubt the intestinal tract, running along the middle of the body and tail. Dr Günther. Of Crevisses and Shrimps, Muffett says, p. 177, they “give also a kind of exercise for such as be weak: for head and brest must first be divided from their bodies; then each of them must be dis scaled, and clean picked with much pidling; then the long gut lying along the back of the Crevisse is to be voided.”] [Footnote 171: slice by slice.] [Footnote 172: The fresh-water crayfish is beautiful eating, Dr Günther says.] [Footnote 173: Iolle of a fysshe, _teste_. Palsgrave. Ioll, as of salmon, &c., _caput_. Gouldm. in Promptorium, p. 264.] [Footnote 174: For to make a potage of welkes, _Liber Cure_, p. 17. “Perwinkles or Whelks, are nothing but sea-snails, feeding upon the finest mud of the shore and the best weeds.” _Muffett_, p. 164.] [Footnote 175: _Pintle_ generally means the penis; but Dr Günther says the whelk has no visible organs of generation, though it has a projecting tube by which it takes in water, and the function of this might have been misunderstood. Dr G. could suggest nothing for _almond_, but on looking at the drawing of the male Whelk (_Buccinum undatum_) creeping, in the Penny Cyclopædia, v. 9, p. 454, col. 2 (art. Entomostomata), it is quite clear that the _almond_ must mean the animal’s horny, oval _operculum_ on its hinder part. ‘Most spiral shells have an _operculum_, or lid, with which to close the aperture when they withdraw for shelter. It is developed on a particular lobe at the posterior part of the foot, and consists of horny layers sometimes hardened with shelly matter.’ _Woodward’s Mollusca_, p. 47.] [Footnote 176: That part of the integument of mollusca which contains the viscera and secretes the shell, is termed the _mantle_. Woodward.] [Footnote 177: Recipe “For lamprays baken,” in _Liber Cure_, p. 38.] [Footnote 178: A sauce made of crumbs, galingale, ginger, salt, and vinegar. See the Recipe in _Liber Cure_, p. 30.] [Footnote 179: See the duties and allowances of “A Sewar for the Kynge,” Edw. IV., in _Household Ordinances_, pp. 36-7; Henry VII., p. 118. King Edmund risked his life for his assewer, p. 36.] [Footnote 180: The word Sewer in the MS. is written small, the flourishes of the big initial O having taken up so much room. The name of the office of _sewer_ is derived from the Old French _esculier_, or the _scutellarius_, i.e. the person who had to arrange the dishes, in the same way as the _scutellery_ (scullery) was by rights the place where the dishes were kept. _Domestic Architecture_, v. 3, p. 80 _n._] [Footnote 181: See the duties and allowances of “A Surveyour for the Kyng” (Edw. IV.) in _Household Ord._ p. 37. Among other things he is to see ‘that no thing be purloyned,’ (cf. line 680 below), and the fourty Squyers of Household who help serve the King’s table from ‘the surveying bourde’ are to see that ‘of every messe that cummyth from the dressing bourde ... thereof be nothing withdrawe by the squires.’ _ib._ p. 45.] [Footnote 182: Squyers of Houshold xl ... xx squires attendaunt uppon the Kings (Edw. IV.) person in ryding ... and to help serve his table from the surveying bourde. _H. Ord._ p. 45. Sergeauntes of Armes IIII., whereof ii alway to be attending uppon the Kings person and chambre.... In like wise at the conveyaunce of his meate at every course from the surveying bourde, p. 47.] [Footnote 183: Compare the less gorgeous feeds specified on pp. 54-5 of _Liber Cure_, and pp. 449-50 of _Household Ordinances_. Also with this and the following ‘Dinere of Fische’ should be compared “the Diett for the King’s Majesty and the Queen’s Grace” on a Flesh Day and a Fish Day, A.D. 1526, contained in _Household Ordinances_, p. 174-6. Though Harry the Eighth was king, he was allowed only two courses on each day, as against the Duke of Gloucester’s three given here. The daily cost for King and Queen was £4. 3s. 4d.; yearly, £1520. 13s. 4d. See also in Markham’s Houswife, pp. 98-101, the ordering of ‘extraordinary great Feasts of Princes’ as well as those ‘for much more humble men.’] [Footnote 184: See Recipes for Bor in Counfett, Boor in Brasey, Bore in Egurdouce, in _H. Ord._ p. 435.] [Footnote 185: _Chair de mouton manger de glouton:_ Pro. Flesh of a Mutton is food for a glutton; (or was held so in old times, when Beefe and Bacon were your onely dainties.) Cot.] [Footnote 186: The rule for the succession of dishes is stated in _Liber Cure_, p. 55, as whole-footed birds first, and of these the greatest, as swan, goose, and drake, to precede. Afterwards come baked meats and other dainties.] [Footnote 187: See note to l. 535 above.] [Footnote 188: See the Recipe for Leche Lumbard in _Household Ordinances_, p. 438. Pork, eggs, pepper, cloves, currants, dates, sugar, powdered together, boiled in a bladder, cut into strips, and served with hot rich sauce.] [Footnote 189: Meat fritter ?, mentioned in l. 501.] [Footnote 190: See “Blaumanger to Potage” p. 430 of _Household Ordinances_; Blawmangere, p. 455; Blonc Manger, _L. C. C._ p. 9, and Blanc Maungere of fysshe, p. 19.] [Footnote 191: “Gele in Chekyns or of Hennes,” and “Gelle of Flesshe,” _H. Ord._ p. 437.] [Footnote 192: See the recipe “At a Feeste Roiall, Pecockes shall be dight on this Manere,” _H. Ord._ p. 439; but there he is to be served “forthe with the last cours.” The _hackle_ refers, I suppose, to his being sown in his skin when cold after roasting.] [Footnote 193: The fat of _Rabet-suckers_, and little Birds, and small Chickens, is not discommendable, because it is soon and lightly overcome of an indifferent stomack. _Muffett_, p. 110.] [Footnote 194: Recipe at end of this volume. Dowcet mete, or swete cake mete (bake mete, P.) _Dulceum, ductileus._ P. Parv. Dousette, a lytell flawne, _dariolle_. Palsgrave. Fr. _flannet_; m. A doucet or little custard. Cot. See note 1 to l. 494 above.] [Footnote 195: May be _Iely_, amber jelly, instead of a beautiful amber leche.] [Footnote 196: See the note to line 499.] [Footnote 197: Compare “For a servise on fysshe day,” _Liber Cure_, p. 54, and _Household Ordinances_, p. 449.] [Footnote 198: _For_ of. See ‘Sewes on Fische Dayes,’ l. 821.] [Footnote 199: ? for _bellies_: see ‘the baly of þe fresch samoun,’ l. 823 in Sewes on Fische Dayes; or it may be for the _sounds_ or breathing apparatus.] [Footnote 200: Pykes in Brasey, _H. Ord._ p. 451.] [Footnote 201: Purpesses, Tursons, or sea-hogs, are of the nature of swine, never good till they be fat ... it is an unsavoury meat ... yet many Ladies and Gentlemen love it exceedingly, bak’d like venison. _Mouffet_, p. 165.] [Footnote 202: ? due-ing, that is, service; not moistening.] [Footnote 203: _Rhombi._ Turbuts ... some call the Sea-Pheasant ... whilst they be young ... they are called Butts. They are best being sodden. _Muffett_, p. 173. “Pegeons, _buttes_, and elis,” are paid for as _hakys_ (hawks) _mete_, on x Sept. 6 R. H(enry VII) in the Howard Household Books, 1481-90, p. 508.] [Footnote 204: Gulls, Guffs, Pulches, _Chevins_, and Millers-thombs are a kind of jolt-headed Gudgins, very sweet, tender, and wholesome. Muffett, p. 180. Randle Holme says, ‘A _Chevyn_ or a _Pollarde_; it is in Latin called _Capitus_, from its great head; the Germans _Schwall_, or _Alet_; and _Myn_ or _Mouen_; a _Schupfish_, from whence we title it a _Chub fish_.’ ch. xiv. § xxvii.] [Footnote 205: “Creme of Almond Mylk.” _H. Ord._ p. 447.] [Footnote 206: See the recipe, end of this volume.] [Footnote 207: Compare “leche fryes made of frit and friture,” _H. Ord._ p. 449; Servise on Fisshe Day, last line.] [Footnote 208: Melancholy, full of phlegm: see the superscription l. 792 below. ‘Flew, complecyon, (fleume of compleccyon, K. flewe, P.) _Flegma_,’ Catholicon in P. Parv.] [Footnote 209: Mistake for _Sotelte_.] [Footnote 210: The first letter of this word is neither a clear _t_ nor _c_, though more like _t_ than _c_. It was first written _Couse_ (as if for _cou_[r]_se_, succession, which makes good sense) or _touse_, and then a _w_ was put over the _u_. If the word is _towse_, the only others I can find like it are tow, ‘towe of hempe or flax,’ Promptorium; ‘_heruper_, to discheuell, _towse_, or disorder the haire.’ Cot.] [Footnote 211: See Recipe at end of volume.] [Footnote 212: See Recipe at end of volume.] [Footnote 213: See a recipe for making it of ale, honey, and spices, in [Cogan’s] Haven of Health, chap. 239, p. 268, in Nares. Phillips leaves out the ale.] [Footnote 214: Mead, a pleasant Drink made of Honey and Water. Phillips.] [Footnote 215: A recipe for Musculs in Sewe and Cadel of Musculs to Potage, at p. 445 _H. Ord._ Others ‘For mustul (? muscul or _Mustela_, the eel-powt, Fr. _Mustelle_, the Powte or Eeele-powte) pie,’ and ‘For porray of mustuls,’ in _Liber Cure_, p. 46-7.] [Footnote 216: ? a preparation of Muscles, as _Applade_ Ryal (Harl. MS. 279, Recipe Cxxxv.) of Apples, _Quinade_, Rec. Cxv of Quinces, _Pynade_ (fol. 27 b.) of Pynotis (a kind of nut); or is it _Meselade_ or _Meslade_, fol. 33, an omelette--’to euery good meslade take a þowsand eyroun or mo.’ _Herbelade_ (fol. 42 b.) is a liquor of boiled lard and herbs, mixed with dates, currants, and ‘Pynez,’ strained, sugared, coloured, whipped, & put into ‘fayre round cofyns.’] [Footnote 217: _Eschalotte_: f. A Cive or Chiue. _Escurs_, The little sallade hearb called, Ciues, or Chiues. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 218: For to make potage of oysturs, _Liber Cure_, p. 17. Oysturs in brewette, p. 53.] [Footnote 219: Seales flesh is counted as hard of digestion, as it is gross of substance, especially being old; wherefore I leave it to Mariners and Sailers, for whose stomacks it is fittest, and who know the best way how to prepare it. _Muffett_, p. 167.] [Footnote 220: Cullis (in Cookery) a strained Liquor made of any sort of dress’d Meat, or other things pounded in a Mortar, and pass’d thro’ a Hair-sieve: These Cullises are usually pour’d upon Messes, and into hot Pies, a little before they are serv’d up to Table. Phillips. See also the recipe for making a coleise of a cocke or capon, from the _Haven of Health_, in Nares. Fr. _Coulis_: m. A cullis, or broth of boiled meat strained; fit for a sicke, or weake bodie. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 221: Shrimps are of two sorts, the one crookbacked, the other straitbacked: the first sort is called of Frenchmen _Caramots de la santé_, healthful shrimps; because they recover sick and consumed persons; of all other they are most nimble, witty, and skipping, and of best juice. _Muffett_, p. 167. In cooking them, he directs them to be “unscaled, to vent the windiness which is in them, being sodden with their scales; whereof lust and disposition to venery might arise,” p. 168.] [Footnote 222: See the recipe for “Creme of Almonde Mylk,” _Household Ordinances_, p. 447.] [Footnote 223: “Mortrewes of Fysshe,” _H. Ord._ p. 469; “Mortrews of fysshe,” _L. C. C._ p. 19.] [Footnote 224: See “Rys Lumbarde,” _H. Ord._ p. 438, l. 3, ‘and if thow wilt have hit stondynge, take rawe ȝolkes of egges,’ &c.] [Footnote 225: See the Recipe at the end of this volume.] [Footnote 226: ‘Let no fish be sodden or eaten without salt, pepper, wine, onions or hot spices; for all fish (compared with flesh) is cold and moist, of little nourishment, engendring watrish and thin blood.’ _Muffett_, p. 146, with a curious continuation. _Hoc Sinapium, An^ce._ mustarde. Salgia, sirpillum, piper, alia, sal, petrocillum, Ex hiis sit salsa, non est sentencia falsa. 15th cent. Pict. Vocab. in Wright’s Voc. p. 267, col. 1.] [Footnote 227: Spurlings are but broad Sprats, taken chiefly upon our Northern coast; which being drest and pickled as Anchovaes be in Provence, rather surpass them than come behind them in taste and goodness.... As for Red Sprats and Spurlings, I vouchsafe them not the name of any wholesome nourishment, or rather of no nourishment at all; commending them for nothing, but that they are bawdes to enforce appetite, and serve well the poor mans turn to quench hunger. _Muffett_, p. 169.] [Footnote 228: A Whiting, a Merling, Fr. _Merlan_. ‘_Merling_: A _Stock-fish_, or _Marling_, else _Merling_; in Latine _Marlanus_ and _Marlangus_.’ R. Holme, p. 333, col. 1.] [Footnote 229: After searching all the Dictionaries and Glossaries I could get hold of in the Museum for this _Torrentyne_, which was the plague of my life for six weeks, I had recourse to Dr Günther. He searched Rondelet and Belon in vain for the word, and then suggested ALDROVANDI as the last resource. In the _De Piscibus_, Lib. V., I accordingly found (where he treats of _Trout_), “Scoppa, gra{m}maticus Italus, _Torentinam_ nominat, rectius _Torrentinam_ vocaturus, à torrentibus nimirum: in his n[ominatim] & riuis montanis abundat.” (ed. 1644, cum indice copiosissimo.)] [Footnote 230: _Whales_ flesh is the hardest of all other, and unusuall to be eaten of our Countrymen, no not when they are very young and tenderest; yet the livers of Whales, Sturgeons, and Dolphins smell like violets, taste most pleasantly being salted, and give competent nourishment, as Cardan writeth. _Muffett_, p. 173, ed. Bennet, 1655.] [Footnote 231: See the recipe in _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 30; and Felettes in Galentyne, _H. Ord._ p. 433.] [Footnote 232: Veriuse, or sause made of grapes not full ripe, _Ompharium_. Withals.] [Footnote 233: Hakes be of the same nature [as Haddocks], resembling a Cod in taste, but a Ling in likeness. _Muffett_, p. 153.] [Footnote 234: ‘Stocke fysshe, they [the French] have none,’ says Palsgrave.] [Footnote 235: Haddocks are little Cods, of light substance, crumbling flesh, and good nourishment in the Sommer time, especially whilst Venison is in season. _Muffett_, p. 153.] [Footnote 236: Keling. R. Holme, xxiv, p. 334, col. 1, has “He beareth Cules a _Cod Fish_ argent. by the name of _Codling_. Of others termed a _Stockfish_, or an _Haberdine_: In the North part of this Kingdome it is called a _Keling_, In the Southerne parts a _Cod_, and in the Westerne parts a _Welwell_.”] [Footnote 237: See the Recipes for ‘Pur verde sawce,’ _Liber Cure_, p. 27, and ‘Vert Sause’ (herbs, bread-crumbs, vinegar, pepper, ginger, &c.), _H. Ord._ p. 441. Grene Sause, condimentum harbaceum. Withals. [[There is a herb of an acid taste, the common name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a dozen miles from Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851, vol. iii. p. 474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white wine, is made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with Vineger or Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke. Otherwise with Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with Vineger. In Winter, the same sawces are made with many spices, and little quantity of Garlicke, and of the best Wine, and with a little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67-8.]] ] [Footnote 238: Ling perhaps looks for great extolling, being counted the beefe of the Sea, and standing every fish day (as a cold supporter) at my Lord Maiors table; yet it is nothing but a long Cod: whereof the greater sised is called Organe Ling, and the other Codling, because it is no longer then a Cod, and yet hath the taste of Ling: _whilst it is new it is called_ GREEN-FISH; when it is salted it is called Ling, perhaps of lying, because the longer it lyeth ... the better it is, waxing in the end as yellow as the gold noble, at which time they are worth a noble a piece. _Muffett_, p. 154-5.] [Footnote 239: A brit or turbret, _rhombus_. Withals, 1556. Bret, Brut, or Burt, a Fish of the Turbot-kind. Phillips.] [Footnote 240: These duties of the Chamberlain, and those of him in the Wardrobe which follow, should be compared with the chapter _De Officio Garcionum_ of “The Boke of Curtasye” ll. 435-520 below. See also the duties and allowances of ‘A Chamberlayn for the King.’ _H. Ord._ p. 31-2. He has only to see that the men under him do the work mentioned in these pages. See office of Warderobe of Bedds, _H. O._ p. 40; Gromes of Chambyr, x, Pages of Chambre, IIII, _H. O._, p. 41, &c. The arraying and unarraying of Henry VII. were done by the Esquires of the Body, _H. Ord._ p. 118, two of whom lay outside his room.] [Footnote 241: A short or small coat worn under the long over-coat. _Petycote, tunicula_, P. P., and ‘.j. _petticote_ of lynen clothe withought slyves,’ there cited from Sir J. Fastolfe’s Wardrobe, 1459. Archæol. xxi. 253. _subucula, le, est etiam genus intimæ vestis_, a peticote. Withals.] [Footnote 242: Vamps or _Vampays_, an odd kind of short Hose or Stockings that cover’d the Feet, and came up only to the Ancle, just above the Shooe; the Breeches reaching down to the Calf of the Leg. Whence to graft a new Footing on old Stockings is still call’d _Vamping_. Phillips. Fairholt does not give the word. The Vampeys went outside the sock, I presume, as no mention is made of them with the socks and slippers after the bath, l. 987; but Strutt, and Fairholt after him, have engraved a drawing which shows that the Saxons wore the sock over the stocking, both being within the shoe. ‘Vampey of a hose--_auant pied_. Vauntpe of a hose--_uantpie_.’ Palsgrave. A.D. 1467, ‘fore _vaunpynge_ of a payre for the said Lew vj.d.’ p. 396, _Manners & Household Expenses_, 1841.] [Footnote 242a: ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and _‘his cloak or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe_, p. 65, l. 964._] [Footnote 243: Henry VII. had a fustian and sheet under his feather bed, over the bed a sheet, then ‘the over fustian above,’ and then ‘a pane of ermines’ like an eider-down quilt. ‘A head sheete of raynes’ and another of ermines were over the pillows. After the ceremony of making the bed, all the esquires, ushers, and others present, had bread, ale, and wine, outside the chamber, ‘and soe to drinke altogether.’ _H. Ord._ p. 122.] [Footnote 244: A siege house, _sedes excrementorum_. A draught or priuie, _latrina_. Withals.] [Footnote 245: An arse wispe, _penicillum_, -li, vel _anitergium_. Withals. From a passage in William of Malmesbury’s autograph _De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum_ it would seem that water was the earlier cleanser.] [Footnote 246: In the MS. this line was omitted by the copier, and inserted in red under the next line by the corrector, who has underscored all the chief words of the text in red, besides touching up the capital and other letters.] [Footnote 247: See the ‘Warderober,’ p. 37, and the ‘office of Warderobe of Robes,’ in _H. Ord._ p. 39.] [Footnote 248: þo lord{e} schalle shyft hys gown{e} at nyȝt, Syttand on foteshete tyl he be dyȝt. _The Boke of Curtasye_, l. 487-8.] [Footnote 249: Morter ... a kind of Lamp or Wax-taper. _Mortarium_ (in old Latin records) a Mortar, Taper, or Light set in Churches, to burn over the Graves or Shrines of the Dead. Phillips.] [Footnote 250: Perchers, the Paris-Candles formerly us’d in England; also the bigger sort of Candles, especially of Wax, which were commonly set upon the Altars. Phil.] [[Footnote 250a: The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have been may be judged of by the following payments in the Church-Wardens’ Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in _Nichols_, p. 34-5. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs 0. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing 14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion 1. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of 24 dozen of dogs 1. 8. See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._ i. 155.]] [Footnote 251: The Boke of Curtasye (l. 519-20) lets the (chief) usher who puts the lord to bed, go his way, and says Ȝomo{n} vssher be-fore þe dore In vtter chamb{ur} lies on þe flor{e}.] [Transcriber’s Note: Footnote 252 contains supplementary notes for some items in this stanza, lines 991-994. Note that there is no independent Footnote 260 (“hey hove”), and that “bilgres” was not marked. Numbers in parentheses are the note numbers as originally printed.] [Footnote 252: See note at end. Mr Gillett, of the Vicarage, Runham, Filby, Norwich, sends me these notes on the herbs for this Bathe Medicinable: --253 (2): “YARDEHOK = Mallow, some species. They are all more or less mucilaginous and emollient. If Yarde = _Virga_; then it is Marshmallow, or Malva Sylvestris; if yarde = erde, earth; then the rotundifolia. --254 (3): PARITORY is Pellitory of the wall, _parietaria_. Wall pellitory abounds in nitrate of potass. There are two other pellitories: ‘P. of Spain’--this is _Pyrethrum_, which the Spanish corrupted into _pelitre_, and we corrupted _pelitre_ into pellitory. The other, bastard-pellitory, is _Achillea Ptarmica_. --255 (4): BROWN FENNELLE = probably _Peucedanum officinale_, Hog’s fennel, a dangerous plant; certainly not _Anethum Graveolens_, which is always dill, dyle, dile, &c. --259 (8): RYBBEWORT, _Plantago lanceolata_, mucilaginous. --260 (9): HEYHOVE = _Glechoma hederacea_, bitter and aromatic, abounding in a principle like camphor. --261 (10): HEYRIFF = harif = _Galium Aparine_, and allied species. They were formerly considered good for scorbutic diseases, when applied externally. Lately, in France, they have been administered internally against epilepsy. --263 (12): BRESEWORT; if = brisewort or bruisewort, it would be _Sambucus Ebulus_, but this seems most unlikely. --265 [_unlabeled, 1 on next page_] BROKELEMPK = brooklime. _Veronica Beccabunga_, formerly considered as an anti-scorbutic applied externally. It is very inert. If a person fed on it, it might do some good, i.e. about a quarter of the good that the same quantity of water-cress would do. --267 [_unlabeled_] BILGRES, probably = henbane, _hyoscysmus niger_. Compare Dutch [Du. _Bilsen_, Hexham,] and German _Bilse_. _Bil_ = byle = boil, modern. It was formerly applied externally, with marsh-mallow and other mucilaginous and emollient plants, to ulcers, boils, &c. It might do great good if the tumours were unbroken, but is awfully dangerous. So is _Peucedanum officinale_. My Latin names are those of Smith: _English Flora_. Babington has re-named them, and Bentham again altered them. I like my mumpsimus better than their sumpsimus.”] [Footnote 253: ‘The common Mallowe, or the tawle wilde Mallow, and the common Hockes’ of Lyte’s Dodoens, 1578, p. 581, _Malua sylvestris_, as distinguished from the _Malua sativa_, or “_Rosa vltramarina_, that is to say, the Beyondesea Rose, in Frenche, _Maulue de iardin_ or _cultiuée_ ... in English, Holyhockes, and great tame Mallow, or great Mallowes of the Garden.” The “Dwarffe Mallowe ... is called _Malua syluestris pumila_.”] [Footnote 254: Peritory, _parietaria_, _vrseolaris_, _vel astericum_. Withals.] [Footnote 255: ? The sweet Fennel, _Anethum Graveolens_, formerly much used in medicine (Thomson). The gigantic fennel is (_Ferula_) _Assafœtida_.] [Footnote 256: _Sambucus ebulus_, Danewort. See Mr Gillett’s note for Book of Quintessence in Hampole’s Treatises. Fr. _hieble_, Wallwort, dwarfe Elderne, Danewort. Cotgr.] [Footnote 257: Erbe Iõn’, or Seynt Ionys worte. _Perforata, fuga demonum_, _ypericon_. P. Parv.] [Footnote 258: Centaury.] [Footnote 259: Ribwort, _arnoglossa_. Ribwoort or ribgrasse, _plantago_. Withals. _Plantain petit_. Ribwort, Ribwort Plantaine, Dogs-rib, Lambes-tongue. Cotgrave. _Plantago lanceolata_, AS. _ribbe_.] [Footnote 260: _No separate note: see Footnote 252, above._] [Footnote 261: Haylife, an herbe. Palsgr. _Galium aparine_, A.S. _hegerifan corn_, grains of hedgerife (hayreve, or hayreff), are among the herbs prescribed in _Leechdoms_, v. 2, p. 345, for “a salve against the elfin race & nocturnal [goblin] visitors, & for the woman with whom the devil hath carnal commerce.”] [Footnote 262: _Herba Benedicta_. Avens.] [Footnote 263: _Herbe a foulon_. Fullers hearbe, Sopewort, Mocke-gillouers, Bruisewort. Cotgrave. “AS. 1. _brysewyrt_, pimpernel, _anagallis_. _Anagallis_, brisewort.” Gl. Rawlinson, c. 506, Gl. Harl. 3388. Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. 374. 2. _Bellis perennis_, MS. Laud. 553, fol. 9. Plainly for Hembriswyrt, daisy, AS. _dæges eage_. “Consolida minor. Daysie is an herbe þat sum men callet hembrisworte oþer bonewort.” Gl. Douce, 290. Cockayne. _Leechdoms_, v. 2, Glossary.] [Footnote 264: _Persil de marais_. Smallage; or, wild water Parseley. Cot.] [Footnote 265: Brokelyme _fabaria_. Withals. _Veronica Becabunga_, Water-Speedwell. _Hleomoce_, _Hleomoc_, brooklime (where lime is the Saxon name (_Hleomoc_) in decay), _Veronica beccabunga_, with _V. anagallis_ ... “It waxeth in brooks” ... Both sorts _Lemmike_, Dansk. They were the greater and the less “brokelemke,” Gl. Bodley, 536. “Fabaria domestica _lemeke_.” Gl. Rawl. c. 607.... Islandic _Lemiki_. Cockayne. Gloss. to _Leechdoms_, v. 2. It is prescribed, with the two centauries, for suppressed menses, and with _pulegium_, to bring a dead child away, &c. _Ib._ p. 331.] [Footnote 266: Scabiosa, the Herb _Scabious_, so call’d from its Virtue in curing the Itch; it is also good for Impostumes, Coughs, Pleurisy, Quinsey, &c. Phillips.] [Footnote 267: _See footnote 258, above._] [Footnote 268: See the duties and allowances of ‘The Gentylmen Usshers of Chaumbre .IIII. of Edw. IV.’, in _H. Ord._ p. 37; and the duties of Henry VIII’s Knight Marshal, _ib._ p. 150.] [Footnote 269: Queenborough, an ancient, but poor town of Kent, in the Isle of Sheppey, situated at the mouth of the river Medway. The chief employment of the inhabitants is oyster-dredging. _Walker’s Gazetteer, by Kershaw_, 1801.] [Footnote 270: The Annual Receipts of the Monastery “de Tinterna in M{ar}chia Wallie,” are stated in the _Valor Eccl._ vol. iv. p. 370-1, and the result is £ s. d. S{u}m{m}a to{ta}lis clar{e} val{oris} dec’ predict’ cclviij v x  ob’ Decima inde xxv xvj vj ob’q’ Those of the Monasteriu{m} Sancti Petri Westm. are given at v. 1, p. 410-24, and their net amount stated to be £4470 0 2d. [Transcriber’s Note: Roman numerals shown as ^x were printed as superscripts (iij^c = CCC).] £ s. d. Et reman{ent} clare M^lM^lM^liiij^clxx -- ij  q’ Decima inde iij^cxlvij -- -- q’] [Footnote 271: The clear revenue of the Deanery of Canterbury (Decan’ Cantuar’) is returned in Valor Eccl. v. 1, p. 27-32, at £163 0 21d. £ s. d. Rem’ clxiij -- xxi Decima p{ar}s inde xvj vj ij while that of Prioratus de Dudley is only £ s. d. S{u}m{m}a de claro xxxiiij -- xvj Decima p{ar}s inde iij viij j ob’q’ _Valor Ecclesiasticus_, v. 3, p. 104-5.] [Footnote 272: Dudley, a town of Worcestershire, insulated in Staffordshire, containing about 2000 families, most of whom are employed in the manufacture of nails and other iron wares. _Walker_, 1801.] [Footnote 273: Two lines are wanting here to make up the stanza. They must have been left out when the copier turned his page, and began again.] [Footnote 274: The word in the MS. is _syngle_ or _synglr_ with a line through the _l_. It may be for {syng}u{ler}, _singulus_, _i._ _unus per se_, sunderly, vocab. in _Rel. Ant._ v. 1, p. 9, col. 1.] [Footnote 275: _Credence as creance_ ... a taste or essay taken of another man’s meat. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 276: Compare _The Boke of Curtasye_, l. 495-8, No mete for mo{n} schall{e} sayed be Bot for kynge or prynce or duke so fre; For heiers of paraunce also y-wys Mete shall{e} be seyed.] [Footnote 277: _Gardmanger_ (Fr.) a Storehouse for meat. Blount, ed. 1681, _Garde-viant_, a Wallet for a Soldier to put his Victuals in. Phillipps, ed. 1701.] [Footnote 278: The Boke of Curtasye makes the Sewer alone assay or taste ‘alle the mete’ (line 763-76), and the Butler the drink (line 786).] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * NOTES. [Transcriber’s Note: Numbering of linenotes does not always correspond exactly to a word’s place in the main text. References that are off by only a line or two have not been corrected.] l. 11-12. John Russell lets off his won’t-learns very easily. Willyam Bulleyn had a different treatment for them. See the extract from him on “Boxyng & Neckweede” after these _Notes_. l. 49. See the interesting “Lord Fairfax’s Orders for the Servants of his Houshold” [after the Civil Wars], in Bishop Percy’s notes to the Northumberland Household Book, p. 421-4, ed. 1827. l. 51. Chip. ‘other .ij. pages ... them oweth to chippe bredde, but not too nye the crumme.’ _H. Ord._ p. 71-2. The “Chippings of Trencher-Brede” in Lord Percy’s household were used “for the fedyinge of my lords houndis.” _Percy H. Book_, p. 353. [[“_Non comedas crustam, colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature, cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr. _chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave.]] l. 52. _Trencher._ The College servant ‘Scrape Trencher,’ R. Holme, Bk. III., Chap. iv., p. 099 [199], notes the change of material from bread to wood. [[Note renamed and moved from l. 94; see Corrigenda]] l. 56. _Trencher bread._ ITEM that the _Trencher Brede_ be maid of the Meale as it cummyth frome the Milne. _Percy Household Book_, p. 58. l. 66. Cannell, a Spout, a tap, a cocke in a conduit. _Epistomium. Vne canelle, vn robinet._ Baret. l. 68. Faucet. Also he [the yeoman of the Butler of Ale] asketh allowaunce for tubbys, treyes, and _faucettes_, occupied all the yeare before. _H. Ord._ p. 77. l. 74. _Figs._ A. Borde, _Introduction_, assigns the gathering of figs to “the Mores whych do dwel in Barbary,” ... “and christen men do by them, & they wil be diligent and wyl do al maner of seruice, but they be set most comonli to vile things; they be called slaues, thei do gader grapes and _fygges_, and with some of the _fygges_ they wyl wip ther tayle, & put them in the frayle.” Figs he mentions under Judæa. “Iury is called y^e lande of Iude, it is a noble countre of ryches, plenty of wine & corne ... _Figges_ and Raysions, & all other frutes.” In his _Regyment_, fol. M. iii., Borde says of ‘Fygges ... They doth stere a man to veneryous actes, for they doth auge and increase the seede of generacion. And also they doth prouoke a man to sweate: wherfore they doth ingendre lyce.’ ll. 74-95. _Chese._ ‘there is iiij. sortes of Chese, which is to say, grene Chese, softe chese, harde chese, or spermyse. Grene chese is not called grene by y^e reason of colour, but for y^e newnes of it, for the whay is not half pressed out of it, and in operacion it is colde and moyste. Softe chese not to new nor to olde, is best, for in operacion it is hote and moyste. Harde chese is hote and drye, and euyll to dygest. Spermyse is a Chese the whiche is made with curdes and with the Iuce of herbes.... Yet besydes these .iiij natures of chese, there is a chese called a Irweue [rewene, ed. 1567] chese, the whiche, if it be well ordered, doth passe all other cheses, none excesse taken.’ A. Borde, _Reg._ fol. I. i. See note on l. 85. l. 77. In his chapter _Of Prunes and Damysens_, Andrew Borde says, Syxe or seuen Damysens eaten before dyner, be good to prouoke a ma{n}nes appetyde; they doth mollyfie the bely, and be abstersyue, the skynne and the stones must be ablated and cast away, and not vsed. _Regyment_, N. i. b. [[Note renamed and moved from l. 177; see Corrigenda]] l. 78, 83. The Bill-berry or _Windberry_, R. Holme, Bk. II., p. 52, col. 1; p. 79, col. 1; three Wharl Berries or Bill-Berries ... They are termed Whortle Berries or _Wind Berries_, p. 81, col. 2. § xxviii. See the prose Burlesques, _Reliq. Antiq._, v. 1, p. 82. Why hopes thu nott for sothe that ther stode wonus a coke on Seynt Pale stepull toppe, and drewe up the strapuls of his brech. How preves thu that? Be all the .iiij. doctors of _Wynbere hylles_, that is to saye, Vertas, Gadatryme, Trumpas, and Dadyltrymsert. l. 79. _Fruits._ These officers make provysyons in seasons of the yere accordynge for fruytes to be had of the Kinges gardynes withoute prises; as cherryes, peares, apples, nuttes greete and smalle, for somer season; and lenten, wardens, quinces and other; and also of presentes gevyn to the Kinge; they be pourveyours of _blaundrelles_, pepyns, and of all other fruytes. _H. Ord._ p. 82. l. 80. Mr Dawson Turner’s argument that the “ad album pulverem” of the Leicester Roll, A.D. 1265, was white sugar pounded (Pref. to Household Expenses, ed. 1841, p. li., proves only that the _xiiij lib. Zucari_ there mentioned, were not bought for making _White powder_ only. ll. 81-93. _Crayme._ ‘Rawe crayme undecocted, eaten with strawberyes, or hurttes, is a rurall mannes ba{n}ket. I haue knowe{n} such bankettes hath put me{n} i{n} ieobardy of theyr lyues.’ A. Borde, _Regyment_, fol. I. ij. l. 82, l. 93. Junket. The auncient manner of grateful suitors, who, hauing prevailed, were woont to present the Judges, or the Reporters, of their causes, with Comfets or other _Jonkets_. Cotgrave, w. _espice_. l. 85. Cheese. Whan stone pottes be broken, what is better to glew them againe or make them fast, nothing like the Symunt made of Cheese; know therfore it will quickly build a stone in a drie body, which is ful of choler adust. And here in Englande be diuers kindes of Cheeses, as Suff. Essex, Banburie .&c. according to their places & feeding of their cattel, time of y^e yere, layre of their Kine, clenlinesse of their Dayres, quantitie of their Butter; for the more Butter, the worse Cheese. _Bullein_, fol. lxxxv. l. 89. _Butter._ A. Borde, _Introduction_, makes the _Flemynge_ say, Buttermouth Flemyng, men doth me call. Butter is good meate, it doth relent the gall. [[Note on l. 52 originally printed here: see Corrigenda.]] l. 94. _Posset_ is hot Milk poured on Ale or Sack, having Sugar, grated Bisket, Eggs, with other ingredients boiled in it, which goes all to a Curd. R. Holme. l. 94. _Poset_ ale is made with hote mylke and colde ale; it is a temperate drynke. A. Borde, _Reg. G._ iij. l. 105. Hot wines & sweet or confectioned with spices, or very strong Ale or Beere, is not good at meales, for thereby the meat is rather corrupted then digested, and they make _hot and stinking vapours_ to ascend vp to the braines. Sir Jn. Harrington. _Pres. of Health_, 1624, p. 23. l. 109. Reboyle. ‘If any wynes be corrupted, _reboyled_, or unwholsome for mannys body, then by the comtroller it to be shewed at the counting bourde, so that by assent all suche pypes or vesselles defectife be dampned and cast uppon the losses of the seyd chiefe Butler.’ _H. Ord._ p. 73. l. 109. Lete, leek. ‘Purveyours of Wyne ... to ride and oversee the places there as the Kinges wynes be lodged, that it be saufely kept from peril of _leeking_ and breaking of vessels, or lacke of hoopinge or other couperage, and all other crafte for the rackinge, coynynge, rebatinge, and other salvations of wynes, &c.’ _H. Ord._ p. 74. SWETE WYNES, p. 8, l. 118-20.[*] [Footnote *: See _Maison Rustique_ or The Country Farme, p. 630-1, as to the qualities of Sweet Wines.] α. Generally: Halliwell gives under _Piment_ the following list of wines from MS. Rawlinson. C. 86. _Malmasyes_, _Tires_, and _Rumneys_, With _Caperikis_, Campletes[†], and _Osueys_, _Vernuge_, _Cute_, and _Raspays_ also, Whippet and Pyngmedo, that that ben lawyers therto; And I will have also wyne de Ryne, With new maid _Clarye_, that is good and fyne, _Muscadell_, _Terantyne_, and _Bastard_, With _Ypocras_ and _Pyment_ comyng afterwarde. MS. Rawl. C. 86. [Footnote †: See _Campolet_ in “The Boke of Keruyng.”] And under _Malvesyne_ this: Ye shall have Spayneche wyne and Gascoyne, _Rose coloure_, whyt, _claret_, rampyon, _Tyre_, _capryck_, and _malvesyne_, Sak, _raspyce_, alycaunt, _rumney_, _Greke_, _ipocrase_, new made _clary_, Suche as ye never had. Interlude of the Four Elements (no date). Of the wine drunk in England in Elizabeth’s time, Harrison (Holinshed’s Chron. v. 1, p. 167, col. 2, ed. 1586) says, “As all estates doo exceed herin, I meane for strangenesse and number of costlie dishes, so these forget not to vse the like excesse in wine, in so much as there is no kind to be had (neither anie where more store of all sorts than in England, although we have none growing with us, but yearlie to the proportion of 20,000 or 30,000 tun and vpwards, notwithstanding the dailie restreincts of the same brought over vnto vs) wherof at great meetings there is not some store to be had. Neither do I meane this of small wines onlie, as _Claret_, White, Red, French, &c., which amount to about fiftie-six sorts, according to the number of regions from whence they come: but also of the thirtie kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, &c., whereof _Vernage_, _Cate_, _pument_, _Raspis_, _Muscadell_, _Romnie_, _Bastard_, _Tire_, _Oseie_, _Caprike_, _Clareie_, and _Malmesie_, are not least of all accompted of, bicause of their strength and valure. For as I haue said in meat, so the stronger the wine is, the more it is desired, by means wherof in old time, the best was called _Theologicum_, because it was had from the cleargie and religious men, vnto whose houses manie of the laitie would often send for bottels filled with the same, being sure that they would neither drinke nor be serued of the worst, or such as was anie waies mingled or brued by the vintener: naie the merchant would haue thought that his soul{e} should haue gone streight-waie to the diuell, if he should haue serued them with other than the best.” On Wine, see also Royal Rolls, B.M. 14 B. xix. β. Specially: The following extracts are from Henderson’s _History of Ancient and Modern Wines_, 1824, except where otherwise stated:-- 1. _Vernage_ was a red wine, of a bright colour, and a sweetish and somewhat rough flavour, which was grown in Tuscany and other parts of Italy, and derived its name from the thick-skinned grape, _vernaccia_ (corresponding with the _vinaciola_ of the ancients), that was used in the preparation of it (See Bacci. Nat. Vinor. Hist., p. 20, 62). It is highly praised by Redi.[*] [Footnote *: Vernage was made in the Genoese territory. The best was grown at San Gemignano, and in Bacci’s time was in great request at Rome. The wine known as Vernaccia in Tuscany was always of a white or golden colour. _Henderson_, p. 396.] 2. _Vernagelle_ is not mentioned by Henderson. The name shows it to have been a variety of Vernage. 3. l. 118. _Cute._ “As for the _cuit_ named in Latin Sapa, it commeth neere to the nature of wine, and in truth nothing els it is, but Must or new wine boiled til one third part and no more do remain; & this _cuit_, if it be made of white Must is counted the better.” _Holland’s Plinies Nat. Hist._, p. 157. “(of the dried grape or raisin which they call Astaphis).... The sweet _cuit_ which is made thereof hath a speciall power and virtue against the Hæmorrhois alone, of all other serpents,” p. 148. “Of new pressed wine is made the wine called _Cute_, in Latin, _Sapa_; and it is by boiling the new pressed wine so long, as till that there remaine but one of three parts. Of new pressed wine is also made another _Cute_, called of the Latines _Defrutum_, and this is by boiling of the new wine onely so long, as till the halfe part be consumed, and the rest become of the thicknesse of honey.” _Maison Rustique_, p. 622. ‘Cute. A.S. _Cæren_, L. _carenum_, wine boiled down one-third, and sweetened.’ Cockayne, Gloss. to Leechdoms. 4. _Pyment._ In order to cover the harshness and acidity common to the greater part of the wines of this period, and to give them an agreeable flavour, it was not unusual to mix honey and spices with them. Thus compounded they passed under the generic name of _piments_,[†] probably because they were originally prepared by the _pigmentarii_ or apothecaries; and they were used much in the same manner as the _liqueurs_ of modern times. _Hend._ p. 283. [Footnote †: See the recipe for making Piment in Halliwell’s Dictionary, s.v.] The varieties of Piment most frequently mentioned are the _Hippocras & Clarry._ The former was made with either white or red wine, in which different aromatic ingredients were infused; and took its name from the particular sort of bag, termed Hippocrates’s Sleeve, through which it was strained.... _Clarry_, on the other hand, which (with wine of _Osey_) we have seen noticed in the Act 5 Richard II. (St. 1, c. 4, _vin doulce, ou clarre_), was a claret or mixed wine, mingled with honey, and seasoned in much the same way, as may be inferred from an order of the 36th of Henry III. respecting the delivery of two casks of white wine and one of red, to make _Clarry_ and other liquors for the king’s table at York (duo dolia albi vini et garhiofilacum et unum dolium rubri vini ad _claretum_ faciend{um}). _Henderson_, p. 284. _Hippocras_, vinum Aromaticum. Withals. “Artificiall stuffe, as _ypocras_ & wormewood wine.” _Harrison, Descr. Brit._, p. 167, col. 2, ed. 1586. _Raspice._ “Vin Rapé,” says Henderson, p. 286, note _y_, “a rough sweetish red wine, so called from its being made with unbruised grapes, which, having been freed from the stalks, are afterwards fermented along with them and a portion of other wine.”[*] Ducange has _Raspice._ RASPATICIUM, Ex racemis vinum, cujus præparationem tradit J. Wecker. Antidot. special. lib. 2, § 6, page 518 et 519. Paratur autem illud ex _raspatiis_ et vinaceis, una cum uvis musto immissis. _Raspatia_ itaque sunt, quæ Varroni et Columellæ _scopi, scopiones_, si bene legitur; unde nostrum _Raste. Ducange_, ed. 1845. _Raspecia_ ...Sed ex relato longiori contextu palam est, _Raspeciam_ nihil aliud esse quam vinum mixtis acinis aliisve modis renovatum, nostris vulgo _Râpé_; hujuscemodi enim vinum alterationi minus obnoxium est, ut hic dicitur de _Raspecia_. Vide mox _Raspetum_, Vinum _recentatum_, Gallis _Raspé_. Charta Henrici Ducis Brabantiæ pro Communia Bruxellensi ann. 1229: _Qui vinum supra uvas habuerit, quod _Raspetum_ vocatur, in tavernis ipsum vendere non potest._ Vide _Recentatum_. Ducange, ed. 1845. [Footnote *: Besides this meaning of _rapé_ (same as _raspé_), Cotgrave gives first “A verie small wine comming of water cast uppon the mother of grapes which have been pressed!”] The highly-praised _Raspatum_ of Baccius, p. 30-2, of which, after quoting what Pliny says of secondary wines, he declares, “id primùm animaduerti volumus à nostra posteritate, quod Lora Latinorum, qua{m} deuterium cum Græcis, et secundarium Vinum dixit Plinius, δευτερία, seu ποτιμὸν Dioscorides, quodque τρυγὸν vocauit Galenus, cum Aquatis quibus hodie vtimur in tota Italia, & cum nouo genere, quod à delectabili in gustu asperitate, _Rasputum_ vocat; similem omnes hæ Voces habent significantiam factitii .s. ex aqua Vini. p. 30. Quod uini genus in Italia, ubi alterius uini copia non sit, parari simpliciter consuevit colore splendido rubentis purpuræ, sapore austero, ac dulcacido primis mensibus mox tamen exolescente, p. 31-2, &c.” _Raspice_ was also a name for Raspberries. Item, geuene to my lady Kingstone s{er}u{au}nte bringing Strawberes and _Respeces_ to my lad{ys} grace xij d. _Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary_, p. 31; and in his Glossary to this book Sir F. Madden says, ‘In a closet for Ladies 12mo. London, 1654, is a receipt “To preserve _Raspices_,” and they are elsewhere called “_Raspisberries_.” See “Delights for Ladies,” 12mo. 1654.’ 6. _Muscadelle of Grew: Bastard: Greke: Malvesyn._ “The wines which Greece, Languedoc, and Sapine doe send vs, or rather, which the delicacie and voluptuousnesse of our French throats cause to be fetched from beyond the Sea, such as are Sacks, _Muscadels_ of Frontignan, _Malmesies_, _Bastards_ (which seeme to me to be so called, because they are oftentimes adulterated and falsified with honey, as we see wine Hydromell to be prepared) and Corsick wines, so much vsed of the Romanes, are very pernicious unto vs, if we vse them as our common drinke. Notwithstanding, we proue them very singular good in cold diseases ... but chiefly and principally Malmesey.” Stevens and Liebault’s _Maison Rustique_, or The Countrey Farme, by R. Surflet, reviewed by Gerv. Markham, 1616. _Muscadell_, vinum apianum. Withals. Mulsum, _wine and honie sodden together, swiete wine, basterde or Muscadell_. Withals. William Vaughan says, “Of Muscadell, Malmesie, and browne Bastard. These kindes of wines are onely for maried folkes, because they strengthen the back.” _Naturall and Artificial Directions for Health_, 1602, p. 9. Andrewe Borde, of Physicke, Doctor, in his Regyment or Dyetary of helth made in Mou{n}tpylior, says, “Also these hote wynes, as Malmesey, wyne corse, wyne greke, Romanyke, Romney, Secke, Alygaune, Basterde, Tyre, Osaye, Muscadell, Caprycke, Tynt, Roberdany, with other hote wynes, be not good to drynke with meate, but after mete and with Oysters, with Saledes, with fruyte, a draughte or two may be suffered ... Olde men may drynke, as I sayde, hygh wynes at theyr pleasure. Furthermore all swete wynes, and grose wynes, doth make a man fatte.” 7. _Rompney._ Henderson, p. 288, says, “Another of the above-mentioned wines (in _the Squire of Low Degree_) designated by the name of the grape, was the Romenay, otherwise Romenay, Rumney, Romaine, or Romagnia. That it could not be the produce of the Ecclesiastical State, as the two last corruptions of the word would seem to imply, may be safely averred; for at no period, since the decline of the empire, has the Roman soil furnished any wines for exportation; and even Bacci, with all his partiality, is obliged to found his eulogy of them on their ancient fame, and to confess that, in his time, they had fallen into disrepute.” He argues also against the notion that this wine came from Romana in Aragon, and concludes that it was probably a Greek wine, as Bacci (_Nat. Vin. Hist._ p. 333) tells us that the wine from the Ioinan Islands and adjoining continent was called in Italian _Romania_,--from the Saracen _Rum-ili_. Now this is all very well, but how about the name of _Rompney of Modene_ or Modena, just outside the Western boundary of the Romagna,--not Meudon, in France, “amongst all the wines which we use at Paris, as concerning the red, the best are those of Coussy, Seure, Vaunes, and _Meudon_.” Maison Rustique, p. 642.--Who will hold to John Russell, and still consider _Romney_ an Italian wine? _Rumney_, vinum resinatum. Withals. 8. _Bastard._ Henderson argues against the above-quoted (No. 6) supposition of Charles Etienne’s (which is supported by Cotgrave’s _Vin miellé_, honied wine, _bastard_, Metheglin, sweet wine), and adopts Venner’s account (_Via Recta ad Vitam Longam_), that “Bastard is in virtue somewhat like to muskadell, and may also in stead thereof be used; it is in goodness so much inferiour to muskadell, as the same is to malmsey.” It took its name, Henderson thinks, from the grape of which it was made, probably a bastard species of muscadine. “One of the varieties of vines now cultivated in the Alto Douro, and also in Madeira, is called _bastardo_, and the must which it yields is of a sweetish quality.” Of the Bastard wine there were two sorts,--white and brown (brown and white bastard, _Measure for Measure_, Act iii. sc. 2), both of them, according to Markham’s report, “fat and strong; the tawny or brown kind being the sweetest.” In _The Libelle of Englysch Polycye_, A.D. 1436 (Wright’s _Political Songs_, v. 2, p. 160), ‘wyne bastarde’ is put among the commodyetees of Spayne. 9. _Tire_, if not of Syrian growth, was probably a Calabrian or Sicilian wine, manufactured from the species of grape called _tirio_. _Tyre_, vinum Tyrense, ex Tyro insula. Withals. 10. _Ozey._ Though this is placed among the “commodities of Portugal” in some verses inserted in the first volume of Hackluyt’s Voyages, p. 188--Her land hath wine, _osey_, waxe, and grain,--yet, says Henderson, “a passage in Valois’ Description of France, p. 12, seems to prove, beyond dispute, that _oseye_ was an Alsatian wine; _Auxois_ or _Osay_ being, in old times, the name constantly used for Alsace. If this conjecture is well-founded, we may presume that _oseye_ was a luscious-sweet, or straw-wine, similar to that which is still made in that province. That it was a rich, high-flavoured liquor is sufficiently shown by a receipt for imitating it, which may be seen in Markham (_English Housewife_, 1683, p, 115), and we learn from Bacci p. 350) that the wines which Alsace then furnished in great profusion to England as well as different parts of the continent, were of that description. In the ‘Bataille des Vins’ we find the ‘Vin d’_Aussai_’ associated with the growths of the Moselle.” _Osey_ is one ‘Of the commoditees of Portingalle,’ _Libelle_, p. 163. 11. _Torrentyne of Ebrew._ Is this from Tarentum, Tarragon, or Toledo? Whence in Ebrew land did our forefathers import wine? Mr G. Grove says, “I should at first say that Torrentyne referred to the wine from some wady (Vulgate, _torrens_) in which peculiarly rich grapes grew, like the wady of Eschcol or of Sorek; but I don’t remember any special valley being thus distinguished as ‘_The_ Torrent’ above all others, and the vineyards are usually on hill-sides, not in vallies.” 12. _Greke Malevesyñ._ “The best dessert wines were made from the Malvasia grape; and Candia, where it was chiefly cultivated, for a long time retained the monopoly,” says Henderson. He quotes Martin Leake to explain the name. Monemvasia is a small fortified town in the bay of Epidaurus Limera. “It was anciently a promontory called Minoa, but is now an island connected with the coast of Laconia by a bridge. The name of _Monemvasia_, derived from the circumstances of its position (μόνη ἐμβασία, single entrance), was corrupted by the Italians to _Malvasia_; and the place being celebrated for the fine wines produced in the neighbourhood, _Malvasia_ changed to _Malvoisie_ in French, and _Malmsey_ in English came to be applied to many of the rich wines of the Archipelago, Greece, and other countries.” (_Researches in Greece_, p. 197.) _Maulmsey_, vinum creticum, vel creteum. Withals. 13. _Caprik_ may have been a wine from the island of Capri, or Cyprus. 14. _Clarey._ See above under _Pyment_, and the elaborate recipe for making it, in Household Ordinances, p. 473, under the heading “Medicina optima et experta pro Stomacho et pro Capite in Antiquo hominem.” _Claret Wine_, vinum sanguineum subrubrum, vel rubellum. Withals. “The seconde wine is pure _Claret_, of a cleare Iacent, or Yelow choler; this wine doth greatly norish and warme the body, and it is an holsome wine with meate.” _Bullein_, fol. xj. l. 122. _Spice_; l. 171. _Spicery._ Of “The commoditees and nyoetees of Venicyans and Florentynes,” the author of the Libelle says, p. 171, The grete galees of Venees and Florence Be wel ladene wyth thynges of complacence, Alle _spicerye and of grocers ware_, _Wyth swete wynes_, alle maners of cheffare, Apes, and japes, and marmusettes taylede, Nifles, trifles, that litelle have availede, And thynges wyth which they fetely blere oure eye, Wyth thynges not enduryng that we bye. l. 123. _Turnsole._ Newton’s Herbal, plate 49, gives Yellow Turnsole G(erarde), the Colouring Turnsole P(arkinson). l. 123. _Tornesole. Achillea tormentosa_, A.S. _Solwherf_. ‘This wort hath with it some wonderful divine qualities, that is, that its blossoms turn themselves according to the course of the sun, so that the blossoms when the sun is setting close themselves, and again when he upgoeth, they open and spread themselves.’ _Leechdoms_, ed. Cockayne, v. 1, p. 155. l. 123, 141. _Granes_ are probably what are now called “Granes of Paradise,” small pungent seeds brought from the East Indies, much resembling Cardamum seeds in appearance, but in properties approaching nearer to Pepper. See Lewis’s _Materia Medica_, p. 298; in _North. H. Book_. l. 131-2. I cannot identify these three sorts of Ginger, though Gerarde says: “Ginger groweth in Spaine, Barbary, in the Canary Islands, and the Azores,” p. 6. Only two sorts of Ginger are mentioned in Parkinson’s Herbal, p. 1613. ‘Ginger grows in China, and is cultivated there.’ Strother’s Harman, 1727, v. 1, p. 101. l. 141. Peper. “Pepir blake” is one of the commoditees of the Januays (or Genoese). _Libelle_, p. 172. [[Note on l. 77 originally printed here: see Corrigenda.]] l. 178. _Ale._ See the praise of the unparalleled liquor called Ale, Metheglin, &c., in Iohn Taylor’s _Drink and Welcome_, 1637. In his _Regiment_, A. Borde says, “Ale is made of malte and water; and they the whiche do put any other thynge to ale than is rehersed, except yest, barme, or goddes good,[*] [†] doth sophysticall there ale. Ale for an Englysshe man is a naturall drynke. Ale muste haue these properties, it must be fresshe and cleare, it muste not be ropy, nor smoky, nor it muste haue no werte nor tayle. Ale shulde not be dronke under .v. dayes olde. Newe Ale is vnholsome for all men. And sowre ale, and dead ale, and ale the whiche doth stande a tylte, is good for no man. Barly malte maketh better Ale than Oten malte or any other corne doth: it doth ingendre grose humours: but it maketh a man stronge. [Footnote *: Halliwell says it means _yeast_. It cannot do so here.] [Footnote †: This, and _barme_, and _bargood_ (= beer-good) are only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so called ‘because it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the following extract, sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate Assembly of Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.: “The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good, w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e valewe only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned, bicause it cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons of this Cite, callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their singler lucre & avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money for their seid goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it never so litle and insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore, an halfpeny or a peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e seid Goddis good at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde & laudable custome of alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite, to grete hurte & slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is ordeyned & provided, That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite shall from this time foorth take of eny p{er}son for lyvering, gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d goddis good, in money nor other rewarde, above y^e valewe of a ferthyng. He shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, warne, ne restregne y^e s^d goddis good to eny p{er}sone y^t will honestly & lefully aske it, & paye therefore y^e valewe of a ferthyng, &c.”] Beere is made of malte, of hoppes, and water. It is a naturall drynke for a doche man. And nowe of late dayes [1557 ?] it is moche vsed in England to the detryment of many Englysshe men; specyally it kylleth them the whiche be troubled with the Colycke and the stone, and the strayne coylyon; for the drynke is a cold drynke. Yet it doth make a man fatte, and doth inflate the belly, as it doth appere by the doche mennes faces and belyes.” A. Borde, _Regyment_, fol. G. ii. l. 194. Neck-towel. The _neck-towelles_ of the pantrey, ewerye, confectionarye, comters, hangers, liggers, and all that is the Kinges stuffe. _H. Ord._ p. 85. l. 201. _Salts._ Other two groomes in this office [of Panetry] to help serve the hall, or other lordes, in absence of the yoman, and to cutte trenchours, to make _saltes_, &c. _H. Ord._, p. 71. l. 213. Raynes. Towelles of _raygnes_, towelles of worke, and of playne clothe. _H. Ord._, pp. 72, 84. l. 237. _The Surnape._ In the Articles ordained by King Henry VII. for the Regulation of his Household, 31 Dec., 1494, are the following directions, p. 119. As for the Sewer and Usher, and laying of the Surnape. The sewer shall lay the surnape on the board-end whereas the bread and salte standeth, and lay forth the end of the same surnape and towell; then the usher should fasten his rodd in the foresaid surnape and towell, and soe drawing it downe the board, doeing his reverence afore the Kinge till it passe the board-end a good way, and there the sewer kneeling at the end of the board, and the usher at the other, stretching the said surnape and towell, and soe the usher to laie upp the end of the towell well on the boarde, and rise goeing before the Kinge, doeing his reverence to the King on the same side the surnape bee gone uppon, and on that side make an estate with his rodd; and then goeing before the Kinge doeing his reverence, and soe make another estate on the other side of the King, and soe goeing to the boards end againe, kneele downe to amend the towell, that there bee noe wrinkles save the estates; and then the usher doeing his due reverence to the King; goeing right before the Kinge with his rodd, the side of the same towell there as the bason shall stand; and doeing his reverence to the Kinge, to goe to the boards end againe; and when the King hath washed, to bee ready with his rodd to putt upp the surnape and meete the sewer against the Kinge, and then the sewer to take it upp. (The French name was _Serre-nape_.) l. 253. _State._ Divers Lords and _Astates_, p. 155; divers _astates_ and gentils, p. 160. _Wardrobe Accounts of King Edward IV_. l. 262. The Pauntry Towells, _Purpaynes_, Coverpaynes, Chipping-knyffs. Percy or Northumberland Hd. Book, p. 387. l. 277. _Symple Condicions._ Compare these modern directions to a serving man: “While waiting at dinner, never be picking your nose, or scratching your head, or any other part of your body; neither blow your nose in the room; if you have a cold, and cannot help doing it, do it on the outside of the door; but do not sound your nose like a trumpet, that all the house may hear when you blow it; still it is better to blow your nose when it requires, than to be picking it and snuffing up the _mucus_, which is a filthy trick. Do not yawn or gape, or even sneeze, if you can avoid it; and as to hawking and spitting, the name of such a thing is enough to forbid it, without a command. When you are standing behind a person, to be ready to change the plates, &c., do not put your hands on the back of the chair, as it is very improper; though I have seen some not only do so, but even beat a kind of tune upon it with their fingers. Instead of this, stand upright with your hands hanging down or before you, but not folded. Let your demeanour be such as becomes the situation which you are in. Be well dressed, and have light shoes that make no noise, your face and hands well washed, your finger-nails cut short and kept quite clean underneath; have a nail-brush for that purpose, as it is a disgusting thing to see black dirt under the nails. Let the lapels of your coat be buttoned, as they will only be flying in your way.” 1825. T. Cosnett. Footman’s Directory, p. 97-8. Lord A. Percy’s Waiters were changed every quarter. See the lists of them in the _Percy Household Book_, p. 53-4. l. 280. Lice. See Thomas Phaire’s Regiment of Life, The boke of Chyldren, H. h. 5; and A. Borde’s Introduction, of the Irishe man, Pediculus other whyle do byte me by the backe, Wherfore dyvers times I make theyr bones cracke. And of the people of Lytle Briten, Although I iag my hosen & my garment round abowt, Yet it is a vantage to pick _pendiculus_ owt. [Transcriber’s Note: Line note “67/991”, originally printed here, has been renamed “l. 991” and moved to the appropriate location.] l. 300. Jet. Rogue why Winkest thou, Jenny why _Jettest_ thou. are among R. Holme’s Names of Slates, Bk. III. ch. v. p. 265, col. 1. l. 328. Forks were not introduced into England till Coryat’s time. See his _Crudities_ p. 90-1, 4to. London, 1611, on the strange use of the Fork in Italy. “I observ’d a custom in all those Italian Cities and Townes through the which I passed, that is not used in any other country that I saw in my travels, neither do I thinke that any other nation of Christendome doth use it, but only Italy. The Italian and also most Strangers that are comorant in Italy, doe always at their meals use a _Little Forke_ when they cut their meat.” Percy’s notes, p. 417-18, North. H. Book. l. 348-9. Fumositees. But to wash the feete in a decoction of Baye leaues, Rosemary, & Fenel, I greatly disalow not: for it turneth away from the head vapours & _fumes_ dimming and ouercasting the mynde. Now the better to represse _fumes_ and propulse vapours fro{m} the Brain, it shalbe excelle{n}t good after Supper to chaw w{i}t{h} the teeth (the mouth being shut) a few graynes of Coriander first stieped in veneiger wherin Maiora{m} hath bin decocted, & the{n} thinly crusted or couered ouer w{i}t{h} Sugar. It is scarrce credible what a special co{m}moditye this bri{n}geth to y^e memory. No lesse vertuous & soueraign is the co{n}fection of Conserue of Quinces. Quinces called _Diacidonion_, if a prety quantity thereof be likewise taken after meate. For it disperseth _fumes_, & suffreth not vapours to strike vpwarde, T. Newton, _Lemnie’s Touchstone_, ed. 1581, fol. 126. See note on l. 105 here. l. 358. _Forced_ or _Farced_, a Forced Leg of Mutton, is to stuff or fill it (or any Fowl) with a minced Meat of Beef, Veal, &c., with Herbs and Spices. _Farcing_ is stuffing of any kind of Meats with Herbs or the like; some write it _Forsing_ and Farsing. To _Farce_ is to stuff anything. R. Holme. l. 378. Brawn. In his chapter on Pygge, Brawne, Bacon, Andrew Borde says of bacon as follows: “Bacon is good for Carters, and plowe men, the which be euer labouryng in the earth or dunge; but & yf they haue the stone, and vse to eate it, they shall synge ‘wo be to the pye!’ Wherefore I do say that coloppes and egges is as holsome for them as a talowe candell is good for a horse mouth, or a peece of powdred Beefe is good for a blere eyed mare. Yet sensuall appetyde must haue a swynge at all these thynges, notwithstandynge.” _Regyment_, fol. K. iii. b. l. 382 & l. 515. _Venison._ I extract part of Andrewe Borde’s chapter on this in his _Regyment_, fol. K. 4, b. ¶ Of wylde Beastes fleshe. ¶ I haue gone rounde about Chrystendome, and ouerthwarte Chrystendome, and a thousande or two and moore myles out of Chrystendome, Yet there is not so moche pleasure for Harte and Hynde, Bucke and Doe, and for Roo-Bucke and Doe, as is in Englande lande: and although the flesshe be dispraysed in physicke, _I praye God to sende me parte of flesshe to eate, physicke notwithstanding_ ... all physicions (phyon suchons, _orig._) sayth that Venson ... doth ingendre colorycke humours; and of trueth it doth so: Wherefore let them take the skynne, and let me haue the flesshe. I am sure it is a Lordes dysshe, and I am sure it is good for an Englysheman, for it doth anymate hym to be as he is: whiche is stronge and hardy. But I do aduertyse euery ma{n}, for all my wordes, not to kyll and so to eate of it, excepte it be lawfully, for it is a meate for great men. And great men do not set so moche by the meate, as they doth by the pastyme of kyllynge of it. l. 393. _Chine_, the Back-bone of any Beast or Fish. R. Holme. l. 397. Stock Dove, _Columba œnas_, Yarrell ii. 293. Doues haue this propertie by themselues, to bill one another and kisse before they tread. Holland’s Plinie, v. 1, p. 300. l. 401. Osprey or Fishing Hawk (the Mullet Hawk of Christchurch Bay), _Pandion Haliæëtus_, Y. i. 30. l. 401, 482. Teal, _Anas crecca_, Y. iii. 282. l. 402. Mallard or Wild Duck, _Anas boschas_, Y. iii. 265. l. 421, 542. _Betowre._ Bittern, the Common, _Botaurus stellaris_, Y. ii. 571. In the spring, and during the breeding season, the Bittern makes a loud booming or bellowing noise, whence, probably, the generic term _Botaurus_ was selected for it; but when roused at other times, the bird makes a sharp, harsh cry on rising, not unlike that of a Wild Goose. _Yarrell_, ii. 573. The Bittern was formerly in some estimation as an article of food for the table; the flesh is said to resemble that of the Leveret in colour and taste, with some of the flavour of wild fowl. Sir Thomas Browne says that young Bitterns were considered a better dish than young Herons ... ii. 574. ‘Hearon, Byttour, Shouelar. Being yong and fat, be lightlier digested then the Crane, & y^e Bittour sooner then the Hearon.’ Sir T. Eliot, _Castell of Health_, fol. 31. l. 422. Heron. Holland (Plinie, p. 301) gives--1. A Criell or dwarfe Heron; 2. Bittern; 3. Carion Heron, for Pliny’s--1. _Leucon_; 2. _Asterias_; 3. _Pellon_. l. 437. _Martins_ are given in the Bill of Fare of Archbp. Nevill’s Feast, A.D. 1466, 3rd Course. R. Holme, p. 78. l. 449. Cannell Bone. ‘Susclavier. Vpon the _kannell bone_; whence Veine susclaviere. The second maine ascendant branch of the hollow veine.’ Cot. l. 457. Compare _Rabbet Ronners_ 1 doz., 2 s., temp. Hen. VIII., a^o 33. _H. Ord._ p. 223. l. 492. _Custard_, open Pies, or without lids, filled with Eggs and Milk; called also Egg-Pie. R. Holme. See the Recipes for ‘Crustade Ryal,’ ‘Crustade’ (with Chikonys y-smete or smal birdys), and ‘Crustade gentyle’ (with ground pork or veal), fol. 43, Harl. MS. 279. The Recipe for Crustade Ryal is, “Take and pike out þe marow of bonys as hool as þou may. þen take þe bonys an seþe hem in Watere or þat þe broþe be fat y-now. þen take Almaundys & wayssche hem clene & bray hem, & temp{er} hem vppe w{i}t{h} þe fat broþe; þan wyl þe mylke be broun. þen take pouder Canelle, Gyngere, & Suger, & caste þer-on. þen take Roysonys of coraunce & lay in þe cofynne, & taylid Datys & kyt a-long. þen take Eyroun a fewe y-straynid, & swenge among þe Milke þe ȝolke. þen take the botmon of þe cofynne þer þe Marow schal stonde, & steke þ{er} gret an long gobettys þ{er}on vppe ryȝt. & lat bake a whyle. þen pore in comade þer-on halful, & lat bake, & whan yt a-rysith, it is ynow, þen serue forth.” Sir F. Madden in his note on _Frees_ pasties, in his Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 131, col. 1, says, “The different species of Confectionary then in vogue are enumerated by Taylor the Water Poet, in his Tract intitled ‘The Great Eater, or part of the admirable teeth and stomack’s exploits of Nicholas Wood,’ &c., published about 1610. ‘Let any thing come in the shape of fodder or eating-stuffe, it is wellcome, whether it be Sawsedge, or _Custard_, or Eg-pye, or Cheese-cake, or Flawne, or Foole, or Froyze,[*] or Tanzy, or Pancake, or Fritter, or Flap iacke,[†] or Posset, or Galleymawfrey, Mackeroone, Kickshaw, or Tantablin!’” [Footnote *: Froize, or pancake, _Fritilla_, Frittur, rigulet. Baret. _Omlet of Eggs_ is Eggs beaten together with Minced suet, and so fried in a Pan, about the quantity of an Egg together, on one side, not to be turned, and served with a sauce of Vinegar and Sugar. An _Omlet_ or _Froise_. R. Holme.] [Footnote †: Flapjack is “a fried cake made of butter, apples, &c.” Jennings. It is not a pancake here, evidently. “Untill at last by the skill of the cooke, it is transform’d into the forme of a _flapjack_, which in our translation is cald a _pancake_.” Taylor’s Jack-a-lent, i. p. 115, in Nares.] l. 500, 706, 730. Pety Perueis. _Perueis_ should be _Perneis_, as the Sloane MS. 1985 shows. Alter text accordingly. Under the head of _bake Metis or Vyaunde Furneȝ_, in Harl. MS. 279, fol. 40 b, we have No. xiiij _Pety Pernollys_. Take fayre Floure Cofyns. þen take ȝolkys of Eyroun & trye hem fro þe whyte. & lat þe ȝolkys be al hole & noȝt to-broke. & ley .iij. or .iiij. ȝolkys in a cofyn. and þan take marow of bonys, to or .iij. gobettys, & cowche in þe cofynn. þen take pouder Gyngere, Sugre, Roysonys of corau{n}ce, & caste a-boue, & þan kyuere þin cofyn w{i}t{h} þe same past. & bake hem & frye hem in fayre grece & s{erve} f{orth}. xx _Pety Peruaaunt_. Take fayre Flowre, Sugre, Safroun, an Salt. & make þ{er}offe fayre past & fayre cofyng{is}. þan take fayre y-tryid ȝolkys Raw & Sugre an pouder Gyngere, & Raysonys of Coraunce, & myncyd Datys, but not to small. þan caste al þis on a fayre bolle, & melle al to-gederys, & put in þin cofyn, & lat bake oþer Frye in Freyssche grece. Harl. MS. 279. l. 501, 701. _Powche_. I suppose this to be poached-egg fritters; but it may be the other _powche_; ‘Take the Powche and the Lyno{ur} [? liver] of haddok, codlyng, and hake.’ Forme of Cury, p. 47. Recipe 94. l. 501. _Fritters_ are small Pancakes, having slices of Apples in the Batter. R. Holme. Frutters, Fruter Napkin, and Fruter Crispin, were dishes at Archbp. Nevill’s Feast, 7 Edw. IV. 1467-8 A.D. l. 503. _Tansy Cake_ is made of grated Bread, Eggs, Cream, Nutmeg, Ginger, mixt together and Fried in a Pan with Butter, with green Wheat and Tansy stamped. R. Holme. ‘To prevent being Bug-bitten. Put a sprig or two of _tansey_ at the bed head, or as near the pillow as the smell may be agreeable.’ T. Cosnett’s Footman’s Directory, p. 292. l. 504, 511, &c. _Leach_, a kind of Jelly made of Cream, Ising-glass, Sugar, and Almonds, with other compounds (the later meaning, 1787). R. Holme. l. 517-18. _Potages._ All maner of liquyde thynges, as Potage, sewe and all other brothes doth replete a man that eteth them with ventosyte. _Potage is not so moche vsed in all Chrystendome as it is vsed in Englande._ Potage is made of the licour in the whiche flesshe is sod in, with puttynge to, chopped herbes, and Otmell and salte. A. Borde, _Reg._ fol. H. ii. l. 517, 731. _Jelly_, a kind of oily or fat liquor drawn from Calves or Neats feet boiled. R. Holme. l. 519. _Grewel_ is a kind of Broth made only of Water, Grotes brused and Currans; some add Mace, sweet Herbs, Butter and Eggs and Sugar: some call it Pottage Gruel. R. Holme. l. 521. _Cabages._ ’Tis scarce a hundred years since we first had cabbages out of Holland; Sir Anthony Ashley, of Wiburg St Giles, in Dorsetshire, being, as I am told, the first who planted them in England. Jn. Evelyn, Acetaria, § 11. They were introduced into Scotland by the soldiers of Cromwell’s army. 1854. Notes and Queries, May 6, p. 424, col. 1. l. 533. _Powdered_ is contrasted with _fresh_ in Household Ordinances: ‘In beef daily or moton, fresh, or elles all _poudred_ is more availe, 5d.’ _H. Ord._ p. 46. In Muffett (p. 173) it means pickled, ‘As Porpesses must be baked while they are new, so Tunny is never good till it have been long _pouldred_ with salt, vinegar, coriander, and hot spices.’ In p. 154 it may be either salt or pickled; ‘Horne-beaks are ever lean (as some think) because they are ever fighting; yet are they good and tender, whether they be eaten fresh or _poudred_.’ _Powdered_, says Nicolas, meant sprinkled over, and “powdered beef” i.e. beef sprinkled with salt, is still in use. _Privy Purse expenses of Elizabeth of Yorke, &c._, p. 254, col. 1. See note to l. 378, 689, here. l. 535-688. _Chaudoun._ MS. Harl. 1735, fol. 18, gives this Recipe. ‘¶ Chaudo{n} sauz of swannes. ¶ Tak y^e issu of y^e swannes, & wasch{e} hem wel, skoure y^e guttys w{i}t{h} salt, sethz al to-gidre. Tak of y^e fleysch{e}; hewe it smal, & y^e guttys w{i}t{h} alle. Tak bred, gynger{e} & galingale, Canel, grynd it & tempre it vp w{i}t{h} bred; colo{u}r it w{i}t{h} blood or{e} w{i}t{h} bre{n}t bred, seson it vp w{i}t{h} a lytyl vinegre; welle it al to-gyder{e}.’ And see the Chaudou{n} potage of Pygys, fol. 19, or p. 37. l. 540. Crane, the Common, _Crus cinerea_, Y. ii. 530. l. 540. Egret, or Great White Heron, _Ardea alba_ Y. ii. 549. (Buff-coloured, Buff-backed, and Little Egret, are the varieties.) l. 540. Hernshaw or Common Heron, _Ardea cinerea_. Y. ii. 537 (nine other varieties). l. 541. Plover, the Great (Norfolk Plover and Stone Curlew), _Ædicnemus crepitans_, Y. ii. 465 (10 other varieties). l. 541. Curlew the Common, _Numenius arquata_, Y. ii. 610 (there are other varieties). l. 542. Bustard, the Great, _Otis tarda_, Y. ii. 428; the Little (rare here) ii. 452. l. 542. Shoveler (blue-winged, or Broad-Bill), _Anas clypeata_, Y. iii. 247. Snipe, the Common, _Scolopax gallinago_, Y. iii. 38 (11 other sorts). l. 543. Woodcock, _Scolopax rusticola_, Y. iii. 1. l. 543. Lapwing or Peewit, _Vanellus cristatus_, ii. 515. l. 543. The Martin, or House Martin, _Hirundo urbica_, Y. ii. 255; the Sand or Bank Martin, _Hirundo riparia_, ii. 261. l. 544. Quail, the Common, _Coturnix vulgaris_, Y. ii. 413. l. 546. On Fish wholesome or not, see Bullein, fol. lxxxiij., and on Meats, fol. 82. l. 548. Torrentille: Mr Skeat suggests ‘? Torrent-eel.’ Though the spelling of Randle Holme’s A _Sandile_ or a _Sandeele_ (Bk. II., p. 333), and Aldrovandi’s (p. 252 h.) “De _Sandilz_ Anglorum” may help this, yet, as Dr Günther says, eels have nothing to do with torrents. _Torrentille_ may be the Italian _Tarentella_: see note on Torrentyne, l. 835 below. l. 555. _Ling._ There shall be stryken of every Saltfische called a Lyng Fische vj Stroks after iij Strooks in a Side. _Percy Household Book_, p. 135. l. 558. _Stockfish._ Vocatur autem ‘Stockfisch’ à trunco, cui hic piscis aridus tundendus imponitur. ariditate enim ita riget, ut nisi præmaceratus aqua, aut prætunsus, coqui non possit. _Gesner_, p. 219. ‘_Ie te frotteray à double carillon._ I will beat thee like a _stockfish_, I will swinge thee while I may stand ouer thee.’ Cotgrave. ‘The tenne chapitule’ of ‘The Libelle of Englysch Polycye’ is headed ‘Of the coundius _stokfysshe_ of Yselonde,’ &c., &c., and begins Of Yseland to wryte is lytille nede, Save of _stockfische_. A. Borde, in his Introduction to Knowledge, under Islond, says, And I was borne in Islond, as brute as a beest; Whan I ete candels ends I am at a feest; Talow and raw _stockefysh_ I do loue to ete, In my countrey it is right good meate. ... In stede of bread they do eate _stocfyshe_, and they wyll eate rawe fyshe & fleshe; they be beastly creatures, vnmannered and vntaughte. The people be good fyshers; muche of theyr fishe they do barter with English men for mele, lases, a{n}d shoes & other pelfery. (See also under Denmarke.) l. 559. _Mackerel._ See Muffett’s comment on them, and the English and French ways of cooking them, p. 157. l. 569. Onions. Walnuts be hurtfull to the Memory, and so are _Onyons_, because they annoy the Eyes with dazeling dimnesse through a hoate vapour. T. Newton, _Touchstone_, ed. 1581, fol. 125 b. l. 572. A _Rochet_ or _Rotbart_ is a red kind of _Gurnard_, and is so called in the South parts of England; and in the East parts it is called a _Curre_, and a _Golden polle_. R. Holme. l. 575. A _Dace_ or a Blawling, or a Gresling, or a Zienfische, or Weyfisch; by all which the Germans call it, which in Latin is named _Leucorinus_. And the French _Vengeron_, which is English’d to me a _Dace_, or _Dace-fish_. R. Holme. l. 577. _Refett._ “I thought it clear that _refett_ was roe, and I do not yet give it up. But see P. P., _Refeccyon_, where the editor gives ‘_refet of_ fisshe K., _refet or_ fishe H., _reuet_ P.,’ from other manuscripts, and cites in a note Roquefort from Fr. _reffait_ (refait) as meaning a fish, the _rouget_, &c., &c. The authority of Roquefort is not much, and he gives no citation. If, however, in K. H. and P. these forms are used instead of the spelling _refeccyon_, and defined _refectio, refectura_, it rather embarrasses the matter. Halliwell cites no authority for _rivet_, roe.” G. P. Marsh. See note to l. 839 here, p. 108. l. 580. _Gobbin_, or _Gobbet_, or _Gubbins_: Meat cut in large peeces, as large as an Egg. R. Holme. l. 584. A _Thornbacke_, soe called from the Sharp Crooked Pricks set on Studs, all down the middle of the Back. R. Holme. l. 584. _Hound Fysch._ A Sow-Hound-Fish ... So it is called from its resemblance of a _Dog_, and its fatness like to a _Swine_: though most term it a _Dog-Fish_. It hath a small Head, great Eyes; wide Mouth, rough, sharp and thick skinned. R. Holme. l. 584, l. 830. _Thorlepolle._ Aldrovandi, describing the _Balæna vera Rondel[etii]_ says: Hec belua Anglis, (vt dixi) Hore vocatur, & alio nomine Horlepoole & VVirlepoole etiam, ni fallor, earu{m} nimiru{m} omnium significatione, quòd impetuo suo & flatu vorticosas in mari tanquam palude procellas excitet. Oleum ex ea colligi aiunt. p. 677. See Holland’s Plinie on the Whales and Whirlepooles called Balænæ, which take up in length as much as foure acres or arpens of land, v. 1, p. 235, &c. Thornback, _Raja_. Thornback, which Charles Chester merily and not unfitly calleth Neptune’s beard, was extolled by Antiphanes in Athenæus history for a dainty fish; indeed it is of a pleasant taste, but of a stronger smell than Skate, over-moist to nourish much, but not so much as to hinder lust, which it mightily encreaseth. Muffett, p. 172. l. 596. _Verjuice_ is the juice of Crabs or sour Apples. R. Holme. l. 622. _Jole of Sturgion or Salmon_ is the two quarters of them, the head parts being at them. R. Holme. l. 630. _Lamprey pie._ In the Hengrave Household Accounts is this entry “for presenting a _lamprey pye_ vj d.” “It{e}m. the xiiij day of January [1503] to a servant of the Pryour of Lanthony in reward for brynging of two bakyn laumpreys to the Quene v s. Nicolas’s Elizabeth of York, p. 89, and Glossary.” Under ‘How several sorts of Fish are named, according to their Age or Growth,’ p. 324-5, R. Holme gives An _Eel_, first a Fauser, then a Grigg, or Snigg, then a Scaffling, then a little Eel; when it is large, then an _Eel_, and when very large, a _Conger_. A _Pike_, first a Hurling pick, then a Pickerel, then a _Pike_, then a _Luce_ or _Lucie_. A Smelt or _Sparling_, first a Sprat, then a small Sparling, then a _Sparling_. A Codd, first a Whiting, then a Codling, then a Codd. A _Lamprey_, first a Lampron Grigg, then a Lampret, then a Lamprell, then a _Lamprey_. A _Lampron_, first a Barle, than a Barling, then a Lamprell, and then a _Lamprey_ or _Lampron_. A _Crevice_, first a Spron Frey, then a Shrimp, then a Sprawn, and when it is large, then called a _Crevice_. The curious Burlesques, pp. 81-2, 85-6, vol. 1 of _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, contain a great many names of fish. l. 631. _Pasty_ is paste rouled broad, and the Meat being laid in Order on it, it is turned over, and made up on three sides, with garnishes about. R. Holme. l. 634, note. [Footnote 178 in this e-text] _Galingale._ Harman (ed. Strother, 1727) notices three varieties, _Cyperus rotundus_, round Galingal; _Galanga major_, Galingal; _Galanga minor_, lesser Galingal. Gallinga, Lat. Galanga, says Bp Percy, is the root of a grassy-leaved plant brought from the East Indies, of an aromatic smell and hot biting bitterish Taste, anciently used among other Spices, but now almost laid aside. Lewis, _Mat. Med._ p. 286. See Mr Way’s note 4 in Pr. Parv. p. 185. ‘_Galendyne_ is a sauce for any kind of roast Fowl, made of Grated Bread, beaten Cinnamon and Ginger, Sugar, Claret-wine, and Vinegar, made as thick as Grewell.’ Randle Holme, Bk. III., chap. III., p. 82, col. 2. See also Recipes in Markham’s Houswife, the second p. 70, and the first p. 77. l. 657. A sewer, _appositor ciborum. Appono_, to sette vpon the table. Withals. l. 686. See Randle Holme’s ‘relation of the Feast made by George Nevill, Arch-Bishop of York, at the time of his Consecration, or Installation, 7. Edw. IV. 1467-8,’ and his other Bills of Fare, p. 77-81, Book III. Chap. III. l. 686. _Mustard_ is a kind of sharp biting sauce, made of a small seed bruised and mixed with Vinegar. R. Holme. l. 686. _Dynere._ Compare the King’s dinner in _The Squyr of Lowe Degree_. The Squyer He toke a white yeard in his hande, Before the kynge than gane he stande, And sone he sat hym on his knee, And serued the kynge ryght royally With deynty meates that were dere, With Partryche, Pecocke, and Plouere, With byrdes in bread ybake, The Tele, the Ducke, and the Drake, The Cocke, the Corlewe, and the Crane, With Fesauntes fayre, theyr ware no wane, Both Storkes and Snytes ther were also, And venyson freshe of Bucke and Do, And other deyntés many one, For to set afore the kynge anone. l. 312-27, _E. Popular Poetry_, v. 2, p. 36. Several of the names of the dishes in Russell are used burlesquely in the Feest of the Turnament of Tottenham, _E. Pop. P._, v. 3, pp. 94-6, “saduls sewys, mashefatts in mortrewys, mylstones in mawmary, iordans in iussall, chese-crustis in charlett,” &c. l. 688, _Swan._ “Cap. xxviij. The Swan{n}e is veri a fayr birde, w{i}t{h} whyte feders / & it hath a blacke skinne & flesshe / the mariner seeth hy{m} gladly / for whan he is mery, the mariner is without sorowe or dau{n}ger; & all his strengthe is in his wy{n}ges / and he is coleryke of complexio{n} / & whan they will engender, than they stryke wyth theyr nebbys toged{er}, and cast theyr neckes ouer eche other as yf thei wolden brace eche other; so come they togeder, but the male doth hurt {the} female; & as sone as he beknoweth that he hathe hurte her, tha{n} he departeth frome her co{m}pani in all the haste possible / and she pursueth after for to reuenge it / but {the} anger is sone past, & she wassheth her with her bylle in the water / and clenseth herselfe agayne.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. sign. m. 1. l. 688, _Feysaund._ “Cap. xlvi. Fascian{us} is a wyld cocke or a fesa{n}t cocke that byde in the forestes, & it is a fayre byrde with goodly feders. but he hath no co{m}mbe as other cockes haue / and they be alway alone except whane they wylle be by the henne. and they that will take this bird / and in many places the byrders doth thus, they pay{n}te the figure of this fayre byrde in a cloth, & holdeth it before hym / & whan this birde seeth so fayr a figure of hym selfe / he goeth nother forward nor bacwarde / but he standeth still, staringe vpon his figure / & sodenly commeth another, and casteth a nette ouer his hede, and taketh hym. Thys byrde morneth sore in fowle weder, & hideth hym from the rayne vnder {the} busshes. Towarde {the} morninge and towardes night, than com{m}eth he out of the busshe, and is ofte{n}times so taken, & he putteth his hede in the grou{n}d, & he weneth that all his boddy is hyden / and his flessh is very light and good to disiest.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. (m. 4.) l. 689. _Vensoun bake_, or Venison Pasty. Of the Hart and Hinde, Topsel says, “The flesh is tender, especially if the beast were libbed before his horns grew: yet is not the juice of that flesh very wholesome, and therefore _Galen_ adviseth men to abstain as much from Harts flesh as from Asses, for it engendereth melancholy; yet it is better in Summer then in Winter. _Simeon Sethi_, speaking of the hot Countries, forbiddeth to eat them in Summer, because then they eat Serpents, and so are venemous; which falleth not out in colder Nations, and therefore assigneth them rather to be eaten in Winter time, because the concoctive powers are more stronger through plenty of inward heat; but withal admonisheth, that no man use to eat much of them, for it will breed Palsies and trembling in mans body, begetting grosse humors, which stop the Milt and Liver: and _Auicen_ proveth, that by eating thereof men incur the quartane Ague; wherefore it is good to powder them with salt before the dressing, and then seasoned with Peper and other things, known to every ordinary Cook and woman, they make of them Pasties in most Nations,” p. 103, ed. 1658. l. 694. _Blanchmanger_, a made dish of Cream, Eggs, and Sugar, put into an open puff paste bottom, with a loose cover. _Blamanger_, is a Capon roast or boile, minced small, planched (sic) Almonds beaten to paste, Cream, Eggs, Grated Bread, Sugar and Spices boiled to a pap. R. Holme. l. 694. _Po = tage_ is strong Broth of Meat, with Herbs and Spices Boiled. _Pottage_ is the Broth of Flesh or Fowl, with Herbs and Oatmeal boiled therein. R. Holme. l. 694, _Vensoun_; and l. 696, _Heironsew_. But many men byn nowe so lekerous That they can not leve by store of howse, As brawne, bakyn, or powderd beef; Such lyvelod now ys no man leef, But venyson, wyldfowle or heronsewes, So newfanggell be these men of her thewes; Moche medlyd wyne all day men drynke; j haue wyste wyldfowle sum tyme stynke. _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 171-8, p. 8, v. 2, of _Early Popular Poetry_, ed. Hazlitt, 1866. l. 695, _Bustard._ “Cap. xv. The Bistarda is a birde as great as an egle, of {th}e maner of an egle, and of suche colour, saue in {th}e winges & in the tayle it hath some white feders; he hath a crooked byll, & longe talants. and it is slowe of flight / & wha{n} he is on the grownde, than must he ryse .iij. or iiij. tymes or he can come to any fulle flight. he taketh his mete on the erth; for .v. or .vi. of them togeder be so bold that they festen on a shepe & tere hy{m} a-sonder / & so ete the flesshe of him / & this birde dothe ete also of dede bestes & stinkyn caryon, and it eteth also grasse & grene erbes / & it layth his eggis vpon the grou{n}de, & bredeth the{m} out the while that {th}e corne groweth on the felde.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, L ij back. l. 695, _Crane._ “Cap. lix. The Crane is a great byrde / and whan they flye, they be a greate many of them to-gyder in ordre, and a-monge the{m} they chose a kynge the whiche they obey / whan the crane sleepth, than standeth he vpon one fote w{i}t{h} his hede vnder his winges / & ther is one {tha}t kepeth the wache w{i}t{h} his hede vpryght to-wardes {th}e ayre / & wha{n} they ete, tha{n} the kynge kepeth the wache fore them, and than the cranes ete w{i}t{h}out sorowe. Aristotiles sayth {tha}t aboue Egipt in farre lo{n}des come the cranes in the wi{n}ter / and there the fight w{i}t{h} the pygmeis as before is shewed in {th}e .c. & .xvi. chapter.[*] [Footnote *: Pigmeis be men & women, & but one cubite longe, dwellinge in {th}e mountaynes of ynde | they be full growen at their third yere, & at their seue{n} yere they be olde | & they gader them in may a grete co{m}pany togeder, & arme them in theyr best maner | and tha{n} go they to the water syde, & where-so-euer they fynde any cranes nestis they breake all the egges, & kyll all the yonges {tha}t they fynde | and this they do because {th}e cranes do them many displeasures, & fight with them oftentymes, & do the{m} great scathe | but these folke couer their houses w{i}t{h} the cranes feders & egshels. fol. h. ij. back.] The Operacion. Rasi. The flesshe of him is grosse, & not good to disiest / & it maketh mela{n}colious blode. ¶ The crane that is kille in somer shalbe hanged vp one daye / and in winter season .ij. dayes or it be eten, and than it is the more disiestious.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. (n. iij.) l. 695, _peacock._ “Paon revestu. A Peacocke flayed, parboyled, larded, and stucke thicke with Cloues; then roasted, with his feet wrapped vp to keepe them from scorching; then couered againe with his owne skinne as soone as he is cold, and so vnderpropped that, as aliue, hee seemes to stand on his legs: In this equipage a gallant, and daintie seruice.” --1611, _Cotgrave._ l. 695, _Peacock._ “Pauo / the pecocke is a very fayre byrde / and it hath a longe necke, and hath on his hede feders lyke a lytell crowne / he hathe a longe tayle the whyche he setteth on hye very rycheli, but whan he loketh on hys lothly fete, he lateth his tayle sinke. Be nyght, whan the Pecocke can nat see hymselfe, tha{n} he cryeth ernefully, and thynketh that he hath lost hys beautye / and with his crye he feareth all serpentes / in suche maners {tha}t they dare nat abyde in those places whereas they here hym crye / and whan the pecocke cly{m}meth hye, that is a token of rayne ... also the pecocke is envious & wylle nat knowe his yonges tyll that they haue {th}e crowne of feders vpon theyr hede, and that they begynne to lyken hym.... The flesshe of hy{m} will nat lightely rote nor stynke / and it is euyll flesshe to disiest, for it can nat lightely be rosted or soden ynough.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_ (o. iv.), Cap. xci. l. 696, _Heironsew._ Ardea is a byrde that fetcheth his mete in y^e water, & yet he byldeth vpo{n} the hyest trees that he can. This birde defendeth his yonges from y^e goshawke, castinge his dou{n}ge vpon him / & tha{n} the fedders of the goshawke rote of y^e dounge of ardea as far as it touchet[h]. _Nob. Lyfe_, L. ij. l. 696, _Partrich._ “Cap. xcvi. Perdix is a byrde very wylye, & the cockes feght oftentymes for the he{n}nes. and these byrdes flye of no heght / and they put theyr hedes in the erthe, & they thinke {tha}t they tha{n} be well hyde{n}, for wha{n} she seeth nobody she thinketh {tha}t nobody seeth here. & she bredeth out other p{ar}triches egges / for wha{n} she hath lost her eges, tha{n} she steleth other egges & bredeth the{m} / & wha{n} they be hatched {tha}t they can go on the grou{n}de / than this da{m}me setteth the{m} out of {th}e nest / but whan they be a-brode, & here the wyse of theyr owne da{m}mes, inco{n}tinent they leue theyr da{m}me {tha}t brought the{m} up, & go to their owne natural da{m}me / & tha{n} she {tha}t brought the{m} vp hath lost her labour. The Operacion. The flesshe of a p{ar}triche is most holsomest of all wylde fowles, {the}brest & vppermoste parte of {th}e bodie is the swetest, & hathe the best sauoure / but {th}e hinder parte is nat so swete.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, sign. p. i. & back. l. 698, _Lark._ Alauda: the larke is a lytel birde, & w{i}t{h} euery man well beknowen through his songe / in {th}e somer {the}i begy{n}neth to singe in the dawning of {th}e day, geuynge knowlege to the people of {th}e cominge of the daye; and in fayre weder he reioyseth sore / but wha{n} it is rayne weder, than it singeth selden / he singeth nat sittinge on the grownde nouther / but whan he assendith vpwarde, he syngeth mereli / & in the descending it falleth to the grownde lyke a stone. The Operacion. The larkes flesshe hardeneth the beli, and the brothe of hym that he was soden in, slaketh the beli. L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, sign. L. iv. back, and L. i. l. 706, _Snyte_ or Snipe. “Cap. lxxxiiij. Nepa is a byrde w{i}t{h} a longe byll / & he putteth his byll in {th}e erthe for to seke the worms in the grou{n}de / and they put their bylles in {th}e erthe sometyme so depe {tha}t they can nat gete it vp agayne / & tha{n} they scratche theyr billes out agayn w{i}t{h} theyr fete. This birde resteth betimes at nyght / and they be erly abrode on the morninge / & they haue swete flesshe to be eaten.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ l. 706, _Sparow._ “Passer / The Sparowe is a lytell byrde / and wha{n} {th}e cucko fyndeth the sparowes nest / tha{n} he suppeth vp {th}e egges, & layeth newe egges hym self therin agayne / & the sparowe bredeth vp these yo{n}ge cuckoes tyl they can flee; tha{n} a great many of olde sparowes geder to-geder to thente{n}t {tha}t thei sholde holde vp the yo{n}ge sparowes that can nat flee / & theyr mete is wormes of {th}e erthe.... All sparowes flesshe is euyl / and their egges also. The flessh is very hote, and moueth to the operacion of lechery.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_ (o. iv.), Cap. xci. l. 713. _Comfits_ are round, long or square pellets of Sugar made by the Art of a Confectioner. R. Holme. l. 737, _Eles._ Trevisa in his _Higden_ says of Britain ‘þe lond ys noble, copious, & ryche of noble welles, & of noble ryvers wiþ plente of fysch. þar ys gret plente of smal fysch & of _eeles_, so þat cherles in som place feedeþ sowes wiþ fysch.’ _Morris’s Specimens_, p. 334. Comyth ther not al day owt of hollond and flaundre Off fatte _eles_ full many a showte, And good chepe, who that wayteth the tyddys abowte? _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 71-3, _Early Pop. Poetry_, v. 2, p. 4 (and see ll. 7-10). l. 747, 812. _Minoes_, so called either for their littleness, or (as Dr. Cajus imagined) because their fins be of so lively a red, as if they were died with the true Cinnabre-lake called _Minium_: They are less than Loches, feeding upon nothing, but licking one another ... they are a most delicate and light meat ... either fried or sodden. _Muffett_, p. 183. l. 758. _Towse._ Can this be a form of _dough_? G. P. Marsh. l. 782. Sotiltees were made of sugar and wax. Lel. Coll. VI. p. 31. Pegge. l. 788-795, _Sanguineus, Colericus, Fleumaticus, Malencolicus._ Men were divided into these four classes, according to their humours. Laurens Andrewe says, in his _Noble Lyfe_, “And the bodij of man is made of many diuers sortes of ly{m}mes / as senewes / vaynes / fatte / flesshe & skynne. And also of the foure moistours / as sanguyne / flematyke / coleryke & melancoly.” (fol. a iv. back) col. 2. In his Chapter “Howe that man co{m}meth into the house of dethe,” he has drawings of these four types of man, on either side of King Death & the skeleton under him. Men die, he says in thre ways. 1. by one of the four elements of which they are made, overcoming the others; 2. by _humidum radicale_ or ‘naturall moystour’ forsaking them; 3. by wounds; “& these thre maners of dethes be co{n}tained in the four co{m}plexcions of man / as in the sa{n}guyne / colerike / flematike / & mela{n}coly. The sanguyne wareth ofte{n}tymes so olde through gode gouernau{n}ce / that he must occopy spectacles, & liue longe or hu{m}midu{m} radicale departe frome him / but than he dyeth. The colerike co{m}meth oftentymes to[*] dethe be accide{n}tall maner through his hastines, for he is of nature hote & drye. The flematike co{m}meth often to dethe thorough great excesse of mete & drinke, or other great labours doinge / for his nature is colde and moyste, & can not well disiest. And mela{n}coly is heuy / full of care & heuynes / whereof he engendereth moche euyll blode that causeth great sekenes, which bringeth him vnto dethe. Thus go we al vnto the howse of dethe / the one thrugh ensuynge of his co{m}plexion / the other through the ordenances of almyghty god. The thirde through the planetis & signes of the firmame{n}t.” fol. a vi. [Footnote *: _orig._ do.] l. 799, _Beef._ Laurens Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, sign. C. i., Pt. i. says, “Of the oxce, ca. xiiij. The oxce is a co{m}panable beste, & amonge his co{m}pani he is very meke / & alwaye he seketh his felowe that was wont to go in the plowghe wyth hym / and whan he fyndeth nat his felow, than cryeth he wyth a lowde voyce, makyng gret mone / as it were one {tha}t wolde make a mourninge co{m}playnt. A bull lyueth .xv. yere, and a oxce .xx. yere. ¶ Isaac sayth that an oxce flessh is the dryest flesshe amonge all other / & his blode is nat holsome to be eten, for it wyll nat lightly disieste. & therfore it fedeth sore, & it maketh euyll hu{m}oures, & bredeth mela{n}coly / & they melancolicus that eat moche suche metes be like to suffer many diseases, as to gete an harde mylte / the febris quartayn / the dropcy / mangnies, lepry, &c.” l. 799, _Mutton._ Wether mutton was rightly held the best. See “The operacion” below. “¶ Of the Ramme or weddr. Ca. iij. Ysydorus sayth that the ra{m}me or wedder is the lodysman of other shepe / and he is the male or man of the oye, and is stronger than the other shepe / & he is also called a wedder because of a worme that he hath in his hede / & whan that begi{n}neth for to stirre, than wyll he tucke and feght / and he fereth naturally the thonder, as other shepe dothe. For whan a shepe is with frute, hering the thonder, she casteth her frute, and bryngeth it dede to the worlde. and the wedder in the tyme that he bespryngeth the oye, than is it in the tyme of loue amonge the shepe / and the Ra{m}me or wedder wyl feght boldly for theyr wyues one with another.... The Operacion. ¶ The flesshe of a yo{n}ge wether that is gelded is moch better than any other motton / for it is nat so moyste as other motton, and it is hoter, and whan it disgesteth well it maketh gode blode / but the flessh of an oled ra{m}me wyll nat lightely disgest, & that is very euyll.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, Pt. I. sign. b. i. back. l. 800, _Chykon._ On the cocke & hen L. Andrewe discourses as follows: “the Cocke is a noble byrde with a combe on his hed & vnder his iawes / he croweth in {th}e night heuely & light in {th}e morni{n}ge / & is fare herd w{i}t{h} the wi{n}de. The lyon is afrayd of the cocke / & specially of the whyte / the crowyng of the cocke is swete & profitable; he wakeneth {th}e sleper / he conforteth the sorowful / & reioyseth the wakers in tokenynge {tha}t the night is passed.... The flesshe of the coscke is groser tha{n} the flesshe of the he{n}ne or capon. Nota / the olde cockes flesshe is tenderer than the yonge. The capons flesshe is mightiest of all fowles & maketh gode blode. Auicea{n}na. The cokerels flesshe {tha}t neuer crewe is bett{er} than {th}e olde cockes flesshe: the stones be gode for the{m} that haue to light a disiestyon / the brothe of hym is gode for the payn in {th}e mawe {tha}t co{m}meth of wynde.” _Noble Lyfe_, n. i. back. Of the hen, L. Andrewe says: “the he{n}ne is {th}e wyfe of the cocke / & ye shall lay odde egges vnder her for to hatche / ... The flesshe of the yonge he{n}ne or she haue layde / is better than of the olde he{n}ne / also the grese of the cheken is moche hoter than of the he{n}ne.” _Noble Lyfe_, n. i. back. l. 802, _Goose._ “The tame gese ... be heuy in fleinge, gredi at their mete, & diligent to theyr rest / & they crye the houres of y^e night, & therwith they fere y^e theues. In the hillis of alpis be gese as great, nere ha{n}de, as an ostriche: they be so heuy of body that they cannat flee, & so me take them with the hande.... The gose flessh is very grose of nature in disiestion.” _Noble Lyfe_, L. i. back. Part ii. cap. 10. l. 803, _Capon._ “Gallinacius / the capon is a gelded cocke / & because {tha}t he is gelded he waxeth the soner fatte / & though he go with the hennes, he dothe nat defende them / nor he croweth nat.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, fol. n. ij. l. 804, _Eggis._ “the new lyde egges be better than the olde / the henne egges be better tha{n} ani other egges, whan thei be fresshe, & specialli whan thei be rere, tha{n} they make gode blode / but the egges that be harde rosted be of {th}e grose metis. The Operacion. All maners of egges waken a man to the worke of lecherie, & specialli sparowes egges. Auice{n}na: The ducke egges & suche like make grose humoures. The best of the egges is the yolke, & that causeth sperma / the white of the egge enclineth to be cole. whan an he{n}ne shall brede, take hede of those egges that be blont on bothe endes, & thei shal be he{n}ne chekens / & those that be longe & sharpe on bothe endes shall be cocke chekens.” L. Andrewe. _Noble Lyfe_ (o iij. back). l. 808, _Lamb._ Laurens Andrewe, Pt. i. says. ¶ Of the La{m}me. Cap. p{ri}mo. In the begi{n}nynge we haue the La{m}me, because he is the moste mekest beste leuinge, for it offe{n}deth nobody / and all that he hathe on him is gode / y^e flesshe for to eate, the skynne to make parcheme{n}t or ledder / the donge for to do{n}ge the felde / the clawes & hornes be medicinable / he dredeth the wolfe sore / & he knoweth his da{m}me best be her bleting, though she be amonge many shepe. The Operacion. The Lam{m}e that soucketh his dam{m}e hath his flesshe very slymie, & nat lowable / and it will nat be disgested, principally of them that haue cold stomakes. la{m}mes of a yere olde be better & lighter to disgest / & they make gode blode / and specyally they be gode for theym that be hote & drye of complexcyon & dwell in a hote & drye lande / la{m}mes flesshe is very gode for one that is hole & lusti, but for theim {tha}t be seke it is very euyll: though it lightely disgest and descende out of the man / yet it is euyll for other partes of the body, for it maketh slimy humours. sign. b. i. l. 808, _Cony._ “The coney is a lytel beste dwellynge in an hole of the erthe / & thore as he vseth he encreaseth very moche, and therfore he is profitable for man, for he casteth oftentymes in the yere ... Ysaac sayth. That conys flesshe hath properli {th}e vertue to strengen {th}e mawe and to dissolue the bely / and it casseth moche vryne.” _The Noble Lyfe_, sign. e. i. l. 811. _Mead_ or _Meath_, a drink made of Ginger, Sugar, Honey and Spring water boiled together. R. Holme. _Metheglin_, a drink made of all sorts of wholesome Herbs boiled and strained with Honey and Water, and set to work with Bearm, as Ale or Beer. _R. Holme._ Dan. _miod._ l. 811. _Braggot._ This drinke is of a most hot nature, as being compos’d of Spices, and if it once scale the sconce, and enter within the circumclusion of the _Perricranion_, it doth much accelerate nature, by whose forcible atraction and operation, the drinker (by way of distribution) is easily enabled to afford blowcs to his brother. In Taylor. _Drink & Welcome_, 1637, A 3, back. l. 812. Mussels (_Mityli_, _Chamæ_) were never in credit, but amongst the poorer sort, till lately the lilly-white Mussel was found out about Romers-wall, as we sail betwixt Flushing and Bergen-up-Zon, where indeed in the heat of Sommer they are commonly and much eaten without any offence to the head, liver, or stomach: yea my self (whom once twenty Mussels had almost poisoned at Cambridg, and who have seen sharp, filthy, and cruel diseases follow the eating of English Mussels) did fill my self with those Mussels of the Low Country, being never a whit distempered with my bold adventure. _Muffett_, p. 159. l. 824, _Samon._ Also sumtyme where samons vsen for to haunte, Lampreys, luces, or pykkes plesaunte, wenyth the fyscher suche fysche to fynde. _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 11-13. l. 835, 4 [Footnote 235 in this e-text] _Torrentyne._ The passage before that quoted from Aldrovandi, de Piscibus, p. 585, in the note, is, “Trutta, siue ut Platina scribit Truta, siue Trotta Italicu{m} nome{n} est, à Gallis, quibus Troutte vel potius Truette, vel ab Anglis quib{us} à Trute, vel Trovvt appella{n}t, acceptum. Rhæti qui Italica lingua corrupta vtuntur, Criues vocant, teste Gesnero.” The special fish from the Tarentine gulf is the “Tarentella, Piscis genus. Tract. MS. de Pisc. cap. 26 ex Cod. reg. 6838. C.: _Magnus thunnus, is scilicet qui a nostris_ Ton _vocatur ... dicitur Italis Tarentella, a_ Tarentino, _unde advehitur, sinu_.” Ducange, ed. 1846. l. 845. _Hake. Merlucius_ (or _Gadus_) _vulgaris_ Y. ii. 258, ‘the Seapike ... It is a coarse fish, not admitted to the tables of the wealthy; but large quantities are anuually preserved both by salting and drying, part of which is exported to Spain.’ ‘Fish, samon, _hake_, herynge’ are some of the commoditees of Irelonde mentioned in the _Libelle_ (A.D. 1436), p. 186. l. 839, _reffett._ In the following extract _refete_ has the _Promptorium_ meaning: eteth of the [full grown] fysche, and be not so lykerous, Let the yong leve that woll be so plenteous; ffor though the bottomles belyes be not ffyllyd with such _refete_, Yet the saver of sauze may make yt good mete. _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 80-3, _E. Pop. P._, v. 2, p 5. l. 842. _breme._ ... y schall none pondes with pykes store, _Breme_, perche, ne with tenche none the more.--_Ibid._ ll. 51-2. l. 843, _flowndurs._ But now men on deyntees so hem delyte, To fede hem vpon the fysches lyte, As _flowndres_, perches, and such pykyng ware; Thes can no man gladly now-a-day spare To suffyr them wex vnto resonable age.--_Ibid._ ll. 74-8. l. 867. _Hose._ For eight pair of _hosen_ of cloth of divers colours, at xiij s. iiij d. the pair; and for four pair “of sokks of fustian” at iij d. the pair (p. 118) ... for making and lyning of vj pair of _hosen_ of puke lyned with cloth of the goodes of the saide Richard, for lynyng of every pair iij s. iiij d. xx s. Wardrobe Accounts of Edw. IV. (ed. Nicolas) p. 120. l. 879. Combing the head was specially enjoined by the doctors. See A. Borde, Vaughan, &c., below. l. 915. _Fustian._ March, 1503, ‘for v yerdes _fustyan_ for a cote at vij d. the yerd ij s. xj d.’ Nicolas’s Elizabeth of York, p. 105. See A. Borde, below. ‘Coleyne threde, _fustiane_, and canvase’ are among the ‘commodites ... fro Pruse ibroughte into Flaundres,’ according to the _Libelle_, p. 171, But tha Flemmyngis amonge these thinges dere In comen lowen beste bacon and bere: Thus arn thy hogges, and drynkye wele staunt; Fare wele Flemynge, hay, horys, hay, avaunt. (See _n._ p. 131, below.) A. Borde, in his _Introduction_, makes one of the Januayes (Genoese) say, I make good treacle, and also _fustian_, With such thynges I crauft with many a pore man. l. 941-5. See the extracts from Andrew Borde, W. Vaughan, &c., below. l. 945. The Motte bredethe amonge clothes tyll that they have byten it a sonder / & it is a maniable worm, and yet it hydeth him in y^e clothe that it can scantly be sene / & it bredethe gladly in clothes that haue ben i{n} an euyll ayre, or in a rayn or myst, and so layde vp without hanging in the sonne or other swete ayre after. The Operacyon. The erbes that be bitter & well smelli{n}ge is good to be layde amo{n}ge suche clothes / as the baye leuis, cypres wode. _The Noble Lyfe_ (i. 3.) Pt. i. Cap. c.xlij. sign. i. 3. l. 969. _Catte._ The mouse hounter or catte is an onclene beste, & a poyson ennemy to all myse / and whan she hath goten [one], she playeth therwith / but yet she eteth it / & y^e catte hath lo{n}ge here on her mouthe / and whan her heres be gone, than hathe she no boldnes / and she is gladli in a warme place / and she licketh her forefete & wassheth therwith her face. Laurens Andrewe, _The Noble Lyfe_ (g. iv.), Part I. cap. c.i. l. 970, _dogge._ Here is the first part of Laurens Andrewe’s Chapter. Of the dogge. ca. xxiiij. The dogge is an onclenly beste / {tha}t eteth so moche that he vomyteth it out & eteth vp agayne / it is lightly angry, and byteth gladly strau{n}ge dogges / he barketh moche / he kn[oweth] his name well / he is hered [all over his b]ody, he loueth his mast[er, and is eselye] lerned to many games / & be night he kepeth the house. There be many hou{n}des {tha}t for the loue of theyr maister they wyll ro{n}ne in their owne dethe / & whan the dogge is seke / he seketh grasse or other erbes / & that he eteth, and heleth himselfe so / and there be many maner of dogges or hou{n}des to hawke & hunt, as grayhou{n}des / braches / spanyellis, or suche other, to hunt hert and hynde / & other bestes of chace & venery, &c. and suche be named ge{n}tyll hou{n}des. The bitche hath mylke .v. or vij. dayes or she litter her whelpes / and that milke is thicker tha{n} any other mylke excepte swynes mylke or hares mylke. fol. c. iv. l. 970, _Catte._ L. Andrewe says “Of the Catte. ca. xxv. The catte is a beste {tha}t seeth sharpe, and she byteth sore / and scratcheth right perylously / & is principall ennemye to rattis & myce / & her colour is of nature graye / and the cause {tha}t they be other wyse colowred, that co{m}methe through chaunge of mete, as it is well marked by the house catte, for they be selden colored lyke the wylde catte. & their flesshe is bothe nesshe & soffte.” _Noble Lyfe_, Part II. c. iv. l. 983. Bathe. ‘Bathing is harmful to them [who are splenitie] chiefly after meat, and copulation (following) on surfeit ... Let him also bathe himself in sweet water. Without, he is to be leeched and smeared with oil of roses, and with onlayings (or poultices made of) wine and grapes, and often must an onlay be wrought of butter, and of new wax, and of hyssop and of oil; mingle with goose grease or lard of swine, and with frankincense and mint; and when he bathes let him smear himself with oil; mingle (it) with saffron.’ _Leechdoms_, v. 2, p. 245. l. 987. _Scabiosa_, so named of old tyme, because it is giuen in drinke inwardly, or ointmentes outwardly, to heale scabbes, sores, corrupcion in the stomacke, yea, and is most frend emong all other herbes in the tyme of the Pestilence, to drinke the water with Mithridatum a mornynges ... the flowers is like a Blewe or white thrummed hatte, the stalk rough, the vpper leaues ragged, and the leaues next the grose rootes be plainer. Under whom often tymes, Frogges will shadowe theim selues, from the heate of the daie: hoppyng and plaiyng vnder these leaues, whiche to them is a pleasaunt Tente or pauillion, saieth Aristophanes, whiche maie a plade (= made a play), wherein Frogges made pastime. _Bullein’s Bulwarke_, 1562, or, _The booke of Simples_, fol. xvj. b. [Transcriber’s Note: The following note was originally labeled “67/991” (page 67, line 991) and was printed between the notes for l. 280 and l. 300.] l. 991. Rosemary is not mentioned among the herbs for the bath; though a poem in praise of the herb says: Moche of this herbe to seeth thu take In water, and a bathe thow make; Hyt schal the make lyȝt and joly, And also lykyng and ȝowuly. _MS. of C. W. Loscombe, Esq., in Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, i. 196. l. 995. _Bilgres._ Can this be _bugloss_? I find this, as here, in juxtaposition with _scabiose_, in Bullein’s _Bulwarke of Defence_, Book of Simples, fol xvj. b. G. P. Marsh. l. 1004. For Selden’s Chapter on Precedence, see his _Titles of Honour_, ch. xi. Rouge Dragon (Mr G. Adams) tells me that the order of precedence has varied from time to time, and that the one now in force differs in many points from Russell’s. l. 1040. _Nurrieris._ I find no such name in Selden’s chap. ix., Of Women. Does the word mean ‘foster-mothers or fathers,’ from the Latin “Nutricarii, Matricularii, quibus enutriendi ac educandi infantes projectos cura incumbebat: _Nourissiers._ Vita S. Goaris cap. 10: _Hæcque consuetudo erat, ut quando aliquis homo de ipsis infantibus projectis misericordia vellet curam habere, ab illis, quos_ Nutricarios _vocant, matriculariis S. Petri compararet, et illi Episcopo ipsum infantem præsentare deberent, et postea Episcopi auctoritas eumdem hominem de illo_ Nutricario _confirmabat_. _Id clarius explicatur a Wandelberto in Vita ejusdem Sancti_, cap. 20.” Ducange, ed. 1845. * * * * * * * * * The following list of Names of Fish, from Yarrell, may be found convenient for reference. _Names of Fish from Yarrell’s History of British Fish, 1841, 2nd ed._ English Names Latin Names. Yar., vol., page Basse _Perca labrax_ i 8 Bleak _Luciscus_, or i 419 _Cyprinus alburnus_ Bream or Carp-Bream _Abramis_, or _Cyprinus brama_ i 382 „ the common Sea- _Pagellus centrodontus_ i 123 Brill, or Pearl, Kite, _Rhombus vulgaris_, or BRETT, Bonnet-Fleuk _Pleuronectes rhombus_ ii 231 Butt, Flook, or Flounder _Pleuronectes flesus_, or ii 303 _Platessa flesus_ Common Cod, or Keeling _Morrhua vulgaris_, or ii 221 _Gadus morrhua_ (Jenyns) Green Cod _Merlangus virens_ (Cuvier) ii 256 _Gadus virens_ (Linnæus) Conger _Conger vulgaris_, or ii 402 _Muræna conger_ Dace, Dare, or Dait _Leuciscus vulgaris_, or i 404 _Cyprinus leuciscus_ Dog Fish (the common), _Spinax acanthias_, or ii 524 The Picked Dog-Fish, _Squalus acanthias_ or Bone Dog (Sussex), Hoe (Orkney) Small Spotted Dog Fish _Scyllium canicula_, or ii 487 or Morgay (Scotl.), _Squalus canicula_ Robin Huss (Sussex Coast) Large Spotted Dog Fish, _Scyllium stellaris_ ii 493 or Bounce (Scotl. & Devon) Black-mouthed Dog-Fish, _Scyllium melanostomum_ ii 495 or Eyed Dog-Fish (Cornwall) The Smooth Hound or _Squalus mustelus_, ii 512 Shate-toothed Shark, or _Mustelus lævis_ Ray-mouthed Dog (Cornwall) Dory, or Dorée _Zeus faber_ i 183 Sharp-nosed Eel _Anguilla acutirostris_, ii 381 or _vulgaris_ Broad-nosed Eel _Anguilla latirostris_ ii 396 Flounder, or Flook _Platessa flesus_ ii 303 (Merret). Mayock, Fluke (Edinb.), Butt. Grayling _Thymallus vulgaris_, ii 136 or _Salmo thymallus_ Gudgeon _Gobio fluviatilis_, i 371 or _Cyprinus gobio_ Red Gurnard _Trigla cuculus_, or i 38-63 _lineata_ Haddock _Morrhua æglefinus_, ii 233 or _Gadus æglefinus_ Hake _Merlucius vulgaris_, ii 253 or _Gadus merlucius_ Herring _Clupea harengus_ ii 183 Holibut _Hippoglossus vulgaris_, ii 321 or _Pleuronectes hippoglossus_ Hornfish, GARFISH, _Belone vulgaris_, or i 442 Sea-pike, Long Nose, &c. _Esox belone_ Keeling. See Common Cod ii 221 Lampern, or River _Petromyzon fluviatilis_ ii 604 Lamprey[*] Lamprey _Petromyzon marinus_ ii 598 Ling _Lota molva_ (Cuvier), ii 264 or _Gadus molva_ (Linnæus) Luce, or PIKE _Esox lucius_ i 434 Lump-fish ii 365 Mackarel _Scomber scombrus_, i 137 or _vulgaris_ Merling, or Whiting _Merlangus vulgaris_ (Cuvier), ii 244 or _Gadus merlangus_ (Linnæus) Minnow _Leuciscus_, i 423 or _Cyprinus phoxinus_ Mullet, grey, or Common _Mugil capito_, or _cephalus_ i 234 Muræna _Muræna Helena_ ii 406 Perch _Perca fluviatilis_ i 1 Pike _Esox lucius_ i 434 Plaice _Platessa vulgaris_ ii 297 Roach _Cyprinus rutilis_ i 399 Salmon _Salmo Salar_ ii 1 Smelt. _Spirling_ and _Salmo Sperlanus_, or ii 75 & 129 _Sparling_ in _Osmerus Sperlanus_ Scotland Sturgeon, the Common _Acipenser Sturio_ ii 475 „ the Broad-nosed _Acipenser latirostris_ ii 479 Swordfish _Xiphias gladius_ i 164 Tench _Tinca vulgaris_, or i 375 _Cyprinus tinca_ Thornback _Raia clavata_ ii 583 Trout, Common _Salmo fario_ ii 85 Turbot, or Rawn Fleuk _Rhombus maximus_, or ii 324 and Bannock Fluck _Pleuronectes maximus_ (Scotl.) Vendace or Vendis _Coregonus Willughbii_, or ii 146 (? Venprides, l. 820, _Coregonus Marænula_ Russell) (Jenyns) Whiting, or Merling _Merlangus vulgaris_ (Cuvier) ii 244 _Gadus merlangus_ (Linnæus) [Footnote *: The Lamperns have been taken in the Thames at Teddington this autumn (1866) in extraordinary quantities.] * * * * * * * * * Errata (noted by transcriber): Main text: l. 1061 Alle the vndirIusticeȝ [_text unchanged_] l. 1166    þe honour{e} and worshipp{e} [_extra blank space at beginning of line_] Footnotes: 114: ... _H. Ord._ p. 462. [_“p.” missing_] 162: ... _Sea Dog / Fish [_close quote missing_] 236: ... Cules a _Cod Fish_ argent [_text unchanged_] 263: ... AS. _dæges eage_. [dœges eage] 265: ... _Hleomoce_ [‘_Hleomoce_] 268: ... of Edw. IV.’ [_close quote missing_] Linenotes: ll. 109ff. (Notes on wines): 5. _Raspice._ [_“5.” added by transcriber_] ... mox tamen exolescente, p. 31-2, &c.” [_close quote missing_] 8. _Bastard._ ... sweetish quality.” [_close quote missing_] l. 548: ... see note on Torrentyne, l. 835 below [_l. 828_] l. 577: ... See note to l. 839 here, p. 108. [_l. 840_] l. 799: ... The oxce is [“The oxce] l. 915: (See _n._ p. 131, below.) [_Andrew Borde, “Sleep, Rising and Dress”, footnote 5_] Table of fish names: Venprides l. 820 [821] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: Andrewe on Fish, listed in the Contents as part of the linenotes to the Boke of Nurture, is a separate text. Boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter. Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the Preface.] Extracts about Fish from “The noble lyfe & natures of man, Of bestes / serpentys / fowles & fisshes y^t be moste knowen.” A very rare black-letter book, without date, and hitherto undescribed, except perhaps incorrectly by Ames (vol. 1, p. 412, and vol. 3, p. 1531), has been lent to me by Mr Algernon Swinburne. Its title is given above: “The noble lyfe and natures of man” is in large red letters, and the rest in smaller black ones, all surrounded by woodcuts of the wonderful animals, mermaids, serpents, birds, quadrupeds with men’s and women’s heads, a stork with its neck tied in a knot, and other beasts “y^t be most knowen.” The illustrations to each chapter are wonderfully quaint. The author of it says in his Prologus “In the name of ower sauiour criste Iesu, maker & redemour of al ma{n}kynd / I Lawre{n}s A{n}drewe of {th}e towne of Calis haue translated for Joh{an}nes doesborrowe, booke prenter in the cite of Andwarpe, this p{re}sent volume deuyded in thre partes, which were neuer before in no maternall langage prentyd tyl now /” As it is doubtful whether another copy of the book is known, I extract from the Third Part of this incomplete one such notices of the fish mentioned by Russell or Wynkyn de Worde, as it contains, with a few others for curiosity’s sake:-- here after followeth of the natures of the fisshes of the See whiche be right profitable to be vndersta{n}de / Wherof I wyll wryte be {th}e helpe and grace of almighty god, to whose laude & prayse this mater ensueth. CAP. PRIMO. [Sidenote: _Abremon_, ? not _Bream_ (see Cap. xiii; p. 115 here)] A Bremon[*] is a fruteful fisshe that hathe moche sede / but it is nat through mouynge of the he / but only of the owne proper nature / and than she rubbeth her belly upon the grou{n}de or sande / and is sharpe in handelinge / & salt of sauour / and this fisshe saueth her yonges in her bely whan it is tempestius weder / & when the weder is ouerpast, than she vomyteth them out agayne. [Footnote *: ἀβραμις, a fish found in the sea and the Nile, perhaps the _bream_, Opp. Hal. i. 244. Liddell & Scott.] Cap. ij. [Sidenote: _Eel_ (Russell, l. 719). Is of no sex; is best roasted.] ++Anguilla / the Ele is lyke a serpe{n}t of fascyon, & may leue eight yere, & without water vi. dayes whan the wind is in the northe / in the wint{er} they wyll haue moche water, & that clere / amo{n}ge them is nouther male nor female / for they become fisshes of {th}e slyme of other fisshes / they must be flayne / they suffer a longe dethe / they be best rosted, but it is longe or they be ynouge / the droppi{n}ge of it is gode for paines in the eares. Cap. iij. [Sidenote: _Herring_ (Russell, l. 722). Is delicious when fresh, (Russell, l. 748) or salted. Dies when it feels the air.] ++Alec, the heringe, is a Fisshe of the see / & very many be taken betweene bretayn & germaia / & also i{n} denmarke aboute a place named schonen / And he is best from thebegi{n}nynge of August to december / and when he is fresshe take{n} / he is a very delicious to be eten. And also wha{n} he hath ben salted he is a specyall fode vnto man / He can nat leue w{i}t{h}out wat{er}, for as sone as he feleth the ayre he is dede / & they be taken in gret hepis togeder / & specially where they se light, there wyll they be, than so they be taken with nettis / which commeth be the diuyne Prouydens of almighty God. Cap. v. [Sidenote: _Whale?_ (Russell, l. 582). Shipmen cast anchor on him, and make a fire on him. He swims away, and drowns them.] +A+ Spidochelo{n} / as Phisiolog{us} saith, it is a mo{n}strous thinge in the see, it is a gret whale fisshe, & hath an ouer-growe{n} rowgh ski{n}ne / & he is moste parte w{i}t{h} his bake on hye aboue the water in such maner that some shypmen {tha}t see him, wene that it is a lytell ylande / & whan they come be it, they cast their ankers upo{n} him / & go out of theyr shippes & make a fyre upon hym to dresse theyr metys / and as sone as he feleth the hete of the fyre / tha{n}ne he swy{m}meth fro the place, & drowneth them, & draweth the shippe to the grounde / And his proper nature is, whan he hath yonges, {tha}t he openeth his mouthe wyde open / & out of it fleeth a swete ayre / to {the} which the fisshes resorte, and tha{n} he eteth them. [Sidenote: _Goldenpoll?_] ++Aauratais a fysshe in the see {tha}t hathe a hede shinynge lyke golde. Cap. xi. [Sidenote: _Ahuna._ When the Ahuna is in danger, he puts his head in his belly, and eats a bit of himself.] ++Ahuna is a mo{n}ster of the see very glorisshe, as Albert{us} saith / what it eteth it tourneth to greas in his body / it hathe no mawe but a bely / & that he filleth so full that he speweth it out agayne / & that can he do so lyghtely / for hehath no necke / whan he is in peryl of dethe be other fisshes / than he onfacyoneth himselfe as rou{n}de as a bowle, w{i}t{h}drawynge his hede into his bely / wha{n} he hathe then hounger / He dothe ete a parte of himselfe rather than {th}e other fisshes sholde ete him hole and all. Cap. xiii. [Sidenote: _Borbotha._] ++Borbotha be fisshes very slepery, somewhat lyke an ele / haui{n}ge wyde mouthes & great hedes / it is a swete mete / and whan it is xij. yere olde, than it waxeth bigge of body. [Sidenote: _Butt_, or _Flounder_ (Russell, l. 735, and note 2).] Nota / Botte that is a flounder of the fresshe water / & they swi{m}me on the flatte of their body, & they haue finnes rou{n}de about theyr body & w{i}t{h} a sothern wynde they waxe fatte / [Sidenote: _Bream_ (Russell, l. 745, 578).] & they have rede spottis. Bre{n}na is a breme, & it is a fisshe of the riuer / & whan he seeth the pyke that wyll take hym / than he sinketh to the botom of {th}e wat{er} & maketh it so trobelous that the pyke can nat se hym. Cap. xiiii. [Sidenote: _Balena._ (The woodcut is a big Merman. See note, p. 123, here. ? Whale. Russell, l. 582.) Are seen most in winter; breed in summer. In rough weather Balena puts her young in her mouth.] ++Balena is a great beste in the see, and bloweth moche water from him, as if it were a clowde / the shippes be in great dau{n}ger of him somtyme / & they be sene moste towardes winter / for in the somer they be hidden in swete brod places of the wat{er} where it casteth her yo{n}ges, & suffereth so grete payne {tha}t tha{n} he fleteth aboue the water as one desiringe helpe / his mouth is in the face, & therefore he casteth the more water / she bringeth her yonges forthe lyke other bestis on erthe, & it slepeth / in te{m}pestius weder she hydeth her yo{n}ges in her mouthe / and wha{n} it is past she voydeth them out agayne / & they growe x. yere. Cap. xvi. [Sidenote: _Crevice_ (Sea and Fresh Water Crayfish). (Russell, l. 602, l. 618.) How they engender, and hybernate. How the Crayfish manages to eat Oysters.] ++Cancer the creuyce is a Fishe of {th}e see that is closed in a harde shelle, hauyng many fete and clawes / and euer it crepeth bacward / & the he hathe two py{n}nes on his bely, & {th}e she hathe none / whan he wyll engender, he cli{m}meth on her bake, and she turneth her syde towardes him, & so they fulfyll their workes. In maye they chaunge their cotes, & in wi{n}ter they hyde the{m} fiue monethes duringe / wha{n} the creues hath dro{n}ken milke it may leue lo{n}ge w{i}t{h}out wat{er}. when he is olde, he hathe ij. stones in his hed with rede spottes that haue great vertue / for if they be layde in drynke / they withdryue the payne frome the herte. thecreuyce eteth the Oysters, & geteth the{m} be policye / for whan the oyster gapeth, he throweth lytell stones in him, and so geteth his fishe out, for it bydeth than open. The Operacion. [Sidenote: Fresh-Water Crayfish is hard to digest.] ¶ The Asshes of hym is gode to make white tethe / & to kepe the motes out of the clothes / it w{i}t{h}dryueth byles, & heleth mangynes. The creuyce of the fresshe water geueth gret fode, but it is an heuy mete to disieste. Cap. xviij. [Sidenote: Caucius.] ++Cauci{us} is a fisshe that will nat be taken w{i}t{h} no hokes / but [Sidenote: Capitaius.] eteth of {th}e bayte & goth his way quyte. Capitai{us} is a lytel fisshe w{i}t{h} a great hede / a wyde rou{n}de mouthe / & [Sidenote: _Carp._ Is difficult to net.] it hydeth him vnder the stones. Nota. Carpera is a carpe, & it is a fysshe that hathe great scales / and the female hathe a great rowghe, & she can bringe forthe no yonges tyll she haue receyued mylke of her make / & that she receyueth at the mouth / and it is yll for to take / for whan it perceyueth that it shalbe taken w{i}t{h} the net, tha{n} it thrusteth the hede into the mudde of the water / and than the nette slyppeth ouer him whiche waye soeuer it come; & some holde them fast be the grounde, grasse / or erbis, & so saue themselfe. Cap. xix. [Sidenote: _Whale._ Likes Harmony. Gets harpooned, rubs the harpoon into himself, and slays himself.] ++Cetus is the greatest whale fisshe of all / his mouthe is so wyde that he bloweth vp the water as yf it were a clowde / wherw{i}t{h} he drowneth many shippes / but whan the maryners spye where he is / than thei acco{m}pany them a gret many of shyppes togeder about him with diuers i{n}strume{n}tis of musike, & they play with grete armonye / & the fische is very gladde of this armonye / & co{m}meth fletynge a-boue the watere to here the melody, & than they haue amonge them an instrument of yron, {th}e whiche they feste{n} in-to the harde ski{n}ne, & the weght of it synketh downwarde in to {th}e fat & grese / & sodenly w{i}t{h} that al {th}e instrumentes of musike be styll, and {th}e shyppes departe frome thens, & anone he sinketh to the grownde / & he feleth {tha}t the salt watere smarteth in {th}e wou{n}de, tha{n} he turneth his bely vpwaerd and rubbeth his wownde agay{n}st {th}e grou{n}d, & the more he rubbeth, the depere it entreth / & he rubbeth so longe {tha}t he sleeth hymself / and whan he is dede, than co{m}meth he vp agayne and sheweth him selfe dede / as he dyd before quicke / and than the shippes gader them togeder agayne, and take, & so lede hym to lo{n}de, & do theyr profyte with hym. Cap. xxij. [Sidenote: Conche, or _Muscle_.] ++Conche be abydynge in {th}e harde shellis: as {th}e mone growth or waneth, so be the conches or muscles fulle or nat full, but smale / & there be many sortes of conches or musclys / but {th}e best be they that haue the perles in. Cap. xxiij. [Sidenote: Sea-snails.] ++Coochele / is a snayle dwelli{n}ge in the water & also on the lo{n}de / they go out of theyr howses / & they thruste out .ij. longe hornes wherwith they fele wether they go / for they se nat where they crepe. Cap. xxiiij. [Sidenote: _Conger._] ++The Conger is a se fisshe facioned like an ele / but they be moche greter in qua{n}tyte / & whan it bloweth sore, than [Sidenote: Polippus.] waxe they fatte. ¶ Polippus is also a stronge fisshe {tha}t onwarse he wyl pull a man out of a shyp. yet {th}e conger is so stronge that he wyll tere polippu{m} asonder w{i}t{h} his teth, & in winter {th}e conger layth in {th}e depe cauernes or holes of the water. & he is nat taken but in somer. ¶ Esculapius sayth. [Sidenote: Corets.] Coretz is a fisshe that hydeth hym in the depe of {th}e water whan it rayneth / for yf he receiued any rayne, he sholde waxe blynde, and dye of it. ¶ Iorath sayth. The fisshes that be [Sidenote: _Sea-crevice._] named se craues / wha{n}ne they haue yo{n}ges / they make suche noise {tha}t through theyr noyse they be fou{n}de and taken. Cap. xxvij. [Sidenote: Dolphin or Mermaid.] ++Delphin{us} is a mo{n}ster of the see, & it hath no voyce, but it singheth lyke a man / and towarde a tempest it playeth vpon the water. Some say whan they be taken that they wepe. The delphin hath none cares for to here / nor no nose for to smelle / yet it smelleth very well & sharpe. And it slepeth vpon the water very hartely, that thei be hard ronke a farre of / and thei leue C.xl. yere. & they here gladly play{n}ge on instrumentes, as lutes / harpes / tabours / and pypes. They loue their yonges very well, and they fede them lo{n}ge with the mylke of their pappes / & they haue many yonges, & amonge the{m} all be .ij. olde ones, that yf it fortuned one of {th}e yonges to dye, tha{n} these olde ones wyll burye them depe in the gorwnd [_sic_] of the see / because othere fisshes sholde nat ete thys dede delphyn; so well they loue theyr yonges. There was ones a kinge {tha}t had take{n} a delphin / whyche he caused to be bounde w{i}t{h} chaynes fast at a hauen where as the shippes come in at / & there was alway the pyteoust wepynge / and lamentynge, that the kinge coude nat for pyte / but let hym go agayne. Cap. xxxi. [Sidenote: Echeola, a Muscle.] ++Echeola is a muskle / in whose fysshe is a precious stone / & be night they flete to the water syde / and there they receyue the heuenly dewe, where throughe there groweth in the{m} a costly margaret or orient perle / & they flete a great many togeder / & he {tha}t knoweth {th}e water best / gothe before & ledeth the other / & whan he is taken, all the other scater a brode, and geteth them away. Cap. xxxvi. [Sidenote: Echinus.] ++Echyn{us} is a lytell fysshe of half a fote longe / & hath sharpe prykcles vnder his bely in stede of fete. Cap. xxxvii. [Sidenote: Esox.] ++Ezox is a very grete fisshe in that water danowe be the londe of hu{n}garye / he is of suche bygnes that a carte with .iiij. horses can nat cary hym awaye / and he hath nat many bones, but his hede is full / and he hath swete fisshe lyke a porke, and whan this fysshe is taken, tha{n}ne geue hym mylke to drynke, and ye may carye hym many a myle, and kepe hym longe quicke. xxxviii. [Sidenote: Phocas. Kills his wife and gets another.] ++Focas is a see bulle, & is very stro{n}ge & dangerous / and he feghteth euer with his wyf tyll she be dede / and whan he hath kylled her, than he casteth her out of his place, & seketh another, and leueth with her very well tyl he dye / or tyll his wyfe ouercome him and kylle hy{m} / he bydeth alway in one place / he and his yonges leue be suche as they can [Sidenote: Halata. Takes her young out of her womb to look at ’em.] gete. ¶ Halata is a beste that dothe on-naturall dedys / for wha{n} she feleth her yo{n}ges quycke, or stere in her body / tha{n} she draweth the{m} out & loketh vpon the{m} / yf she se they be to yo{n}ge, tha{n} she putteth the{m} in agayne, & lateth them grow tyll they be bygger. Cap. xl. [Sidenote: Sword-Fish.] ++Gladi{us} is a fisshe so named because he is mouthed after the fascyo{n} of a sworde poynt / and ther-fore often tymes he perseth {th}e shyppes thorough, & so causeth them to [Sidenote: Gastarios.] be drowned. Aristotiles. Gastarios is a fisshe lyke the scorpion / and is but lytell greter than a spyder / & it styngeth many fisshes w{i}t{h} her poyson so that they ca{n} nat endure nowhere / and he styngeth the dolphin on the hede {tha}t [Sidenote: Glaucus.] it entreth in-to {th}e brayne. ¶ Isidorus. Glaucus is a whyte fissh that is but selden sene except in darke rayne weder / and is nat in season but in the howndes dayes. Cap. xli. [Sidenote: _Gudgeon._] ++Gobio is a smale longe fissh with a rou{n}de body / full of scales and litell blacke spottys / and some saye they leue of drou{n}de caryo{n} / & the fisshers say contrarye, {tha}t they leue in clere watere in sandye graueil / and it is a holsom [Sidenote: Gravus.] mete. ¶ Grauus is a fisshe that hath an iye aboue on hys hede, and therw{i}t{h} he loketh vp, and saueth hym from the{m} that wyll eat hym. liii. [Sidenote: _Pike:_ eats venomous beasts; is begotten by a West Wind.] ++Lucius is a pike / a fisshe of {th}e riuer w{i}t{h} a wyde mouthe & sharpe teth: whan {th}e perche spieth him / he turneth his tayle towardes him / & than {th}e pike dare nat byte him because of his finnes, or he can nat swalowe him because he is so sharpe / he eteth venimo{us} bestes, as todes, frogges, & suche like; yet it is sayde {tha}t he is very holsom for seke peple. He eteth fisshes almost as moche as himselfe / wha{n} they be to bigge, tha{n} he byteth the{m} in ij. peces, & swaloweth the one halfe first, & tha{n} the other / he is engendered w{i}t{h} a westerne wynde. Cap. lvii. [Sidenote: Sea-Mouse Musculus is the cock of Balena.] ++Mus marin{us}, the see mouse, gothe out of the water, & there she laith her egges in a hole of the erthe, & couereth the eges, & goth her way & bydeth frome them xxx. dayes, and than commeth agayne and oncouereth them, & than there be yo{n}ges, and them she ledeth into {th}e water, & they be first al blynde. Muscul{us} is a fisshe {tha}t layth harde shellis, and of it the great monster balena receyueth her nature, & it is [Sidenote: Sea-weazle.] named to be the cocke of balena. Mustela is the see wesyll / she casteth her yonges lyke other bestes / & whan she hath cast them, yf she perceiue that they shall be fou{n}de, she swaloweth them agayne into her body, and than seketh a place wher as they may be surer without dau{n}ger / & than she speweth them out agayne. Cap. lix. [Sidenote: _Lamprey._ Must be boiled in wine.] ++Murena is a lo{n}ge fisshe w{i}t{h} a weke skinne lyke a serpent / & it conceyueth of the serpe{n}t vipera / it liueth longest in the tayle, for wha{n} that is cut of, it dyeth inco{n}tinent / it must be soden in gode wyne w{i}t{h} herbes & spices, or ellis it is very dau{n}gero{us} to be eten, for it hath many venymous humours, and it is euyll to disieste. Cap. lxi. [Sidenote: Mulus: has 2 beards.] ++Mulus is a see fysshe {tha}t is smale of body / & is only a mete for gentils: & there be many maners of these / but the best be those {tha}t haue ij. berdes vnd{er} the mouthe / & whan it is fayre weder, than they waxe fatte / whan he is dede than he is of many colours. Cap. lxiiij. [Sidenote: Nereids.] ++Nereydes be monsters of {th}e see, all rowghe of body / & whan any of them dyeth, tha{n} the other wepe. of this is spoke{n} in balena, the .xiiij. chapter. [Sidenote: Orchun. Is Balene’s deadly enemy.] ¶ ++Orchu{n} is a monster of {th}e se / whose lykenes can nat lightely be shewed / & he is mortal e{n}nemye to {th}e balene, & tereth asonder the bely of the balene / & the balene is so boystous {tha}t he can nat turne hym to defende him, and {tha}t costeth him his lyfe / for as sone as he feleth hi{m} selfe wou{n}ded, than he si{n}keth doune to the botom of the water agayne / & the Orchu{n} throweth at him w{i}t{h} stones / & thus balena endith his lyfe. Cap. lxvi. [Sidenote: Pearl-Oyster.] ++Ostreñ is an oyster that openeth his shell to receyue {th}e dewe & swete ayre. In {th}e oyster groweth naturall orient perles that oftentymes laye on the see stronde, & be but lytell regarded, as Isidorus saith. Cap. lxvij. [Sidenote: Pagrus.] ++Pagrus is a fisshe that hath so harde tethe {tha}t he byteth {th}e oyster shelles in peces, & eteth out the fisshe of the{m}. [Sidenote: Sea-Peacock.] Nota. Pauus maris is the Pecocke of the Se, & is lyke the pecocke of the londe, bothe his backe, necke, & hede / & the [Sidenote: Percus.] nether body is fisshe Nota. Percus is of diuers colours, & swift in ro{n}nynge in {th}e water, & hathe sharpe finnes, & is a [Sidenote: Pecten: winks.] holsome mete for seke people. Pecten is a fisshe that is in sandy grou{n}de, & wha{n} he is meued or stered, he wynketh. Cap. lxx. [Sidenote: Pinna. How he catches small fishes.] ++Pinna is a fisshe {tha}t layeth alwaye in the mudde, and hathe alway a lodisma{n}, & some name it a lytel hoge, & it hathe a rou{n}de body, & it is in a shell lyke a muscle; it layth in the mone as it were dede, gapyng open / and than the smale fisshes come into his shel, weni{n}g of him to take their repaste / but whan he feleth {tha}t his shell is almoste ful / than he closeth his mouthe, & taketh them & eteth them / & parteth [Sidenote: _Plaice._] them amo{n}ge his felowes. The playce is well knowen fisshe, for he is brode & blake on the one syde, and whyte on the other. Cap. lxvij. [Sidenote: Polippus.] ++Polippus hath gret strength in his fete / what he therin cacheth, he holdeth it fast / he spri{n}geth somtyme vp to the shippes syde, & snacheth a ma{n} w{i}t{h} him to the grou{n}de of the see, & there eteth him / & that {tha}t he leueth, he casteth it out of his denne agayn / they be moche in the se about Venis / & he is taken in barellis where hartys hornes be layd in / for he is gladly be those hornes. Cap. lxxvij. [Sidenote: Rumbus.] ++Rumbus is a great fisshe stronge & bolde / but he is very slow in swi{m}mi{n}ge, therfor can he gete his mete but soberly w{i}t{h} swi{m}myng / therfor he layth him down in the grou{n}de or mudde, & hideth him there / and all the fisshes that he can ouercome / co{m}mynge forby him, he taketh and eteth them. Cap. lxxviij. [Sidenote: Rubus.] ++Rubus is a fisshe of the grekes se & of the sees of ytaly / they be rou{n}de lyke a ringe, & haue many rede spottes / & is full of sharpe finnes & pinnis / he is slow in swi{m}mynge because he is so brode / he gothe be the grou{n}de, & wayteth there his praye / & suche fisshes as he can gete he burieth in [Sidenote: Ryache.] the sandes, & it is a very swete fisshe. Ryache be fisshes that be rou{n}de / somtyme they be in length & brede two cubites / & it hath a long tayle / theron be sharpe pinnes / & it is slowe in swi{m}mynge. Cap. lxxix. [Sidenote: _Salmon._] ++Salmo is a fysshe engendred in the swete water, & he waxeth longe & gret / & also he is heuy / & his colour nor sauour is nat gode tyll he haue ben in the salt wat{er} & proued it / thus draweth the samon to the water agaynst {th}e streme; he neuer seaseth tyll he haue ben i{n} the se and returned agayn to [Textnote: [A ? fleshe.]] his olde home, as Phisiologua saith / his fisshe[A] is rede, & he may nat liue in a swet sta{n}dinge water / he must be in a fresshe riuer that he may playe up and dou{n}e at his plesure. [Sidenote: Salpa. _Stockfish?_] ++Salpa is a fowle fisshe and lytell set by / for it will neuer be ynough for no maner of dressinge tyll it haue ben beten with grete hamers & staues. Cap. lxxij. [Sidenote: Serra. Cuts through ships with his fins.] ++Serra is a fysshe with great tethe, and on his backe he hathe sharpe fynnes lyke the combe of a cocke / and iagged lyke a sawe wherew{i}t{h} thys monstrous fisshe cutteth a ship thorough, & whan he seeth a shippe co{m}mynge, than he setteth vp his fi{n}nes & thi{n}keth to sayl with the shippe as fast as it / but whan he seeth that he can nat co{n}tinue / tha{n} he latteth his finnes fall agayn & destroieth the shippe with [Sidenote: Scylla.] the people, and tha{n} eteth the dede bodyes. Nota. Scilla is a monster in the see betwene Italye & Sicill / it is great ennemye vnto ma{n}. It is faced & handed lyke a gentylwoman / but it hath a wyde mouthe & ferfull tethe / & it is belied like a beste, & tayled lyke a dolphin / it hereth gladly singinge. It is in the wat{er} so stronge that it can nat be ouercome / but on {th}e lond it is but weke. Cap. lxxxiij. [Sidenote: Siren. Siren is like an eagle below, sings sweet songs to mariners, and tears them to pieces.] ++Syrene, the mermayde is a dedely beste that bringeth a man gladly to dethe / frome the nauyll vp she is lyke a woman w{i}t{h} a dredfull face / a long slymye here, a grete body, & is lyke the egle i{n} the nether parte / haui{n}ge fete and tale{n}tis to tear asonder suche as she geteth / her tayl is sealed like a fisshe / and she singeth a maner of swete song, and therwith deceyueth many a gode mariner / for wha{n} they here it, they fall on slepe co{m}monly / & than she co{m}meth, and draweth them out of the shippe, and tereth them asonder / they bere their yo{n}ges in their armes, & geue them souke of their papis whiche be very grete, ha{n}ginge at their brestis / but {th}e wyse maryners stoppe their eares whan they se her / for whan she playth on the wat{er}, all they be in fear, & than they cast out an empty to{n}ne to let her play w{i}t{h} it tyll they be past her / this is specifyed of the{m} {tha}t haue sene it. Ther be also in [Sidenote: +Sirens, serpents.+] some places of arabye, serp{n}tis named sirenes, that ronne faster than an horse, & haue wynges to flye. [Cap. lxxxv.] [Sidenote: Solaris.] ++Solaris is a fishe so named because it is gladly be the londes syde in the so{n}ne / he hathe a great hede, a wyde mouth, & a blake skine, & slipper as an ele / it waxeth gret, & is gode [Sidenote: _Sole._] to be eten. Solea is the sole, that is a swete fisshe and holsom for seke people. Cap. lxxxvi. [Sidenote: Solopendria.] ++Solope{n}dria is a fisshe / whan he hathe swalowed i{n} an angle, than he spueth out al his guttes till he be quyt of [Sidenote: Sea-Scorpion.] the hoke / and than he gadereth i{n} all his guttes agayne. The[A] Scorpion of the see is so named because wha{n} he is taken in any mannys handes he pricketh him w{i}t{h} his stinge of his tayle. Plini{us} saith that the dede creuyce that layeth on the drye sonde be the see syde, beco{m}meth scorpyons. [Text note: [A _orig._ Tge]] Cap. lxxxix. [Sidenote: _Sturgeon._ Eats no food, has no mouth, grows fat on east wind. Has no bones in his body.] ++Sturio / the sturgio{n} is a gret fisshe in the ro{n}ninge waters / and he taketh no fode i{n} his body, but lyueth of {th}e styl and swete ayres therfore he hathe a small bely / w{i}t{h} a hede and no mouthe, but vnder his throte he hathe a hole {tha}t he closeth whan he wyll / he openeth it whan it is fayre weder / & with an east wynde he waxeth fat / and whan that the north winde bloweth, than falleth he to the grou{n}de / it is a fisshe of ix. fote longe whan he is ful growen / he hath whyte swete flesshe & yolow fatte / & he hathe no bone in all his body but only in his hede. Cap. xcij. [Sidenote: _Tench._] ++Tecna is a tenche of the fresshe water, and is fedde in the mudde lyke {th}e ele / & is moche lyke of colours: it is a [Sidenote: Tintinalus.] swete fisshe, but it is euyll to disiest. ¶ Tintinalus is a fayre mery fisshe, & is swete of sauour, & well smellinge lyke the [Sidenote: Torpedo.] tyme, where of it bereth the name. ¶ ++Torpido is a fisshe. but who-so handeleth hym shalbe lame & defe of ly{m}mes / that he shall fele no thyng / & it hathe a maner of Squitana {tha}t is spoke{n} of in {th}e lxxxiiii. chapter[1], and his nature. Cap. xciij. [Sidenote: _Trout._] [Textnotes: [A _for_ Trutta] [B ? flesshe]] ... ¶ ++Trncka[A] / the trowte is a fisshe of the ryuer, & hathe scales, & vpo{n} his body spottys of yelow and blodye coloure. & his fisshe[B] is rede frome {th}e monthe of July to the monthe of Noue{m}ber / and is moche sweter than {th}e fresshe samo{n}; and all the other part of the yere his fisshe[B] is whyte. Cap. xcv. [Sidenote: Testudo.] ++Testudo is a fysshe in a shelle / & is in {th}e se of Inde / & his shelle is very great & like a muskle / & be nyght they go out for theyr mete / & whan they haue eten theyr bely full / tha{n} they slepe swy{m}mi{n}g vpon the wat{er}. tha{n} ther come iij. fisshers botes / of {th}e wiche .iij. twayn take one of these muskles. Solinus sayth. {tha}t this muskle hathe his vppermest shell so brode that it may couere a howse / where many folke may hyde them vnder / And it gothe out the wat{er} vpon the londe / & there it layth an hondred egges as grete as gose eggis / and couer the{m} w{ith} erth / & oftentymes be night it gothe to the eggys & layeth vpo{n} the{m} w{i}t{h} her brest, & than become they yo{n}ges. [This copy of Admiral Swinburne’s _Andrewe_ ends with the next column of this page, sign. v. i. back, with an illustration not headed, but which is that to Cap. xcvij.] [Footnote 1: Squatin{us} is a fisshe in {th}e se, of fiue cubites longe: his tayle is a fote brode, & he hideth him in the slimy mudde of {th}e se, & marreth al other fisshes that come nigh him: it hath so sharpe a ski{n}ne that in som places they shaue wode with it, & bone also / on his ski{n}ne is blacke short here. The nature hathe made him so harde that he can nat almoste be persed with nouther yron nor stele.] [Note to _Balena_, p. 115. þar [in þe se of Brytain] buþ ofte ytake dolphyns & se-calves, & _balenes_, (gret fysch, as hyt were of whaales kinde) & dyvers manere schyl-fysch, among þe whoche schyl-fysch buþ moskles þat habbeþ wiþynne ham margey perles of al manere colour of huȝ, of rody & red, of purpre & of bluȝ, & specialych & moost of whyte. Trevisa’s Higden, in Morris’s _Specimens_, p. 334. For ‘the cocke of Balena’ see Musculus, p. 119, above; and for its ‘mortal ennemye,’ Orchun, p. 120.] * * * * * * * * * Erratum: Cap. xl. [xv] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Contents of this Section [added by transcriber] Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng and Neckeweede 124 Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress 128 William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health 133 The Dyet for every Day (from Sir John Harington’s Schoole of Salerne) 138 On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed (from the same) 140 Recipes (for Fritters, Jussell, and Mawmeny) 145 Recipes (for Hares and Conies in Civeye, and for Doucettes) 146 * * * * * * * * * Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng & Neckeweede. (From _The Booke of Compoundes_, fol. lxviii.) _Sicknes._ Will boxyng doe any pleasure? _Health._ Yea forsothe, verie moche: As example, if you haue any [a]sausie loughte, or loitryng lubber within your house, that is either to busy of his hand or tongue: and can do nothing but plaie one of the partes of the .24. orders of knaues. [b]There is no pretier medicen for this, nor soner prepared, then boxyng is: iii. or .iiii. tymes well set on, a span long on bothe the chekes. And although perhaps this will not alter his lubberly condicio{n}s, yet I assure you, it wil for a time chau{n}ge his knauishe complexio{n}, and helpe him of the grene sicknes: and euery man maie practise this, as occasion shall serue hym in his familie, to reforme them. _Bulleins Bulwarke of Defence_, 1562. [Sidenote: [a] For saucy louts, [b] the best cure is Boxing.] (From _The booke of Simples_, fol. xxvii. back.) _Marcellus._ There is an herbe whiche light fellowes merily will call [a] Gallowgrasse, Neckeweede, or the Tristrams knot, or Saynt Audres lace, or a bastarde brothers badge, with a difference on the left side, &c. you know my meaning. _Hillarius._ What, you speake of Hempe? mary, you t{e}rme it with manie pretie names. I neuer heard the like termes giuen to any simple, as you giue to this; you cal it neckwede. A, well, I pray you, woulde you know the propertie of this [b] Neckeweede in this kinde? beinge chaunged into such a lace, this is his vertue. Syr, if there be any yonkers troubled with idelnesse and loytryng, hauyng neither learnyng, nor willyng handes to labour: or that haue studied Phisicke so longe that [c] he or they can giue his Masters purse a Purgacion, or his Chist, shoppe, and Countinghouse, a strong vomit; yea, if he bee a very cunning practicioner in false accomptes, he may so suddenly and rashely minister, that he may smite his Father, his Maister, or his friende &c. into a sudden incurable consumption, that he or they shall neuer recouer it againe, but be vtterly vndone, and cast either into miserable pouertie, prisonment, bankeroute &c. If this come to passe, then the [1: Fol. xxviii.] best rewarde for this practicioner, is this Neckeweede: [d] if there be any swashbuckler, common theefe, ruffen, or murtherer past grace, y^e nexte remedie is this Lace or Corde. For them which neuer loued concored, peace nor honestie, this wil ende all the mischief; this is a purger, not of Melancholy, but a finall banisher of [e] all them that be not fit to liue in a common wealth, no more then Foxes amonge sheepe, or Thistles amonge good Corne, hurters of trew people. This Hempe, I say, passeth the new Diat, bothe in force and antiquitee. [f] If yonge wantons, whose parentes haue left them fayre houses, goods and landes, whiche be visciously, idle, vnlearnedly, yea or rather beastly brought vp: [g] after the death of their saied parentes, their fruites wil spryng foorth which they haue learned in their wicked youthe: then bankets and brothels will approche, [h] the Harlots will be at hande, with dilightes and intisementes, the Baude will doe hir diligence, robbyng not onlie the pursses, but also the hartes of suche yongemen, whiche when they be trapped, can neuer skape, one amonge an hundredth, vntill Hempe breaketh the bande amonge these loytring louers. [i] The Dice whiche be bothe smalle and light, in respecte vnto the Coluering, or double Cannon shotte or Bollet, yet with small force and noyse can mine, break downe, and destroy, and caste away their one Maisters houses, faire feldes, pleasaunt Woddes, and al their money, yea frendes and al together, this can the Dice do. And moreouer, [k] can make of worshipfull borne Gentilmen, miserable beggars, or theefes, yet for the time “a-loft syrs, hoyghe childe and tourne thee, what should youth do els: [l] I-wisse, not liue like slaues or pesantes, but all golden, glorious, may with dame Venus, my hartes delight” say they. “What a sweete heauen is this: Haue at all, kockes woundes, bloud and nayles, caste the house out at the window, and let the Diuell pay the Malte man: a Dogge hath but a day, a good mariage will recouer all together:” or els with a Barnards blowe, [m] lurkyng in some lane, wodde, or hill top, to get that with falshead in an hower, whiche with trueth, labour, & paine, hath bene gathered for perhappes .xx. yeares, to the vtter vndoyng of some honest familie. Here thou seest, gentle Marcellus, a miserable Tragedie of a wicked shamelesse life. I nede not bring forth the example of the Prodigall childe. Luke .xvi. Chapter, whiche at length came to grace: It is, I feare me, in vaine to talke of him, [n] whose ende was good; but a greate nomber of these flee from grace, and come to endes moste vngracious, finished only life by this [o] Hempe. Although sometime the innocente man dieth that way, through periurie for their one propper gooddes, as Naboth died for his owne Vineyarde, miserable in the eies of the worlde, but precious in the sight of God. This is one seruice whiche Hempe doeth. [Sidenotes: [a] The names of Hemp. [b] Neckweed (a halter) [c] is good for thievish apprentices, [d] for swashbucklers past grace, [e] and all scamps. [f] Also for young spendthrifts [g] who after their parents’ death [h] waste their all with harlots [i] and in gambling [k] which makes men beggars, or thieves. [l] A life of reckless debauchery [m] and robbery [n] ends with [o] Hemp.] [a] Also this worthy noble herbe Hempe, called _Cannabis_ in Latten, can not bee wanted in a common wealth, [b] no Shippe can sayle without Hempe, y^e sayle clothes, the shroudes, staies, tacles, yarde lines, warps & Cables can not be made. [c] No Plowe, or Carte can be without ropes [1: Fol. xxviii.b.] halters, trace &c. [d] The Fisher and Fouler muste haue Hempe, to make their nettes. [e] And no Archer can wante his bowe string: and the Malt man for his sackes. With it the belle is rong, to seruice in the Church, with many mo thynges profitable whiche are commonly knowen of euery man, be made of Hempe. [Sidenotes: [a] The use of Hemp [b] to the Sailor, [c] Plowman, [d] Fisher and [e] Archer.] * * * * * * * * * Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress. [From his +Regyment+, ? 1557.] [Fol. E.i.] Whole men of what age or complexion so euer they be of, shulde take theyr naturall rest and slepe in the nyght: and to eschewe merydyall sleep. But and nede shall compell a man to slepe [a] after his meate: let hym make a pause, and than let hym stande & lene and [b] slepe agaynst a cupborde, or els let hym sytte upryght in a chayre and slepe. Slepynge after a full stomacke doth ingendre dyuers infyrmyties, it doth hurte the splene, it relaxeth the synewes, it doth ingendre the dropses and the gowte, and doth make a man looke euyll colored. [Fol. E.i.b.] Beware of veneryous actes before the fyrste slepe, and specyally beware of suche thynges after dyner or after a full stomacke, for it doth ingendre the crampe and the gowte and other displeasures. [c] To bedwarde be you mery, or haue mery company ahoute you, so that to bedwarde no angre, nor heuynes, sorowe, nor pensyfulnes, do trouble or dysquyet you. [d] To bedwarde, and also in the mornynge, vse to haue a fyre in your chambre, to wast and consume the euyl vapowres within the chambre, for the breath of man may putryfye the ayre within the cha{m}bre: I do advertyse you not to stande nor to sytte by the fyre, [e] but stande or syt a good way of from the fyre, takynge the flauour of it, for fyre doth aryfie and doth drye vp a mannes blode, and doth make sterke the synewes and ioyntes of man. [f] In the nyght let the wyndowes of your howse, specyallye of your cha{m}bre, be closed. Whan you [Fol. E.ii.] be in your bedde,[1] [f] lye a lytle whyle on your lefte syde, and slepe on your ryght syde. And whan you do wake of your fyrste slepe, make water yf you feel your bladder charged, & than slepe on the lefte side; and looke as ofte as you do wake, so oft turne your selfe in the bedde from one syde to theother. [g] To slepe grouellynge vpon the stomacke and bely is not good, oneles the stomacke be slowe and tarde of dygestion; but better it is to laye your hande, or your bedfelowes hande, ouer your stomacke, than to lye grouellynge. [h] To slepe on the backe vpryght[2] is vtterly to be abhorred[1]: whan that you do slepe, let not your necke, nother your sholders, nother your ha{n}ds, nor feete, nor no other place of your bodye, lye bare vndiscouered. Slepe not with an emptye stomacke, nor slepe not after that you haue eaten meate one howre or two after. In your bed lye with your head somwhat hyghe, leaste that the [* Fol. E. ii.b.] meate whiche is in your stomacke, thorowe eructuacions or some other cause, ascende to the oryfe (_sic_) of the stomacke. [i] Letyour nyght cap be of scarlet: and this I do aduertyse you, to cause to be made a good thycke quylte of cotton, or els of [k] pure flockes or of cleane wolle, and let the couerynge of it be of whyte fustyan, and laye it on the fetherbed that you do lye on; and in your bed lye not to hote nor to colde, but in a temporaunce. Olde auncyent Doctors of physicke sayth .viii. howres of slepe in so{m}mer, and ix. in wynter, is suffycent for any man: but I do thynke that slepe oughte to be taken as the complexion of man is. [l] Whan you doryse in the mornynge, ryse with myrth and remembre God. Let your hosen be brusshed within & without, and flauer the insyde of them agaynst the fyre; vse lynnen sockes, [m] or lynnen hosen nexte your legges: whan you be out of your bedde, [n] stretche forth your [Fol. E. iii.] legges & armes, & your body; cough, and spytte, and than [o] go to your stoole to make your egestyon, and exonerate youre selfe at all tymes, that nature wolde expell. For yf you do make any restryction in kepynge your egestyon or your vryne, or ventosyte, it maye put you to dyspleasure in breadynge dyuers infyrmyties.After you haue euacuated your bodye, & [p] trussed your poyntes,[3] kayme your heade oft, and so do dyuers tymes in the day. [q] And wasshe your ha{n}des & wrestes, your face, & eyes, and your teeth, with colde water; and after y^t you be apparayled, [r] walke in your gardyn or parke, a thousande pase or two. And than great and noble men doth vse to here masse, & other men that can not do so, but muste applye theyr busynes, doth [s] serue god w{i}t{h} some prayers, surrendrynge thankes to hym for hys manyfolde goodnes, with askynge mercye for theyr offences. And before you go to your refecti[Fol. E. iii.b.]on, moderatly exercise your body with some labour, or [t] playeng at the tennys, or castyng a bowle, or paysyng weyghtes or plo{m}mettes of leede in your handes, or some other thyng, to open your poores, & to augment naturall heate. [v] At dyner and supper[4] vse not to drynke sundry drynkes, and eate not of dyuers meates: but [x] feede of .ii. or .iii. dysshes at the moste. After that you haue dyned and supte, laboure not by and by after, but make a pause, syttynge or standynge vpryght the space of an howre or more with some pastyme: drynke not moch after dyner. [y] At your supper, vse lyght meates of dygestyon, and refrayne from grose meates; go not to bed with a full nor an emptye stomacke. And after your supper make a pause or you go to bed; and go to bed, as I sayde, with myrth. [Sidenotes: [a] After Dinner, sleep standing [b] against a cupboard. [c] Before bedtime be merry. [d] Have a fire in your bedroom, [e] but stand a good way off it. [f] Shut your windows. [f] Lie first on your left side. [g] To sleep groveling on the belly, is bad; [h] on the back upright, is worse. [i] Wear a scarlet nightcap. [k] Have a flock bed over your featherbed. [l] On rising, remember God, brush your breeches, put on [m] your hose, [n] stretch, [o] go to stool. [p] Truss your points, comb your head, [q] wash your hands and face, [r] take a stroll, [s] pray to God. [t] Play at tennis, or wield weights. [v] At meals, [x] eat only of 2 or 3 dishes; [y] let supper-dishes be light.] Furthermore as concernynge your apparell. In wynter, next your shert vse you to [a] weare a petycote of scarlet: your dowb[Fol. E.iv.]let vse at plesure: But I do aduertyse you to [b] lyne your Iacket vnder this fasshyon or maner. Bye you fyne skynnes of whyte lambe & blacke lambe. And let your skyn{n}er cut both y^e sortes of the skynnes in smale peces triangle wyse, lyke halfe a quarell of a glasse wyndowe. And than sewe togyther a [* MS. _a a_] whyte pece and a blacke, lyke a whole quarell of a glasse wyndowe: and so sewe vp togyther quarell wyse as moche as wyll lyne your Iacket: this furre, for holsommes, is praysed aboue sables, or any other fur. Your exteryall aparel vse accordyng to your honour. In som{m}er vse to were a scarlet petycote made of stamell or lynse wolse. In wynter and so{m}mer kepe not your bed to hote, nor bynde it to strayte; [c] kepe euer your necke warme. In somer kepe your necke and face from the sonne; vse to [d] wear gloues made of goote skyn, perfumed with Amber degrece. And beware in sta{n}dyng or lyeng on the [Fol. E.iv.b.] grounde in the reflection of the son{n}e, but be mouable. If thou shalt com{m}on or talke w{i}t{h} any man: [e] stande not styll in one place yf it be vpon y^e bare grou{n}de, or grasse, or stones: but be mouable in suche places. Stande nor syt vpon no stone or stones: Stande nor syt longe barehed vnder a vawte of stone. Also beware that you do not lye in olde cha{m}bres which be not occupyed, [f] specyally suche chambres as myse and rattes and snayles resorteth vnto: lye not in suche chambres, the whiche be depreued cleane from the sonne and open ayre; nor lye in no lowe Chambre, excepte it be boorded. Beware that you [g] take no colde on your feete and legges. And of all weather beware that you do not ryde nor go in great and Impytous wyndes. (_A Compe{n}dyous Regyment or a Dyetary of helth, made in Mou{n}tpylior: Compyled by Andrewe Boorde, of Physicke Doctor._ (Colophon.) Imprinted by me Robert Wyer: Dwellynge at the sygne of seynt Johñ Euangelyst, in S. Martyns Parysshe, besyde Charynge Crosse.) [Sidenotes: [a] Wear a scarlet petycote. [b] Line a jacket with white and black lambskin sewn diamond-wise. [c] Keep your neck warm. [d] Wear goatskin gloves. [e] Don’t stand long on grass or stones. [f] Don’t sleep in ratty rooms. [g] Don’t take cold in your feet.] [Footnote 1-1: Compare what Bulleyn says: --slepe. The night is the best time: the daie is euill: to slepe in the fielde is perilous. But vpon, or in the bedde, liyng firste vpon the right side, untill you make water: then vpon the lefte side, is good. [a]But to lye vpon the backe, with a gaping mouth, is daungerous: and many thereby are made starke ded in their slepe: through apoplexia, and obstruccion of the sinewes, of the places vitalle, animall, and nutrimentalle. _Bullein’s Bulwarke, The booke of the vse of sicke men and medicenes_, fol. lxx. See also Sir John Harrington’s directions from Ronsovius: “They that are in health, must first sleepe on the right side, because the meate may come to the liuer, which is to the stomack as a fire vnder the pot, and thereby is digested. To them which haue but weake digestion, it is good to sleepe prostrate on their bellies, or to [b] haue their bare hands on their stomackes: and to lye vpright on the backe, is to bee vtterly abhorred.” p. 19. [Sidenotes to Footnote: [a] How to lie in bed. [b] Who should put their hands on their stomachs.]] [Footnote 2: This wenche lay _upright_, and faste slepte. Chaucer. _The Reeves Tale_, l. 4192, ed. Wright.] [Footnote 3: [a] Fricacion is one of the euacuacions, yea, or clensynges of mankinde, as all the learned affirmeth: that mankinde should rise in the mornyng, and haue his apparell warme, stretchyng foorthe his handes and legges. Preparyng the bodie to the stoole, and then [b] begin with a fine Combe, to kembe the heere vp and down: then with a course warme clothe, to chafe or rubbe the hedde, necke, breast, armeholes, bellie, thighes, &c., and this is good to open the pores. 1562 _Bullein’s Bulwarke_, The booke of the vse of sicke men and medicenes, fol. lxvij. See Vaughan below, No. 2, p. 133. [Sidenotes to Footnote: [a] Of Frication [b] and combing the head.]] [Footnote 4: Drunkards, bench-wislers, that will quaffe untill thei are starcke staring madde like Marche Hares: Fleming-like Sinckars; brainlesse like infernall Furies. Drinkyng, braulyng, tossyng of the pitcher, staryng, pissyng[*], and sauyng your reuerence, beastly spuyng vntill midnight. Therefore let men take hede of dronke{n}nes to bedward, for feare of sodain death: although the Flemishe[†] nacion vse this horrible custome in their vnnaturall watching all the night. _Bullein_, fol. lxix-lxx, see also fol. xj.] [Footnote 4*: Compare A. Borde of the “base Doche man,” in his _Introduction_.] [Footnote 4†: I am a Flemyng, what for all that Although I wyll be dronken other whyles as a rat. A. Borde, _Introduction_.] * * * * * * * * * William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health. (From his _Naturall & Artificial Directions for health_, 1602, p. 57-63.) Declare vnto mee a dayly dyet, whereby I may liue in health, and not trouble my selfe in Physicke. (1) I will: first of all in the morning when you are about to rise vp, stretch your self strongly: for thereby the animall heate is somewhat forced into the outward partes, the memorie is quickned, and the bodie strengthened. (2) Secondarily, rub and chafe your body with the palmes of your hands, or with a course linnen cloth; the breast, back, and belly, gently: but the armes, thighes, and legges roughly, till they seem ruddy and warme. (3) Euacuate your selfe. (4) Put on your apparell: which in the summer time must be for the most part silke, or buffe, made of buckes skinne, for it resisteth venime and contagious ayres: in winter your vpper garment must be of cotton or friezeadow. (5) When you have apparelled your selfe hansomely, combe your head softly and easily with an Iuorie combe: for nothing recreateth the memorie more. [Sidenotes: 1. Stretch yourself. 2. Rub yourself. 3. Go to stool. 4. Put on your clothes. 5. Comb your head.] (6) Picke and rub your teeth: and because I would not haue you to bestow much cost in making dentrifices for them; [a] I will aduertise you by foure rules of importance how to keepe your teeth white and vncorruyt (_sic_), and also to haue a sweete breath. First, wash well your mouth when you haue eaten your meat: secondly, sleepe with your mouth somewhat open. Thirdly, spit out in the morning that which is gathered together that night in the throate: then take a linnen cloth, and rub your teeth well within and without, to take away the fumositie of the meat and the yellownesse of the teeth. For it is that which putrifieth them and infecteth the breath. But least peraduenture your teeth become loose and filthy, I will shew you [b] a water farre better then pouders, which shall fasten them, scoure the month, make sound the gums, and cause the flesh to growe againe, if it were fallen away. Take halfe a glasse-full of vineger, and as much of the water of the mastick tree (if it may easily be gotten) of rosemarie, myrrhe, mastick, bole Armoniake, Dragons herbe, roche allome, of each of them an ounce; of fine cinnamon halfe an ounce, and of fountaine water three glassefulles; mingle all well together and let it boile with a small fire, adding to it halfe a pound of honie, and taking away the scumme of it; then put in a little bengwine, and when it hath sodden a quarter of an houre, take it from the fire, and keepe it in a cleane bottle, and wash your teeth therewithall as well before meate as after; if you hould some of it in your mouth a little while, it doth much good to the head, and sweetneth the breath. I take this water to be [c] better worth then a thousand of their dentifrices. [Sidenotes: 6. Clean your teeth. [a] (How to keep the teeth sound and the breath sweet. [b] Use Vaughan’s Water made after this recipe. [c] It’s better than 1000 Dentrifices.)] (7) Wash your face, eyes, eares and hands, with fountaine water. I have knowne diuers students which vsed to bathe their eyes onely in well water twise a day, whereby they preserued their eyesight free from all passions and bloudsheds, and sharpened their memories maruaylously. You may sometimes bathe your eyes in rosewater, fennell water, or eyebright water, if you please; but I know for certaintie, that you neede them not as long as you vse good fountaine water. Moreouer, least you by old age or some other meanes doe waxe dimme of sight, I will declare vnto you, [a] the best and safest remedie which I knowe, and this it is: Take of the distilled waters of verueine, bettonie, and fennell one ounce and a halfe, then take one ounce of white wine, one drachme of Tutia (if you may easilie come by it) two drachmes of sugarcandy, one drachme of Aloes Epatick, two drachmes of womans milke, and one scruple of Camphire: beat those into pouder, which are to be beaten, and infuse them together for foure and twenty houres space, and then straine them, and so vse it when you list. [Sidenotes: 7. Wash. [a] The best remedy for dim sight.] (8) When you haue finished these, say your morning prayers, and desire God to blesse you, to preserue you from all daungers, and to direct you in all your actions. For the feare of God (as it is written) is the beginning of wisedome: and without his protection whatsoeuer you take in hand, shall fall to ruine. Therefore see that you be mindfull of him, and remember that to that intent you were borne, to weet, to set foorth his glorie and most holy name. (9) Goe about your businesse circumspectly, and endeauour to banish all cares and cogitations, which are the onely baits of wickednesse. [a] Defraud no man of his right: for what measure you giue vnto your neighbour, that measure shall you receiue. And finally, imprint this saying deepely in your mind: A man is but a steward of his owne goods; wherof God one day will demaund an account. [Sidenotes: 8. Say your Prayers. 9. Set to work. [a] Be honest.] (10) Eate three meales a day vntill you come to the age of fourtie yeares: as, your breakefast, dinner, and supper; yet, that betweene breakefast and dinner there be the space of foure houres, and betwixt dinner and supper seauen houres: the breakfast must be lesse then dinner, and the dinner somewhat lesse then supper. [Sidenote: 10. Eat only three meals a day.] [a] In the beginning of meales, eate such meates as will make the belly soluble, and let grosse meats be the last. Content your selfe with one kind of meate, for diuersities hurt the body, by reason that meats are not all of one qualitie: Some are easily digested, others againe are heauy, and will lie a long time vpon the stomack: also, the eating of sundrie sorts of meat require often [b] pottes of drinke, which hinder concoction; like as we see often putting of water into the meat-potte to hinder it from seething. Our stomack is our bodies kitchin, which being distempered, how can we liue in temperate order: drinke not aboue foure times, and that moderately, at each meale: least the belly-God hale you at length captiue into his prison house of gurmandise, where you shall be afflicted with as many diseases as you haue deuoured dishes of sundry sorts. [c] The cups whereof you drinke, should be of siluer, or siluer and gilt. [Sidenotes: [a] Eat light food before heavy. [b] Drink hinders digestion. [c] Use silver cups.] (11) Labour not either your mind or body presently after meales: rather sit a while and discourse of some pleasant matters: when you haue ended your confabulations, wash your face and mouth with cold waters, then go to your chamber, and make cleane your teeth with your tooth-picker, which should be either of iuorie, silver, or gold. Watch not too long after supper, but depart within two hours to bed. But if necessitie compell you to watch longer then ordinary, then be sure to augment your sleepe the next morning; that you may recompence nature, which otherwise through your watching would not a little be impaired. [Sidenote: 11. Don’t work directly after meals, but talk, wash, and clean your teeth.] (12) Put of your clothes in winter by the fire side: and cause your bed to bee heated with a warming panne: vnless your pretence bee to harden your members, and to apply your selfe vnto militarie discipline. This outward heating doth wonderfully comfort the inward heat, it helpeth concoction, and consumeth moisture. [Sidenote: 12. Undress by the fire in winter.] (13) Remember before you rest, to chew down two or three drachmes of mastick: for it will preserue your body from bad humours. (14) Pray feruently to God, before you sleepe, to inspire you with his grace, to defend you from all perils and subtelties of wicked fiends, and to prosper you in all your affaires: and then lay aside your cares and businesse, as well publicke as priuate: for that night, in so doing, you shall slepe more quietly. Make water at least once, and cast it out: but in the morning [a] make water in an vrinal: that by looking on it, you may ghesse some what of the state of your body. Sleep first on your right side with your mouth open, and [b] let your night cappe haue a hole in the top, through which the vapour may goe out. (15) In the morning remember your affayres, and if you be troubled with rheumes, as soone as you haue risen, vse diatrion piperion, or eate white pepper now and then, and you shall be holpen. FINIS. [Sidenotes: 13. Before bed, chew Mastic, and 14. Pray to God. [a] Look at your water in a Urinal. [b] Have a hole in your nightcap. 15. Against rheums, eat white pepper.] * * * * * * * * * The Dyet for every Day. (FROM Sir John Harington’s ‘Schoole of Salerne,’ 2nd part. The Preservation of Health, or a Dyet for the Healthfull Man, 1624, p. 358.) . . first I will begin with the dyet for every day. In the beginning when you arise from the bed, [a] extend forth all your members, for by this meanes the _animal_ spirits are drawne to the outward members, the [* Page 36.] braine is made subtill, & the body strengthened. Then [b] rub the whole body somewhat with the palmes, the brest, back and belly gently, but the armes and legs with the hands, either with warm linnen: [c] next, the head is to be scrubbed fro{m} the forepart to the hinderpart very lightly. After you are risen, I will that you [d] defend with all care and diligence your head, necke, and feet, from all cold in the morning; for there is no doubt, but in the morning and euening the cold doth offend more, then it doth about noone tide, by reason of the weaknes of the Sun-beames. [e] Put on your clothes neat and cleane: in the Summer season, first wash with cleane pure water, before described; [f] but in the Winter season sit somewhat by the fire, not made with turfe or stinking coale, but with oake or other wood that burneth cleare, for our bodies are somewhat affected with our clothes, and as strength is increased by the vse of meat and drinke, and our life defended and preserued; and so our garments doe conserue the heat of our hodies, and doe driue away colds: so that as diet and apparel may seeme alike, so in either of them a like diligence is to be preferred. [Sidenotes: [a] Stretch your limbs, [b] rub your body [c] and head; [d] protect yourself from cold; [e] dress, washing in Summer, [f] warming yourself in Winter.] [a] In the Summer-time I chiefly commend garments [Page 37.] of Harts-skinnes, and Calues-skins, for the Hart is a creature of long life, and resisteth poyson and Serpents; therefore I my selfe vse garments of the like sort for the winter season, also neuerthelesse lined with good linnen. Next I doe iudge it not to bee much amisse to vse garments of Silke or Bombace, or of purple: also of Martyn or [b] Wolfe-skinnes, or made of Fox skinnes, I suppose to be good for the winter; notwithstanding in the time of Pestilence, apparell of Silke and skinnes is condemned, because it doth easily admit and receiue the contagious ayre, and doth retain it long. After the body is well clothed, [c] kembe your head wel with an Iuory comb, from the forehead to the backe-part, drawing the comb some forty times at the least; then [d] wash all the instruments of the sences, as the eies, the ears, the nostrils, the mouth, the tongue, the teeth, and all the face with cold water; and the eyes are not only to be washed, but being open plainly, immerg’d: and [e] the gumme and foulnes of the eie-lids that do there stick, to remoue; somtimes also to besprinkle the water with Rose-water or Fenel-water, also [f] rubb the neck well with [* Page 38.] a linnen napking somewhat course, for these things doe confirme the whole body; it maketh the mind more cheerefull, and conserueth the sight. In this place it pleaseth me to adioyne some Dentifrices or clensers of teeth, waters not only to make the teeth white, but also to conserue them, with some medicines also to conserue the sight..... [Sidenotes: [a] In Summer wear deer’s and calves’ skins, [b] in Winter, wolf and fox skins. [c] Comb your head 40 times, [d] wash your face, [e] clean your eyelids, [f] rub your neck well.] * * * * * * * * * On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed. (FROM Sir John Harington’s ‘Schoole of Salerne,’ 2nd part. The Preservation of Health, or a Dyet for the Healthfull Man, 1624, p. 358.) Also to prosecute our former purpose, [a] when you arise in the morning, to auoyd all superfluities, as well by vrine as by the belly, which doe at the least euery day. Auoid also from the nostrils and the lungs all filthy matter, as wel by clensing, as by spittle, and [b] clense the face, head, and whole body; & loue you to be cleane and wel apparelled, for from our cradles let vs abhor vncleannes, which neither nature or reason can endure. Whe{n} you haue done these things, remember to [c] powre foorth your prayers vnto God with a cleare voice, that the day may be happy and prosperous vnto you, that God may direct your actions to the glory of his name, the profit of your country, & the conseruation of your bodies. Then [d] walke ye gently, and [e] what excrements soeuer do slip down to the inferiour parts, being excited by [* Page 42.] naturall heate, the excretion thereof shall the better succeed. [Sidenotes: [a] On rising, empty your bladder and belly, nose and lungs. [b] Cleanse your whole body. [c] Say your Prayers. [d] Walk gently, [e] go to stool.] As for your businesses, whether they be publike or priuate, let them be done with a certaine honesty; then afterwards let your hunting iourneyes bee performed; [a] apply your selues to studie and serious businesse the houres of the fore-noone, and so likewise in the after-noone, till twoor three houres before supper: [b] alwaies in your hands vse eyther Corall or yellow Amber, or a Chalcedonium, or a sweet Pommander, or some like precious stone to be worne [c] in a ring vpon the little finger of the left hand: haue in your rings eyther a Smaragd, a Saphire, or a Draconites, which you shall beare for an ornament: for in stones, as also in hearbes, there is great efficacie and vertue, but they are not altogether perceived by vs: [d] hold sometime in your mouth eyther a Hyacinth, or a Crystall, or a Granat, or pure Gold, or Siluer, or else sometimes pure Sugar-candy. For _Aristotle_ doth affirme, and so doth Albertus Magnus, that a Smaragd worne about the necke, is good against the Falling-sicknes: for [e] surely the vertue of an hearbe is great, but much more the vertue of a precious [* Page 43.] stone, which is very likely that they are endued with occult and hidden vertues. [Sidenotes: [a] Work in the forenoon. [b] Always wear a precious stone [c] in a ring; [d] hold a crystal in your mouth; [e] for the virtue of precious stones is great.] [a] Feede onely twice a day, when yee are at mans age: neuerthelesse to those that are subiect to choller, it is lawfull to feede often: beginne alwayes your dinner and supper with the more liquid meates, sometimes with drinkes. [b] In the time betweene dinner and supper, abstain altogether from cups, vnlesse necessitie or custome doe require the same: notwithstanding the same custome being so vitious, must be by little and little changed. [c] I would not that you should obserue a certaine houre, either for dinners or suppers, as I haue sufficiently told you before, lest that daily custome should be altered into nature: and after this intermission of this custome of nature, hurt may follow; for custome doth imitate nature, and that which is accustomable, the very same thing is now become naturall. [Sidenotes: [a] Eat only twice a day. [b] Don’t drink between dinner and supper. [c] Don’t have one fixed hour for your meals.] Take your meate in the hotte time of Summer in cold places, but [a] in the Winter let there bee a bright fire, and take it in hotte places, your parlors or Chambers being first purged and ayred with suffumigations, which I would not haue you to [* Page 44.] enter before the suffumigation bee plainely extinct, lest you draw the fume by reason of the odour. And seeing one and the same order of diet doth not promiscuously agree with all men, take your meate in order, as is before said, and [b] sometimes also intermit the vse of meats for a whole day together, because through hunger, the faults of the stomacke which haue beene taken eyther by much drinking or surfetting, or by any other meanes, may be depelled and remoued. By this meanes also your bodies shall be better accustomed to endure and suffer hunger and fasting, eyther in iourneyes or wars. [c] Let your suppers bee more larger then your dinners, vnlesse nightly diseases or some distilations doe afflict you. [Sidenotes: [a] In Winter eat in hot well-aired places. [b] Fast for a day now and then. [c] Eat more at supper than dinner.] [a] After meat taken, neither labour in body nor mind must be vsed, and wash the face and mouth with cold water, clense the teeth either with Iuory, or a Harts horne, or some picker of pure siluer or gold. After your banquets, [b] passe an houre or two in pleasant talkes, or walke yee very gently and soberly, [c] neither vse much watchings long in the night, but the space of two howres goe to your bed; but if honest [* Page 45.] businesse doe require you to watch, then sleepe afterwards so much the longer, that your sleepe may well recompence your former watchings. [d] Before that you go to your bed, [e] gently smooth down your head, armes, and shoulders, the back and all the body, with a gentle and soft rubbing, vnlesse you meane to do it in the morning to mooue distribution, whose time is best to be done in the morning. [Sidenotes: [a] After meals, wash your face, and clean your teeth, [b] chat and walk soberly. [c] Don’t sit up late. [d] Before bed, [e] rub your body gently.] [a] In the Winter, sitting by the fire, put off your garments, and dry your feet by the fire, neuerthelesse auoyd the heat and the smoke, because it is very hurtfull both to the lungs, and the eyes. In the Winter time, [b] warme well your garments at the fire, and warm the linings of the same, for it helpeth concoction, and remoueth all humidity and moysture. But my father did not allow of this custome, warning men of strength, and those that are borne for the Common-wealth, not to accustom themselves to such kind of softnesse, which doe weaken our bodies. Also [c] when you put off your garments to go to bed, then put away all your cogitations, & lay them aside, whether they be publike or priuate, for when all your [* Page 46.] members be free from all cares, you shall then sleep the quieter, concoction and the other naturall actions shall best be performed. But [d] in the morning when you rise againe, resume to your selues your former dayes thoughts and cares; for this precept my Father had often in his mouth, therfore I deliuer it vnto you as the more worthy of your obseruation. [Sidenotes: [a] Undress by a fire in Winter, [b] and warm your garments well. [c] Put off your cares with your clothes, [d] and take them up again in the morning.] * * * * * * * * * Recipes. [_From Harleian MS._ 5401, _ab._ 1480-1500 A.D.] FRUTURS. (page 194 or fol. 69 b.) R{ecipe} [1] þe cromys of whyte brede, & swete apyls, & ȝokk{is} of egg{is}, & bray þa{m} wele, & temp{er} it w{i}t{h} wyne, & make it to sethe; & when it is thyk, do þ{er}-to gode spyces, gyng{er} & gali{n}gay & canyll & clows, & s{erve} it forth{e}. (See also _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 39-40.) FRUTURS OF FYGIS. (p. 197 or fol. 98.) R{ecipe} & make bature of flour{e}, ale, pep{er} & saferon, w{i}t{h} oþ{er} spices; þan cast þa{m}[2] in to a frying pann w{i}t{h} bat{ur}, & ole, & bake þa{m} & s{erve}. (See another recipe in _Household Ordinances_, p. 450, under the head “Turtelettys of Fruture.”) IUSSELL. (p. 198 or fol. 98 b.) R{ecipe} brede gratyd, & egg{is}; & swyng þa{m} to-gyder{e}, & do þ{er}to sawge, & saferon, & salt; þan take gode broth{e}, & cast it þ{er}-to, & bole it enforesayd, & do þ{er}-to as to charlete &c. (See also _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 11; Jussel of Flesh, _Household Ordinances_, p. 462; Jussel enforsed, p. 463; Jussel of Fysshe, p. 469.) MAWMENY. (p. 201 or fol. 100.) R{ecipe} brawne of Capons or of he{n}nys, & dry þa{m} wele, & towse þa{m} small{e}; þan take thyk mylk of almonds, & put þe saide brawñ þ{er}-to, & styr it wele ou{er} þe fyre, & seson it w{i}t{h} sug{er}, & powd{er} of Canell{e}, w{i}t{h} mase, quibibs, & anneys in co{n}fete, & s{erve} it forth{e}. (See also the recipe “For to make momene” in _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 26; for “Mawmene for xl. Mees” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 455; and “Mawmene to Potage,” p. 430.) FRETOURE. (_Harl. MS._ 276.) +Vyaunde leche. L.iiii.+ +Fretoure+ Take whete Floure, Ale, Ȝest, Safroun, & Salt, & bete alle to-gederys as þikke as þ{o}u schuldyst make oþ{er} bature in fleyssche tyme, & þan take fayre Applys, & kut hem in maner of Fretourys, & wete hem in þe bature vp on downe, & frye hem in fayre Oyle, & caste hem in a dyssche, & caste Sugr{e} þer-on, & serue forth. [The recipe for “Tansye” is No. l.vi.] Recipes. [_From Harl. MS._ 279, _ab._ 1430-40 A.D. _A pretty MS. that ought to be printed._] +Potage dyuers .lxiij.+ (fol. 15 a.) +Harys in cyueye.+ Take Harys, & Fle hem, & make hem clene, an hacke hem in gobettys, & sethe hem in Watere & Salt a lytylle; þan take Pepyr, an Safroun, an Brede, y-grounde y-fere, & temper it wyth Ale. þan take Oynonys & Percely y-mynced smal to-gederys, & sethe hem be hem self, & afterward take & do þer-to a porcyon of vynegre, & dresse in. (See also the recipe for “Harus in Cyue” in _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 21, & that for “Conyngus in cyue” p. 20. _Chive_ is a kind of small onion.) +.lxxiii.+ (fol. 16 a.) +Conyngys in cyveye.+ Take Conyngys, an fle hem & seþe hem, & make lyke þou woldyst make a sewe, saue alle to-choppe hem, & caste Safroun & lyer þer-to, & Wyne. (See also “Conyngus in cyue” in _L. C. C._, p. 20; and “Conynges in Cyue” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 434.) +xv.+ (fol. 39 b.) +Doucettes.+ Take Creme a gode cupfulle, & put it on a straynoure, þanne take ȝolkys of Eyroun, & put þer-to, & a lytel mylke; þen strayne it þrow a straynoure in-to a bolle; þen take Sugre y-now, & put þer-to, or ellys hony for defaute [fol. 40.] of Sugre; þan coloure it w{i}t{h} Safroun; þan take þin cofyns, & put it in þe ovynne lere, & lat hem ben hardyd; þan take a dyssshe y-fastenyd on þe pelys ende, & pore þin comade in-to þe dyssche, & fro þe dyssche in-to þe cofyns; & whan þey don a-ryse Wel, teke hem out, & serue hem forth. +xxxvij.+ (fol. 43 b.) +Doucettes.+ Take Porke & hakke it smal, & Eyroun y-mellyd to-gederys, & a lytel Milke, & melle hem to-gederys w{i}t{h} Hony & Pepir, & bake hem in a cofyn, & serue forth. +xxxviij.+ +Doucettes a-forcyd.+ Take Almaunde Milke & ȝolkys of Eyroun y-mellid to-gederys, Safroun, Salt, & Hony: dry þin cofyn, & ley þin Maribonys þer-on, & s{erue} f{orth}. [Footnote 1: The þ is always y in Harl. 5401.] [Footnote 2: that is, the figs.] * * * * * * * * * Errata (noted by transcriber): Andrewe: ++Aaurata is a fysshe in the see [_text unchanged: each paragraph in original has large display capital followed by capital second letter of word_] Cap. lxvij. [_text unchanged: error for lxxij?_] Cap. lxxix. ... as Phisiologua saith [_text unchanged: error for ’Phisiologus’?_] Vaughan, Fifteen Directions: one drachme of Tutia [_Tntia_] Harington, On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed: till twoor three houres / before supper [_spacing unchanged_] Recipes: þan take a dyssshe y-fastenyd [_text unchanged_] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * The Boke of Keruynge. [Transcriber’s Note: Sidenotes, generally marked with lower-case letters [a] [b], are grouped after each section. Those that began with numbers in the original text are marked with bracketed numerals [1] [2]. There are no numbered footnotes in this selection. Textnotes have been marked with capital letters and grouped at the end, after the editor’s Notes. Headnotes are interlaced with the table of contents; they will also appear in their original locations in the text. Apart from notes and their references, all bracketed text is in the original.] The Boke of Keruynge, [that is to say, The boke of Seruyce & Keruynge and Sewynge & all Maner of Offyce in his kynde vnto a Prynce or ony other Estate, & all the Feestes in the yere.] Enprynted by Wynkyn de Worde at London in Flete Strete at the sygne of the Sonne. The yere of our Lorde God. M.CCCC.xiij. [and now reprinted, 1867.] CONTENTS. (_From the Headings in the Text, &c._) PAGE Termes of a Keruer 151 Butler and Panter (Yoman of the Seller and Ewery) 152 [Headnote: THE BUTLER AND PANTER’S DUTIES.] The Names of Wynes 153 For to make Ypocras 153 [Headnote: FOR TO MAKE YPOCRAS, AND LAYE THE CLOTH.] To laye the Clothe 154 [Headnote: HOW TO WAIT AT TABLE.] To wrappe your Soueraynes Brede stately 155 Of the Surnape 155 Sewynge of Flesshe, & Seruyce (Succession of Dishes) 156 [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FLESSHE.] The Keruynge of Flesshe, & Seruyce (How to carve) 157 [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FLESSHE.] Sauces for all maner of Fowles 159 [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FOWLES.] Feestes and Seruyce from Eester vnto Whytsondaye 160 [Headnote: FEESTES AND SERUYCE.] Keruyng of all maner of Fowles 161 [Headnote: KERUYNG OF ALL MANER OF FOWLES.] Of the First & Second Courses, & the Sauces for them 163 Feestes and Seruyce from the feest of Saynt Iohn the Baptist vnto Myghelmasse 164 [Headnote: THE SERVICE FROM MIDSUMMER TO CHRISTMAS.] Feestes and Seruyce from the feest of Saynt Myghell vnto the feest of Chrystynmasse 164 Of the skin & wholesomeness of certain Birds 165 Sewynge of Fysshe 166 [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FYSSHE.] Keruynge of Fysshe 166 [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FYSSHE.] Sauces for all maner of Fysshe 168 [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FYSSHE.] The Chaumberlayne 168 [Headnote: THE CHAUMBERLAYNE.] Of the Marshall and the Vssher 170 [Headnote: OF THE MARSHALL AND THE VSSHER.] Notes 173 [Fol. A 1.] The Boke of Keruynge. [Fol. A 1b.] ¶ Here begynneth the boke of keruynge and sewynge / and all the feestes in the yere, for the seruyce of a prynce or ony other estate, as ye shall fy{n}de eche offyce, the seruyce accordynge, in the boke folowynge. [Sidenote: _The Book of Carving and Arranging; and the Dishes for all the Feasts in the year._] ¶ Termes of a Keruer. ++Breke that dere [a] lesche y^t brawne rere that goose lyft that swanne sauce that capon [b] spoyle that henne frusshe that chekyn [c] vnbrace that malarde vnlace that cony dysmembre that heron dysplaye that crane dysfygure that pecocke vnioynt that bytture [d] vntache that curlewe alaye that fesande wynge that partryche wynge that quayle mynce that plouer thye that pegyon [e] border that pasty thye that wodcocke [f] thye all maner of small byrdes tymbre that fyre tyere that egge chyne that samon strynge that lampraye [g] splatte that pyke sauce that playce sauce that tenche splaye that breme syde that haddocke tuske that barbell culpon that troute [h] fynne that cheuen transsene that ele traunche that sturgyon vndertraunche y^t purpos tayme that crabbe [i] barbe that lopster ¶ Here hendeth the goodly termes. [Sidenotes: Terms of a Carver: [a] Slice brawn, [b] spoil a hen, [c] unbrace a mallard, [d] untache a curlew, [e] border a pasty, [f] thigh small birds, [g] splat a pike, [h] fin a chub, [i] barb a lobster] [Headnote: THE BUTLER AND PANTER’S DUTIES.] ¶ Here begynneth Butler and Panter. [a] ++Thou shalte be Butler and Panter all the fyrst yere / and ye muste haue thre pantry knyues / one knyfe to square tre{n}choure loues / an other to be a [Fol. A ii.] chyppere / the thyrde shall be sharpe to make smothe tre{n}choures / than chyppe your soueraynes brede hote, and all other brede let it be a daye olde / housholde brede thre dayes olde / [b] trenchour brede foure dayes olde / than loke your salte by whyte and drye / the planer made of Iuory, two inches brode & thre inches longe / & loke that youre salte seller lydde touche not the salte / tha{n} loke your table clothes, towelles, and napkyns, be fayre folden in a cheste or ha{n}ged vpon a perche / than loke your table knyues be fayre pullysshed, & your spones clene / [c] than loke ye haue two tarryours, a more & a lesse, & wyne cannelles of boxe made accordynge / a sharpe gymlot & faucettes. And whan ye sette a pype on broche, do thus / set it foure fynger brede aboue y^e nether chyme vpwardes aslaunte / and than shall y^e lyes neuer a-ryse. [d] Also loke ye haue in all seasons[A] butter, chese, apples, peres, nottes, plommes, grapes, dates, fygges & raysyns, compost, grene gynger and chardequynce. Serue fastynge butter, plommes, damesons, cheryes, and grapes, after mete, peres, nottes, strawberyes, hurtelberyes, & hard chese. Also brandrels or pepyns with carawey in confetes. After souper, rost apples & peres, with blaunche poudre, & harde chese / [e] be ware of cowe creme, & of good strawberyes, hurtelberyes, Iouncat, for these wyll make your souerayne seke but he ete harde chese / [f] harde chese hath these operacyo{n}s / it wyll kepe y^e stomacke open / butt{er} is holsome fyrst & last, for it wyll do awaye all poyso{ns} / [g] mylke, creme, & Iouncat, they wyll close the mawe, & so dooth a posset / therfore ete harde chese, & drynke romney modo{n} / beware of grene sallettes & rawe fruytes, for they wyll make your sourayne seke / therfore set no mo-[Fol. A ii.b.]che [h] by suche metes as wyll set your tethe on edge; therfore ete an almonde & harde chese / but ete non moche chese without romney modon. Also yf dyuers dry{n}kes, yf theyr fumosytees haue dyspleased your souerayne, [i] let hy{m} ete a rawe apple, and y^e fumosytees wyll cease: mesure is a mery mene & it be well vsed / abstyne{n}ce is to be praysed wha{n} god therwith is pleased. [k] Also take good hede of your wynes euery nyght with a candell, bothe rede wyne and swete wyne, & loke they reboyle nor leke not / & wasshe y^e pype hedes euery nyght w{i}t{h} colde water / & loke ye haue a chynchynge yron, addes, and lynen clothes, yf nede be / [l] & yf the[y] reboyle, ye shall knowe by the hyssynge / therfore kepe an empty pype with y^e lyes of coloured rose, & drawe the reboyled wyne to y^e lyes, & it shal helpe it. Also yf your swete wyne pale, drawe it in to a romney vessell for lessynge. [Sidenotes: [a] The Butler has 3 knives: 1. a squarer, 2. a chipper, 3. a smoother. [b] Trencher-bread must be 4 days old; the Salt-Planer of ivory; table cloths kept in a chest, or hung on a perch. [c] To broach a Pipe, have 2 augers, funnels, and tubes, and pierce the Pipe 4 inches from the bottom. [d] Always have ready fruits and hard cheese. [e] Beware of cow cream. [f] Hard cheese is aperient, and keeps off poison. [g] Milk and Junket close the Maw. [h] For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat an almond and hard cheese. [i] A raw apple will cure indigestion. [k] See every night that your wines don’t boil over or leak. [l] You’ll know their fermenting by their hissing.] ¶ Here foloweth the names of wynes. ¶ Reed wyne / whyte wyne / clared wyne / osey / capryke / ca{m}polet / renysshe wyne / maluesey / bastarde / tyer, romney / muscadell / clarrey / raspys / vernage / vernage wyne cut / pymente and ypocras. [Sidenotes: _Names of Wines_ Campolet, Rhenish, &c] [Headnote: FOR TO MAKE YPOCRAS, AND LAYE THE CLOTH.] [Headnote: HOW TO WAIT AT TABLE.] For to make ypocras. ¶ [a] Take gy{n}ger / peper / graynes / canell / synamon / suger and tornsole / than loke ye haue fyue or syxe bagges for your ypocras to renne in, & a perche that your renners may ren on / than muste ye haue .vi. peautre basyns to stande vnder your bagges / than loke your spyce be redy / & your gynger well pared or it be beten [Fol. A iii.] to poudre / [b] than loke your stalkes of synamon be well coloured; & swete canell is not so gentyll in operacyon; synamon is hote and drye / graynes of paradico[B] be{n} hote and moyste / gynger / graynes / longe peper / and suger, ben hote and moyst / synamo{n} / canell, & rede wyne, ben hote and drye / tornsole is holsome / for reed wyne colourynge. Now knowe ye the proporcyons of your ypocras / [c] than bete your poudres eche by themselfe, & put them in bladders, & hange your bagges sure, that no bage touche other / but let eche basyn touche other; let the fyrste basyn be of a galon, and eche of the other of a potell / than put in your basyn a galo{n} of reed wyne, put thereto your poudres, and styre them well / than put them in to the fyrste bagge, and let it renne / than put them in to the seconde bagge / than take a pece in your hande, and assaye yf it be stronge of gynger / and alaye it with synamon / and it be stro[{n}]ge of synamon / alaye it with suger / and loke ye lette it renne thrughe syxe renners / & your ypocras shall be the fyner / than put your ypocras in to a close vessell, and [d] kepe the receyte / for it wyll serue for sewes / than serue your souerayne with wafers and ypocras. [e] Also loke your composte be fayre and clene / and your ale fyue dayes olde or men drynke it / tha{n} kepe your hous of offyce clene, & be curtoys of answere to eche persone, and loke ye gyue no persone noo dowled drynke / for it wyll breke y^e scabbe. [f] And whan ye laye the clothe, wype y^e borde clene with a cloute / than [g] laye a cloth, a couche, it is called, take your felawe that one ende, & holde you that other ende, than drawe the clothe straught, the bought on y^e vtter edge / take the vtter parte, & hange it euen / than take the thyrde clothe, and lay y^e bought on the inner [Fol. A iii.b.] edge / and laye estat with the vpper parte halfe a fote brode / than [h] couer thy cupborde and thyn ewery with the towell of dyaper / than take thy towell about thy necke, and laye that one syde of y^e towell vpon thy lefte arme / and there-on laye your soueraynes napkyn / and laye on thyn arme seuen loues of brede, with thre or foure trenchour loues, with the ende of y^e towell in the lefte hande, as the maner is / than [i] take thy salte seller in thy lefte hande, and take the ende of y^e towell in your ryght hande to bere in spones and knyues / than [k] set your salt on the ryght syde where your souerayne shall sytte, and on y^e lefte syde the salte set your trenchours / than [l] laye your knyues, & set your brede, one lofe by an other / your spones, and your napkyns fayre folden besyde your brede / than couer your brede and trenchoures, spones and knyues / & at euery ende of y^e table set a salte seller with two treachour [C] loues / [m] and yf ye wyll wrappe your soueraynes brede stately, ye muste [n] square and proporcyon your brede, and se that no lofe be more than an other / and than shall ye make your wrapper man[er]ly / than take a towell of reynes of two yerdes and an halfe, and take the towell by y^e endes double, and laye it on the table / than take the ende of y^e bought a handfull in your hande, and wrappe it harde, and laye the ende so wrapped bytwene two towelles; vpon that ende so wrapped, lay your brede, botom to botom, syxe or seuen loues / than set your brede manerly in fourme / and whan your soueraynes table is thus arayed, [o] couer all other bordes with salte, trenchoures, & cuppes. [p] Also so[D] thyn ewery be arayed with basyns & ewers, & water hote & colde / and se’ ye haue napkyns, cuppes, & spones / & se your pottes for wyne [Fol. A 4.] and ale be made clene, and [q] to y^e surnape make ye curtesy with a clothe vnder a fayre double napry / tha{n} take þe towelles ende nexte you / & the vtter ende of the clothe on the vtter syde of the table, & holde these thre endes atones, & folde them atones, that a plyte passe not a fote brode / than laye it euen there it sholde lye. [r] And after mete wasshe with that that is at y^e ryghte ende of the table / ye muste guyde it out, and the marshall must conuey it / and loke on eche clothe the ryght syde be outwarde, & drawe it streyght / than must ye reyse the vpper parte of y^e towell, & laye it w{i}t{h}-out ony gronynge / and at euery ende of y^e towell [s] ye must conuey halfe a yerde that y^e sewer may make estate reuerently, and let it be. [t] And whan your souerayne hath wasshen, drawe y^e surnape euen / than bere the surnape to the myddes of the borde & take it vp before your souerayne, & bere it in to y^e ewery agayne. [v] And whan your souerayne it[E] set, loke your towell be aboute your necke / than make your souerayne curtesy / than vncouer your brede & set it by the salte & laye your napkyn, knyfe, & spone, afore hym / than knele on your knee tyll the purpayne passe eyght loues / & loke ye set at y^e endes of y^e table foure loues at a messe / and se that euery persone haue napkyn and spone / [x] & wayte well to y^e sewer how many dysshes be couered; y^e so many cuppes couer ye / than serue ye forth the table manerly y^t euery man may speke your curtesy. [Sidenotes: _To make Ypocras._ [a] Take spices; put 6 bags on a perch, 6 pewter basins under, ginger and cinnamon. [b] (Of the qualities of spices.) [c] Pound each spice separately, put ’em in bladders, and hang ’em in your bags, add a gallon of red wine to ’em, stir it well, run it through two bags, taste it, pass it through 6 runners, and put it in a close vessel. [d] Keep the dregs for cooking. [e] Have your Compost clean, and your ale 5 days old, but not dead. [f] _To lay the Cloth._ [g] Put on a _couch_, then a second cloth, the fold on the outer edge; a third, the fold on the inner edge. [h] Cover your cupboard, put a towel round your neck, one side lying on your left arm; on that, 7 loaves of eating bread and 4 trencher loaves. [i] In your left hand a saltcellar, in your right the towel. [k] Set the saltcellar on your lord’s right, and trenchers on the left of it. [l] Lay knives, bread, spoons, napkins, and cover ’em up. [m] _To wrap your Lord’s bread stately._ [n] Square the loaves; take a Reynes towel 2½ yards long by the ends; put it on the table, pinch up a handful of one end, and lay it between 2 towels, and on it lay your 6 or 7 loaves bottom to bottom. [o] Put salt, cups, &c., on the other tables. [p] See that your _Ewery_ is properly supplied, and your ale-pots kept clean. [q] _To arrange the Surnape._ Put a cloth under a double towel, hold 3 ends together, fold them in a foot-broad pleat, and lay it smooth. [r] After washing, the Marshal must carry the surnape out. [s] Leave out half a yard to make estate. [t] When your lord has washed, remove the Surnape. [v] When he is seated, salute him, uncover your bread, kneel on your knee till 8 loaves are served out (?) [x] Provide as many cups as dishes.] [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FLESSHE.] ¶ Here endeth of the Butler and Panter, yoman of the seller and ewery. And here foloweth sewynge of flesshe. [Fol. A 4b.] ++The [a] sewer muste sewe, & from the borde conuey all maner of potages, metes, & sauces / & euery daye comon with the coke, and vndersta{n}de & wyte how many dysshes shall be, and speke with the panter and offycers of y^e spycery for fruytes that shall be ete{n} fastynge. Than goo to the borde of sewynge, and se ye haue offycers redy to conuey, & seruauntes for to bere, your dysshes. Also yf marshall, squyers, and seruauntes of armes, bo[F] there, tha{n} serue forth your souerayne withouten blame. [Sidenote: _ewynge of_] ¶ Seruyce. ¶ [1] Fyrste sette ye forthe mustarde and brawne, potage, befe, motton stewed. [2] Fesande / swanne / capon / pygge, venyson bake / custarde / and leche lombarde. [3] Fruyter vaunte, with a subtylte, two potages, blau{n}che ma{n}ger, and gelly. [4] For standarde, venyson roste, kydde, fawne & cony / bustarde, storke, crane, pecocke with his tayle, hero{n}sewe, bytture, woodcocke, partryche, plouer, rabettes, grete byrdes, larkes / [5] doucettes, paynpuffe, whyte leche, ambre / gelly, creme of almondes, curlewe, brewe, snytes, quayle, sparowes, martynet, perche i{n} gelly / petyperuys[G], quy{n}ces bake / leche dewgarde, fruyter fayge, blandrelles or pepyns with carawaye in co{n}fettes, wafers and ypocras, they be a-greable. [b] Now this feest is done, voyde ye the table. [Sidenotes: [a] The _Sewer_ or arranger of dishes must ascertain what dishes and fruits are prepared daily for dinner; and he must have people ready to carry up the dishes. _The Succession of Dishes._ 1. Brawn, &c. 2. Pheasant, &c. 3. Meat Fritters, &c 4. For a standard, a peacock with his tail. 5. Doucettes, Paynpuff, Brew, Snipe, Petyperuys and Fayge, Caraways, &c. [b] Clear the table] [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FLESSHE.] ¶ Here endeth the sewynge of flesshe. And begynneth the keruynge of flesshe. ++The keruer must knowe the keruynge and the fayre ha{n}dlynge of a knyfe, and how ye shall seche al maner of fowle / your knyfe muste be fayre and [Fol. A 5.] [a] your ha{n}des muste be clene; & passe not two fyngers & a thombe vpon your knyfe. In y^e myddes of your ha{n}de set the halfe sure, vnlassynge y^e mynsy{n}ge wich[H] two fy{n}gers & a thombe; keruynge of brede, layenge, & voydynge of crommes, with two fyngers and a thombe / loke ye haue y^e cure / set neuer on fysshe / flesshe / beest / ne fowle, more than two fyngers and a thombe / than take your lofe in your lefte hande, & holde your knyfe surely; enbrewe not the table clothe / but [b] wype vpon your napkyn / than take your trenchouer lofe in your lefte ha{n}de, and with the edge of your table knyfe take vp your trenchours as nye the poynt as ye may / [c] tha{n} laye foure trenchours to your soferayne, one by an other / and laye theron other foure trenchours or elles twayne / than take a lofe in your lyfte hande, & pare y^e lofe rou{n}de aboute / tha{n} cut the ouer cruste to your souerayne, and cut the nether cruste, & voyde the parynge, & touche the lofe no more after it is so serued / than clense the table that the sewer may serue youre souerayne. [d] Also ye muste knowe the fumosytces[I] of fysshe, flesshe, and foules, & all maner of sauces accordynge to theyr appetytes / these ben the fumosytes / salte, soure, resty, fatte, fryed, senewes, skynnes, hony, croupes, yonge feders, heddes, pygous[K] bones, all maner of legges of bestees & fowles the vtter syde; for these ben fumosytees; laye them neuer to your souerayne. [Sidenotes: _Keruynge of Flesshe._ [a] Your hands must be clean; only two fingers and a thumb should be put on your knife, or on fish, flesh, or fowl. [b] Wipe your knife on your napkin. [c] Lay 4 trenchers for your lord, with 2 or 4 on them and the upper crust of a fine loaf. [d] Give heed to what is indigestible, as resty, fat things, feathers, heads, legs, &c.] ¶ Seruyce. ¶ [a] Take your knyfe in your ha{n}de, and cut brawne in y^e dysshe as it lyeth, & laye it on your soueraynes trenchour, & se there be mustarde. [b] Venyson with fourme{n}ty is good for your souerayne: touche not the venyson with your ha{n}de, but with your knyfe cut it .xii. draugh[Fol. A 5b.]tes with the edge of your knyfe, and cut it out in to y^e fourmenty / doo in the same wyse with pesen & bacon, befe chyne and motto{n} / pare the befe, cut the motto{n} / & laye to your souerayne / beware of fumosytees / salte, senewe, fatte, resty & rawe. In syrupe, [c] fesande, partryche, stockdoue, & chekyns / in the lefte ha{n}de take them by the pynyo{n}, & with the foreparte of your knyfe lyfte vp your wy{n}ges / than mynce it in to the syrupe / beware of sky{n}ne rawe & senowe. [d] Goos, tele, malarde, & swa{n}ne, reyse [L] the legges, than the wynges / laye the body in y^e myddes or in a nother plater / the wynges in the myddes & the legges; after laye the brawne bytwene the legges / & the wynges in the plater. [e] Capo{n} or henne of grece, lyfte the legges, tha{n} the wynges, & caste on wyne or ale, than mynce the wynge & giue your souerayne. Fesande, partryche, [f] plouer or lapwynge, reyse y^e wynges, & after the legges. woodcocke, [g] bytture, egryt, snyte, curlewe & heronsewe, vnlace them, breke of the pynyons, necke & becke / tha{n} reyse the legges, & let the fete be on styll, than the wynges. [h] A crane, reyse the wynges fyrst, & beware of the trumpe in his brest. Pecocke, storke, bustarde & [i] shouyllarde, vnlace them as a crane, and let y^e fete be on styll. [k] Quayle, sparow, larke, martynet, pegyon, swalowe, & thrusshe, y^e legges fyrst, tha{n} y^e wynges. [l] Fawne, kyde, and lambe, laye the kydney to your souerayne, tha{n} lyfe vp the sholder & gyue your souerayne a rybbe. [m] Venyson roste, cut it in the dysshe, & laye it to your souerayne. [n] A cony, lay hy{m} on the backe, cut away the ventes bytwene the hy{n}der legges, breke the canell bone, than reyse the sydes, than lay the cony on y^e wombe, on eche syde the chyne y^e two sydes departed from the chy{n}e, tha{n} laye the bulke, chyne, & sydes, in y^e dysshe. [Fol. A 6.] [o] Also ye must my{n}ce foure lesses to one morcell of mete, that your soverayne may take it in the sauce. [p] All bake metes that ben hote, open them a-boue the coffyn; & all that ben colde, ope{n} theym in the mydwaye. [q] Custarde, cheke them inche square that your souerayne may ete therof. [r] Doucettes, pare awaye the sydes & the bottom: beware of fumosytes. [s] Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say, be good; bett{er} is fruyter pouche; apple fruyters ben good hote / and all colde fruters, touche not. Ta{n}sey is good / hote wortes, or gruell of befe or of motto{n} is good. [t] Gelly, mortrus, creme almondes, blau{n}che manger, Iussell, and charlet, cabage, and nombles of a dere, ben good / & all other potage beware of. [Sidenotes: _Keruynge of Flesshe._ [a] How to carve Brawn, [b] Venison, (cut it in 12 bits and slice it into the furmity,) [c] Pheasant, Stockdoves, (mince the wings into the syrup,) [d] Goose, Teal, &c., (take off the legs and wings,) [e] Capon, (mince the wing with wine or ale,) [f] Plover, Lapwing, [g] Bittern, Egret. [h] How to carve a Crane, (mind the trump in his breast,) [i] Shoveler, [k] Quail, Martins, Swallow, [l] Fawn, Kid, [m] Roast Venison, [n] Cony, (lay him on his belly with his two cut-off sides, on each side of him.) [o] Cut 4 strips to each bit of meat, for your lord to pick it up by. [p] Open hot Meat-Pies at the top; cold in the middle. [q] Cut Custards in inch blocks. [r] Doucettes, pare off sides and bottom. [s] Fritters hot are good, cold bad. Tansey is good. [t] Jelly, Blanche Manger, Charlet, &c., are good, and no other potages.] [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FOWLES.] ¶ Here endeth y^e keruynge of flesshe. And begy{n}neth sauces for all maner of fowles. [a] ++Mustarde is good with brawne, befe, chyne, bacon, & motton. [b] Vergius is good to boyled chekyns and capon / swanne with cawdrons / [c] rybbes of befe with garlycke, mustarde, peper, vergyus; [d] gynger sauce to la{m}be, pygge, & fawne / mustarde & suger to fesande, partryche, and conye / sauce gamelyne to hero{n}sewe, egryt, plouer, & crane / to brewe, curlewe, [e] salte, suger, & water of tame / to bustarde, shouyllarde, & bytture, sauce gamelyne: [f] woodcocke, lapwynge, larke, quayle, mertynet, venyson, and snyte, with whyte salte / sparowes & throstelles with salte & synamo{n} / thus with all metes, sauce shall haue the operacyons. ¶ Here endeth the sauces for all maner of fowles and metes. [Sidenotes: _Sauces for all maner of Fowles._ [a] Mustard for beef; [b] Verjuice for boiled chickens; Cawdrons for swans; [c] Garlick, &c., for beef. [d] Ginger for lamb; Gamelyne for heronsewe, &c.; [e] Salt, Sugar and Water of Tame for brew, &c. [f] White salt for lapwings, &c. Cinnamon and salt for thrushes &c.] [Headnote: FEESTES AND SERUYCE.] [Fol. A 6b.] ¶ Here begynneth the feestes and seruyce from Eester vnto whytsondaye. ++On Eester daye & so forthe to Pe{n}tycost, after y^e seruy{n}ge of the table there shall be set brede, tre{n}chours, and spones, after the estymacyo{n} of them that shall syt there; and thus ye shall serue your souerayne; [a] laye [six or eight[L*]] tre{n}chours / & yf he be of a lower degre [or] estate, laye fyue trenchours / & yf he be of lower degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours / [b] than cut brede for your souerayne after ye knowe his condycyons, wheder it be cutte in y^e myddes or pared, or elles for to be cut in small peces. Also ye must vndersta{n}de how y^e mete shall be serued before youre souerayne, & namely [c] on Eester daye after the gouernaunce & seruyce of y^e countree where ye were borne. [d] Fyrste on that daye he shall serue a calfe soden and blessyd / and than sode{n} egges with grene sauce, and set them before the most pryncypall estate / and that lorde by cause of his hyghe estate shall departe them all aboute hym / than serue potage, as wortes, Iowtes, or browes, with befe, motto{n}, or vele / & capo{n}s that ben coloured with saffron, and bake metes. [e] And the seconde course, Iussell with mamony, and rosted, endoured / & pegyons with bake metes, as tartes, chewettes, & flawnes, & other, after the dysposycyon of the cokes. [f] And at soupertyme dyuers sauces of motto{n} or vele in broche[M], after the ordynaunce of the stewarde / and than chekyns with bacon, vele, roste pegyons or lambe, & kydde roste with y^e heed & the portenaunce on lambe & pygges fete, with vinegre & percely theron, & a ta{n}sye fryed, & other bake metes / ye shall vndersta{n}de this maner of seruyce [Fol. B i.] dureth to Pentecoste, saue fysshe dayes. Also take hede how ye shall araye these thynges before your souerayne / [g] fyrst ye shall se there be grene sauces of sorell or of vynes, that is holde a sauce for the fyrst course / and ye shall begyn to reyse the capon. [Sidenotes: _The Dinner Courses from Easter to Whitsunday._ From Easter to Pentecost, set bread, trenchers and spoons: [a] 6 or 8 trenchers for a great lord, 3 for one of low degree. [b] Then cut bread for eating. [c] For Easter-day Feast: [d] First Course: A Calf, boiled and blessed; boiled Eggs and green sauce; Potage, with beef, saffron-stained Capons. [e] Second Course: Mameny, Pigeons, Chewets, Flawnes. [f] Supper: Chickens, Veal, roast Kid, Pigs’-Feet, a Tansey fried. [g] Green Sauces of sorrel or vines, for the first course.] [Headnote: KERUYNG OF ALL MANER OF FOWLES.] ¶ Here endeth the feest of Eester tyll Pentecoste. And here begynneth keruyng of all maner of fowles. ¶ Sauce that capon. ¶ Take vp a capon, & lyfte vp the ryght legge and the ryght wynge, & so araye forth & laye hym in the plater as he sholde flee, & serve your souerayne / & knowe well that capons or chekyns ben arayed after one sauce; the chekyn shall be sauced with grene sauce or vergyus. ¶ Lyfte that swanne. ¶ Take and dyghte hym as a goose, but let hym haue a largyour brawne, & loke ye haue chawdron. ¶ Alaye that fesande. ¶ Take a fesande, and reyse his legges & his wynges as it were an henne, & no sauce but onely salte. ¶ wynge that partryche. ¶ Take a partryche, and reyse his legges and his wynges as a henne / & ye mynce hym, sauce hym with wyn, poudre of gynger, & salte / that set it vpon a chaufyng-dysshe of coles to warme & serue it. ¶ wynge that quayle. ¶ Take a quayle, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and no sauce but salte. Dysplaye that crane. ¶ Take a crane, and vnfolde his legges, and cut of his wynges by the Ioyntes: than take vp hys wynges and his legges, and sauce hym with poudres of gynger, mustarde, vynegre, and salte. [Fol. B i.b.] Dysmembre that heron. ¶ Take an heron, and reyse his legges and his wynges as a crane, and sauce hym with vynegre, mustarde, poudre of gynger, and salte. Vnioint that bytture. ¶ Take a bytture, and reyse his legges & his wynges as an heron, & no sauce but salte. Breke that egryt. ¶ Take an egryt, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an heron, and no sauce but salte. Vntache that curlewe. ¶ Take a curlewe, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and no sauce but salte. ¶ Vntache that brewe. ¶ Take a brewe, and reyse his legges and his wynges in the same maner, and no sauce but onely salte, & serue your souerayne. Vnlace that cony. ¶ Take a cony, and laye hym on the backe, & cut awaye the ventes / than reyse the wynges and the sydes, and laye bulke, chyne, and the sydes togyder; sauce, vynegre and poudre of gynger. Breke that sarcell. ¶ Take a sarcell or a teele, and reyse his wynges & his legges, and no sauce but salte onely. Mynce that plouer. ¶ Take a plouer, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and no sauce but onely salt. A snyte. ¶ Take a snyte, and reyse his wynges, his legges, and his sholdres, as a plouer; and no sauce but salte. [Fol. B ij.] ¶ Thye that woodcocke. Take a woodcocke, & reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne; this done, dyght the brayne. And here begynneth the feest from Pentecost vnto mydsomer. [Sidenotes: _Keruyng of all maner of Fowles._ _How to carve a Capon._ Sauce: green sauce or verjuice. _Swan._ Chawdron is the sauce for him. _Pheasant._ No sauce but Salt. _Partridge._ Sauce for Partridges. _How to carve a Quail._ Sauce: salt. _Crane._ Sauce: ginger, mustard, vinegar, and salt. _Heron._ Sauce as before. _Rittern._ Salt, the sauce. _Egret._ Salt, the sauce. _Curlew._ Salt, as sauce. _Brew._ Salt, as sauce. _Cony (or Rabbit.)_ Sauce: vinegar and ginger. _Sarcel or Teal._ _Plover._ _Snipe._ _Woodcock._] [a] ++In the seconde course for the metes before sayd ye shall take for your sauces, wyne, ale, vynegre, and poudres, after the mete be; & gynger & canell from Pentecost to the feest of saynt Iohn baptyst. [b] The fyrst course shall be befe, motton soden with capons, or rosted / [c] & yf the capons be soden, araye hym in the maner aforesayd. And whan he is rosted, thou must caste on salte, with wyne or with ale / tha{n} take the capon by the legges, & caste on the sauce, & breke hym out, & laye hym in a dysshe as he sholde flee. Fyrst ye shall cut the ryght legge and the ryght sholdre, & bytwene the foure membres laye the brawne of the capon, with the croupe in the ende bytwene the legges, as it were possyble for to be Ioyned agayne togyder / & other bake metes after: [d] And in the seconde course, potage shall be, Iussell, charlet, or mortrus, with yonge geese, vele, porke, pygyons or chekyns rosted, with payne puffe / fruyters, and other bake metes after the ordynau{n}ce of the coke. [e] Also the goose ought to be cut membre to membre, begynnynge at the ryght legge, and so forth vnder the ryght wynge, & not vpon the Ioynte aboue / [f] & it ought for to be eten with grene garlyke, or with sorell, or tender vynes, or vergyus in somer season, after the pleasure of your souerayne. Also ye shall vnderstande that all maner of fowle that hath hole fete sholde be reysed vnder the wynge, and not aboue. [Sidenotes: [a] Sauces for the Second Course. [b] First Course: Beef and Capons. [c] How to sauce and carve a Roast capon: lay him out as if ready to fly. [d] Second Course: Potage, Charlet, young Geese, Payne Puff, &c. [e] How to carve a Goose. [f] Goose must be eaten with green garlic or verjuice.] [Headnote: THE SERVICE FROM MIDSUMMER TO CHRISTMAS.] ¶ Here endeth the feest from Pentecost to mydsomer. And here begynneth from the feest of saynt Iohn the baptist vnto Myghelmasse. [a] ++In the fyrst course, potage, wortes, gruell, & fourmenty, with venyson, and mortrus and pestelles of porke with grene sauce. Rosted capon, swanne with chawdron. [b] In the seconde course, potage after the ordynaunce of the cokes, with rosted motton, vele, porke, chekyns or endoured pygyons, heron-sewes, fruyters or other bake metes / [c] & take hede to the fesande: he shall be arayed in the maner of a capon / but it shall be done drye, without ony moysture, and he shall be eten with salte and pouder of gynger. And the heronsewe shall be arayed in the same maner without ony moysture, & he shulde be eten with salte and poudre. [d] Also ye shall vnderstande that all maner of fowles hauynge open clawes as a capon, shall be tyred and arayed as a capon and suche other. [Sidenotes: _Dinner Courses from the Nativity[*] of St John the Baptist_, (June 24,) _to Michaelmas._ [a] First Course: soups, vegetables, legs of Pork, &c. [b] Second Course: roast Mutton, glazed Pigeons, Fritters, &c. [c] Serve a Pheasant dry, with salt and ginger: a Heronsewe with salt and powder (blanche?) [d] Treat open-clawed birds like capons.] [Footnote *: The feast of St John’s Beheading is on Aug. 29.] ¶ From the feest of saynt Myghell vnto the feest of Chrystynmasse. [a] ++In the fyrst course, potage, befe, motton, bacon, or pestelles of porke, or with goose, capon, mallarde, swanne, or fesande, as it is before sayd, with tartes, or bake metes, or chynes of porke. [b] In the second course, potage, mortrus, or conyes, or sewe / than roste flesshe, motton, porke, vele, pullettes, chekyns, pygyons, teeles, wegyons, mallardes, partryche, woodcoke, plouer, bytture, curlewe, heronsewe / venyson roost, grete byrdes, snytes, feldefayres, thrusshes, fruyters, chewettes, befe with sauce gelopere, roost with sauce pegyll, & other ba[Fol. B iii.]ke metes as is aforesayde. And yf ye kerue afore your lorde or your lady ony soden flesshe, [c] kerue awaye the sky{n}ne aboue / tha{n} kerue resonably of y^e flesshe to your lorde or lady, and [d] specyally for ladyes, for y^e[N] wyll soone be angry, for theyr thoughtes ben soone changed / and some lordes wyll be sone pleased, & some wyll not / as they be of co{m}pleccyo{n}. [e] The goos & swanne may be cut as ye do other fowles y^t haue hole fete, or elles as your lorde or your lady wyll aske it. Also a swa{n}ne w{i}t{h} chawdron, capo{n}, or fesande, ought for to be arayed as it is aforesayd / but the skynne must be had awaye / & whan they be{n} kerued before your lorde or your lady / for generally [f] the skynne of all maner clove{n} foted fowles is vnholsome / & the skynne of all maner hole foted fowles be{n} holsome for to be eten. Also wete ye well that all maner hole foted fowles that haue theyr lyuy{n}g vpon the water, theyr skynnes ben holsome & clene, for by y^e clenes of the water / & fysshe, is theyr lyuynge. And yf that they ete ony stynkynge thynge, it is made so clene with y^e water that all the corrupcyon is clene gone away frome it. [g] And the sky{n}ne of capo{n}, henne, or chekyn, ben not so clene, for the[y] ete foule thynges in the strete / & therfore the skynnes be{n} not so holsome / for it is not theyr kynde to entre in to y^e ryuer to make theyr mete voyde of y^e fylth. [h] Mallarde, goose, or swanne, they ete vpon the londe foule mete / but a-no{n}, after theyr ky{n}de, they go to the ryuer, & theyr they clense them of theyr foule stynke. A fesande as it is aforesayd / but y^e sky{n}ne is not holsome / [i] than take y^e heddes of all felde byrdes and wood byrdes, as fesande, pecocke, partryche, woodcocke, and curlewe, for they ete in theyr degrees foule thynges, as wormes, todes, and other suche. [Sidenotes: _Dinner Courses from Michaelmas to Christmas._ [a] First Course: legs of Pork, &c. [b] Second Course: Widgeon, Fieldfares, Chewets, Beef, with sauces Gelopere and Pegyll. [c] Cut the skin off boiled meats. [d] Carve carefully for Ladies; they soon get angry [e] Carve Goose and Swan like other birds. [f] The skin of cloven-footed birds is unwholsome; of whole-footed birds wholesome, because the water washes all corruption out of ’em. [g] Chicken’s skin is not so pure, because their nature is not to enter into the river. [h] River birds cleanse their foul stink in the river. [i] Take off the heads of all field birds, for they eat worms, toads, and the like.] [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FYSSHE.] ¶ Here endeth the feestes and the keruynge of flesshe, And here begynneth the sewynge of fysshe. ¶ The fyrst course. ++To go to sewynge of fysshe: musculade, menewes in sewe of porpas or of samon, bacon hery{n}ge w{i}t{h} suger, grene fysshe, pyke, lampraye, salens, porpas rosted, bake gurnade, and lampraye bake. ¶ The seconde course. ¶ Gelly whyte and rede, dates in confetes, congre, samon, dorrey, brytte, turbot, halybut / for standarde, base, troute, molette, cheuene, sele, eles & lamprayes roost, tenche in gelly. ¶ The thyrde course. ¶ Fresshe sturgyon, breme, perche in gelly, a Ioll of samon, sturgyon, and welkes; apples & peres rosted with suger candy. Fygges of malyke, & raysyns, [O] dates capte w{i}t{h} mynced gynger / wafers and ypocras, they ben agreable / this feest is done, voyde ye the table. [Sidenotes: _Sewynge of Fysshe._ _First Course:_ _Musculade._ Salens, &c., baked Gurnet. _Second Course:_ Jelly, dates, &c. For a standard, Mullet, Chub, Seal, &c. _Third Course:_ Bream, Perch, Whelks; and pears in sugar candy. Figs, dates capped with minced ginger, &c. All over! Clear the table.] [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FYSSHE.] [Fol. B iii.b.] ¶ Here endeth sewynge of fysshe. And here foloweth keruynge of fysshe. [a] ++The keruer of fysshe must se to pessene & fourmentye the tayle and y^e lyuer: ye must loke [b] yf there be a salte purpos, or sele turrentyne, & do after y^e fourme of venyson / baken herynge, laye it hole vpon your soueraynes trenchour / whyte hery{n}ge in a disshe, open it by y^e backe, pyke out the bones & the rowe, & se there be mustarde. Of salte fysshe, grene fysshe, salt samon & congre, pare away y^e skyn / salte fysshe, stocke fysshe, marlynge, makrell, and hake, with butter: take awaye the bones & the skynnes. A pyke, laye y^e wombe vpon his trenchour w{i}t{h} pyke sauce ynoughe. A salte [Fol. B 4.] lampraye, gobone it flatte in .vii. or .viii. peces, & lay it to your souerayne. A playce, put out the water / than crosse hym with your knyfe, caste on salte & wyne or ale. [c] Gornarde, rochet, breme, cheuene, base, molet, roche, perche, sole, makrell & whytynge, haddocke and codlynge, reyse them by the backe, & pyke out the bones, & clense the refet in y^e bely. [d] Carpe, breme, sole, & troute, backe & belly togyder. Samon, congre, sturgyon, turbot, thorpole, thornebacke, hou{n}de-fysshe, & halybut, cut them in the dysshe as y^e porpas aboute / tenche in his sauce, cut it / eles & lamprayes roost, pull of the skynne, pyke out y^e bones, put therto vyneger & poudre. [e] A crabbe, breke hym a-sonder in to a dysshe, make y^e shelle clene, & put in the stuffe agayne, tempre it with vynegre & pouder, than couer it with brede, and sende it to the kytchyn to hete / than set it to your souerayne, and breke the grete clawes, and laye them in a disshe. [f] A creues, dyght hym thus: departe hym a-sonder, & slytee[P] the belly, and take out y^e fysshe; pare away the reed skynne, and mynce it thynne; put vynegre in the dysshe, and set in on y^e table w{i}t{h}out hete. A Iol of sturgyon, cut it in thynne morselles, & lay it rou{n}de aboute the dysshe. Fresshe lampraye bake: open y^e pasty / than take whyte brede, and cut it thynne, & lay it in a dysshe, & [g] with a spone take out galentyne, & lay it vpon the brede with reed wyne & poudre of synamon / than cut a gobone of the lampraye, & mynce the gobone thynne, and laye it in the galentyne; than set it vpo{n} the fyre to hete. [h] Fresshe herynge with salte & wyne / shrympes wel pyked, flou{n}dres, gogyons, menewes & musceles, eles and lamprayes: [i] sprottes is good in sewe / musculade in wortes / oystres i{n} ceuy, oysters in grauy, menewes in porpas, samo{n} & seele, gelly [Fol. B 4b.] whyte and reede, creme of almo{n}des, [k] dates in comfetes, peres and quynces in syrupe, with percely rotes; mortrus of houndes fysshe, ryse standynge. [Sidenotes: _Carving and Dressing of Fish_ [a] Put tails and livers in the pea broth and furmity. [b] How to carve Seal Turrentyne, baked Herring, white Herring, Green Fish, Merling, Hake, Pike, salt Lamprey, Plaice. [c] Gurnard, Bream, Roach, Whiting, Codling. [d] Carp, Trout, Conger, Thornback, Halibut, Tench, and Crab. [e] How to dress and serve up a Crab. [f] How to dress and carve a Crayfish, a Joll of Sturgeon, a fresh Lamprey, pasty. [g] (sauce, Galentyne with red wine and powdered cinnamon.) [h] Fresh Herring, &c. [i] Sprats, Musculade in worts, Oysters. [k] Dates, pears, Mortrewes of Dogfish.] [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FYSSHE.] ¶ Here endeth the keruynge of fysshe. And here begy{n}neth sauces for all maner of fysshe. [a] ++Mustarde is good for salte herynge / salte fysshe, salte congre, samo{n}, sparlynge, salt ele & lynge: [b] vynegre is good with salte porpas, turrentyne salte / sturgyo{n} salte, threpole, & salt wale / [c] lampray with galentyne / vergyus to roche, dace, breme, molet, base, flounders, sole, crabbe, and [d] cheuene, with poudre of synamo{n}; to thornebacke, herynge, houndefysshe, haddocke, whytynge, & codde, vynegre, poudre of synamon, & gynger; [e] grene sauce is good with grene fysshe & halybut, cottell, & fresshe turbot / put not your grene sauce awaye, for it is good with mustarde. ¶ Here endeth for all maner of sauces for fyssche accordynge to theyr appetyte. [Sidenotes: _Sauces for Fish._ [a] Mustard for Salmon, &c.; [b] Vinegar for salt Whale, &c.; [c] Galentyne for Lamprey; Verjuice for Roach, &c.; [d] Cinnamon for Chub, &c.; [e] Green Sauce for Halibut, &c.] [Headnote: THE CHAUMBERLAYNE.] ¶ The chaumberlayne. ++The caumberlayne muste be dylyge{n}t & clenly in his offyce, with his heed kembed, & so to his souerayne that he be not recheles, & se that he haue a clene sherte, breche, petycote, and doublet / tha{n} brusshe his hosen within & without, & se his shone & slyppers be made clene / [a] & at morne whan your souerayne wyll aryse, warme his sherte by the fyre / & se ye haue a fote shete made in this maner. Fyrst set a chayre by the fyre with a cuysshen, an other vnder his fete / tha{n} sprede a shete ouer the chayre, and se there be redy a kerchefe [Fol. B 5.] and a combe / than [b] warme his petycote, his doublet, and his stomachere / [c] & than put on his hosen & his shone or slyppers, than stryke vp his hosen manerly, & tye them vp, than lace his doublet hole by hole, & laye the clothe aboute his necke & kembe his hede / than loke ye haue a basyn, & an ewer with warme water, and a towell, and wasshe his handes / than knele vpon your knee, & aske your souerayne what robe he wyll were, & brynge him such as your souerayne co{m}mau{n}deth, & put it vpon hym; than doo his gyrdell aboute hym, & take your leue manerly, & [d] go to the chyrche or chapell to your soueraynes closet, & laye carpentes & cuysshens, & lay downe his boke of prayers / than drawe the curtynes, and take your leue goodly, & go to youre soueraynes chambre, & cast all the clothes of his bedde, & bete the feder bedde & the bolster / but loke ye waste no feders; than shall the blankettes, & se the shetes be fayre & swete, or elles loke ye haue clene shetes / than [e] make vp his bedde manerly, than lay the hed shetes & the pyllowes / than take vp the towel & the basyn, & laye carpentes aboute the bedde, or wyndowes & cupbordes layde with carpettes and cuysshyns. Also loke there be a good fyre brennynge bryght / & [f] se the hous of hesement be swete & clene, & the preuy borde couered with a grene clothe and a cuysshyn / tha{n} se there be blanked, donne, or cotton, for your souerrayne / & [g] loke ye haue basyn, & euer with water, & a towell for your souerayne / than take of his gowne, & brynge him a mantell to kepe hym fro colde / than brynge hym to the fyre, & take of his shone & his hosen; than take a fayre kercher of reynes / & [h] kembe his heed, & put on his kercher and his bonet / than sprede downe his bedde, laye the heed shete and the pyllowes / & whan your souerayne is to bedde [Fol. B 5b.] drawe the curtynes / than se there be morter or waxe or perchoures be redy / than dryue out dogge or catte, & loke there be basyn and vrynall set nere your souerayne / than take your leue manerly that your souerayne may take his rest meryly. ¶ Here endeth of the chaumberlayne. [Sidenotes: _The Duties of a Chamberlain._ He must be cleanly, and comb his hair; see to his Lord’s clothes, and brush his hose; [a] in the morning warm his shirt, and prepare his footsheet; [b] warm his petycote, &c.; [c] put on his shoes, tie up his hose, comb his head, wash his hands, put on the robe he orders. [d] Make ready his Closet in the Church or Chapel, then come home to his Bed-chamber, take off the bed-clothes. [e] Make his lord’s bed again with clean sheets, and lay hangings round the bed, and windows, &c. [f] Keep the privy clean, and the board covered with green cloth, and provide down or cotton for wiping. [g] When he goes to bed, let him wash; put him on a mantle, take off his shoes, &c. [h] Comb his head, put on his night-cap, draw the curtains round him, drive out the dogs and cats, set the urinal near, and then take leave.] [Headnote: OF THE MARSHALL AND THE VSSHER.] ¶ Here foloweth of the Marshall and the vssher. ++The Marshall and the vssher muste knowe all the estates of the chyrche, and the hyghe estate of a kynge, with the blode royall. ¶ The estate of a Pope hath no pere. ¶ The estate of an Emperour is nexte. ¶ The estate of a kynge. ¶ The estate of a cardynall. ¶ The estate of a kynges sone, a prynce. ¶ The estate of an archebysshop. ¶ The estate of a duke ¶ The estate of a bysshop ¶ The estate of a marques ¶ The estate of an erle ¶ The estate of a vycount ¶ The estate of a baron. ¶ The estate of an abbot with a myter ¶ The estate of the thre chefe Iuges & the Mayre of London. ¶ The estate of an abbot without a myter ¶ The estate of a knyght bacheler ¶ The estate of a pryour, dene, archedeken, or knyght [Fol. B 6.] ¶ The estate of the mayster of the rolles. ¶ The estate of other Iustices & barons of the cheker ¶ The estate of the mayre of Calays. ¶ The estate of a prouyncyall, a doctour dyvyne, ¶ The estate of a prothonat: he is aboue the popes collectour, and a doctour of bothe the lawes. ¶ The estate of him that hath ben mayre of London and seruaunt of the lawe. ¶ [a] The estate of a mayster of the chauncery, and other worshypfull prechours of pardon, and clerkes that ben gradewable / & all other ordres of chastyte, persones & preestes, worshypfull marchauntes & gentylmen, all this may syt at the squyers table. ¶ [b] An archebysshop and a duke may not kepe the hall, but eche estate by them selfe in chaumbre or in pauylyon, that neyther se other. ¶ [c] Bysshoppes, Marques, Erles, & Vycou{n}tes, all these may syt two at a messe. ¶ [d] A baron, & the mayre of London, & thre chefe Iuges, and the speker of the parlyament, & an abbot with a myter, all these may svt two or thre at a messe ¶ [e] And all other estates may syt thre or foure at a messe ¶ [f] Also the Marshall muste vnderstande and knowe the blode royall, for some lorde is of blode royall & of small lyuelode. And some knyght is wedded to a lady of royal blode; she shal kepe the estate that she was before. And a lady of lower degree shal kepe the estate of her lordes blode / & therfore the royall blode shall haue the reuere{n}ce, as I haue shewed you here before. ¶ Also a marshall muste take hede of the byrthe, and nexte of the lyne, of the blode royall. ¶ [g] Also he must take hede of the kynges offycers, of the Chaunceler, Stewarde, Chamberlayne, Tresourer, and Controller. ¶ Also the marshall must take heed vnto straungers, & put them to worshyp & reuerence; for and they haue good chere it is your soueraynes honour. ¶ Also a Marshall muste take hede yf the kynge sende to your souerayne ony message; and yf he send a knyght, receyue hym as a baron; and yf he sende a squyre, receyue hym as a knyght / and yf he sende you a yoman, receyue hym as a squyer / and yf he sende you a grome, receyue hym as a yoman. ¶ Also it is noo rebuke to a knyght to sette a grome of the kynge at his table. [Sidenotes: _Of the Marshal and Usher._ He must know the orders of precedence of all ranks. A Cardinal before a Prince. The Mayor of London ranks with the 3 Chief Justices. The Knight’s equals. The ex-Mayor of London. [a] The Esquire’s equals. [b] Who must dine alone, [c] who 2 together, [d] who 2 or 3, [e] who 3 or 4. [f] The Marshall must know who are of royal blood, for that has the reverence. [g] He must take heed of the King’s officers, do honour to strangers, and receive a Messenger from the King as if one degree higher than he is, for a King’s groom may sit at a Knight’s table.] ¶ Here endeth the boke of seruyce, & keruynge, and sewynge, and all maner of offyce in his kynde vnto a prynce or ony other estate, & all the feestes in the yere. Enprynted by wynkyn de worde at London in Flete strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of our lorde god M.CCCCC.xiij. [+Wynkyn .de. worde’s+ device here.] [Sidenotes: Here ends this Book printed by Wynkyn de Worde. A.D. 1513.] NOTES. Wynkyn de Worde introduces some dishes, sauces, fish, and one wine, not mentioned by Russell. The new _Dishes_ are-- _Fayge_ (p. 157, l. 10). This may be for _Sage_, the herb, or a variety of Fritter, like _Fruyter vaunte_ (p. 157, l. 2; p. 159, l. 24), _fruyter say_ (p. 159, l. 24), or a dish that I cannot find, or a way of spelling figs. _Fruyter say_, p. 159, l. 24. If _say_ is not for _Sage_, then it may be a fish, contrasted with the _vaunte_, which I suppose to mean ‘meat.’ _Sey_ is a Scotch name for the Coalfish, _Merlangus Carbonarius_. Yarrell, ii. 251. _Charlet_ (p. 159, l. 28). The recipe in ‘Household Ordinances,’ p. 463, is, Take swete cowe mylk and put into a panne, and cast in therto ȝolkes of eyren and the white also, and sothen porke brayed, and sage; and let hit boyle tyl hit crudde, and colour it with saffron, and dresse hit up, and serve hit forthe.” Another recipe for Charlet Enforsed follows, and there are others for Charlet and Charlet icoloured, in Liber Cure, p. 11. _Jowtes_, p. 160, last line. These are broths of beef or fish boiled with chopped boiled herbs and bread, _H. Ord._ p. 461. Others are made ‘with swete almond mylke,’ _ib._ See ‘Joutus de Almonde,’ p. 15, _Liber Cure_. For ‘Joutes’ p. 47; ‘for oþer ioutes,’ p. 48. _Browes_, p. 160, last line. This is doubtless the Brus of Household Ordinances, p. 427, and the _bruys_ of Liber Cure, p. 19, l. 3, brewis, or broth. Brus was made of chopped pig’s-inwards, leeks, onions, bread, blood, vinegar. For ‘Brewewes in Somere’ see _H. Ord._ p. 453. _Chewettes_, p. 161, l. 4, were small pies of chopped-up livers of pigs, hens, and capons, fried in grease, mixed with hard eggs and ginger, and then fried or baked. _Household Ordinances_, p. 442, and _Liber Cure_, p. 41. The Chewets for fish days were similar pies of chopped turbot, haddock, and cod, ground dates, raisins, prunes, powder and salt, fried in oil, and boiled in sugar and wine. _L. Cure_, p. 41. Markham’s Recipe for ‘A Chewet Pye’ is at p. 80-1 of his _English Houswife_. _Chewit_, or small Pie; minced or otherwise. R. Holme. See also two recipes in MS. Harl. 279, fol. 38. _Flaunes_ (p. 161, l. 4) were Cheesecakes, made of ground cheese beaten up with eggs and sugar, coloured with saffron, and baked in ‘cofyns’ or crusts. ‘A Flaune of Almayne’ or ‘Crustade’ was a more elaborate preparation of dried or fresh raisins and pears or apples pounded, with cream, eggs, bread, spices, and butter, strained and baked in ‘a faire coffyn or two.’ _H. Ord._ p. 452. [[‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die . panis j’ (allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._ ed. Hale, 1865.]] Of new _Sauces_, Wynkyn de Worde names _Gelopere_ & _Pegyll_ (p. 165, l. 4). Gelopere I cannot find, and can only suggest that its _p_ may be for _f_, and that “cloves of gelofer,” the clove-gillyflower, may have been the basis of it. These cloves were stuck in ox tongues, see “Lange de beof,” _Liber Cure_, p. 26. Muffett also recommends Gilly-flour Vinegar as the best sauce for sturgeon in summer, p. 172; and Vinegar of Clove-Gilliflowers is mentioned by Culpepper, p. 97, Physical Directory, 1649. _Pegylle_ I take to be the _Pykulle_ of Liber Cure Cocorum, p. 31, made thus; ‘Take droppyng of capone rostyd wele With wyne and mustarde, as have Þou cele [bliss], With onyons smalle schrad, and sothun in grece, Meng alle in fere, and forthe hit messe.’ The new _Wine_ is _Campolet_, p. 153. Henderson does not mention it; Halliwell has ‘_Campletes_. A kind of wine, mentioned in a curious list in MS. Rawl. C. 86.’ [See the list in the Notes to Russell, above, p. 86.] I suppose it to be the wine from ‘_Campole_. The name of a certaine white grape, which hath very white kernels.’ Cotgrave. Of new _Fish_ W. de Worde names the _Salens_ (p. 166, l. 8), _Cottell_ and _Tench_ (p. 167). Torrentyne he makes _sele turrentyne_ (p. 166, l. 8 from bottom) seemingly, but has _turrentyne salte_ as a fish salted, at p. 168, l. 7. _Cottell_, p. 168, l. 14, the cuttlefish. Of these, _Sepiæ vel Lolligines calamariæ_, Muffet says, they are called also ‘sleewes’ for their shape, and ‘scribes’ for their incky humour wherewith they are replenished, and are commended by Galen for great nourishers; their skins be as smooth as any womans, but their flesh is brawny as any ploughmans; therefore I fear me Galen rather commended them upon hear-say then upon any just cause or true experience. For the _Salens_ I can only suggest thunny. Aldrovandi, _de Piscibus_, treating of the synonyms of the Salmon, p. 482, says, “Græcam salmonis nomenclaturam non inuenio, neq{ue} est quod id miretur curiosus lector, cum in Oceano tantu{m} flumi{n}ibusq{ue} in eum se exonerantibus reperiatur, ad quæ veteres Græci nunquam penetr{a}runt. Qui voluerit, _Salangem_ appellare poterit. Σαλάχξ enim boni, id est, delicati piscis nomen legitur apud Hesychium, nec præterea qui sit, explicatur: aut a migrandi natura κατανάδρομος, vel δρόμας fluviatilis dicatur, nam Aristoteles in mari dromades vocat Thunnos aliosq{ue} gregales, qui aliunde in Pontum excurrunt, et vix vno loco conquiescunt; aut nomen fingatur a saltu, & ἄλμων dicitur. Non placet tamen, salmonis nomen a saltu deduci, aut etiam á sale, licet saliendi natura ei optimè quadret saleq{ue} aut muria inueturaria etiam soleat. Non enim latine sed a Germanis Belgisuè Rheni accolis, aut Gallis Aquitanicis accepta vox est.” See also p. 318, ‘Scardula, et Iucohia ex Pigis, et Plota, Sale{n}a.’ _Gesner, de Piscibus_, p. 273. Can _salens_ be the Greek ‘σωλην, a shell-fish, perhaps like the razor-fish. Epich. p. 22.’--Liddell and Scott--? I presume not. ‘_Solen._ The flesh is sweet; they may be eaten fryed or boiled.’ 1661, R. Lovell, _Hist. of Animals_, p. 240. ‘_Solen_: A genus of bivalve mollusks, having a long slender shell; razor-fish.’ Webster’s Dict. _Sele turrentyne_, p. 166, l. 8 from bottom. Seemingly a variety of seal, or of eel or sole if _sele_ is a misprint. But I cannot suggest any fish for it. _Rochets_, p. 167, l. 5. _Rubelliones._ _Rochets_ (or rather Rougets, because they are so red) differ from Gurnards and Curs, in that they are redder by a great deal, and also lesser; they are of the like flesh and goodness, yet better fryed with onions, butter, and vinegar, then sodden. Muffett, p. 166. [Footnote L*: See above, in the Keruynge of Flesshe, p. 157, lines 5 and 4 from the bottom. [“laye foure trenchours to your soferayne, one by an other / and laye theron other foure trenchours or elles twayne”]] [Textnotes: A _Orig._ seasous B _sic_: o _for_ e C _sic_: a _for_ n D _for_ se, _see_. E _for_ is F _for_ be G ? u _for_ n H _for_ with I _sic_: c _for_ e K _sic_: u _for_ n L The top of the _s_ is broken off, making the letter look like an _l_ rubbed at the top. M ? brothe N _for_ they O _Orig._ raysyus P _sic_] * * * * * * * * * The Boke of Curtasye. FROM THE SLOANE MS. 1986 IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, AB. 1460 A.D. [Transcriber’s Note: In this selection, sidenotes are identified by verse lines. They are grouped by text headers (generally in Latin), as shown in the Table of Contents.] CONTENTS. PAGE Here begynneth{e} þe FYRST BOKE of CURTASYE 177 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT TABLE.] [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT MEALS.] THE SECOND BOOK 181 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT CHURCH, TO PARENTS, ETC.] [Headnote: THE RULE OF GOOD MANNERS.] THE THIRD BOOK: De officiarijs in curijs d{omi}no{rum} 187 De Ianitor{e} 188 [Headnote: OF THE PORTER, AND MARSHAL OF THE HALL.] De Marescallo aule 188 P{er} q{uan}tu{m} te{m}p{us} armig{er}i h{ab}eb{un}t lib{er}ata{m} {et} ignis ardeb{i}t i{n} a{ul}a 189 De pinc{er}nario, panetario, {et} cocis sibi s{er}uie{n}tib{us} 190 [Headnote: OF THE BUTLER AND PANTER.] De offic{i}o pinc{er}narij 190 De hostiario {et} suis s{er}uientib{us} 190 De Offic{i}o garc{i}onu{m} 191 [Headnote: OF THE GROOMS AND USHER OF THE CHAMBER.] De seneschallo 194 [Headnote: OF THE STEWARD.] De cont{ra}rotulatore 195 De sup{er}uisore 195 De Clerico coquine 195 De cancellario 195 [Headnote: OF THE CHANCELLOR AND TREASURER.] De thesaurizario 196 De receptore firmar{um} 197 De Auenario 197 De pistore 198 [Headnote: OF THE BAKER AND HUNTSMAN.] De venatore {et} suis canib{us} 198 De aquario 199 Qui d{eb}ent manus lauar{e} {et} i{n} q{u}or{um} domib{us} 199 De panetario 200 [Headnote: OF THE PANTER, THE LORD’S KNIVES, ETC.] De Cultellis d{omi}ni 200 De Elemosinario 201 [Headnote: OF THE ALMONER AND DISH-SERVER.] De ferculario 202 De candelario 204 [Headnote: OF THE CARVER, SURNAPE-LAYERS, AND CHANDLER.] The boke of Curtasye. ++Here begynneth{e} þe fyrst boke of curtasye. ++Qwo so wylle of curtasy ler{e}, [Fol. 12.] In this boke he may hit her{e}! Yf thow be gentylmon, ȝomo{n}, or knaue, The nedis nurture for to haue. 4 Wheñ thou comes to a lordis ȝate, The porter þ{o}u shall{e} fynde ther-ate; Take hym thow shalt þy wepyn tho, And aske hym leue in to go 8 ¶ To speke w{i}t{h} lorde, lady, squyer, or grome. Ther-to the nedys to take the tome[1]; For yf he be of logh{e} degre, Than hym falles to come to the; 12 ¶ Yf he be gentylmo{n} of kyñ, The porter wille lede the to hym. When thow come tho halle dor to, Do of thy hode, thy gloues also; 16 ¶ Yf þo halle be at the furst mete, This lessou{n} loke thow noȝt for-ȝete: Þe stuard, countroller, and tresurer{e}, Sittand at de deshe, þ{o}u haylse in fere. 20 ¶ W{i}t{h}iñ þe hall{e} sett on ayther side, Sitten other ge{n}tylme{n} as fall{es} þ{a}t tyde; Enclyne þe fayre to hom also, First to the ryȝht honde þ{o}u shall{e} go, 24 ¶ Sitthen to þo left honde þy neghe þ{o}u cast; To hom þ{o}u bogh{e} w{i}t{h}outen wrast[2]; Take hede to ȝomo{n} on þy ryght honde, And sithen byfor{e} the screne þ{o}u stonde 28 ¶ In myddys þe halle opon þe flore, Whille marshall{e} or vssher come fro þe dore, And bydde the sitte, or to borde the lede. Be stabull{e} of chere for menske[3], y rede; 32 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT TABLE.] ¶ Yf he þe sette at gentilmo{n}nes borde, Loke þ{o}u be hynde[4] and lytull{e} of worde. Pare þy brede and kerue in two, Tho ou{er} crust þo nether fro; 36 ¶ In fowre þ{o}u kutt þo ou{er} dole, Sett hom to-gedur as h{i}t where hole; Sithen kutt þo nether crust in thre, And t{ur}ne h{i}t dowñ, lerne þis at me. 40 ¶ And lay thy trencho{ur} þe be-fore, And sitt vp-ryȝht for any sore. Spare brede or wyne, drynke or ale, To thy messe of kochyñ be sett in sale; 44 ¶ Lest men sayne þ{o}u art hong{ur} beteñ, Or ellis a gloten þ{a}t all{e} me{n} wyteñ, Loke þy naylys ben clene in blythe, Lest þy felagh{e} lothe ther-wyth. 48 ¶ Byt not on thy brede and lay h{i}t dou{n},-- That is no curteyse to vse in towñ;-- But breke as mych{e} as þ{o}u wyll{e} ete, The remelant to pore þ{o}u shall{e} lete. 52 ¶ In peese þ{o}u ete, and eu{er} eschewe To flyte[5] at borde; þ{a}t may þe rewe. Yf þ{o}u make mawes[6] on any wyse, A velany þ{o}u kacches or eu{er} þ{o}u rise. 56 ¶ Let neu{er} þy cheke be Made to grete [Fol. 13.] W{i}t{h} morsell{e} of brede þ{a}t þ{o}u shall{e} ete; An apys mow men sayne he makes, Þ{a}t brede and flesshe in hys cheke bakes. 60 ¶ Yf any mañ speke þ{a}t tyme to the, And þ{o}u schall{e} onsware, h{i}t will{e} not be But waloande, and a-byde þ{o}u most; Þ{a}t is a schame for alle the host. 64 ¶ On bothe halfe þy mouthe, yf þ{a}t þ{o}u ete, Mony a skorne shall{e} þ{o}u gete. Þ{o}u shall{e} not lauȝhe ne speke no þyng{e} Whille þi mouthe be full{e} of mete or drynke; 68 ¶ Ne suppe not w{i}t{h} grete sowndyng{e} Noþer potage ne oþer þyng{e}. Let not þi spone stond in þy dysche, Wheþ{er} þ{o}u be s{er}ued w{i}t{h} fleshe or fische; 72 ¶ Ne lay hit not on thy dishe syde, But clense h{i}t honestly w{i}t{h}-outen pride. Loke no browyng{e} on þy fyng{ur} þore Defoule þe clothe þe be-fore. [p. 27, bot.] 76 ¶ In þi dysche yf þ{o}u wete þy brede, Loke þ{er}-of þat noȝt be lede To cast agayne þy dysche in-to; Þ{o}u art vn-hynde yf þ{o}u do so. 80 ¶ Drye þy mouthe ay wele {and} fynde When þ{o}u schall{e} drynke oþ{er} ale or wyne. Ne calle þ{o}u noȝt a dysche a-ȝayne, Þ{a}t ys take fro þe borde in playne; 84 ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u sp[i]tt ou{er} the borde, or ell{es} opoñ, Þ{o}u schall{e} be holden an vncurtayse mon; Yf þy nowñ dogge þ{o}u scrape or clawe, Þ{a}t is holden a vyse emong men knawe. 88 ¶ Yf þy nose þ{o}u clense, as may be-falle, Loke þy honde þ{o}u clense, as wyth{e}-alle, Priuely w{i}t{h} skyrt do hit away, Oþ{er} ellis thurgh{e} thi tepet þ{a}t is so gay. 92 ¶ Clense not thi tethe at mete sittande, W{i}t{h} knyfe ne stre, styk ne wande. While þ{o}u holdes mete i{n} mouthe, be war To drynke, þ{a}t is an-honest[7] char, 96 ¶ And also fysike for-bedes hit, And sais þ{o}u may be choket at þ{a}t byt; Yf hit go þy wrang throte into, And stoppe þy wynde, þ{o}u art fordo. 100 ¶ Ne telle þ{o}u neu{er} at borde no tale To harme or shame þy felawe i{n} sale; For if he then w{i}t{h}holde his methe[8], Eftsons he wyll{e} forcast þi dethe. 104 ¶ Where-ser{e} þ{o}u sitt at mete in borde, Avoide þe cat at on bar{e} worde For yf þ{o}u stroke cat oþ{er} dogge, Þ{o}u art lyke an ape teyȝed w{i}t{h} a clogge. 108 ¶ Also {es}chewe, w{i}t{h}-outen stryfe, To foule þe borde clothe w{i}t{h} þi knyfe; Ne blow not on þy drynke ne mete, Neþ{er} for colde, neþer for hete; 112 ¶ W{i}t{h} mete ne bere þy knyfe to mowthe, Wheþ{er} þ{o}u be sett be strong or couthe; Ne w{i}t{h} þo borde clothe þi tethe þ{o}u wype, [Fol. 14.] Ne þy nyen þ{a}t rennen rede, as may betyde. 116 ¶ Yf þ{o}u sitt by a ryȝht good mañ, Þis lessoñ loke þou þenke apoñ: Vndur his theȝghe þy kne not pit, Þ{o}u ar full{e} lewed yf þ{o}u dose hit. 120 ¶ Ne bacwarde sittande gyf noȝt þy cupe, Noþ{er} to drynke, noþ{er} to suppe; Bidde þi frende take cuppe and drynke, Þ{a}t is holden an-honest thyng. 124 ¶ Lene not on elbowe at þy mete, Noþ{er} for colde ne for hete; Dip not þi thombe þy drynke i{n}to, Þ{o}u art vncurtayse yf þ{o}u hit do; 128 ¶ In salt saler yf þ{a}t þ{o}u pit Oþ{er} fisshe or flesshe þ{a}t me{n} may wyt, Þ{a}t is a vyce, as me{n} me telles, And gret wonder h{i}t most be elles. 132 ¶ After mete when þ{o}u shalt wasshe, Spitt not in basyn, ne wat{er} þ{o}u dasshe; Ne spit not lorely, for no kyn mede, Be-fore no mo{n} of god for drede. 136 ¶ Who so eu{er} despise þis lessoun ryȝt, At borde to sitt he hase no myȝt. Here endys now our{e} fyrst talkyng, Crist graunt vs alle his der{e} blessyng! 140 ¶ Her{e} endith{e} þe [first] boke of curtasye. [Sidenotes: [2] In this book you may learn Courtesy. Every one needs it. [5] On reaching a Lord’s gate, give the Porter your weapon, and ask leave to go in. [11] If the master is of low degree, he will come to you: [13] if of high, the Porter will take you to him. [15] At the Hall-door, take off your hood and gloves, greet the Steward, &c., at the dais, [22] bow to the Gentlemen on each side of the hall [24] both right and left; [27] notice the yeomen, then stand before the screen till the Marshal or Usher leads you to the table. [33] Be sedate and courteous if you are set with the gentlemen. [35] Cut your loaf in two, the top from the bottom; cut the top crust in 4, and the bottom in 3. [37] cut the top crust in 4, and the bottom in 3. [41] Put your trencher before you, and [43] don’t eat or drink till your Mess is brought from the kitchen, [45] lest you be thought starved or a glutton. [47] Have your nails clean. [49] Don’t bite your bread, but break it. [53] Don’t quarrel at table, or make grimaces. [57] Don’t cram your cheeks out with food like an ape, [61] for if any one should speak to you, you can’t answer, but must wait. [65] Don’t eat on both sides of your mouth. [67] Don’t laugh with your mouth full, [69] or sup up your potage noisily. [71] Don’t leave your spoon in the dish or on its side, but clean your spoon. [75] Let no dirt off your fingers soil the cloth. [77] Don’t put into the dish bread that you have once bitten. [81] Dry your mouth before you drink. [83] Don’t call for a dish once removed, [85] or spit on the table: that’s rude. [87] Don’t scratch your dog. [89] If you blow your nose, clean your hand; wipe it with your skirt or put it through your tippet. [93] Don’t pick your teeth at meals, or drink with food in your mouth, [97] as you may get choked, or killed, by its stopping your wind. [101] Tell no tale to harm or shame your companions. [106] Don’t stroke the cat or dog. [109] Don’t dirty the table cloth with your knife. [111] Don’t blow on your food, or put your knife in your mouth, or wipe your teeth or eyes with the table cloth. [117] If you sit by a good man, don’t put your knee under his thigh. [121] Don’t hand your cup to any one with your back towards him. [125] Don’t lean on your elbow, [127] or dip your thumb into your drink, [129] or your food into the salt cellar: That is a vice. [133] Don’t spit in the basin you wash in or loosely (?) before a man of God.] [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT CHURCH, TO PARENTS, ETC.] THE SECOND BOOK. Yf that þ{o}u be a ȝong enfaunt, And thenke þo scoles for to haunt, This lessou{n} schall{e} þy maist{ur} þe merke, Croscrist[[8a]] þe spede in all{e} þi werke; 144 Sytthen þy _pater n{oste}r_ he wille þe teche, As cristes owne postles con preche; Aft{ur} þy Aue mar{ia} and þi crede, Þat shall{e} þe saue at dome of drede; 148 ¶ Theñ aft{ur} to blesse þe w{i}t{h} þe t{r}inité, In no{m}i{n}e p{at}ris teche he wille þe; Þen w{i}t{h} marke, mathew, luke, {and} Ion, W{i}t{h} þe þ{er} cruc{is} and the hegh name; 152 ¶ To schryue þe in gen{er}al þ{o}u schall{e} lere Þy Confiteor and misereat{ur} in fer{e}. To seche þe kyngdam of god, my chylde, Þ{er}to y rede þ{o}u be not wylde. 156 ¶ Ther-for{e} worschip god, bothe olde {and} ȝong, To be in body and soule yliche strong{e}. When þ{o}u comes to þo chirche dore, Take þe haly wat{er} stondand on flor{e}; 160 ¶ Rede or synge or byd p{ra}yeris To crist, for all{e} þy crysten ferys; Be curtayse to god, and knele dou{n} On bothe knees w{i}t{h} grete deuociou{n}. 164 ¶ To mo{n} þ{o}u shall{e} knele opon þe toñ, Þe toþ{er} to þy self þ{o}u halde aloñ. When þ{o}u ministers at þe hegh{e} aut{er}e, W{i}t{h} bothe hondes þ{o}u s{er}ue þ{o} p{re}st in fere, 168 Þe ton to stabull{e} þe toþ{er} Lest þ{o}u fayle, my dere broþ{er}. ¶ Anoþ{er} curtayse y wylle þe teche, Thy fadur And modur, w{i}t{h} mylde speche, [Fol. 15.] 172 In worschip and s{er}ue w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt, Þ{a}t þou dwelle þe lengur in erthely lyȝt. ¶ To anoþ{er} ma{n} do no mor{e} amys Then þ{o}u woldys be doñ of hym {and} hys; 176 So crist þ{o}u pleses, {and} get{es} þe loue Of meñ {and} god þ{a}t sytt{is} aboue. ¶ Be not to meke, but i{n} mene þe holde, For ellis a fole þ{o}u wyll{e} be tolde. 180 He þ{a}t to ryȝtwysnes wylle enclyne, As holy wryȝt says vs wele and fyne, His sede schall{e} neu{er} go seche hor brede, Ne suffur of mo{n} no shames dede. 184 ¶ To for-gyf þ{o}u shall{e} þe hast; To veniaunce loke þ{o}u come on last; Draw þe to pese w{i}t{h} all{e} þy strengþe; Fro stryf and bate draw þe on lengþe. 188 ¶ Yf mo{n} aske þe good for goddys sake, And þe wont thyng{e} wher-of to take, Gyf hym bon{er} wordys on fayre maner{e}, W{i}t{h} glad semblaunt[A] {and} pure good cher. 192 [Textnote A: MS. semblamt] ¶ Also of s{er}uice þ{o}u shall{e} be fre To eu{er}y mo{n} in hys degré. Þ{o}u schall{e} neu{er} lose for to be kynde; That on forȝet{is}, anoþ{er} hase in mynde. 196 ¶ Yf Any ma{n} haue part w{i}t{h} þe i{n} gyft, W{i}t{h} hym þ{o}u make an euen skyft; Let hit not henge in honde for glose, Þ{o}u art vncurtayse yf þ{o}u hyt dose. 200 ¶ To saynt{is} yf þ{o}u þy gate hase hyȝt, Thou schall{e} fulfylle h{i}t w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt, Lest god þe stryk w{i}t{h} grete veniaunce, And pyt þe in-to sore penaunce. 204 ¶ Leue not all{e} me{n} that speke þe fayre, Wheþ{er} þ{a}t h{i}t ben comyns, burges, or mayr{e}; In swete wordis þe nedder was closet, Disseyuaunt euer and mysloset; 208 Þ{er}-fore þ{o}u art of adams blode, W{i}t{h} wordis be ware, but þ{o}u be wode: A schort worde is comynly sothe Þ{a}t fyrst slydes fro mo{n}nes tothe. 212 ¶ Loke lyȝer neu{er} þ{a}t þ{o}u be-come, Kepe þys worde for all{e} and somme. Lawȝe not to of[t] for no solace, For no kyn myrth{e} þ{a}t any ma{n} mase; 216 Who lawes all{e} þ{a}t me{n} may se, A schrew or a fole hym semes to be. ¶ Thre enmys in þys worlde þ{er} ar{e} Þ{a}t coueyteñ alle me{n} to for-fare,-- 220 The deuel, þe flesshe, þe worlde also, That wyrkyn mankynde ful mykyl wo: Yf þ{o}u may strye þes þre enmys, Þ{o}u may be secur of heueñ blys. 224 [Headnote: THE RULE OF GOOD MANNERS.] ¶ Also, my chylde, a-gaynes þy lorde Loke þ{o}u stryfe w{i}t{h} no kyn w{o}rde, Ne waiour non w{i}t{h} hym þ{o}u lay, Ne at þe dyces w{i}t{h} hym to play. 228 ¶ Hym that þ{o}u knawes of grett{er} state, Be not hys felaw in rest ne bate. [Fol. 16.] Ȝif þ{o}u be stad in strange contré, Enserche no fyr þen fall{es} to the, 232 Ne take no more to do on honde Þen þ{o}u may hafe menske of all{e} i{n} londe. ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u se any mon fal by strete, Lawegh{e} not þer-at in drye ne wete, But helpe hym vp w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt, As seynt Ambrose þe teches ryȝt; Þ{o}u that stondys so sure on sete, War{e} lest þy hede falle to þy fete. 240 ¶ My chylde, yf þ{o}u stonde at þo masse, At vndur stondis bothe more and lasse, Yf þo prest rede not at þy wylle, Rep{re}ue hym noȝt, but holde þe stylle. 244 ¶ To any wyȝt þy counsell{e} yf þ{o}u schewe, Be war þ{a}t he be not a schrewe, Lest he disclaundyr þe w{i}t{h} tong Amonge alle me{n}, bothe olde {and} ȝong. 248 ¶ Bekenyng, fynguryng, no{n} þ{o}u vse, And pryué rownyng loke þ{o}u refuse. Yf þ{o}u mete knyȝt, ȝomo{n}, or knaue, Haylys hym a-non, “syre, god ȝou saue.” 252 Yf he speke fyrst opon þe þor{e}, Onsware hym gladly w{i}t{h}-oute{n} mor{e}. ¶ Go not forth{e} as a dombe freke, Syn god hase laft the tonge to speke; 256 Lest meñ sey be sibbe or couthe,[9] “Ȝond is a mo{n} w{i}t{h}-outen mouthe.” ¶ Speke neu{er} vnhonestly of woma{n} kynde, Ne let hit neu{er} renne in þy mynde; 260 Þe boke hym call{es} a chorle of chere, That vylany spekes be weme{n} sere: For all{e} we ben of wymme{n} borñ, And oure fadurs vs be-forne; 264 Þ{er}for{e} hit is a vnhonest thyng To speke of hem in any hethyng.[10] ¶ Also a wyfe be-falle of ryȝt To worschyp hyr husbonde bothe day {and} nyȝt, 268 To his byddyng be obediente, And hym to s{er}ue w{i}t{h}-outen offence. ¶ Yf two brether be at debate, Loke noþ{er} þ{o}u forþ{er} in hor hate, 272 But helpe to staunche hom of malice; Þen þ{o}u art frende to bothe I-wys. ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u go w{i}t{h} a-noþ{er} at þo gate, And ȝe be bothe of on astate, 276 Be curtasye and let hym haue þe way, That is no vylanye, as me{n} me say; And he be come{n} of gret kynraden, Go no be-fore þawgh þ{o}u be beden; 280 And yf þ{a}t he þy mayst{ur} be, Go not be-fore, for curtasé, Noþ{er} in fylde, wode, noþ{er} launde, Ne euen hym w{i}t{h}, but he c{om}maunde. 284 ¶ Yf þ{o}u schalle on pilg{ri}mage go, Be not þe thryd felaw for wele ne wo; Thre oxen in plowgh may neu{er} wel drawe, [Fol. 17.] Noþ{er} be craft, ryȝt, ne lawe. 288 ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u be p{ro}fert to drynk of cup, Drynke not al of, ne no way sup; Drynk menskely and gyf agayne, Þ{a}t is a curtasye, to speke in playne. 292 ¶ In bedde yf þou falle herberet to be, W{i}t{h} felawe, maystur, or her degré, Þ{o}u schalt enquer{e} be curtasye In what p{ar}[t] of þe bedde he wylle lye; 296 Be honest and lye þ{o}u fer hym fro, Þ{o}u art not wyse but þ{o}u do so. [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE.] ¶ W{i}t{h} woso men, boþe fer and negh, The falle to go, loke þ{o}u be slegh 300 To aske his nome, and qweche he be, Whidur he will{e}: kepe welle þes thre. ¶ W{i}t{h} freres on pilg{ri}mage yf þ{a}t þ{o}u go, Þ{a}t þei will{e} ȝyme,[11] wilne þ{o}u also; 304 Als on nyȝt þ{o}u take þy rest, And byde þe day as tru ma{n}nes gest. ¶ In no kyn house þ{a}t rede mon is, Ne womo{n} of þo same colour y-wys, 308 Take neu{er} þy Innes for no kyn nede, For þose be folke þ{a}t ar to drede. ¶ Yf any thurgh sturnes þe oppose, Onswere hym mekely {and} make hym glose: 312 But glosand wordys þ{a}t falsed is, Forsake, and alle that is omys. ¶ Also yf þ{o}u haue a lorde, And stondes by-for{e} hym at þe borde, 316 While þ{a}t þ{o}u speke, kepe well{e} þy honde, Thy fete also in pece let stonde, ¶ His curtasé nede he most breke,-- Stirraunt fyngurs toos whe{n} he shall{e} speke. 320 Be stabull{e} of cher{e} and sumwhat lyȝt, Ne ou{er} alle wayue þ{o}u not thy syȝt; ¶ Gase not on walles w{i}t{h} þy neghe[12], Fyr ne negh, logh ne hegh{e}; 324 Let not þe post be-cum þy staf, Lest þ{o}u be callet a dotet daf; Ne delf þ{o}u neu{er} nose thyrle W{i}t{h} thombe ne fyngur, as ȝong gyrle; 328 ¶ Rob not þy arme ne noȝt hit claw, Ne bogh not dou{n} þy hede to law; Whil any man spekes w{i}t{h} grete besenes, Herken his wordis w{i}t{h}-oute{n} distresse. 332 ¶ By strete or way yf þ{o}u schalle go, Fro þes two þynges þ{o}u kepe þe fro, Noþ{er} to harme chylde ne best, W{i}t{h} castyng, turnyng west ne est; 336 Ne chaunge þ{o}u not in face coloure, For lyghtnes of worde in halle ne bour{e}; Yf þy vysage chaunge for noȝt, Men say ‘þe trespas þ{o}u hase wroȝght.’ 340 ¶ By-for{e} þy lorde, ne mawes þ{o}u make Ȝif þ{o}u wyll{e} curtasie w{i}t{h} þe take. W{i}t{h} hondes vnwasshen take neu{er} þy mete; Fro alle þes vices loke þ{o}u þe kepe. 344 ¶ Loke þ{o}u sytt--{and} make no stryf-- [Fol. 18.] Wher{e} þo est[B] co{m}mau{n}dys, or ellis þo wyf. Eschewe þe heȝest place w{i}t{h} wyn,[13] But þ{o}u be beden to sitt þ{er}-in. 348 Of curtasie her{e} endis þe secu{n}de fyt, To heuen crist mot our{e} saules flyt! [Text note B: Read _ost_] [Sidenotes: [141] If you go to school you shall learn: 1. Cross of Christ, 2. Pater Noster, 3. Hail Mary and the Creed, 4. In the name of the Trinity, 5. of the Apostles, 6. the Confession. [155] Seek the kingdom of God, and worship Him. [159] At church, take holy water; pray for all Christian companions; kneel to God on both knees, to man only on one. [167] At the Altar, serve the priest with both hands. [171] Speak gently to your father and mother, and honour them. [175] Do to others as you would they should do to you. [179] Don’t be foolishly meek. [181] The seed of the righteous shall never beg or be shamed. [185] Be ready forgive, and fond of peace. [189] If you cannot give an asker goods, give him good words. [193] Be willing to help every one. [197] Give your partner his fair share. [201] Go on the pilgrimages (?) you vow to saints, lest God take vengeance on you. [205] Don’t believe all who speak fair: the Serpent spoke fair words (to Eve). [210] Be cautious with your words, except when angry. [213] Don’t lie, but keep your word. [215] Don’t laugh too often, or you’ll be called a shrew or a fool. [219] Man’s 3 enemies are: the Devil, the Flesh, and the World. [223] Destroy these, and be sure of heaven. [225] Don’t strive with your lord, or bet or play with him. [231] In a strange place don’t be too inquisitive or fussy. [235] If a man falls, don’t laugh, but help him up: [240] your own head may fall to your feet. [241] At the Mass, if the priest doesn’t please you, don’t blame him. [245] Don’t tell your secrets to a shrew. [249] Don’t beckon, point, or whisper. [251] When you meet a man, greet him, or answer him cheerily if he greets you: don’t be dumb, lest men say you have no mouth. [259] Never speak improperly of women, for we and our fathers were all born of women. [267] A wife should honour and obey her husband, and serve him. [271] Try to reconcile brothers if they quarrel. [275] At a gate, let your equal precede you; go behind your superior and your master unless he bids you go beside him. [285] On a pilgrimage don’t be third man: 3 oxen can’t draw a plough. [289] Don’t drink all that’s in a cup offered you; take a little. [293] If you sleep with any man, ask what part of the bed he likes, and lie far from him. [299] If you journey with any man, find out his name, who he is, where he is going. [303] With friars on a pilgrimage, do as they do. [307] Don’t put up at a red (haired and faced) man or woman’s house. [312] Answer opponents meekly, but don’t tell lies. [315] Before your lord at table, keep your hands, feet, and fingers still. [322] Don’t stare about, or at the wall, or lean against the post. [327] Don’t pick your nose, scratch your arm, or stoop your head. [331] Listen when you’re spoken to. [335] Never harm child or beast with evil eye (?) [337] Don’t blush when you’re chaffed, or you’ll be accused of mischief. [341] Don’t make faces. [342] Wash before eating. [345] Sit where the host tells you; avoid the highest place unless you’re told to take it.] [Headnote: OF THE PORTER, AND MARSHAL OF THE HALL.] THE THIRD BOOK. ¶ De officiarijs in curijs d{omi}nor{um}. ++Now speke we wylle of officiers Of court, and als of her mestiers. 352 Foure me{n} þ{er} beñ þ{a}t ȝerdis schall{e} bere, Port{er}, marshall{e}, stuarde, vsshere; The port{er} schall{e} haue þe lengest wande, The marshall{e} a schort{er} schall{e} haue i{n} hande; 356 The vssher of chamb{ur} smallest schall{e} haue, The stuarde in honde schall{e} haue a stafe, A fyngur gret, two whart{er}s long, To reule þe meñ of court ymong. 360 [Sidenotes: _Of the Officers in Lords’ Courts._ [353] Four bear rods; three wands: 1. Porter, the longest, 2. Marshal, 3. Usher, the shortest, 4. Steward, a staff, a finger thick, half a yard long.] ¶ De Ianitor{e}.[14] ¶ The port{er} falle to kepe þo ȝate, Þe stokkes w{i}t{h} hym erly {and} late; Ȝif any mañ hase in court mys-gayne, To port{er} warde he schall{e} be tane, 364 Þ{er} to a-byde þe lordes wyll{e}, What he wille deme by ryȝtwys skyll{e}. For wessell{e} clothes, þ{a}t noȝt be solde, Þe po[r]ter hase þ{a}t warde in holde. 368 Of strang{er}s also þ{a}t comen to court, Þo porter schall{e} warne s{er} at a worde. Lyu{er}ay he hase of mete and drynke, And sett{is} w{i}t{h} hym who so hym thynke. 372 When so eu{er} þo lorde remewe schall{e} To castell{e} til oþ{er} as h{i}t may falle, For cariage þe port{er} hors schall{e} hyre, Foure pens a pece w{i}t{h}-in þo schyr{e}; 376 Be statut he schall{e} take þ{a}t on þe day. Þ{a}t is þe kyng{is} crye in faye. [Sidenotes: _Of the Porter._ [361] He keeps the Gate and Stocks, takes charge of misdoers till judged, also of clothes, and warns strangers. [371] He is found in meat and drink. [373] On his lord’s removing, he hires horses at 4d. a piece, the statute price.] ¶ De Marescallo aule.[15] [Text note: [C MS. spekle.]] ¶ Now of marschall{e} of hall{e} wyll{e} I spelle,[C] And what falle to hys offyce now wyll{e} y telle; 380 In absence of stuarde he shall{e} arest Who so eu{er} is rebell{e} in court or fest; Ȝomo{n}-vsshere, and grome also, Vndur hym ar þes two: 384 Þo grome for fuell{e} þ{a}t schall{e} brenne In hall{e}, chambur, to kechyn, as I þe kenne, He shall{e} delyu{er} hit ilke a dele, In hall{e} make fyre at yche a mele 388 Borde, trestuls, and formes also, Þe cupborde in his warde schall{e} go, Þe dosurs cortines to henge i{n} halle. Þes offices nede do he schall{e}; 392 Bryng in fyre on alhalawgh day, To condulmas euen, I dar well{e} say. [Sidenotes: _Of the Marshal of the Hall_ [381] He shall arrest rebels, when the steward is away. Yeoman-Usher and Groom are under him. [385] The Groom gets fuel for the fire, and makes one in all for every meal; looks after tables, trestles, forms, the cup-board, and hangings of the Hall. [393] Fires last from Allsaints’ Day to Candlemas Eve, (Nov. 1 to Feb. 2.) [395] and thus long, Squires receive their daily candle? (see l. 839.) [403] The Marshal shall seat men in the Hall.] ¶ P{er} q{uan}tu{m} te{m}p{us} armig{er}i h{ab}eb{un}t lib{er}ata{m} {et} ignis ardeb{i}t i{n} a{ul}a. [Sidenote: _How long Squires shall have allowances, and Fire shall burn in the Hall[[15a]]._] So longe squier{s} lyu{er}és shall{e} hafe,[16] Of grome of halle, or ellis his knafe; 396 But fyre shall{e} brenne in hall{e} at mete, To _Cena d{omi}ni_ þ{a}t me{n} base ete; Þ{er} browȝt schall{e} be a holyn kene, [Fol. 19.] Þ{a}t sett schall{e} be in erber grene, 400 And þ{a}t schall{e} be to alhalawgh day, And of be skyfted, as y þe say. In hall{e} marshalle all{e} men schall{e} sett After here degré, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lett.[17] 404 [Headnote: OF THE BUTLER AND PANTER.] ¶ De pinc{er}nario, panetario, {et} cocis sibi s{er}uie{n}tib{us}. ¶ The botelar, pantrer, and cokes also, To hym ar s{er}uaunt{is} w{i}t{h}-oute{n} mo; Þ{er}-fore on his ȝerde skor{e} shall{e} he[19] Alle messys in halle þ{a}t s{er}uet be, 408 Co{m}maunde to sett bothe brede {and} ale To all{e} men þ{a}t seruet ben i{n} sale; ¶ To gentilme{n} w{i}t{h} wyne I-bake, Ellis fayles þo seruice, y vnder-take; 412 Iche messe at vj^d breue shall{e} he At the countyng house w{i}t{h} oþ{er} mené; Yf þo koke wolde say þ{a}t were more, Þ{a}t is þo cause þ{a}t he hase hit in skore. 416 Þe panter[18] also yf he wolde stryfe, For rewarde þ{a}t sett schall{e} be be-lyue. Wheñ brede faylys at borde aboute, The marshall{e} gares sett w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute 420 More brede, þ{a}t calde is a rewarde, So shall{e} h{i}t be preuet be-fore stuarde. [Sidenotes: _Of the Butler, Panter, and Cooks serving him._ [405] They are the Marshal’s servants. [406] He shall score up all messes served, and order bread and ale for men, but wine for gentlemen. [413] Each mess shall be reckoned at 6d. [415] and be scored up to prevent the cook’s cheating. [419] If bread runs short, the Marshal orders more, ‘a reward.’] ¶ De offic{i}o pinc{er}narij.[19] ¶ Botler shall{e} sett for yche a messe A pot, a lofe, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} distresse; 424 Botler, pantrer, felawes ar ay, Reken hom to-gedur full{e} wel y may. The marshall{e} shall{e} herber all{e} men in fere, That ben of court of any mestere; 428 Saue þe lordys chamb{ur}, þo wadrop to, Þo vssher of chamb{ur} schall{e} tent þo two. [Sidenotes: _Of the Butler’s duties._ [423] He shall put a pot and loaf to each mess. [425] He is the panter’s mate. [427] The Marshal shall see to men’s lodging. [429] The Lord’s Chamber and Wardrobe are under the Usher of the Chamber.] ¶ De hostiario {et} suis s{er}uientib{us}.[20] ¶ Speke I wylle A lytull{e} qwyle Of vssher of chambur, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} gyle. 432 Þ{er} is gentylme{n}, ȝomo{n}-vssher also, Two gromes at þo lest, A page þ{er}-to. [Sidenotes: _Of the Usher and Grooms of the Chamber._ [432] 1. Usher, 2. Yeoman-usher, 3. Two grooms and a Page.] [Headnote: OF THE GROOMS AND USHER OF THE CHAMBER.] ¶ De Offic{i}o garc{i}onu{m}.[21] ¶ Gromes palett{is} shyn fyle {and} make liter{e},[22] ix fote on lengthe w{i}t{h}-out diswer{e}; 436 vij fote y-wys hit shall{e} be brode, Wele wat{er}ed, I-wrythen, be craft y-trode, Wyspes drawen out at fete {and} syde, Wele wrethyn and t{ur}nyd a-ȝayne þ{a}t tyde; 440 On legh vnsonken hit shall{e} be made, To þo gurdylstode hegh on lengthe {and} brade. For lordys two beddys schall{e} be made, Bothe vtter and inner, so god me glade, 444 Þ{a}t henget shall{e} be w{i}t{h} hole sylo{ur},[23] W{i}t{h} crochett{is}[24] and loupys sett on lyour;[25] ¶ Þo valance on fylour[26] shall{e} henge w{i}t{h} wy{n}, iij curteyns streȝt drawen w{i}t{h}-inne, 448 Þ{a}t reche schall{e} euen to grounde a-boute, Noþ{er} mor{e}, noþ{er} lesse, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute; He strykes hom vp w{i}t{h} forket wande, And lappes vp fast a-boute þe lyft hande; 452 Þo knop vp turnes, and closes on ryȝt, ¶ As bolde by nek þ{a}t henges full{e} lyȝt. [Fol. 20.] Þo count{ur}pynt he lays on beddys fete, Qwysshenes on sydes shyn lye full{e} mete. 456 Tapet{is}[27] of spayne on flor{e} by syde, Þ{a}t sprad shyn be for pompe and pryde; Þo chambur sydes ryȝt to þo dor{e}, He henges w{i}t{h} tapet{is} þ{a}t ben full{e} stor{e}; 460 And fuel to chymné hym fall{e} to gete, And screnes in clof to y-saue þo hete Fro þo lorde at mete when he is sett; Borde, trestuls, and fourmes, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} let, 464 ¶ Alle thes þynges kepe schall{e} he, And wat{er} in chafer for laydyes fre; iij p{er}chers of wax þen shall{e} he fet, A-boue þo chymné þ{a}t be sett 468 In syce[28]; ichoñ from oþ{er} shall{e} be Þe lenghthe of oþ{er} þ{a}t me{n} may se,[[28a]] To brenne, to voide, þ{a}t dronkyn is, Oþ{er} ellis I wote he dose Amys. 472 Þo vssher alle-way shall{e} sitt at dor{e} At mete, and walke schall{e} on þe flor{e}, To se þat all{e} be s{er}uet on ryȝt, Þat is his office be day {and} nyȝt, 476 And byd set borde when tyme schall{e} be, And take hom vp when tyme ses he. ¶ The wardrop[29] he herbers and eke of chamb{ur} Ladyes w{i}t{h} bedys of corall{e} and lamb{ur}, 480 Þo vsshere schall{e} bydde þo wardroper{e} Make redy for all{e} nyȝt be-for{e} þe fere; Þen bryng{is} he forthe nyȝt gou{n} also, And spredys a tapet and qwysshens two, 484 He layes hom þen opon a fourme, And foteshete þ{er}-on {and} hit returne. ¶ Þo lorde schall{e} skyft hys gowñ at nyȝt, Syttand on foteshete tyl he be dyȝt. 488 Þen vssher gose to þo botré, “Haue in for all{e} nyȝt, syr,” says he; Fyrst to þe chaundeler he schall{e} go, To take a tortes lyȝt hym fro; 492 ¶ Bothe wyne and ale he tase indede, Þo botler says, w{i}t{h}-outen drede, No mete for mo{n} schall{e} sayed[30] be, Bot for kynge or prynce or duke so fre; 496 For heiers of paraunce also y-wys, Mete shall{e} be sayed, now thenkys on this. Þen to pantré he hyȝes be-lyue, ¶ “Syrs, haue in w{i}t{h}-oute{n} stryffe;” 500 Manchet and chet[31] bred he shalle take, Þo panter{e} assayes þat h{i}t be bake; A mort{er} of wax ȝet will{e} he bryng, Fro chamb{ur}, syr, w{i}t{h}-out lesyng; 504 Þ{a}t alle nyȝt brennes in bassyn cler{e}, To saue þo chamb{ur} on nyȝt for fyre. ¶ Þen ȝomo{n} of chambur shynne voyde w{i}t{h} ryme, The torches han holden wele þ{a}t tyme; 508 Tho chamb{ur} dore stekes þo vssher thenne, W{i}t{h} p{re}ket and tortes þ{a}t conne brenne; Fro cupborde he brynges both{e} brede {and} wyne, And fyrst assayes hit wele a[nd] fyne. 512 But fyrst þe lorde shall{e} vasshe I-wys, Fro þo fyr hous when he come{n} is; [Fol. 21.] Þen kneles þe vssher {and} gyfes hym drynke, Brynges hym in bed wher{e} he shall{e} wynke; 516 In strong styd on palet he lay, At home tase lefe {and} gose his way; Ȝomo{n} vssher be-for{e} þe dore, In vttur chamb{ur} lies on þe flore. 520 [Sidenotes: _The Duties of the Grooms of the Chamber._ [435] They shall make palets of litter 9 ft. long, 7 broad, watered, twisted, trodden, with wisps at foot and side, twisted and turned back; from the floor-level to the waist. [443] For lords, 2 beds, outer and inner, hung with hangings, hooks and eyes set on the binding; the valance hanging on a rod (?), four curtains reaching to the ground; these he takes up with a forked rod. [455] The counterpane is laid at the foot, cushions on the sides, tapestry on the floor and sides of the room. [461] The Groom gets fuel, and screens. [463] The Groom keeps the table, trestles, and forms for dinner; and water in a heater. [467] He puts 3 wax-lights over the chimney, all in different syces. [473] _The Usher of the Chamber_ walks about and sees that all is served right, [477] orders the table to be set and removed, takes charge of the Wardrobe and Bedchamber, bids the _Wardroper_ get all ready before the fire, nightgown, carpet, 2 cushions, a form with a footsheet over it; on which the lord changes his gown. [489] The Usher orders what’s wanted from the Buttery: a link from the Chandler, and ale and wine. [495] (No meat shall be assayed except for King, Prince, Duke or Heirs-apparent.) [498] From the Pantry the Usher takes fine and coarse bread, and a wax-light that burns all night in a basin. [507] (The Yeoman-Usher removes the torches.) [509] The Usher puts lights on the Bedroom door, brings bread and wine, (the lord washing first,) offers the drink kneeling; puts his lord to bed, and then goes home himself. The Yeoman-Usher sleeps at the Lord’s door.] [Headnote: OF THE STEWARD.] ¶ De seneschallo.[32] ¶ Now speke I wyll{e} of þo stuarde als, [Text note: [D MS. _and_]] Few ar trew, but fele ar[D] fals. Þo clerke of kechyn, countrollo{ur}, Stuarde, coke, and surueyour, 524 Assente{n} in counsell{e}, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} skorne, How þo lorde schall{e} fare at mete þo morne. Yf any deyntethe in countré be, Þo stuarde schewes h{i}t to þo lorde so fre, 528 And gares by hyt for any cost, Hit wer{e} grete syn and hit wer{e} lost. Byfore þe cours þo stuarde comes þen, Þe seruer h{i}t next of alle kyn me{n} 532 Mays way and stondes by syde, Tyl all{e} be s{er}ued at þ{a}t tyde. At countyng stuarde schall{e} ben, Tylle all{e} be breuet of wax so grene, 536 Wrytten in-to bokes, w{i}t{h}-out let, Þ{a}t be-fore in tabuls hase ben sett, Tyl countes also þ{er}-on ben cast, And somet vp holy at þo last. 540 [Sidenotes: _Of the Steward._ [522] Few are true, but many false. He, the clerk, cook and surveyor consult over their Lord’s dinner. [527] Any dainty that can be had, the Steward buys. [531] Before dishes are put on, the Steward enters first, then the Server. [535] The Steward shall post into books all accounts written on tablets, and add them up.] ¶ De cont{ra}rotulatore.[33] ¶ The Countrollo{ur} shall{e} wryte to hym, Taunt resceu, no more I myn; And taunt dispendu þ{a}t same day, Vncountabull{e} he is, as y ȝou say. 544 [Sidenotes: _Of the Controller._ [541] He puts down the receipt and consumption of every day.] ¶ De sup{er}uisore.[34] ¶ Surueour and stuarde also, Thes thre folke and no mo, For noȝt resayue{n} bot eu{er} sene Þ{a}t noþyng fayle {and} alle be whene; 548 Þ{a}t þo clerke of kechyn schulde not mys, Þ{er}-fore þo countrollo{ur}, as hafe I blys, Wrytes vp þo somme as eu{er}y day, And helpes to count, as I ȝou say. 552 [Sidenotes: _Of the Surveyor._ [546] He, the steward, and controller, receive nothing, but see that all goes straight. [550] The Controller checks daily the Clerk of the kitchen’s account.] ¶ De Clerico coquine.[35] ¶ The clerke of þe cochyñ shall{e} all{e} þyng breue, Of men of court, bothe lothe and leue, Of achat_is and_ dispenses þen wrytes he, And wages for gromes and ȝeme{n} fre; 556 At dresso{ur} also he shalle stonde, And fett forthe mete dresset w{i}t{h} honde; Þe spicery and store w{i}t{h} hym shall{e} dwelle, And mony thynges als, as I noȝt telle, 560 For clethyng of officers alle i{n} fere, Saue þe lorde hym self and ladys dere. [Sidenotes: _Of the Clerk of the Kitchen._ [553] He shall keep account of all purchases, and payments, and wages, shall preside at the Dresser, and keep the spices, stores, &c., [561] and the clothes of the officers.] [Headnote: OF THE CHANCELLOR AND TREASURER.] ¶ De cancellario.[36] ¶ The chaunceler answer{es} for hor clothyng, For ȝome{n}, faukeners, {and} hor horsyng, 564 For his wardrop and wages also; And asseles patenti{s} mony {and} mo; [Fol. 22.] Yf þo lorde gyf oȝt to t{er}me of lyf, The chaunceler h{i}t seles w{i}t{h}-oute{n} stryf; 568 [Text note: [E MS. þ{er}]] _Tan come nos plerra_ me{n} seyne, þ{at}[E] is _q{ua}n{do} nob{is} placet_, Þ{a}t is, whille vs lykes hym noȝt omys; Ou{er}-se hys londes þ{a}t all{e} be ryȝt: On of þo grete he is of myȝt. 572 [Sidenotes: _Of the Chancellor._ [563] He looks after the servants’ clothes, and horses, seals patents, and grants of land, &c., for life, or during the lord’s pleasure. [571] He oversees the land too, and is a great man.] ¶ De thesaurizario.[37] ¶ Now speke y wylle of tresurer{e}, Husbonde and houswyf he is in fer{e}; Of þe resayu{er} he shall{e} resayue, All{e} þ{a}t is gedurt of baylé and grayue,[38] 576 Of þe lordes courtes and forfet{is} als, Wheþ{er} þay ben ryȝt or þay ben fals. To þo clerke of cochen he payes moné For vetayle to bye opon þo countré: 580 The clerke to kat{er} and pult{er} is, To baker and butler bothe y-wys Gyffys seluer to bye in all{e} thyng Þ{a}t longes to here office, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lesyng. 584 Þe tresurer schall{e} gyfe alkyn wage, To squyer, ȝomo{n}, grome, or page. Þo resayuer and þo tresurer, Þo clerke of cochyn and chaunceler, 588 Grayuis, and baylys, and parker, Schone come to acountes eu{er}y ȝere By-fore þo audito{ur} of þo lorde onone, Þ{a}t schulde be trew as any stone; 592 Yf he dose hom no ryȝt lele, To A baron of chekker þay mu{n} h{i}t pele. [Sidenotes: _Of the Treasurer._ [574] He takes from the Receiver what is collected from bailiff and grieve, courts and forfeits. [579] He gives the Kitchen clerk money to buy provisions with, and the clerk gives some to the baker and butler. [585] The Treasurer pays all wages. [587] He, the Receiver, Chancellor, Grieves, &c., [590] account once a year to the Auditor, from whom they can appeal to a Baron of the Exchequer.] ¶ De receptore firmar{um}. ¶ Of þe resayuer speke wyll{e} I, Þ{a}t fermys[39] resayuys wytt{ur}ly 596 Of grayuys, and hom aquetons makes, Sex pons þ{er}-fore to feys he takes, And pays feys to parkers als I-wys, [Text note: [F _Or_ loned.]] Þ{er}-of at acountes he loued[F] is, 600 And ou{er}-seys castels, man{er}s a-boute, Þ{a}t noȝt falle w{i}t{h}-in ne w{i}t{h}-oute. Now let we þes officers be, And telle we wylle of smaller mené. 604 [Sidenotes: _Of the Receiver of Rents._ [597]: He gives receipts, and gets a fee of 6d. [599] He pays fees to park-keepers, and looks after castles and manor-houses.] ¶ De Auenario.[40] ¶ Þe Aueyn{er} schall{e} ordeyn p{ro}uande[41] good won, For þo lordys horsis eu{er}ychon; Þay schyn haue two cast[42] of hay, A pek of p{ro}uande on a day; 608 Eu{er}y horse schall{e} so muche haue, At racke and mang{er} þ{a}t standes w{i}t{h} staue. A mayst{ur} of horsys a squyer[43] þ{er} is, Aueyn{er} and fero{ur} vnd{ur} hym I-wys; 612 Þose ȝome{n} þ{a}t olde sadels schyn haue, Þ{a}t schyn be last for knyȝt and knaue, For yche a hors þ{a}t ferrour{e}[44] schall{e} scho, An halpeny on day he takes hym to; 616 Vnd{ur} ben gromes and pages mony one, Þat ben at wage eu{er}ychone; Som at two pons on a day, [Fol. 23.] and som at iij ob., I ȝou say; 620 Mony of hem fote-me{n} þer ben, Þ{a}t renne{n} by þe brydels of ladys shene. [Sidenotes: _Of the Avener._ [605] He shall give the horses in the stable two armsful of hay and a peck of oats, daily. [611]: A Squire is Master of the Horse; under him are Avener and Farrier, (the Farrier has a halfpenny a day for every horse he shoes,) and grooms and pages hired at 2d. a day, or 3 halfpence, and footmen who run by ladies’ bridles.] [Headnote: OF THE BAKER AND HUNTSMAN.] ¶ De pistore.[45] ¶ Of þo baker now speke y wylle, And wat longes his office vntylle; 624 Of a lunden buschell{e} he shall{e} bake xx louys, I vndur-take; [Text note: [G _Read_ broun, brown.]] Manchet and chet to make brom[G] bred hard, For chaundeler and grehoundes {and} hu{n}tes reward. 628 [Sidenotes: _Of the Baker._ [625] Out of a London bushel he shall bake 20 loaves, fine and coarse.] ¶ De venatore {et} suis canib{us}. ¶ A halpeny þo hunte takes on þe day For eu{er}y hounde, þo soth{e} to say: Þo vewt{er}, two cast of brede he tase, Two lesshe of grehoundes yf þ{a}t he hase; 632 To yche a bone, þat is to telle, If I to ȝou þe sothe shall{e} spelle; By-syde hys vantage þ{a}t may be-fall{e}, Of skynnes and oþ{er} thynges w{i}t{h}-all{e}, 636 Þat hunt{er}es con tell{e} bett{er} þa{n} I, Þ{er}-fore I leue h{i}t wytt[{ur}]ly. [Sidenotes: _Of the Huntsman and his Hounds._ [629] He gets a halfpenny a day for every hound. [631] The Feuterer 2 lots of bread if he has 2 leash of Greyhounds, and a bone for each, besides perquisites of skins, &c.] ¶ De aquario.[46] ¶ And speke I wyll{e} of oþ{er} myster{e} Þ{a}t falles to court, as ȝe mu{n} her{e}; 640 An euwer{e} in hall{e} þere nedys to be, And chandelew schall{e} haue and all{e} naper{e}; He schall{e} gef wat{er} to gentilme{n}, And als in all{e} ȝome{n}. 644 [Sidenotes: _Of the Ewerer or Water-bringer._ [641] He has all the candles and cloths and gives water to every one.] ¶ Qui d{eb}ent manus lauar{e} {et} i{n} q{u}or{um} domib{us}. ¶ In kynges court and dukes also, Þ{er} ȝome{n} schynne wasshe and no mo;-- In duke Ionys house a ȝoma{n} þ{er} was, For his rewarde p{ra}yde suche a g{ra}ce; 648 Þe duke gete graunt þ{er}-of in londe, Of þe kyng his fader, I vndudurstonde.--(_so_) Wosoeuer gefes wat{er} in lordys chaunber, In p{re}sens of lorde or leuedé dere, 652 He schall{e} knele downe opoñ his kne, Ellys he forȝetes his curtasé; Þis euwer schall{e} hele his lordes borde, W{i}t{h} dowbull{e} napere at on bar{e} worde: 656 The seluage to þo lordes syde w{i}t{h}-i{n}ne, And douñ schall{e} heng þ{a}t oþ{er} may wynne; Þo ou{er} nape schall{e} dowbull{e} be layde, To þo vttur syde þe seluage brade; 660 Þo ou{er} seluage he schall{e} replye,[47] As towell{e} h{i}t were fayrest in hye; Browers[48] he schall{e} cast þ{er}-opon, Þ{a}t þe lorde schull{e} clense his fyngers [on], 664 Þe leuedy and whoseuer syttes w{i}t{h}-inne, All{e} browers schynne haue bothe mor{e} {and} myñ. [Sidenotes: _Who may wash his hands, and where._ [651] The bringer of Water shall kneel down. [655] The Ewerer shall cover the lord’s table with a double cloth, the lower with the selvage to the lord’s side; the upper cloth shall be laid double, the upper selvage turned back as if for a towel. [664] He shall put on cleaners for every one.] [Headnote: OF THE PANTER, THE LORD’S KNIVES, ETC.] ¶ De panetario. ¶ Þenne comes þe pantere w{i}t{h} loues thre, Þat squar{e} are coruyn of trencho{ur} fre, 668 To sett w{i}t{h}-inne {and} oon w{i}t{h}-oute, And saller y-cou{er}yd and sett in route; W{i}t{h} þo ouemast lofe h{i}t shall{e} be sett, [Fol. 24.] W{i}t{h}-oute forthe square, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lett; 672 Two keruyng knyfes w{i}t{h}-oute one, Þe thrydde to þo lorde, and als a spone. [Sidenotes: _Of the Panter._ [667] He carries 3 loaves cut square for trenchers, and the covered Saltcellar, 2 Carving-knives, and sets the 3rd, and a spoon to his lord.] ¶ De Cultellis d{omi}ni. ¶ Of þo two þo haftes schynne outwarde be, Of þe thrydd þe hafte inwarde lays he, 676 Þe spony stele þ{er} by schall{e} be layde; Moo loues of trenchirres at a brayde He settes, {and} seruys euyr in fer{e} To duches his wyne þ{a}t is so der{e}. 680 Two loues of trenchors {and} salt þo, He settes be-fore his son also; A lofe of trencho{ur}s and salt on last, At bordes ende he settes in hast. 684 Þen brede he brynges, in towell{e} wrythyñ, Thre lofys of þo wyte schall{e} be geuyñ; A chet lofe to þo elmys dyshe, Weþ{er} he seruyd be w{i}t{h} flesshe or fysche; 688 At aþ{er} ende he castes a cope, Layde dowñ on borde, þe endys plyed vp. That he assayes knelande on kne, Þo keru{er} hym parys a schyu{er} so fre; 692 And touches þo louys y{n} quer{e} a-boute, Þo pantere hit etys w{i}t{h}-oute dowte; Þo euwer{e} thurgh towell{e} syles[49] clene His wat{er} into þo bassynges shene; 696 Þo ou{er} bassyn þ{er}-on schall{e} close, A towell{e} þ{er}-on, as I suppose, Þ{a}t folden schall{e} be w{i}t{h} full{e} grete lore, Two quart{er}s on lenketh{e} and su{m}dele mor{e}; 700 A qwyte cuppe of tre þ{er}-by shall{e} be, Þ{er}-w{i}t{h} þ{o} wat{er} assay schall{e} he; Quelmes[50] h{i}t agayn by-for{e} all{e} me{n}; Þo keru{er} þe bassynges tase vp þenne; 704 Annaunciande sq{u}ier, or ellis a knyȝt, Þo towell{e} dowñ tase by full{e} good ryȝt; Þo cuppe he tase in honde also, Þo keru{er} powres wat[er] þe cuppe into; 708 The knyȝt to þo keru{er} haldes anon, He says h{i}t ar he m{o}r{e} schall{e} doñ; Þo cuppe þen voyde is in þo flette,[51] Þe euwer h{i}t takes w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lette. 712 The towell{e} two knyȝht{is} schyn halde i{n} fer{e}, Be-fore þe lordes sleues, þat ben so der{e}; The ou{er} bassyn þay halde neu{er} þe queder, Quyll{e} þo keru{er} powre wat{er} in-to þe ned{ur}. 716 For a pype þ{er} is insyde so clene, Þ{a}t wat{er} deuoydes, of selu{er} schene; Þen settes he þe nethyr, I vnd[u]rstonde, In þe ou{er}, and voydes w{i}t{h} bothe is honde; 720 And brynges to þe euwer þ{er} he come fro; To þo lordys bordes aȝayn con go; And layes iiij trencho{ur}s þo lorde be-fore, Þe fyft aboue by good lore; 724 By hym self thre schall{e} he dresse, To cut opon þe lordes messe; [Fol. 25.] Smale towell{e} a-boute his necke shall{e} bene, To clens his knyfys þ{a}t ben so kene. 728 [Sidenotes: _Of the Lord’s Knive, (_Bread, and Washing.)_ [675] The hafts of 2 are laid outwards, that of the 3rd inwards, and the spoon handle by it. [678] More trencher loaves are set, and wine served to the Duchess. [681] 2 Trencher-loaves, and salt, to the lord’s son; and 1 loaf and saltcellar set at the end of the table. [685] Then 3 loaves of white bread are brought, and 1 coarse loaf is put in the Alms-dish. [691] To assay bread, the Panter kneels, the Carver cuts him a slice, and he eats it. [695] The Ewerer strains water into his basins, on the upper one of which is a towel folded dodgily. [701] Then the water is assayed in a cup of white wood. [704] The Carver takes up the basins; a knight takes down the towel, and wipes the cup, into which the Carver pours water; the knight hands it to him; he assays it, and empties the cup. [713] Two knights hold the towel before the lord’s sleeves, and hold the upper basin while the Carver pours water into the lower; then he puts the lower into the upper, and empties both, takes them to the Ewerer, returns to the lord’s table, lays 4 trenchers for him, with 1 above. [725] The Carver takes 3 to cut the lord’s messes on, and has a cloth round his neck to wipe his knives on.] [Headnote: OF THE ALMONER AND DISH-SERVER.] ¶ De Elemosinario.[52] ¶ The aumener{e} by þis hathe sayde g{ra}ce, And þo almes dysshe hase sett in place; Þ{er}-in þe keru{er} a lofe schall{e} sette, To s{er}ue god fyrst w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lette; 732 Þese oþ{er} lofes he parys a-boute, Lays h{i}t myd dysshe w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute. Þe small{e} lofe he cutt{is} eue{n} i{n} twynne, Þo ou{er} dole in two lays to hym. 736 The aumener{e} a rod schall{e} haue in honde, As office for almes, y vndurstonde. Alle þe broken met he kepys y wate, To dele to por{e} me{n} at þe ȝate. 740 And drynke þ{a}t leues s{er}ued in halle; Of ryche {and} pore bothe grete {and} small{e}. He is sworne to ou{er}-se þe s{er}uis wele, And dele hit to þe pore eu{er}y dele; 744 Selu{er} he deles rydand by way; And his almys dysshe, as I ȝou say, To þe porest ma{n} þ{a}t he can fynde, Oþ{er} ellys I wot he is vnkynde. 748 [Sidenotes: _Of the Almoner._ [729]: He says grace, sets down the Alms-dish, and the Carver puts the first loaf in it. [733] The other loaves he pares round, cuts one in two, and gives the upper half in halves to him. [737] The Almoner has a staff in his hand. [739] He keeps the broken food and wine left, for poor men at the gate, and is sworn to give it all to them. [745] He distributes silver as he rides.] ¶ De ferculario. ¶ This wyle þo squyer to kechyn shall{e} go, And brynges a bof for assay þo; Þo Coke assayes þe mete vngryȝt, Þo sewer he takes and kou{er}s on ryȝt; 752 Wo so eu{er} he takes þ{a}t mete to bere, Schall{e} not so hardy þo cou{er}tour{e} rer{e}, For colde ne hote, I warne ȝou all{e}, For suspecyoñ of tresou{n} as may befalle. 756 Yf þo sylu{er} dyssh{e} wyll{e} algate brenne, A sotelté I wylle þe kenne, Take þe bredde coruyn {and} lay by-twene, And kepe þe well{e} h{i}t be not sene; 760 ¶ I teche hit for no curtayse, But for þyn ese. When þe sewer comys vnto þe borde, Alle þe mete he sayes at on bare worde, 764 Þe potage fyrst w{i}t{h} brede y-coruyn, Cou{er}ys hom agayn lest þey ben storuyn; W{i}t{h} fyssh{e} or flessh yf [they] be s{er}ued, A morsell{e} þ{er}-of shalle he be keruyd; 768 And touche þe messe ou{er} all{e} aboute, Þo sewer h{i}t et{is} w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute. W{i}t{h} baken mete yf he s{er}uyd be þo, Þo lydes vp-rered or he fyr go, 772 Þe past or pye he sayes w{i}t{h}-inne, Dippes bredde in graué no mor{e} ne mynne; Ȝif þe baken mete be colde, as may byfall{e}, A gobet of þo self he sayes w{i}t{h}-all{e}. 776 But þ{o}u þ{a}t berys mete in hande, Yf þo sewer stonde, loke þ{o}u stande; Yf he knele, knele þ{o}u so longe for oȝt, ¶ Tylle mete be sayde þ{a}t þ{o}u hase broght. [Fol. 26.] 780 As oft at hegh borde yf brede be nede, The butler two louys takys indede; Þat on settes down, þ{a}t oþer agayn He barys to cupborde in towell{e} playn. 784 As oft as þe keru{er} fettys drynke, Þe butler assayes h{i}t how good hy{m} thynke; In þe lordys cupp þ{a}t leuys vndrynken, Into þe almesdisshe h{i}t schall{e} be sonken. 788 The keru{er} anon w{i}t{h}-oute{n} thouȝt, [Headnote: OF THE CARVER, SURNAPE-LAYERS, AND CHANDLER.] Vnkou{er}s þe cup þ{a}t he hase brouȝt; Into þe cou{er}tour{e} wyn he powr{e}s owt, Or in-to a spare pece, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute; 792 Assayes, an gefes þo lorde to drynke, Or settes h{i}t doun as hym goode thynke. Þo keru{er}[53] schall{e} kerue þo lordes mete, Of what kyn pece þ{a}t he wyll{e} ete; 796 And on hys trenchour he hit layes, On þys maner w{i}t{h}-out displayes; In almesdysshe he layes yche dele, Þ{a}t he is w{i}t{h} serued at þo mele; 800 But he sende h{i}t to ony stronger{e}, A pese þ{a}t is hym leue and dere, And send hys potage also, Þ{a}t schall{e} not to þe almes go. 804 Of keru{er} more, yf I shulde telle, Anoþ{er} fytt þenne most I spelle, Ther-fore I let h{i}t her{e} ou{er} passe, To make oure talkyng su{m}medelasse. 808 When þe lorde hase eten, þo sewer schall{e} bryng Þo surnape on his schulder bryng, A narew towell{e}, a brode be-syde, And of hys hondes he lettes h{i}t slyde; 812 Þe vssher ledes þ{a}t on hed ryȝt, Þo aumener þo oþ{er} away shall{e} dyȝt. When þe vssher comys to þe borde ende, Þo narow towell{e} he strecches vnkende; 816 Be-for{e} þo lorde and þe lady so dere, Dowbell{e} he playes þo towell{e} þere; Whenne þay haue wasshen and g{ra}ce is sayde, Away he takes at a brayde; 820 Awoydes þo borde in-to þo flore, Tase away þo trest{is} þ{a}t ben so store. [Sidenotes: _Of the Sewer (or setter-on of Dishes)._ [751] The Cook assays the meat before it’s dished. [752] The Sewer puts the cover on it, and the cover must never be raised for fear of treason. [757] (A Dodge: If the silver dish burns you, put bits of bread under it.) [763] The Sewer assays all the food: potage with a piece of bread; fish or flesh, he eats a piece; baked meats hot, he lifts up the crust, and dips bread in the gravy; baked meats cold, he eats a bit. [777] The meat-bearer stands or kneels as the Sewer does. [782] When bread is wanted, the Butler puts one loaf on the table, the other on the cupboard. [785] The Butler assays all the wine. [787] What is left in the lord’s cup goes to the Alms-dish. [790 The Carver fills the empty cup, assays it, and gives it the lord or puts it down. [795] He carves the lord’s meat, and lays it on his trencher, putting a piece of every thing in the Alms-dish, except any favourite piece or potage sent to a stranger. [805] (To say more about the Carver would require another section, so I pass it over.) [809] After dinner the Sewer brings the Surnape, a broad towel and a narrow, and slides it down. [813] The Usher takes one end of the broad one, the Almoner the other, and when it is laid, he folds the narrow towel double before his lord and lady. [819] After grace removes them, lays the table on the floor, and takes away the trestles.] ¶ De candelario.[54] ¶ Now speke I wylle a lytull{e} whyle Of þo chandeler, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} gyle, 824 Þ{a}t torches[55] {and} tortes[56] {and} preketes[57] con make, P{er}chours,[58] smale condel, I vnder-take; Of wax þese candels all{e} þat brenne{n}, And morter of wax þ{a}t I wele kenne; 828 Þo snof of hom dose a-way W{i}t{h} close sesours, as I ȝow say; Þe sesours ben schort {and} rownde y-close, W{i}t{h} plate of irne vp-on bose. 832 In chamb{ur} no lyȝt þ{er} shall{e} be brent, Bot of wax þ{er}-to, yf ȝe take tent; In hall{e} at soper schall{e} caldels ({so}) brenne [Fol. 27.] Of parys, þ{er}-in þ{a}t all{e} me{n} kenne; 836 Iche messe a candell{e} fro alhalawgh{e} day To candelmesse, as I ȝou say; Of candel liu{er}ay squiyers schall{e} haue, So long, if hit is mon will{e} kraue. 840 Of brede and ale also þo boteler Schall{e} make lyu{er}é thurgh-out þe ȝere To squyers, and also wyn to knyȝt, Or ellys he dose not his office ryȝt. 844 Her{e} endys the thryd speche. Of all{e} oure synnes cryst be oure leche, And bryng vs to his vonyng place! Ame{n}, sayes ȝe, for hys grete grace! 848 ¶ Amen, par charite. [Sidenotes: _Of the Chandler._ [825] He can make all kinds of candles, little and big, and mortars of wax. [829] He snuffs them with short scissors. [833] In bed-chambers wax lights only shall be burnt; in hall, Candles of Paris, each mess having one from Nov. 1 to Feb. 2 (see l. 393), and squires one too. [841] The Butler shall give Squires their daily bread and ale all the year, and Knights their wine. [846] May Christ bring us to His dwelling-place. Amen!] [Footnote 1: Toom or rymthe. _Spacium, tempus, oportunitas._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 2: AS. _wræsten_, to writhe, twist.] [Footnote 3: grace, civility; from AS. _mennise_, human; cp. our double sense of _humanity_. H. Coleridge.] [Footnote 4: courteous.] [Footnote 5: AS. _flytan_, dispute, quarrel.] [Footnote 6: Mowe, or skorne. _Vangia, vel valgia, cachinna._ Promptorium.] [Footnote 7: _an_ privative, unhonest.] [Footnote 8: AS. _mod_, mood, passion, violence.] [[Footnote 8a: Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it. Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers; but as probably from a superstitious custom of writing the alphabet in the form of a cross, by way of charm. This was even solemnly practised by the bishop in the consecration of a church. See Picart’s Religious Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_.]] [Footnote 9: to relation or friend.] [Footnote 10: contempt, scorn, O.N. _heðung._ H. Coleridge.] [Footnote 11: AS. _gýman_, attend, regard, observe, keep.] [Footnote 12: thine eye] [Footnote 13: AS. _win_, contention, labour, war; _win_, _wyn_, joy, pleasure.] [Footnote 14: See the duties of Prince Edward’s Porters, A.D. 1474, in _Household Ordinances_, p. *30, and of Henry VIII.’s Porters, _ibid._ p. 239.] [Footnote 15: Though Edward IV. had Marshals (_Household Ordinances_, p. 84, &c.), one of whom made the Surnape when the King was in the Hall (p. 32), or Estate in the Surnape (p. 38), yet there is no separate heading or allowance for them in the _Liber Niger_. Two yeomen Ushers are mentioned in p. 38, but the two yeomen Ewars, their two Grooms and Page, p. 84, perform (nearly) the duties given above to the Usher and his Grooms.] [[Footnote 15a: Fires in Hall lasted to _Cena Domini_, the Thursday before Easter: see l. 398. Squires’ allowances of lights ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights, or _candle_ of l. 839, would be only part of the allowances. The rest would continue all the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous. Book_. Dr Rock says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer to the change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:-- “In die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is called in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the manner in every place of worship at this day _to do the fire out of the hall;_ and the black winter brands, and all thing that is foul with smoke shall be done away, and there the fire was, shall be gaily arrayed with fair flowers, and strewed with green rushes all about, showing a great ensample to all Christian people, like as they make clean their houses to the sight of the people, in the same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away the foul brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith and charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord God at the Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v. iii. pt. 2, p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more fit for the purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of deciduous trees. I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet follow the custom, and keep the grate filled with flowers and foliage till late in the autumn.” --D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the _Liber Festivalis_--“First if a man asked why Sherethursday is called so, ye may say that in Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our Lord’s Supper Day; for that day he supped with his disciples openly.... It is also in English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the people would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock, _ib._, p. 235.]] [Footnote 16: Edward IV.’s Esquiers for the Body, IIII, had ‘for wynter lyverey from All Hallowentide (Nov. 1) tyll Estyr, one percher wax, one candell wax, ij candells Paris, one tallwood and dim{idium}, and wages in the countyng-house.’ _H. Ord._ p. 36. So the Bannerettes, IIII, or Bacheler Knights (p. 32), who are kervers and cupberers, take ‘for wynter season, from Allhallowentyde till Estyr, one tortays, one percher, ii candelles wax, ii candelles Paris, ii talwood, ii faggotts,’ and rushes, litter, all the year; which the Esquiers have too. The Percy household allowance of Wax was cciiij score vij lb. dimid. of Wax for th’ expensys of my House for oone hole Yere. Viz. Sysez, _Pryketts_, Quarions, and _Torches_ after ix d. the lb. by estimacion; p. 12.] [Footnote 17: The Liber Niger of Edw. IV. assigns this duty to one of the Gentylmen Usshers. _H. Ord._ p. 37.] [Footnote 18: See the Office of Panetry, _H. Ord._ p. 70.] [Footnote 19: See the Office of Butler of Englond, _H. Ord._ p. 73.] [Footnote 20: See Gentylmen Usshers of Chaumbre, IIII, _H. Ord._ p. 37. ‘This name ussher is a worde of Frenshe,’ p. 38.] [Footnote 21: Compare _H. Ord._ p. 39. ‘Yeomen of Chambre, IIII, to make beddes, to bere or hold torches, to sette bourdes, to apparayle all chaumbres, and suche other servyce as the chaumberlayn, or usshers of chambre command or assigne.’ Liber Niger Edw. IV. See also _H. Ord._ p. 40, Office of Warderobe of Beddes, p. 41, Gromes of Chambyr, X; and the elaborate directions for making Henry VII.’s bed, _H. Ord._ p. 121-2.] [Footnote 22: _Hoc stramentum_, lyttere, (the straw with which the bed was formerly made) p. 260, col. 2, Wright’s Vocabularies.] [Footnote 23: Sylure, of valle, or a nother thynge (sylure of a walle), _Celatura_, _Celamen_, Catholicon, in P. Parv. Fr. _Ciel_, Heauen, pl. _Ciels_, a canopie for, and, the Testerne and Valances of a Bed. Cotgrave. A tester over the beadde, _canopus_. Withals.] [Footnote 24: _Crochet_, a small hooke.] [Footnote 25: Lyowre, to bynde wythe precyows clothys. _Ligatorium._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 26: Fylowre, of barbours crafte, _Acutecula_, _filarium_. P. Parv. See note 3, p. 160.] [Footnote 27: Tapet, a clothe, _tappis_. Palsgrave, 1530. _Tapis_, Tapistrie, hangings, &c., of Arras. Cotgrave, 1611. _Tapis_, carpet, a green square-plot. Miege, 1684. The hangynges of a house or chambre, in plurali, _aulæa ... Circundo cubiculum aulæis_, to hange the chambre. The carpettes, _tapetes_. Withals.] [Footnote 28: And he (a Grome of Chambyr) setteth nyghtly, after the seasons of the yere, torchys, tortays, candylles of wax, mortars; and he setteth up the _sises_ in the King’s chambre, _H. Ord._ p. 41, ‘these torches, five, seven, or nine; and as many _sises_ sett upp as there bee torches,’ _ib._ p. 114; and dayly iiii other of these gromes, called wayters, to make fyres, to sett up tressyls and bourdes, with yomen of chambre, and to help dresse the beddes of sylke and arras. _H. Ord._ p. 41.] [[Footnote 28a: ? some omission after this line.]] [Footnote 29: Wardroppe, or closet--_garderobe_. Palsgrave.] [Footnote 30: See the duties of Edward IV.’s Sewar, _H. Ord._ p. 36.] [Footnote 31: Manchet was the fine bread; chet, the coarse. Fr. _pain rouffet_, Cheat, or boulted bread; houshold bread made of Wheat and Rie mingled. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 32: See the ‘Styward of Housholde,’ _H. Ord._ p. 55-6: ‘He is head officer.’] [Footnote 33: See the ‘Countroller of this houshold royall,’ _H. Ord._ p. 58-9.] [Footnote 34: See the duties and allowances of A Surveyour for the Kyng, in _Household Ordinances_, p. 37.] [Footnote 35: See the ‘chyef clerke of kychyn,’ t. Edw. IV., _H. Ord._ p. 70; and Henry VIII.’s Clerke of the Kitchen, A.D. 1539, _ib._ p. 235.] [Footnote 36: The duties of the Chauncellor of Englond are not stated in Edw. IV.’s Liber Niger, _H. Ord._ p. 29; but one of the two Clerkys of Grene-Clothe was accustomed to ‘delyver the clothinge of housholde,’ p. 61.] [Footnote 37: See the ‘Thesaurere of Housholde’ in Edw. IV.’s Liber Niger, _H. Ord._ p. 56-8: ‘the grete charge of polycy and husbandry of all this houshold growyth and stondyth moste part by hys sad and dylygent pourveyaunce and conduytes.’] [Footnote 38: AS. _gerefa_, reeve, steward, bailiff.] [Footnote 39: Rents, in kind or money; AS. _feorme_, food, goods.] [Footnote 40: The Avener of Edw. IV. is mentioned in _H. Ord._ p. 69. See the Charge of Henry VIII.’s Stable, A.D. 1526, _ib._ p. 206-7.] [Footnote 41: Prouender or menglid corne--fovrraige ... _provende_. Palsgrave.] [Footnote 42: See ‘two _cast_ of brede,’ l. 631. ‘One caste of brede’ for the Steward’s yeoman, _H. Ord._ p. 56, &c.] [Footnote 43: Mayster of the horses--_escvier de escvirie_. Palsg.] [Footnote 44: See Rogers’s _Agriculture and Prices in England_, v. 1, p. 280-1. The latest prices he gives for shoeing are in 1400; “Alton Barnes, Shoeing 5 horses, a year, 6s. 8d. Takley, Shoeing 2 cart horses [a year] 1s. 8d.” A.D. 1466, ‘fore shoyinge ij.d.’ _Manners and Household Expenses_ (ed. Dawson Turner), 1841, p. 380. (Sir Jn. Howard, Knt., 1462-9.) The Percy allowance in 1512 was “ij s viiij d. every Hors Shoynge for the hole Yere by estimacion, Viz. a Hors to be shodd oons in iij moneths withowt they jornay.” p. 24. A horse’s daily allowance was ‘a Peck of Oats, or 4d. in B{re}ade after iiij Loiffes, 4d. for Provaunder, from 29th Septr. 8 Hen. VIII. to 3rd May following,’ p. 266.] [Footnote 45: See Edw. IV.’s Office of Bakehouse, _H. Ord._ p. 68-70. ‘The sergeaunt of thys office to make continually of every busshell, halfe chiete halfe rounde, besydes the flowre for the Kinges mouthe, xxvii loves, every one weying, after one daye olde, xxiii ounces of troye weyghtes.’ p. 69.] [Footnote 46: In Edward the Fourth’s Court, ‘Knyghts of Household, XII, bachelers sufficiant, and most valient men of that ordre of every countrey’ had ‘to serve the King of his bason.’ _H. Ord_. p. 33.] [Footnote 47: _Replier_, To redouble, to bow, fould, or plait into many doublings. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 48: Napkins? O. Fr. _brueroi_ is _bruyère_, heath.] [Footnote 49: ? Du. _zijgen_ (_door een zifte ofte Stramijn_), to runne (through a Sift or a Strainer.). _een Suyle_ a Pale or a Water-pale. Hexham.] [Footnote 50: covers. ‘Ovyr quelmyd or ouer hyllyde. _Obvolutus._’ P. Parv.] [Footnote 51: A.S. _flett_, room, hall.] [Footnote 52: See The Almonry of Henry VIII. A.D. 1526, _H. Ord._ p. 154, and p. 144; A.D. 1539, _H. Ord._ p. 239.] [Footnote 53: Edward IV. had ‘Bannerettes, IIII, or Bacheler Knights, to be kervers and cupberers in his Courte.’ ‘The kerver at the boarde, after the King is passed it, may chese for hymself one dyshe or two, that plentie is among.... Theis kervers and cupberers ... them nedeth to be well spede in taking of degree in _the schole of urbanytie_.’ _H. Ord._ p. 32-3.] [Footnote 54: See the ‘Office of Chaundlerye,’ _H. Ord._ p. 82-3. Paris candles, torches, morters, tortayes, sizes, and smalle lightes, are mentioned there.] [Footnote 55: Torche. _Cereus._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 56: ? same as _tortayes_, p. 192, note 2 [[28]]; p. 204, _n._ [[54]] ] [Footnote 57: Pryket, of a candylstykke, or other lyke. _Stiga_, P. Parv. Candlesticks (says Mr Way) in ancient times were not fashioned with nozzles, but with long spikes or _prykets_.... (See wood cut at the end of this book.) In the Memoriale of Henry, prior of Canterbury, A.D. 1285, the term _prikett_ denotes, not the candlestick, but the candle, formed with a corresponding cavity at one end, whereby it was securely fixed upon the spike. p. 413, n. 1. Henry VIII.’s allowance ‘unto our right dere and welbilovede the Lady Lucy,’ July 16, 1533, included ‘at our Chaundrye barr, in Wynter, every night oon _preket_ and foure syses of Waxe, with eight Candells white lights, and oon Torche.’ _Orig. Letters_, ed. Ellis, Series I., vol. ii. p. 31.] [Footnote 58: See note 1, p. 189. [[16]] ] * * * * * * * * * NOTES TO THE BOOK OF CURTASYE. [Transcriber’s Note: This section originally appeared near the end of the volume, immediately before the General Index.] p. 188, l. 377-8, _Statut._ The only Statute about horse-hire that I can find, is 20 Ric. II. cap. 5, A.D. 1396-7, given below. I suppose the _Foure pens_ of l. 376 of the _Boke of Curtasye_ was the price fixed by “the kyngis crye” or Proclamation, l. 378, or by the sheriff or magistrates in accordance with it as the “due Agreement to the party” required by the Statute. “_Item._ Forasmuch as the Commons have made Complaint, that many great Mischiefs Extortions & Oppressions be done by divers people of evil Condition, which of their own Authority take & cause to be taken royally Horses and other Things, and Beasts out of their Wains Carts and Houses, saying & devising that they be to ride on hasty Messages & Business, where of Truth they be in no wise privy of any Business or Message, but only in Deceit & Subtilty, by such Colour and Device to take Horses, and the said Horses hastily to ride & evil entreat, having no Manner of Conscience or Compassion in this Behalf, so that the said Horses become all spoiled and foundered, paying no manner of Thing nor penny for the same, nor giving them any manner of sustenance; and also that some such manner of people, changing & altering their Names, do take and ride such Horses, and carry them far from thence to another Place, so that they to whom they belong, can never after by any mean see, have again, nor know their said Horses where they be, to the great Mischief Loss Impoverishment & Hindrance of the King’s poor People, their Husbandry, and of their Living: Our Lord the King willing, for the Quietness and Ease of his People, to provide Remedy thereof, will & hath ordained, That none from henceforth shall take any such Horse or Beast in Such Manner, against the Consent of them to whom they be; and if any that do, and have no sufficient Warrant nor Authority of the King, he shall be taken and imprisoned till he hath made due Agreement to the Party.” That this seizing of horses for the pretended use of the king was no fancied grievance, even in much later times, is testified by Roger Ascham’s letter to Lord Chancellor Wriothesley (? in 1546 A.D.) complaining of an audacious seizure of the horse of the invalid Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, on the plea that it was to carry the king’s fish, whereas the seizer’s own servant was the nag’s real burden: “tentatum est per hominem apud nos valde turbulentum, nomine Maxwellum.” _Ascham’s Works_, ed. Giles, v. 1, p. 99. In vols. ix., x., and xi. of Rymer, I find no Proclamation or Edict about horse-hire. In 1413 Henry V.’s _Herbergeator_ is to provide Henry le Scrop, knight, with all that he wants “Proviso semper quòd idem Henricus pro hujusmodi Fœnis, Equis, Carectis, Cariagiis, & aliis necessariis, per se, seu Homines & Servientes suos prædictos, ibidem capiendis, fideliter solvat & satisfaciat, ut est justum.” _Rymer_, ix. 13. The general rule shown by the documents in Rymer is that reasonable payments be made. _De Equis pro Cariagio Gunnorum Regis capiendis._ A.D. 1413 (1 Sept.), An. 1. Hen. V. Pat. 1, Hen. V. p. 3, m. 19. Rex, Dilectis sibi, _Johanni Sprong_, Armigero, & _Johanni Louth_ Clerico, Salutem. Sciatis quod Assignavimus vos, conjunctim & divisim, ad tot Equos, Boves, Plaustra, & Carectas, quot pro Cariagio certorum Gunnorum nostrorum, ac aliarum Rerum pro eisdem Gunnis necessarium, a Villa Bristolliæ usque Civitatem nostram Londoniæ, indiguerint, tàm infra Libertates, quàm extea (Feodo Ecclesiæ dumtaxat excepto) pro Denariis nostris, in hac parte rationabiliter solvendis Capiendum & Providendum. _Rymer_, ix. p. 49. So in 1417 the order to have six wings plucked from the wing of every goose (except those commonly called _Brodoges_--? brood geese--) to make arrows for our archers, says that the feathers are _rationabiliter solvendis_. See also p. 653. p. 188, l. 358. _The stuarde_ and his _stafe_. Cp. Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey (ed. Singer, i. 34), “he had in his hall, daily, three especial tables furnished with three principal officers; that is to say, a Steward, which was always a dean or a priest; a Treasurer, a knight; and a Comptroller, an esquire; _which bare always within his house their white staves._ “Then had he a cofferer, three marshals, two yeomen ushers, two grooms, and an almoner. He had in the hall-kitchen two clerks of his kitchen, a clerk comptroller, a surveyor of the dresser, a clerk of his spicery.” See the rest of Wolsey’s household officers, p. 34-9. p. 190, l. 409. _Ale._ See in _Notes on the Months_, p. 418, the Song “Bryng us in good ale,” copied from the MS. song-book of an Ipswich Minstrel of the 15th century, read by Mr Thomas Wright before the British Archæological Association, August, 1864, and afterwards published in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_. P.S.--The song was first printed complete in Mr Wright’s edition of _Songs & Carols_ for the Percy Society, 1847, p. 63. He gives Ritson’s incomplete copy from Harl. MS. 541, at p. 102. Bryng us in good ale, and bryng us in good ale; For owr blyssyd lady sak, bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no browne bred, fore that is made of brane, Nor bryng us in no whyt bred, for therin is no game; But bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no befe, for there is many bonys; But bryng us in good ale, for that goth downe at onys, And bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no bacon, for that is passing fate; But bryng us in good ale, and gyfe us i-nought of that, And bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no mutton, for that is often lene, Nor bryng us in no trypes, for thei be syldom clene; But bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no eggys, for ther ar many schelles; But bryng us in good ale, and gyfe us no[th]yng ellys, And bryng us in good ale. Bryng vs in no butter, for therin ar many herys Nor bryng us in no pygges flesch, for that will make us borys; But bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no podynges, for therin is al Godes-good; Nor bryng us in no venesen, for that is not for owr blood; But bryng us in good ale. Bryng us in no capons flesch, for that is ofte der; Nor bryng us in no dokes flesche, for thei slober in the mer; But bryng us in good ale. See also the other ale song at p. 81 of the same volume, with the burden Doll thi ale, doll; doll thi ale, doll; Ale mak many a mane to have a doty poll. p. 191, l. 435, _Gromes._ “the said four groomes, or two of them at the least, shall repaire and be in the King’s privy chamber, at the farthest between six and seven of the clock in the morning, or sooner, as they shall have knowledge that the King’s highnesse intendeth to be up early in the morning; which groomes so comen to the said chamber, shall not onely avoyde the pallets, but also make ready the fire, dresse and straw the chamber, purgeing and makeing cleane of the same of all manner of filthynesse, in such manner and wise as the King’s highnesse, at his upriseing and comeing thereunto, may finde the said chamber pure, cleane, whollsome, and meete, without any displeasant aire or thing, as the health, commodity, and pleasure of his most noble person doth require.” _Household Ordinances_, p. 155, cap. 56, A.D. 1526. * * * * * * * * * Errata (noted by transcriber): de Worde, _Boke of Keruynge_ M.CCCC.xiij. [_text unchanged: end of selection has “CCCCC“_] [Sidenote: _ewynge of_] [_text shown as printed: probably “Sewynge of Flesshe” with printing defect_] [Sidenote: _Keruynge of Flesshe._] [_editor’s spelling; the same sidenote is used in the “Seruyce” section, following_] [Sidenote: _Rittern._ Salt, the sauce.] [_text unchanged: error for “Bittern“?_] [Sidenote: Carp, Trout, Conger, Thornback] [_comma after “Carp” added_] The Marshall and the vssher muste knowe ... [_in the list following, line-final punctuation is as in the original_] all these may svt two or thre [_text unchanged: printing error for “syt”?_] Σαλαγξ [Σαλάχξ] _Sele turrentyne_, p. 166, l. 8 [l, 8] _Boke of Curtesye_ l. 201 [Sidenote: Go on the pilgrimages (?) ....] [_“pilgrim / ages” at line break with room for hyphen_] [_question mark in original_] l. 267 Also a wyfe be-falle of ryȝt [_corrected by editor from “be, falle”_] l. 394-5 (unnumbered header between lines) Sidenote Fire shall burn in the Hall. [_corrected by editor from final comma; Corrigenda gives line reference as 393_] ll. 462-64 ... hete ... sett; ... let, [_Line-ending punctuation changed by editor from_ ... hete. ... sett, ... let;] ll. 468-69 ... sett / In syce; [_Punctuation changed by editor from_ ... set, / In syce] l. 676 [Sidenote: ... and the spoon handle by it.] [_“spoon handle” changed by editor from “steel spoon”_] [Footnote 15: ... p. *30] [_asterisked number in original_] [Footnote 27: ... P. Parv. See note 3, p. 160.] [_reference is to P. Parv., not to present book_] [Footnote 34: See the ‘Countroller of this houshold royall,’ ...] [“Countroller...] [Footnote 55: ... _H. Ord._ p. 32-3.] [_final period (full stop) missing_] [Footnote 58: ...] [Footnote 60: ...] [_footnote numbers in double brackets added by transcriber_] _Boke of Curtesye_: notes the order to have six wings plucked from the wing of every goose [_text unchanged: error for “six feathers”?_] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * The Booke of Demeanor and the Allowance and Disallowance of certaine Misdemeanors in Companie, [From the reprint by Bensley & Sons (in 1817) of “The Booke of Demeanor from Small Poems entitled _The Schoole of Vertue_ by Richard Weste,” 1619, 12mo.] To the Reader. R Ightly conceiue me, and obserue me well, I Doe what heere is done for Childrens good, C Hrist in his Gospell (as S. Marke doth tell) H Ath not forbidden Children, nor withstood A Ny that should but aske the ready way, R Egarding Children, not to say them nay. D Irecting all that came, how faith should be, W Hat they should crave of Gods high Majestie, E Ven Salvation, through their faithful Prayer, S Ending their contemplations into the ayre, T O his high throne, whose love so guide us all E Ven to the end we neuer cease to call. [N.B.--The stops and sidenotes are those of the original, but that has no Headlines.] The Booke of Demeanor. [Sidenote: Serving at the table.] Stand straight vpright, and both thy feet together closely standing, Be sure on’t, ever let thine eye be still at thy commanding. 4 Observe that nothing wanting be which should be on the bord. [Sidenote: Silence] Vnlesse a question moved be, be carefull: not a word. 8 [Sidenote: Serving or filling drinke.] If thou doe give or fill the drinke, with duty set it downe, And take it backe with manlike cheere not like a rusticke Lowne. 12 [Sidenote: [p. 6.]] [Sidenote: If on an errand.] If on an errand thou be sent, make haste and doe not stay, When all have done, observe the time, serve God and take away. 16 [Sidenote: To schoole againe.] When thou hast done and dined well, remember thou repaire To schoole againe with carefulnesse, be that thy cheefest care. 20 And marke what shall be read to thee, or given thee to learne, That apprehend as neere as may be, wisdome so doth warne. 24 With stedfast eye and carefull eare, remember every word Thy Schoole master shall speake to thee, as memory shall afford. 28 [Sidenote: [p. 7.]] [Sidenote: To use the browes.] Let not thy browes be backward drawn, it is a signe of pride, Exalt them not, it shewes a hart most arrogant beside. 32 [Sidenote: The eyes.] Nor let thine eyes be gloting downe, cast with a hanging looke: For that to dreamers doth belong, that goodnesse cannot brooke. 36 [Sidenote: The forehead.] Let forehead joyfull be and full, it shewes a merry part, And cheerefulnesse in countenance, and pleasantnesse of heart. 40 [Sidenote: Countenance.] Nor wrinckled let thy countenance be, still going to and fro: For that belongs to hedge-hogs right, they wallow even so. 44 [Sidenote: [p. 8.]] [Sidenote: The nose.] Nor imitate with Socrates, to wipe thy snivelled nose Vpon thy cap, as he would doe, nor yet upon thy clothes. 48 But keepe it cleane with handkerchiffe, provided for the same, Not with thy fingers or thy sleeve, therein thou art too blame. 52 [Sidenote: Blowing or breathing.] Blow not alowd as thou shalt stand, for that is most absurd, Iust like a broken winded horse. it is to be abhord. 56 [Sidenote: Snuffling in the nose when you speake.] Nor practize snufflngly to speake, for that doth imitate The brutish Storke and Elephant, yea and the wralling cat. 60 [Sidenote: [p. 9.]] [Sidenote: Neezing.] If thou of force doe chance to neeze, then backewards turne away From presence of the company, wherein thou art to stay. 64 [Sidenote: The Cheekes.] Thy cheekes with shamefac’t modesty, dipt in Dame Natures die, Not counterfet, nor puffed out, observe it carefully. 68 [Sidenote: Breathing.] Keepe close thy mouth, for why, thy breath may hap to give offence, And other worse may be repayd for further recompence. 72 [Sidenote: Lips.] Nor put thy lips out like a foole as thou wouldst kisse a horse, When thou before thy betters art, and what is ten times worse, 76 [Sidenote: [p. 10.]] [Sidenote: Yawning.] To gape in such unseemely sort, with ugly gaping mouth, Is like an image pictured a blowing from the south. 80 Which to avoyd, then turne about, and with a napkin hide That gaping foule deformity, when thou art so aside. 84 [Sidenote: Laughing.] To laugh at all things thou shalt heare, is neither good nor fit, It shewes the property and forme of one with little wit. 88 [Sidenote: Biting the lip.] To bite the lip it seemeth base, for why, to lay it open, Most base dissembling doggednesse, most sure it doth betoken. 92 [Sidenote: [p. 11.]] [Sidenote: Biting the upper lip.] And so to bite the upper lip doth most uncomely shew, The lips set close (as like to kisse) in manner seeme not so. 96 [Sidenote: The tongue.] To put the tongue out wantonly, and draw it in agen, Betokens mocking of thy selfe, in all the eyes of men, 100 [Sidenote: Spitting.] If spitting chance to move thee so thou canst it not forbeare, Remember do it modestly, consider who is there. 104 If filthiness, or ordure thou upon the floore doe cast, Tread out, and cleanse it with thy foot, let that be done with haste. 108 [Sidenote: [p. 12.]] [Sidenote: Hammering in speech.] If in thy tale thou hammering stand, or coughing twixt thy words, It doth betoken a liers smell, that’s all that it affords. 112 [Sidenote: Belching.] To belch or bulch like _Clitipho_, whom _Terence_ setteth forth, Commendeth manners to be base, most foule and nothing worth. 116 [Sidenote: Vomiting.] If thou to vomit be constrain’d, avoyd from company: So shall it better be excus’d, if not through gluttony. 120 [Sidenote: Keeping the teeth cleane.] Keep white thy teeth, and wash thy mouth with water pure and cleane, And in that washing, mannerly observe and keep a meane. 124 [Sidenote: Kembing the head.] [Sidenote: [p. 13.]] Thy head let that be kembd and trimd, let not thy haire be long, It is unseemely to the eye, rebuked by the tongue. 128 [Sidenote: Hanging down the head] And be not like a slothfull wight, delighted to hang downe The head, and lift the shoulders up, nor with thy browes to frowne. 132 [Sidenote: Carriage of the body.] To carry up the body faire, is decent, and doth shew A comely grace in any one, Where ever he doth goe. 136 [Sidenote: Hanging the head aside.] To hang the head on any side, doth shew hypocrisie: And who shall use it trust him not, he deales with policie. 140 [Sidenote: [p. 14.]] [Sidenote: Privy members.] Let not thy privy members be layd open to be view’d, It is most shamefull and abhord, detestable and rude. 144 [Sidenote: Urine or winde.] Retaine not urine nor the winde, which doth thy body vex, So it be done with secresie, let that not thee perplex. 148 [Sidenote: Sitting.] And in thy sitting use a meane, as may become thee well, Not straddling, no nor tottering, and dangling like a bell. 152 [Sidenote: Curtesie.] Observe in Curtesie to take a rule of decent kinde, Bend not thy body too far foorth, nor backe thy leg behind. 156 [Sidenote: The gate in going.] [Sidenote: [p. 15.]] In going keep a decent gate, not faining lame or broken, For that doth seeme but wantonnesse, and foolishnesse betoken. 160 [Sidenote: Apparrell.] Let thy apparrell not exceede, to passe for sumptuous cost, Nor altogether be too base, for so thy credit’s lost. 164 Be modest in thy wearing it, and keep it neat and cleane, For spotted, dirty, or the like, is lothsome to be seene. 168 This for thy body may suffice, how that must ordred be: Now at the Church thou shalt observe to God how all must be. 172 [_No doubt incomplete, or to be inserted before _Cap. v._ of _Weste’s Schoole of Vertue_, at the end of this Part._ F. J. F.] * * * * * * * * * +Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes.+ [_Sloane MS._ 1986, _p._ 193, _ab._ 1450-60. _The last page mentions the 19th year of Henry VI.,_ A.D. 1440-1.] [Transcriber’s Note: The _Statutes_ were printed as a single paragraph. The text has been broken up for readability, using the original paragraph marks ¶. Sidenotes that do not correspond to numbered items are marked with lower-case letters. The first three sidenotes, from the original MS, were printed in larger type.] Incipiunt statuta familie bone Memorie do{m}pni Rob{er}ti Grossetest, lincoln{i}e ep{iscop}i. [a] Let alle men be warned þ{a}t s{er}uen ȝou, and warnyng be ȝeue to all{e} me{n} that be of howseholde, to {ser}ue god and ȝou trewly & diligently and to p{er}formyng, or the wyllyng of god to be p{er}formed and fulfyllydde. [Sidenote: +p{ri}m{us} u{e}r{sicu}l{us}+] [b] Fyrst let s{er}uaunt{is} doo p{er}fytely in all{e} thyng{is} youre wylle, and kepe they ȝoure {com}maundement{is} after god and ryȝthwysnesse, and w{i}t{h}-oute co{n}dicioñ and also w{i}t{h}-oute gref or offense. And sey ȝe, that be p{ri}ncipall{e} heuede or prelate to all{e} ȝoure s{er}uaunt{is} both{e} lesse and mor{e}, that they doo fully, reedyly, and treuly, w{i}t{h}-oute offense or ayenseyng, all{e} youre wille & co{m}maundement that is not ayeynys god. [Sidenote: +2^us+] [Sidenotes: [a] All servants should serve truly God and their Master; [b] doing fully all that their Master orders, without answering.] T the secunde ys, that [a] ȝe co{m}maunde them that kepe and haue kepyng of ȝoure howseholde, a-fore ȝoure meynye, that bothe w{i}t{h}-in and w{i}t{h}-oute the meynye be trewe, honest, diligent, both{e} chast and p{ro}fitabulle. [Sidenote: +3^us+] ¶ the thrydde: co{m}maunde ye that [b] nomañ be admittyd in ȝoure howseholde, nother inwarde nother vtwarde, but hit be trustyd and leuyd that ȝe be trewe and diligent, and namely to that office to the whiche he is admyttyd; Also þ{a}t he be of goode man{er}s [Sidenotes: [a] The upper servants must be honest and diligent, [b] and engage no untrusty or unfit man.] ¶ The fowreth{e}: be hit sowȝht and examined ofte tymys yf ther be ony [a] vntrewman, vnkunnyng, vnhonest, lecherous, stryffull{e}, drunke[p. 194]lewe, vnp{ro}fitabull{e}, yf there be ony suche yfunde or diffamydde vppon these thyng{is}, that they be caste oute or put fro the howseholde. [Sidenotes: iv. [a] Dishonest, quarrelsome, and drunken servants must be turned out.] ¶ The fyft: co{m}maunde ȝe that in no wyse be in the howseholde men debatefull{e} or stryffull{e}, but that all{e} be of ooñ a-corde, of ooñ wylle, euen lyke as in them ys oon mynde and oon sowle. ¶ The sixte: co{m}maunde ȝe that all{e} tho that s{er}uen in ony offyce be obedient, and redy, to the{m} that be a-bofe them in thyng{is} that p{er}teynyñ to there office. ¶ The seuenth{e}: co{m}maunde ȝe that ȝoure gentilmen yome{n} and other, dayly bere and were there robis in ȝoure p{re}sence, and namely at the mete, for ȝoure worshyppe, and not oolde robis and not cordyng to the lyu{er}ey, nother were they oolde schoon ne fylyd. [Sidenotes: v. All must be of one accord, vi. obedient to those above them, vii. dress in livery, and not wear old shoes.] ¶ The viij: Commaunde ȝe that ȝoure almys be kepyd, & not sende not to boys and knafis, nother in the hall{e} nothe out{e} of þe hall{e}, ne be wasted in soperys ne dyners of gromys, but wysely, temp{er}atly, w{i}t{h}-oute bate or betyng, be hit distribute and the[n] dep{ar}tyd to powre meñ, beggers, syke folke and febull{e}. ¶ The ix.: Make ȝe ȝoure owne howseholde to sytte in the all{e}, as muche as ye mow or may, at the bordis of oon p{ar}te and of the other p{ar}te, and lette them sitte to-gedur as mony as may, not here fowre and thre there: and when youre chef maynye be sett, then all{e} gromys may [p. 195] entre, sitte, And ryse [Sidenotes: viii. Order your Alms to be given to the poor and sick. ix. Make all the household dine together in the Hall.] ¶ The x.: Streytly for-bede ȝe that no wyfe[A] be at ȝoure mete. [a] And sytte ȝe eu{er} in the myddul of the hye borde, that youre fysegge and chere be schewyd to all{e} meñ of bothe p{ar}tyes, and that ȝe may see lyȝhtly the s{er}uic{is} and defawt{is}: and diligently see ȝe that eu{er}y day in ȝoure mete seson be two men ordeyned to ou{er}-se youre mayny, and of that they shall{e} drede ȝou ¶ The xi: co{m}maunde ȝe, and yeue licence as lytul tyme as ye may w{i}t{h} honeste to them that be in ȝoure howseholde, to go home. And whenne ȝe yeue licence to the{m}, Assigne ȝe to them a short day of comyng a yeyne vnd{ur} peyne of lesyng ther{e} s{er}uice. [b] And yf ony mañ speke ayen or be worth{e},[B] say to hym, “what! wille ye be lorde? ye wylle þ{a}t y s{er}ue you after ȝoure wylle.” and they that wylle not here that ȝe say, effectually be they ywarnyd, and ye shall{e} p{ro}uide other s{er}uant{is} the which{e} shall{e} s{er}ue you to your{e} wylle or plesyng. [Sidenotes: x. Let no woman dine with you. [a] Let the Master show himself to all. [b] Don’t allow grumbling. xi. Let your servants go to their homes. ¶ The xij is: {comman}d the panyt{r}ere w{i}t{h} youre brede, & the botelare w{i}t{h} wyne and ale, come to-gedur afore ȝou at the tabull{e} afore gracys, [a] And let be there thre yome{n} assigned to s{er}ue the hye tabull{e} and the two syde tabullis in solenne dayes; ¶ And ley they not the vessels deseruyng for ale and wyne vppon the tabull{e},[p. 196] but afore you, But be thay layid vnder þe tabull{e}. ¶ The 13: co{m}maunde ye the stywarde þ{a}t he be besy and diligent to kepe the maynye i{n} hys owne p{er}sone i{n}warde and vtwarde, and namely in the hall{e} and at mete, that they be-haue them selfe honestly, w{i}t{h}-out stryffe, fowlespekyng, and noyse; And that they that be ordeynyd to sette messys, [b] bryng them be ordre and c{on}tinuelly tyl all{e} be s{er}ued, and not inordinatly, And thorow affeccion [C] to p{er}sonys or by specialte; And take ȝe hede to this tyl messys be fully sett in the hall{e}, and aft{er} tende ye to ȝoure mette. [Sidenotes: xii. Tell your Panter and Butler to come to the table before grace. [a] Tell off three yeomen to wait at table. xiii. Tell the Steward to keep good order in the Hall, [b] and serve every one fairly.] ¶ The xiiij: c{om}maunde ȝe þ{a}t youre dysshe be well{e} fyllyd and hepid, and namely of ent{er}mes, and of pitance w{i}t{h}-oute fat, carkyng that ȝe may p{ar}te coureteysly to thoo that sitte beside, bothe of the ryght hande and the left, thorow all{e} the hie tabulle, and to other as plesyth{e} you, thowȝght they haue of the same that ye haue. At the sop{er} be s{er}uant{is} s{er}uid of oon messe, & byȝth met{is}, & aft{er} of chese. ¶ And yf the[r] come gest{is}, s{er}uice schall{e} be haued as nedyth{e}. ¶ The xv: co{m}maunde ye the officers that they admitte youre knowlechyd men, familiers frendys, and strangers, w{i}t{h} mery chere, the wh[i]che they knowen you to wille for to admitte and receyue, and to them the whiche wylle you worschipe, and [p. 197] they wylleñ to do that ye wylle to do, that they may know them selfe to haue be welcome to ȝou, and to be welle plesyd that they be come. ¶ And al so much{e} as ȝe may w{i}t{h}-oute p{er}il of sykenes & werynys ete ȝe in the halle afore ȝoure meyny, ¶ For that schall{e} be to ȝou p{ro}fyte and worshippe. [Sidenotes: xiv. Have your dish well filled that you may help others to it. xv. Always admit your special friends, and show them you are glad to see them.] ¶ The xvj: when your{e} ballyfs comyn a-fore ȝoure, speke to the{m} fayr{e} and gentilly in opyñ place, and not in p{ri}uey, ¶ And shew them mery cher{e}, & serche and axe of them “how fare owr{e} meñ & tenaunt{is}, & how cornys dooñ, & cart{is}, and of owr{e} stor{e} how hit ys m{u}ltiplyed,” Axe suche thyng{is} ope{n}ly, and knowe ȝe certeynly that they wille the more drede ȝou. ¶ The xvij: co{m}maunde ȝe that din{er}is and sopers p{ri}uely i{n} hid plase be not had, & be thay forbeden that there be no suche dyn{er}s nother sopers oute of the hall{e}, For of such{e} cometh{e} grete destr[u]ccion, and no worshippe therby growyth{e} to the lorde. ¶ Expliciu{n}t Statuta Familie bone Memorie. [Sidenotes: xvi. Talk familiarly to your Bailiffs, ask how your tenants and store do. xvii. Allow no private meals; only those in Hall.] [Textnotes: A MS. wyse B t.i. wroth C MS. affecciori] Prof. Brewer has, I find, printed these _Statuta_ in his most interesting and valuable _Monumenta Franciscana_, 1858, p. 582-6. He differs from Mr Brock and me in reading _drunkelewe_ (drunken, in Chaucer, &c.) as ‘drunke, lewe,’ and _vessels_ as ‘bossels,’ and in adding _e_’s[1] to some final _g_’s. He says, by way of Introduction, that, “Though entitled Ordinances for the Household of Bishop Grostete, this is evidently a Letter addressed to the Bishop on the management of his Household by some very intimate friend. From the terms used in the Letter, it is clear that the writer must have been on confidential terms with the Prelate. I cannot affirm positively that the writer was Adam de Marisco, although to no other would this document be attributed with greater probability. No one else enjoyed such a degree of Grostete’s affection; none would have ventured to address him with so much familiarity. Besides, the references made more than once by Adam de Marisco in his letters to the management of the Bishop’s household, greatly strengthen this supposition. See pp. 160, 170 (_Mon. Francisc._). The MS. is a small quarto on vellum, in the writing of the 15th century. It is in all probability a translation from a Latin original.” [Footnote 1: In this he is probably right. The general custom of editors justifies it. Our printers want a pig-tailed or curly _g_ to correspond with the MS. one.] * * * * * * * * * Stanzas and Couplets of Counsel. [_From the Rawlinson MS., C. 86, fol. 31, in the Bodleian Library._] Vtter thy langage wyth good avisement; Reule the by Reasou{n} in thy termoȝ all{e}; [Sidenote: Never mistrust or fail your friend.] Mystruste not thy frende for non{e} accusement, Fayle him neu{er} at nede, what so eu{er} befall{e}; 4 Solace þi selfe when men{n} to sporte þee call{e}; [Sidenote: Don’t talk too much.] Largely to speke be wele ware for þ{a}t cause; Roll{e} faste this reasou{n} & thynke wele on þ{i}s clause. [Sidenote: Spare your master’s goods as your own.] What man{n} þ{o}u s{er}uyst, all{e} wey him drede; 8 His good as þyñ owne, eu{er} þ{o}u spare. Lette neu{er} þy wyll{e} þy witt ou{er} lede, But be glad of eu{er}y mannys welfare. Folus lade polys; wisemen{n} ete þe fysshe; 12 Wisemen{n} hath in þ{er} hondis ofte þ{a}t folys aft{er} wyssh{e}. [Sidenote: A lawless youth, a despised old age.] Who so in youthe no vertu vsith, In age all{e} hono{ur} him refusith. Deame þ{e}e best in eu{er}y doute 16 Tyl þe trouthe be tryed oute. [Sidenote: A Gentleman says the best he can of every one.] It is þe properte of A gentilman{n} To say the beste þ{a}t he can{n}. Si vieȝ doler{e} tua crimina die miserer{e} 20 Permiserere mei frangitur ira dei [Follows:--Policronica. Josephus of Iewes þ{a}t Nobyl was, the firste Aucto{ur} of the booke of Policronica, &c.] * * * * * * * * * The schoole of Vertue, and booke of good Nourture for chyldren, and youth to learne theyr dutie by, Newely perused, corrected, and augmented by the fyrst Auctour F. S.[eager] With a briefe declaracion of the dutie of eche degree. Anno. 1557. Dispise not councel, rebuking foly Esteme it as, nedefull and holy. ¶ Imprinted at London in Paules Churchyarde at the signe of the Hedgehogge by Wyllyam Seares. ¶ THE AUCTOURS NAME IN VERDYT. [S] Saye well some wyll by this my labour [E] Euery man yet Wyll not say the same [A] Amonge the good I doubt not fauour [G] God them forgeue For it me blame [E] Eche man I wyshe It shall offende [R] Reade and then iudge Where faulte is amende Face aut Tace. [Transcriber’s Note: Headnotes are interlaced with the table of contents; they will also appear in their original locations in the text. On the title page the name SEAGER was printed vertically, enclosed in a single box. The verse lines described in the editor’s note have been re-split for this e-text. Line numbers that were omitted or skipped have been regularized to multiples of 4, as in other selections. Large-print (original) sidenotes are shown with a smaller indentation; almost all are names or Biblical citations.] CONTENTS. (_Taken from the headings in the Text._) PAGE The mornynge prayer 225 Cap. i. Howe to order thy selfe when thou rysest, and in apparelynge thy body 226 [Headnote: HOW TO RISE AND DRESS IN THE MORNING.] Cap. ii. Howe to behaue thy selfe in going by the streate and in the schoole 227 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE IN SCHOOL AND STREET.] Cap. iii. Howe to behaue thi selfe in seruynge the table 229 [Headnote: HOW TO SERVE AT DINNER.] Cap. iiii. Howe to order thy selfe syttynge at the table 231 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT ONE’S OWN DINNER.] Cap. v. Howe to order thy selfe in the Churche 233 Cap. vi. The fruites of gamynge, vertue and learnynge 234 [Headnote: AGAINST GAMING, AND FOR VIRTUE.] Cap. vii. How to behaue thy selfe in taulkynge with any man 235 Cap. viii. How to order thy selfe being sente of message 236 [Headnote: HOW TO CARRY A MESSAGE.] Cap. ix. A-gainste Anger, Enuie, and malice 236 Cap. x. The fruites of charitie, loue, and pacience 237 Cap. xi. A-gainge (_so_) the horrible vice of swearynge 238 [Headnote: AGAINST SWEARING.] Cap. xii. A-gainste the vice of filthy talkynge 239 Cap. xiii. A-gainste the vice of lyinge 239 [Headnote: AGAINST LYING.] A praier to be saide when thou goest to bedde 240 [Headnote: A NIGHTLY PRAYER.] The dutie of eche degred. (_so_) brefely declared 241 [Headnote: THE DUTY OF ALL DEGREES OF MEN.] [N.B. The even lines (2, 4, &c.) of the original are printed here opposite the odd ones (1, 3, &c.), instead of after them, to save space. The lines must therefore be read right across the page. The sidenotes in large type, ‘Cato, Isocra, &c.,’ are those of the original. The rest are the editor’s, and he has added headlines, some stops, &c.] The schoole of vertue. [Sidenote: First, say this prayer: “O God!] [Sidenote: [sign. A. ii.]] First in the mornynge when thou dost awake, To God for his grace thy peticion then make; 4 This prayer folowynge vse dayly to say, Thy harte lyftynge vp; Thus begyn to pray 8 ¶ The mornynge prayer. ++“O God, from whom al good gifts procede! [Sidenote: enable us to follow virtue.] To thee we repayre in tyme of our nede, 12 That with thy grace thou wouldst vs endue Vertue to folowe and vyce to exchue: 16 Heare this our request, and graunt our desyre, [Sidenote: [sign. A. ii.b.]] O lorde! moste humbly we do the requyre! 20 [Sidenote: Defend us this day.] This day vs defende, that we walkynge aryght May do the thynge acceptable in thy syght, 24 That as we in yeares And body do growe, [Sidenote: Let us abound with virtues, flee from vice, and go forward in good doing to our live’s end.”] So in good vertues we may lykewyse flowe 28 To thy honour, and ioy of our parentes, Learninge to lyue well, and kepe thy co{m}maund mentes; 32 In flyinge from all Vice, synne, and cryme, Applyinge our bookes, not losynge our tyme, 36 May fructifye and go forwarde here in good doynge In this vale of miserie vnto oure lyuees endynge, 40 [Sidenote: [sign. A. iii.]] That after this lyfe here transitory We may attayne to greater glory.” 44 [Sidenote: Repeat the Lord’s Prayer night and morning.] The Lordes prayer then se thou recyte, So vsynge to do at mornynge and nyght. 48 [Headnote: HOW TO RISE AND DRESS IN THE MORNING.] [Sidenote: _How to wash and dress yourself._] ¶ Howe to order thy selfe when thou rysest, and in apparelynge thy body. Capitulo .i. [Sidenote: Cato.] ++Flye euer slouthe and ouer much slepe; [Sidenote: Don’t sleep too long.] In health the body therby thou shalte kepe. 52 Muche slepe ingendereth diseases and payne, It dulles the the wyt and hurteth the brayne. 56 [Sidenote: Rise early; cast up your bed, and don’t let it lie.] [Sidenote: [sign. A. iii.b.]] Early in the mornynge thy bed then forsake, Thy rayment put on, thy selfe redy make. 60 To cast vp thy bed It shalbe thy parte, Els may they say that beastly thou art; 64 So to departe and let the same lye, It is not semynge nor yet manerly. 68 [Sidenote: Go down, salute your parents, wash your hands, comb your head, brush your cap and put it on.] Downe from thy chamber when thou shalte go, Thy parentes salute thou, and the famely also; 72 Thy handes se thou washe, and thy hed keame, And of thy rayment se torne be no seame; 76 [Sidenote: [sign. A. iiii.]] Thy cappe fayre brusht, thy hed couer than, Takynge it of In speakynge to any man. 80 [Sidenote: Cato.] Cato doth councel thee thyne elders to reuerence Declarynge therby thy dutye and obedience. 84 [Sidenote: Tie on your shirt-collar, fasten your girdle, rub your breeches, clean your shoes, wipe your nose on a napkin, pare your nails, clean your ears, wash your teeth.] Thy shyrte coler fast to thy necke knyt; Comely thy rayment loke on thy body syt. 88 Thy gyrdell about thy wast then fasten, Thy hose fayre rubd thy showes se be cleane. 92 A napkyn se that thou haue in redines Thy nose to clense from all fylthynes. 96 [Sidenote: [sign. A. iiii.b.]] Thy nayles, yf nede be, se that thou payre; Thyne eares kepe cleane, thy teath washe thou fayre. 100 [Sidenote: Have your torn clothes mended, or new ones obtained.] If ought about thee chaunce to be torne, Thy frendes therof shewe howe it is worne, 104 And they wyll newe for thee prouyde, Or the olde mende, In tyme beinge spyde, 108 [Sidenote: Get your satchell and books, and haste to School, taking too pen, paper, and ink, which are necessary for use at school.] This done, thy setchell and they bokes take, And to the scole haste see thou make. 112 But ere thou go, with thy self forthynke. That thou take with thee pen, paper, and ynke; 116 For these are thynges for thy study necessary, Forget not then with thee them to cary. 120 The souldiar preparynge hym selfe to the fielde [Sidenote: [sign. A. v.]] Leaues not at home his sworde and his shielde, 124 No more shulde a scoler forget then truly what he at scole shulde nede to occupy. 128 [Sidenote: Then start off.] These thynges thus had, Take strayght thy way Vnto the schole without any stay. 132 [Sidenote: _How to behave going to, and at, School._] Howe to behaue thy selfe in going by the streate and in the schoole .ii. [Sidenote: Take off your cap to those you meet; give way to passers by.] ++In goynge by the way and passynge the strete, [Sidenote: Isocra.] Thy cappe put of, Salute those ye mete; 136 [Sidenote: Cato.] In geuynge the way to suche as passe by, It is a poynte of siuilitie. 140 [Sidenote: [sign. A. v.b.]] [Sidenote: Call your playmates on your road.] And thy way fortune so for to fall, Let it not greue thee thy felowes to call. 144 [Sidenote: At School salute your master, and the scholars.] when to the schole thou shalte resort, This rule note well I do the exhort: 148 Thy master there beynge, Salute with all reuerence, Declarynge thereby thy dutye and obedience; 152 Thy felowes salute In token of loue, Lest of inhumanitie they shall the reproue. 156 [Sidenote: Go straight to your place, undo your satchell, take out your books and learn your lesson; stick well to your books.] Vnto thy place appoynted for to syt, Streight go thou to, and thy setchel vnknyt, 160 Thy bokes take out, thy lesson then learne [Text note: [A _Orig._ Huubly]] [Sidenote: [sign. A. vi.]] Humbly [A] thy selfe Behaue and gouerne. 164 Therein takynge payne, with all thyne industry Learnynge to get thy boke well applye: 168 All thynges seme harde when we do begyn, [Sidenote: Virgil.] But labour and diligence yet both them wyn; 172 we ought not to recken and coumpt the thyng harde That bryngeth ioye and pleasure afterwarde; 176 [Sidenote: If you don’t work, you’ll repent it when you grow up.] Leaue of then laboure, and the lacke rue, Lament and repent when age doth insue. 180 [Sidenote: Who could now speak of famous deeds of old, had not Letters preserved them?] Deades that deserued Fame and greate prayse, Buried had ben, we se in olde dayes; 184 [Sidenote: [sign. A. vi.b.]] If letters had not then brought them to lyght 188 The truth of suche thynges who coulde nowe resyght? Applye thy minde to learnynge and scyence, [Sidenote: Cato.] For learnynge in nede wyll be thy defence. 192 Nothinge to science compare we may well, [Sidenote: Cicero.] The swetenes wherof all thynges doth excell. 196 And Cato the wyse this worthy sayinge hath, [Sidenote: Cato.] That man wantinge learnynge is as the image of death. 200 [Sidenote: Aristot.] The rootes of learnynge most bytter we deme; The fruites at last Moste pleasaunt doth seme. 204 [Sidenote: Work hard then, and you’ll be thought worthy to serve the state.] Then labour for learnynge whyle here thou shalt lyue, [Sidenote: [sign. A. vii.]] The ignoraunt to teache, and good example geue; 208 So shalte thou be thought A membre most worthy The common welth to serue [Text note: [B _Orig._ ryme]] In tyme[B] of necessitie. 212 Experience doth teache And shewe to thee playne [Sidenote: Men of low birth win honour by Learning, and then are doubly happy.] That many to honour By learninge attayne 216 That were of byrthe But symple and bace,-- Suche is the goodnes Of Gods speciall grace,-- 220 For he that to honour by vertue doth ryse, Is double happy, and counted most wyse. 224 [Sidenote: When you doubt, ask to be told.] If doubte thou doest, Desyre to be toulde, No shame is to learne, Beinge neuer so oulde; 228 [Sidenote: [sign. A. vii.b.]] Ignoraunce doth cause Great errors in vs For wantynge of knowledge Doubts to discusse; 232 Then learne to discerne the good from the yll, [Sidenote: Wish well to those who warn you.] And suche as thee warne, Bere them good will. 236 [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE IN SCHOOL AND STREET.] [Sidenote: On your way home walk two and two orderly (for which men will praise you); don’t run in heaps like a swarm of bees like boys do now.] when from the schoole ye shall take your waye, Or orderly then go ye, twoo in aray, 240 your selues matchynge So equall as ye may, That men it seynge May well of you saye 244 In commendynge this your laudable wayes, whiche must nedes sounde to your great prayse, 248 Not runnynge on heapes as a swarme of bees, As at this day Euery man it nowe sees; 252 [Sidenote: [sign. A. viii.]] Not vsynge, but refusynge, Suche foolyshe toyes As commonly are vsed In these dayes of boyes, 256 [Sidenote: Don’t whoop or hallow as in fox-hunting don’t chatter, or stare at every new fangle, but walk soberly, taking your cap off to all, and being gentle.] As hoopynge and halowynge as in huntynge the foxe, That men it hearynge Deryde them with mockes. 260 This foolyshnes forsake, this folly exchewynge, And learne to followe this order insuynge. 264 In goynge by the way Neyther talke nor iangle, Gape not nor gase not at euery newe fangle, 268 But soberly go ye with countinaunce graue; [Sidenote: Isocra.] Humblye your selues towarde all men behaue; 272 [Sidenote: [sign. A. viii.b.]] Be free of cappe and full of curtesye; Greate loue of al men you shall wyn therby. 276 Be lowly and gentyll and of meke moode; Then men con not but of you say good. 280 [Sidenote: Do no man harm; speak fair words.] In passynge the strete Do no man no harme; Vse thou fewe wordes, and thy tounge charme, 284 Then men shal see that grace in the groweth From whom vertues So aboundantly floweth. 288 [Sidenote: On reaching home salute your parents reverently.] when thou arte come where thy parentes do dwell, Thy leaue then takynge Byd thy felowes farewell; 292 The house then entrynge, In thy parence presence [Sidenote: [sign. B. i.]] Humbly salute them with all reuerence. 296 [Sidenote: _How to wait at table._] ¶ Howe to behaue thi selfe in seruynge the table. Cap. iii. ++VVhen thy parentes downe to the table shall syt, In place be ready For the purpose moste fyt: 300 [Sidenote: Look your parents in the face, hold up your hands, and say] With sober countinaunce Lokynge them in the face, Thy handes holdynge vp, this begyn grace: 304 [Sidenote: Grace before meate.] ++“Geue thankes to God with one accorde For that shall be Set on this borde. 308 [Sidenote: Grace before Meat.] And be not carefull what to eate, To eche thynge lyuynge the Lorde sends meate; 312 For foode he wyll not Se you peryshe, [Sidenote: [sign. B. i.b.]] But wyll you fede, Foster, and cheryshe; 316 Take well in worth what he hath sent, At this tyme be 320 therwith content, Praysynge God.” ¶ So treatablie speakyng as possible thou can, 324 That the hearers therof May thee vnderstan. [Sidenote: Make a low curtesy; wish your parents’ food may do ’em good.] Grace beynge sayde, Lowe cursie make thou, 328 Sayinge “muche good May it do you.” [Headnote: HOW TO SERVE AT DINNER.] [Sidenote: If you are big enough, bring the food to table.] Of stature then yf thou be able, 332 It shall become thee to serue the table In bringynge to it Suche meate as shall nede 336 [Sidenote: [sign. B. ii.]] For thy parence vpon that tyme to fede. [Sidenote: Don’t fill dishes so full as to spill them on your parents’ dress, or they’ll be angry.] Disshes with measure thou oughtest to fyll, 340 Els mayste thou happen thy seruyce to spyll On theyr apparell Or els on the cloth, 344 whiche for to doe wolde moue them to wroth. [Sidenote: Have spare trenchers ready for guests.] Spare trenchers with napkyns haue in redynes 348 To serue afterwarde, If there come any gesse. Be circumspecte; see nothynge do wante; 352 [Sidenote: See there’s plenty of everything wanted.] Of necessary thynges that there be no skant, As breade and drynke, se there be plentie; 356 [Sidenote: Empty the Voiders often.] The voyders with bones Ofte se thou emptie. [Sidenote: [sign. B. ii.b.]] At hande be ready, If any do call, 360 [Sidenote: Be at hand if any one calls.] To fetche or take vp, If ought fortune to fall. [Sidenote: When the meat is over, clear the table: 1. cover the salt, 2. have a tray by you to carry things off on, 3. put the trenchers, &c., in one Voider, 4. sweep the crumbs into another, 5. set a clean trencher before every one, 6. put on Cheese, Fruit, Biscuits, and 7. serve Wine, Ale or Beer.] when they haue done, then ready make 364 The table vp fayre In order to take: Fyrste the saulte Se that thou couer, 368 Hauynge by thee Eyther one or other thynges from thy handes then to conuaye 372 That from the table thou shalt take awaye. A voyder vpon the table then haue, 376 The trenchers and napkyns therein to receaue; The croomes with a napkyn together them swepe, 380 [Sidenote: [sign. B. iii.]] It at the tables ende In a voyder them kepe. Then before eche man A cleane treanchour lay, 384 The best fyrste seruynge, As iudge thou soone may; Then cheese with fruite On the table set, 388 With Bisketes or Carowayes, As you may get. Wyne to them fyll, Els ale or beare; 392 But wyne is metest, If any there were. [Sidenote: When these are finished, clear the table, and fold up the cloth.] Then on the table Attende with all diligence, 396 It for to voyde when done haue thy parence: Eche syde of the clothe Do thou tourne in, 400 Foldynge it vp, At the hygher ende begin. [Sidenote: Then spread a clean towel, bring bason and jug, and when your parents are ready to wash, and when your parents are ready to wash, pour out the water.] [Sidenote: [sign. B. iii. b.]] A cleane towell then On the table spreade,-- 404 The towell wantynge, the cloth take in steade,-- The bason and ewer to the table then brynge, 408 In place conuenient theyr pleasure abydynge. when thou shalt see them redy to washe, 412 The ewer take vp, and be not to rashe In powrynge out water More then wyll suffise. 416 [Sidenote: Clear the table; make a low curtsey.] The table then voyde that they may ryse. All thynges thus done, forget not thy dutie, 420 Before the table Make thou lowe cursie. [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT ONE’S OWN DINNER.] [Sidenote: [sign. B. iiii.]] [Sidenote: _How to behave at your own dinner._] ¶ Howe to order thy selfe syttynge at the table. Capitulo .iiii. ++O Chyldren! geue eare your duties to learne, 424 Howe at the table you may your selues gouerne. [Sidenote: Socra. Cato.] Presume not to hyghe, I say, in no case; 428 [Sidenote: Let your betters sit above you.] In syttynge downe, to thy betters geue place. [Sidenote: See others served first, then wait a while before eating.] Suffer eche man Fyrste serued to be, 432 For that is a poynte Of good curtesie. when they are serued, then pause a space, 436 For that is a sygne of nourture and grace. [Sidenote: Take salt with your knife, cut your bread, don’t fill your spoon too full, or sup your pottage.] Saulte with thy knyfe then reache and take, 440 [Sidenote: [sign. B. iiii.b.]] The breade cut fayre, And do not it breake. Thy spone with pottage to full do not fyll, 444 For fylynge the cloth, If thou fortune to spyll, For rudnes it is thy pottage to sup, 448 Or speake to any, his head in the cup. [Sidenote: Have your knife sharp.] Thy knyfe se be sharpe to cut fayre thy meate; 452 Thy mouth not to full when thou dost eate; [Sidenote: Don’t smack your lips or gnaw your bones: avoid such beastliness.] Not smackynge thy lyppes, As comonly do hogges, 456 Nor gnawynge the bones As it were dogges; Suche rudenes abhorre, Suche beastlynes flie, 460 At the table behaue thy selfe manerly. [Sidenote: Keep your fingers clean, wipe your mouth before drinking.] [Sidenote: [sign. B. v.]] Thy fyngers se cleane that thou euer kepe, 464 Hauynge a Napkyn thereon them to wype; Thy mouth therwith Cleane do thou make, 468 The cup to drynke In hande yf thou take, Let not thy tongue At the table walke, 472 [Sidenote: Plato.] [Sidenote: Don’t jabber or stuff.] And of no matter Neyther reason nor talke. Temper thy tongue and belly alway, 476 For “measure is treasure,” the prouerbe doth say, [Sidenote: Cicero.] And measure in althynges Is to be vsed; 480 what is without measure Ought to be refused. [Sidenote: Silence hurts no one, and is fitted for a child at table.] For silence kepynge thou shalt not be shent, 484 [Sidenote: [sign. B. v.b.]] where as thy speache May cause thee repent. [Sidenote: Isocra.] Bothe speache and silence are commendable, 488 But sylence is metest In a chylde at the table. [Sidenote: Cato.] And Cato doth saye, that “in olde and yonge 492 The fyrste of vertue Is to kepe thy tonge.” [Sidenote: Don’t pick your teeth, or spit too much.] Pyke not thy teethe at the table syttynge, 496 Nor vse at thy meate Ouer muche spytynge; this rudnes of youth Is to be abhorde; 500 [Sidenote: Behave properly.] thy selfe manerly Behaue at the borde. [Sidenote: Don’t laugh too much.] If occasion of laughter at the table thou se, 504 Beware that thou vse the same moderately. [Sidenote: [sign. B. vi.]] [Sidenote: Learn all the good manners you can.] Of good maners learne So muche as thou can; 508 It wyll thee preferre when thou art a man. [Sidenote: Aristot.] Aristotle the Philosopher this worthy sayinge writ, 512 [Sidenote: They are better than playing the fiddle, though that’s no harm, but necessary; yet manners are more important.] That “maners in a chylde are more requisit then playnge on instrumentes and other vayne pleasure; 516 For vertuous maners Is a most precious treasure.” Let not this saynge In no wyse thee offende, 520 For playnge of instrumentes He doth not discommende, But doth graunt them for a chylde necessary, 524 Yet maners muche more see here he doth vary. Refuse not his councell, Nor his wordes dispise; 528 [Sidenote: [sign. B. vi.b.]] To vertue and knowledge By them mayste thou ryse. [Sidenote: _How to behave at Church._] ¶ Howe to order thy selfe in the Churche. Cap. .v. ++Vvhen to the Churche thou shalt repayer, 532 [Sidenote: Pray kneeling or standing.] Knelynge or standynge, to God make thy prayer; All worldely matters From thy mynde set apart, 536 Earnestly prayinge, to God lyfte vp thy hart. [Sidenote: Psal. 1.] A contrite harte He wyll not dispyse, 540 whiche he doth coumpt A sweete sacrifice. [Sidenote: Confess your sins to God.] To hym thy sinnes shewe and confesse, 544 Askynge for them Grace and forgyuenes; [Sidenote: [sign. B. vii.]] [Sidenote: He knows your disease.] He is the Phisition that knoweth thy sore, 548 And can to health A-gayne thee restore. [Sidenote: Iames the .i.] [Sidenote: Ask in faith, and what you ask you shall have; He is more merciful than pen can tell.] Aske then in fayth, Not doubtynge to haue; 552 The thynges ye desyre ye shall then receaue; So they be lawfull Of God to requyre, 556 He wyll the heare and graunt thy desyre; More mercifull he is then pen can expresse, 560 The aucthor and geuer here of all goodnesse. [Sidenote: Math. x.] “All ye that laboure and burdened be, 564 I wyll you refreshe In commynge to me.” These are Chrystes wordes, the scripture is playne, 568 [Sidenote: [sign. B. vii.b.]] Spoken to all suche as here suffre payne; Our wylles to his worde then let vs frame, 572 The heauenly habytacion therby we may clame. [Sidenote: Behave nicely in church, and don’t talk or chatter.] In the churche comly thy selfe do behaue, 576 In vsage sober, thy countinaunce graue. whyle you be there, taulke of no matter, 580 Nor one with an other whisper nor chatter. [Sidenote: Behave reverently; the House of Prayer is not to be made a fair.] Reuerently thy selfe Order alwaye 584 when to the Churche thou shalt come to pray: Eche thynge hath his tyme, Consyder the place, 588 [Sidenote: Luke .xix.] For that is a token of vertue and grace, [Sidenote: [sign. B viii.]] The Lorde doth call it the house of prayer 592 And not to be vsed As is a fayer. [Headnote: AGAINST GAMING, AND FOR VIRTUE.] ¶ The fruites of gamynge, vertue and learnynge. Capitulo .vi. [Sidenote: Avoid dicing and carding.] ++O Lytle chylde, Eschewe thou euer game,-- 596 For that hath brought Many one to shame,-- As dysynge, and cardynge, And suche other playes, 600 which many vndoeth, as we se nowe a dayes. [Sidenote: Cicero.] But yf thou delyght In any earthly thynge, 604 [Sidenote: Delight in Knowledge, Virtue, and Learning.] Delyght in knowledge, Vertue, and learnynge, For learnynge wyll leade thee to the schoole of vertue, 608 [Sidenote: [sign. B. viii.b.]] And vertue wyll teache thee Vice to subdue. Vice beynge subdued, thou canst not but floryshe; 612 [Sidenote: Happy is he who cultivates Virtue.] Happy is the man that vertue doth norysh. By knowledge lykewyse thou shalt doubtes discerne, 616 By vertue agayne thy lyfe well gouerne. These be the frutes By them we do take, 620 [Sidenote: Cursed is he who forsakes it.] Cursed is he then that doth them forsake. But we erre in wyt In folowynge our wyll, 624 In iudgynge that good which playnly is yll. [Sidenote: Let reason rule you, and subdue your lusts.] Let reason thee rule, and not will thee leade 628 To folowe thy fansie, A wronge trace to treade. [Sidenote: [sign. C. i.]] But subdue thy luste, and conqeur thy wyll 632 If it shall moue thee to doe that is yll; [Sidenote: These ills come from gambling: strife, murder, theft, cursing and swearing.] For what hurte by game to many doth growe, 636 No wyse man I thynke but doth it well knowe. Experience doth shewe and make it manifeste 640 That all good men can it but deteste, As strife and debate, murder and thefte, 644 whiche amonge christians, wolde god were lefte, with cursynge and bannynge, with swearyng and tearyng, 648 That no honest harte can abyde the hearyng: These be the fruites that of them doth sprynge, 652 [Sidenote: [sign. C. i.b.]] with many more as euill that cometh of gamynge. [Sidenote: _How to behave when conversing._] ¶ How to behaue thy selfe in taulkynge with any man. Capitulo .vii. ++If a man demaunde a question of thee, 656 [Sidenote: Isocra.] In thine aunswere makynge be not to hastie; [Sidenote: Understand a question before you answer it; let a man tell all his tale.] waie well his wordes, the case vnderstande 660 Eare an answere to make thou take in hande, Els may he iudge in thee little wit, 664 To answere to a thynge and not heare it. Suffer his tale whole out to be toulde, 668 Then speake thou mayst, and not be controulde; [Sidenote: Then bow to him, look him in the face, and answer sensibly, not staring about or laughing, but audibly and distinctly, your words in due order, or you’ll straggle off, or stutter, or stammer, which is a foul crime.] [Sidenote: [sign. C. ii.]] Low obeisaunce makyng, lokinge him in the face, 672 Tretably speaking, thy wordes see thou place. with countinaunce sober thy bodie vprighte 676 Thy fete iuste to-gether, thy handes in lyke plight; Caste not thyne eies on neither syde. 680 when thou arte praised, therin take no pryde. In tellynge thy tale, neither laugh nor smyle, 684 Such folly forsake thou, banish and exyle; In audible voice thy wordes do thou vtter, 688 Not hie nor lowe, but vsynge a measure. Thy wordes se that thou pronounce plaine, 692 [Headnote: HOW TO CARRY A MESSAGE.] [Text note: [C _orig._ thai]] [Sidenote: [sign. C. ii.b.]] And that [C] they spoken Be not in vayne; In vttryng wherof Kepe thou an order, 696 Thy matter therby thou shalte much forder; whiche order yf thou Do not obserue, 700 From the purpose nedes must thou swarue. And hastines of speche wyll cause thee to erre, 704 Or wyll thee teache to stut or stammer. To stut or stammer is a foule crime, 708 Learne then to leaue it, take warnyng in tyme; How euyll a chylde it doth become, 712 Thy selfe beynge iudge, hauinge wisedome; [Sidenote: [sign. C. iii.]] And sure it is taken by custome and vre, 716 whyle yonge you be there is helpe and cure. This generall rule yet take with the, 720 [Sidenote: Always keep your head uncovered.] In speakynge to any man Thy head vn-couered be. The common prouerbe remember ye oughte, 724 [Sidenote: Better unfed than untaught.] “Better vnfedde then vn-taughte.” [Sidenote: _How to take a Message._] ¶ How to order thy selfe being sente of message. Cap. viii. ++If of message forthe thou be sente, 728 [Sidenote: Listen to it well; don’t go away not knowing it.] Take hede to the same, Geue eare diligente; Depart not awaye and beyng in doute, 732 [Sidenote: [sign. C. iii.b.]] Know wel thy message before thou passe out; [Sidenote: Then hurry away, give the message; get the answer, return home, and tell it to your master exactly as it was told to you.] with possible spede then hast thee right sone; 736 If nede shall requirr it so to be done. After humble obeisaunce, the message forth shewe 740 Thy wordes well placinge in vttringe but fewe As shall thy matter serue to declare. 744 Thine answere made, then home againe repare, And to thy master therof make relacion 748 As then the answere shall geue thee occasion. [Sidenote: Socra.] Neither adde nor deminish any thynge to the same, 752 Lest after it proue to thy rebuke and shame, [Sidenote: [sign. C. iiii.]] But the same vtter so nere as thou can; 756 No faulte they shall fynde to charge thee with than, In most humble wyse loke done that it be, 760 As shall become beste a seruantes degre. [Sidenote: _Against Anger, &c._] ¶ A-gainste Anger, Enuie, and malice. Cap. ix. [Sidenote: The slave of Anger must fall.] ++If thou be subiecte and to anger thrall, 764 And reason thee rule not, nedes must thou fall. [Sidenote: Pericles.] Conquer thy wyll and subdue thy luste, 768 Thy fansy not folowing, thy cause though be iuste; [Sidenote: Anger’s deeds are strange to wise men.] For anger and furie wyll thee so chaunge 772 [Sidenote: [sign. C. iiii.b.]] That thy doynges to wise men wyll appear straunge. Thine anger and wrath seke then to appeace, 776 [Sidenote: Plato.] For wrath, saith Plato, Leades shame in a leace. [Sidenote: Isocra.] The hastie man wantes neuer trouble, 780 [Sidenote: A hasty man is always in trouble.] His mad moody mynde his care doth double. And malyce thee moue to reuenge thy cause, 784 Dread euer god, and daunger of the lawes. [Sidenote: Take no revenge, but forgive.] Do not reuenge, though in thy power it be, 788 Forgeue the offender being thine enemie. He is perfectely pacient, we may repute plaine, 792 [Sidenote: Plato.] [That] From wrath and furye himselfe can refrayne. [Sidenote: Envy no one.] [Sidenote: [sign. C. v.]] Disdayne nor enuie The state of thy brother, 796 [Sidenote: Seneca.] In worde nor dede not hurtyng one an other. [Sidenote: An ill body breeds debate.] Debate and disceate, contencion and enuie, 800 Are the chiefe frutes of an euyll bodie. [Sidenote: Salomon.] And Salomon saithe “The harte full of enuie, 804 Of him selfe hath no pleasure nor commoditie.” [Sidenote: _The Fruits of Charity, &c._] ¶ The fruites of charitie, loue, and pacience. Cap. x. [Sidenote: Charity seeketh not her own, but bears patiently.] ++Charitie seketh not that to her doth belonge, 808 But paciently a-bydinge, sustainynge rather wronge; [Sidenote: Charity seeketh not her own, but bears patiently.] Not enuiynge, but bearinge with loue and pacience,-- 812 [Sidenote: [sign. C. v.b.]] So noble is her nature,-- forgeuing all ofence. [Sidenote: Love incites to Mercy.] And loue doth moue the mynde to mercie, 816 But malice againe doth worke the contrarie. whiche in the wicked wyll euer beare stroke, 820 [Sidenote: Patience teaches forbearance.] Pacience thee teacheth therof to beare the yoke. where pacience and loue to-gether do dwell 824 All hate and debate, with malice, they expell. [Sidenote: Pithagoras.] Loue constant and faithfull, Pithagoras doth call 828 To be a vertue most principall. [Sidenote: Plato.] Plato doth speake almoste in effecte 832 ‘where loue is not, no vertue is perfecte.’ [Sidenote: [sign. C. vi.]] [Sidenote: Pray God to give thee Charity and Patience, to lead thee to Virtue’s School, and thence to Eternal Bliss.] Desire then god to assiste thee with his grace 836 Charitie to vse and pacience to imbrace; These three folowinge will thee instructe, 840 That to vertues schoole they wyll thee conducte, And from vertues schoole to eternall blisse 844 where incessaunt ioie continually is. [Headnote: AGAINST SWEARING.] [Sidenote: _Against Swearing._] ¶ A-gainge (_so_) the horrible vice of swearynge. Cap. xi. [Sidenote: Take not God’s name in vain, or He will plague thee.] ++In vaine take not the name of god; 848 Swere not at all for feare of his rod. The house with plagues he threteneth to visit 852 [Sidenote: [sign. C. vi.b.]] where othes are vsed: they shall not escape it. Iuste are his iudgementes, and true is his worde, 856 And sharper then is a two edged sworde; [Sidenote: Beware of His wrath, and live well in thy vocation.] wherfore beware thou his heauy indignacion, 860 And learne to lyue well in thy vocacion wherin that god shall thee set or call; 864 Rysinge againe-- if it fortune to fall-- By prayer and repentance, whiche is the onely waie. 868 Christ wolde not the death of a sinner, I saye, But rather he turne From his wickednesse, 872 And so to lyue in vertue and goodnesse. [Sidenote: [sign. C. vii.]] [Sidenote: What is the good of swearing?] what better art thou for this thy swearyng 876 Blasfamouslye, the name of god tearyng? [Sidenote: It kindles God’s wrath against thee.] Prouokynge his yre and kyndlinge his wrath 880 Thee for to plauge, that geuinge the hath Knowlage and reason thy selfe for to rule, 884 And for to flee the thynge that is euyl. [Sidenote: Seneca.] Senica doth councell thee all swerynge to refrayne, 888 Although great profite by it thou mighte gaine: [Sidenote: Pericles.] Pericles, whose wordes are manifeste and playne, 892 From sweryng admonisheth thee to obstaine; [Sidenote: God’s law forbids swearing, and so does the counsel of Philosophers.] The lawe of god, and commaundement he gaue, 896 [Sidenote: [sign. C. vii.b.] Swearynge amongst vs in no wyse wolde haue. The councell of philosoph[ers] I haue here expreste, 900 Amongest whom sweryng was vtterly deteste; Much lesse amongest christians ought it to be vsed, 904 But vtterly of them cleane to be refused. [Sidenote: _Against filthy talking._] ¶ A-gainste the vice of filthy talkynge. Cap. xii. [Sidenote: Never talk dirt.] ++No filthy taulke in no wise vse, 908 Thy tonge therby for to abuse. [Sidenote: For every word we shall give account at the Day of Doom, and be judged according to our deeds.] Of euery idell worde an accumpte we shall render;-- 912 All men I woulde this sayinge to remember;-- [Sidenote: [sign. C. viii.]] To god for it at the generall daie 916 In earnest or sporte we shall speake or saie; whiche daye to the iuste shallbe most ioyfull, 920 And to the wicked againe as wofull. As we here doe, so shall we receaue, 924 Vnles we repente and mercy of god craue. If god wyll deale with vs so straight 928 For thinges that be of so small waight, [Sidenote: Let lewd livers then fear.] Then haue we cause to feare and dreade, 932 Our lyues lewdly if we haue leade. [Sidenote: Keep your tongue from vain talking.] [Sidenote: [sign. C. viii.b.]] Thy tonge take hede thou doe refrayne 936 From speakyng wordes that are moste vayne; [Sidenote: Aristot.] Thy wyll and witte to goodnes applie, 940 Thy mynde exercise in vertuous studie. [Headnote: AGAINST LYING.] [Sidenote: _Against Lying._] ¶ A-gainste the vice of lyinge. Capitulo .xiii. [Sidenote: Plato.] ++To forge, to fayne, to flater and lye, 944 Requiere diuers collours with wordes fayre and slye, [Sidenote: To speak the truth needs no study, therefore always practise it and speak it.] But the vtteraunce of truthe is so simple and playne 948 That it nedeth no studie to forge or to fayne; wherfore saye truth, how euer stand the case, 952 So shalte thou fynde more fauour and grace. Vse truthe, and say truth, in that thou goest aboute, 956 For tyme of althinges the truthe wyll bringe out. [Sidenote: [sign. D. i.]] [Sidenote: Shame is the reward of lying.] Shame is the rewarde For lying dewe; 960 Then auoyde shame, and vtter wordes trewe. A lyar by his lying this profet doth get, 964 That whan he saith truth no man wyll him credet; [Sidenote: Always speak the truth.] Then let thy talke with the truth agree, 968 And blamed for it thou shalte neuer bee. [Sidenote: Who can trust a liar?] Howe maie a man a lyer ought truste? 972 But doubte his dedes, his woordes being vniuste. In tellyng of truth there lougeth no shame, 976 Where vttring of lyes deserueth much blame; [Sidenote: If a lie saves you once, it deceives you thrice.] And though a lye from stripes ye once saue, 980 [Sidenote: [sign. D. i.b.]] Thrise for that once it wyll the desceue; Truste then to truth, and neither forge nor fayne, 984 And followe these preceptes: from liyng do refraine. [Headnote: A NIGHTLY PRAYER.] [Sidenote: _A bedward Prayer._] ¶ A praier to be saide when thou goest to bedde. [Sidenote: God of mercy, take us into Thy care.] ++O Mercifull god! heare this our requeste, 988 And graunte vnto vs this nighte quiet reste. Into thy tuicion, oh lorde, do vs take! 992 Our bodies slepynge, our myndes yet maie wake. [Sidenote: Forgive us our sins.] Forgeue the offences this daye we haue wroughte 996 A-gainste thee and our neighbour in worde, dede, and thoughte! And graunte vs thy grace hense forth to flie sinne, 1000 [Sidenote: [sign. D. ii.]] [Sidenote: Deliver us from evil, and our enemy the Devil.] And that a newe lyfe we maie nowe beginne! Deliuer and defende vs this night from all euell, 1004 And from the daunger of our enemie, the diuell, whiche goeth a-boute sekyng his praie, 1008 And by his crafte whom we maie betraie. [Sidenote: Assist us to conquer him and ascribe all honour to Thee.] Assiste vs, oh lorde, with thy holy sprite, 1012 That valiantly against him we maie euer fighte; And winning the victorie, maie lifte vp our voice, 1016 And in his strength faithfully reioice, Saying, “to the lorde be all honour and praise 1020 For his defence bothe now and alwaies!” [Transcriber’s Note: In the following segment, the numbers 1, 2, 3... from the original text are used as sidenote markers. There are no footnotes.] [Headnote: THE DUTY OF ALL DEGREES OF MEN.] [Sidenote: [sign. D. ii.b.]] [Sidenote: _Each one’s Duty._] ¶ the dutie of eche degred. (_so_) brefely declared. [Sidenote: The Duty of [1] Princes, [2] Judges, [3] Prelates, [4] Parents, [5] Children, [6] Masters, [7] Servants, [8] Husbands.] 1 ++Ye princes, that the earth rule and gouerne, 1024 Seke ye for knowledge doubtes to discerne. 2 Ye iudges, geue iudgement according to righte 1028 As may be founde acceptable in the lordes sight. 3 Ye prelates, preache purely the worde of our lorde, 1032 That your liuings & prechinges in one maie accorde. 4 Ye fathers and mothers, so your children instructe 1036 As maye them to grace and uertue conducte. [Sidenote: [sign. D. iii.]] 5 Ye chyldren, lykewyse obey your pare{n}tes here; 1040 In all godlinesse see that ye them feare. 6 Ye maisters, do you the thynge that is righte 1044 Not lokynge what ye may do by mighte. 7 Ye seruauntes, applie your busines and arte, 1048 Doinge the same in singlenesse of harte. 8 Ye husbandes, loue your wyues, and with them dwell, 1052 All bitternesse set aparte, vsing wordes gentell. [Sidenote: The Duty of [9] Wives, [10] Parsons and Vicars, [11] Men of Law, [12] Craftsmen, [13] Landlords, [14] Merchants, [15] Subjects, [16] Rich Men, [17] Poor Men, [18] Magistrates, [19] Officers,] 9 Ye wyues, to your husbandes be obedient alwaie, 1056 [Sidenote: [sign. D. iii.b.]] For they are your heades, and ye bounde to obeie. 10 Ye persons and vickers that haue cure and charge, 1060 Take hede to the same, and roue not at large. 11 Ye men of lawe, in no wyse delaie 1064 The cause of the poore, but helpe what ye maie. 12 Ye that be craftes men, vse no disceite, 1068 Geuing to all men tale, measure, and weighte. 13 Ye that be landlordes and haue housen to let, 1072 At reasonable rentes do them forth set. [Sidenote: [sign. D. iiii.]] 14 Ye merchauntes that vse the trade of merchandise, 1076 Vse lawfull wares and reasonable prise. 15 Ye subiectes, lyue ye in obedience and awe, 1080 Fearyng gods stroke, and daunger of the lawe. 16 Ye rych, whom god hath goods vnto sente, 1084 Releue the poore and helpe the indigente. 17 Ye that are poore, with your state be contente, 1088 Not hauinge wherwith to lyue competente. 18 Ye magestrates, the cause of the widdow and fatherles 1092 [Sidenote: [sign. D. iiii.b.]] Defende againste suche as shall them opresse. 19 All ye that are called to any other office, 1096 Execute the same acordinge to iustice. [Sidenote: The Duty of all Men.] 20 Let eche here so liue in his vocacion, 1100 As maie his soule saue, and profet his nacion. [Sidenote: God grant us all to live and die well!] 21 This graunting god, that sitteth on hie, 1104 we shall here well lyue and after well die. +Famam virtutis mors Abolire nequit quod. F. S.+ ¶ Imprinted at London in Paules Churchyearde. By william Seares. * * * * * * * * * Whate-ever thow sey, avyse thee welle! [_MS._ O. 9. 38. _Trinity College, Cambridge._] Almyȝty godde, conserue vs fram care! Where ys thys worle A-wey y-wente? [Sidenote: A man must mind what he says; hearts are fickle and fell.] A man that schold speke, had nede to be ware, ffor lytyl thyng he may be schente; 4 Tonggys beth y-turne to lyther entente; Hertys, they beth bothe fykel and felle; Man, be ware leste thow repente! Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 8 [Sidenote: Take care what you say.] A-vyse the, man, yn whate place and whare A woord of conseyl thow doyst seyne; [Sidenote: A false friend may hear it, and after a year or two will repeat it.] Sum man may ley ther-to hys ere; Thow wenyst he be thy frend; he ys thy foo c{er}teyne; 12 P{er}aventor aftyr A ȝere or tweyne-- Thow trowyst as tru as eny stele,-- Thys woord yn wreth thow schalt hyre A-gayne! Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 16 [Sidenote: Hasty speech hurts hearer and speaker.] Meny man spekyth yn hastenys: hyt hyndryth hym and eke hys frende; hym were well{e} beter his tong{e} to sese Than they both ther-for be schende. 20 Suche wordys beth not to be had yn meynde, hyt makyȝt comforte w{i}t{h} care to kele: [Sidenote: In the beginning, think on the end.] Man, yn the begynnyng thenk on þe eynde! Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 24 [Sidenote: You tell a man a secret, and he’ll betray it for a drink of wine.] To sum man thow mayste tel a pryuy tale: Whan he fro the ys wente A-way, ffor a drawȝt of wyne other ale he woll{e} the wrey, by my fay, 28 And make hyt worse (hyt ys noo nay) Than eu{er} hyt was, A thowsend dele. [Sidenote: Mind what you say.] Thys ys my song{e} both nyȝt & day, Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 32 [Sidenote: Avoid backbiting and flattering; refrain from malice, and bragging.] Be ware of bagbytynge, y the rede; ley flateryng{e} vndyr thy foote, loke; Deme the beste of eu{er}y dede Tyll{e} trowth haue serchyd truly þe roote; 36 Rrefrayne malyce cruell{e} & hoote; Dyscretly and wysly speende thy spelle; Boost ne brag{e} ys worth A Ioote; Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 40 [Sidenote: A venomous tongue causes sorrow.] Dysese, wharre, sorowe and debate, ys caused ofte by venemys tong{e}; [Sidenote: When words are said, regret is too late.] haddywyst cometh eu{er} to late Whan lewyd woordis beth owte y-sprong{e}. 44 The kocke seyth wysly on his song{e} ‘hyre and see, and hold the stylle,’ And eu{er} kepe thys lesson A-mong{e}, [Sidenote: Mind what you say.] Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 48 [Sidenote: Had men thought of this, many things done in England would never have been begun.] y dere well{e} swery by the sonne, yf eu{er}y man had thys woord yn thowȝt Meny thynggis had neu{er} be by-gunne That ofte yn Ingelond hath be y-wroȝt. 52 [Sidenote: See _The Wise Man_, in _Babees Boke_, &c. p. 48.] The wyse man hath hys sone y-tawȝtte yn ryches, poorte, woo, and welle, Thys worthy reson for-ȝete thow noȝt, Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 56 [Sidenote: To speak aright observe six things: 1. what; 2. of whom; 3. where; 4. to whom; 5. why; 6. when.] yf that thow wolte speke A-ryȝt, Ssyx thynggys thow moste obserue then: What thow spekyst, & of what wyȝt, Whare, to wham, whye, and whenne. 60 Thow noost how soone thow schalt go henne; As lome be meke, as serpent felle; [Sidenote: In every place mind what you say.] yn eu{er}y place, A-monge all{e} men, Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 64 [Sidenote: Almighty God, grant me grace to serve Thee!] “Almyȝty god yn personys thre, W{i}t{h} herte mylde mekly y praye, Graunte me grace thy seruant to be Yn woorde and dede eu{er} and aye! 68 [Sidenote: Mary, mother, send me grace night and day!] Mary, moder, blessyd maye, Quene of hevyn, Imp{er}es of helle, Sende me grace both nyȝt and daye!” Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle! 72 EXPLICIT &c. * * * * * * * * * A Dogg Lardyner, & a Sowe Gardyner. [_MS._ O. 9. 38. _Trinity College, Cambridge._] _Printed in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ, v. i. p. 233_, from MS. Lansdowne No. 762, fol. 16 b._ [Sidenote: A dog in a larder, a sow in a garden, a fool with wise men, are ill matcht.] hoo so makyȝt at crystysmas A dogg{e} lardyner, And yn march A sowe gardyner, And yn may A foole of every wysmanys counsayll{e}, he schall{e} neu{er} haue goode larder, ne fayre gardyn, nother counsayll{e} well{e} y-keptt. * * * * * * * * * Maxims in -ly. [_MS. Lansdowne 762, fol. 16 b, written as prose. Printed in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ, v. i. p. 233_.] Aryse erly, serue God devowtely and the worlde besely, doo thy werk wisely, yeue thyn{e} almes secretely, goo by the waye sadly, answer the people demuerly, goo to thy mete apetitely, sit therat discretely, of thy tunge be not to lib{er}ally, arise therfrom temp{er}ally, go to thy supper soberly and to thy bed merely, be in thyn Inne iocundely, please thy loue duely, and Slepe suerly. * * * * * * * * * Roger Ascham’s Advice to Lord Warwick’s Servant. With the different counsels to babees, pages, and servants, throughout this volume, may be compared Roger Ascham’s advice to his brother-in-law, Mr C. H., when he put him to service with the Earl of Warwick, A.D. 1559. Here follows part of it, from Whitaker’s Hist. of Richmondshire, p. 282. First and formost, in all your thoughts, words, and deeds, [a]have before your eyes the feare of God..... [b] love and serve your lord willingly, faithfullye, and secretlye; love and live with your fellowes honestly, quiettlye, curteouslye, that noe man have cause either to hate yow for your stubborne frowardnes, or to malice yow for your proud ungentlenes, two faults which co{m}monly yonge men soones[t] fall into in great men’s service. [c] Contemne noe poore man, mocke noe simple man, w{hi}ch proud fooles in cort like and love to doe; find fault with your selfe and with none other, the best waye to live honestlye and quiettly in the court. [d] Carrye noe tales, be noe co{m}mon teller of newes, be not inquisitive of other menn’s talke, for those that are desirous to heare what they need not, co{m}monly be readye to babble what they shold not. [e] Vse not to lye, for that is vnhonest; speake not everye truth, for that is vnneedfull; yea, in tyme and place a harmlesse lye is a greate deale better then a hurtfull truth. [f] Use not dyceing nor carding; the more yow use them the lesse yow wilbe esteemed; the cunninger yow be at them the worse man yow wilbe counted. [g] for pastime, love and learne that w{hi}ch your lord liketh and vseth most, whether itt be rydeing, shooteing, hunting, hawkeing, fishing or any such exercise. Beware of secrett corners and night sitting vp, the two nurses of mischiefe, unthriftines, losse, and sicknes. [h] Beware cheifely of ydlenes, the great pathway that leadeth directly to all evills; be diligent alwayes, be present every where in your lord’s service, [i] be at hand to call others, and be not ofte sent for yourselfe; for marke this as part of your creed, that the good service of one whole yeare shall never gett soe much as the absence of one howre may lose, when your lord shall stand in need of yow to send. if yow consider alwayes that absence and negligence must needes be cause of greife and sorrowe to your selfe, of chideing and rueing to your lord, and that [k] dutye done diligently and presently shall gaine yow profitt, and purchase yow great praise and your lord’s good countenance, yow shall ridd me of care, and wynne your selfe creditt, make me a gladd man, and your aged mother a ioyfull woman, and breed your freinds great comforth. [l] Soe I comitt and co{m}mend yow to God’s mercifull protecc{i}on and good guidance, who long preserve Your ever loving and affectionate brother in lawe. R. ASKAM. To my loveing Brother in Lawe, Mr C. H., Servant to the Rt. Ho{n}. the Earle of Warwick, these. [Sidenotes: [a] Fear God, [b] serve your lord faithfully, be courteous to your fellows. [c] Despise no poor man. [d] Carry no tales. [e] Tell no lies. [f] Don’t play at dice or cards. [g] Take to your lord’s favourite sport. [h] Beware of idleness. [i] Always be at hand when you’re wanted. [k] Diligence will get you praise. [l] God be with you!] * * * * * * * * * Errata (noted by transcriber): _Booke of Demeanor_: [Sidenote: [p. 11.]] [p. 1.] _Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes_: Incipiunt statuta familie bone Memorie do{m}pni [_{m} damaged or unclear: looks like n with following space_] T the secunde ys [_from editor’s Corrigenda:_ _The_ T _of_ T the is used as a paragraph mark in the MS.] _The Schoole of Vertue_: ll. 27-40 [Sidenote: ... to our live’s end.”] [_apostrophe unchanged_] l. 32 and kepe thy co{m}maundmentes; [_“co{m}maund/mentes” at line break without hyphen_] l. 55 It dulles the the wyt [_text unchanged_] l. 40, 48, 82, 976 [_line number missing_] l. 305 [Sidenote: Grace before meate.] [_This sidenote is in large type and was in the original book; the following “Grace before Meat” is in ordinary small type and was added by the editor._] ll. 321, 322 [_The absent line is shown as 321._] l. 1104 [_misprinted 1102, and see Transcriber’s Note at beginning of selection_] _Ascham’s Advice_: in great men’s service [_’ invisible_] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * The Babees Book, OR A ‘LYTYL REPORTE’ OF HOW YOUNG PEOPLE SHOULD BEHAVE. [_MS. Harl._ 5086, _fol._ 86-90; _ab._ 1475 A.D.] [Transcriber’s Note: In the printed book, some line numbers were shifted to avoid collision with the pilcrow symbol at the beginning of each seven-line stanza. For this e-text, line numbers have been regularized to multiples of 4.] ++In this tretys the which{e} I thenke to wryte Out of latyn in-to my comvne langage, He me supporte (sen I kan nat endyte), The which{e} only after his owne ymage 4 Fourmyd man-kynde! For alle of tendre age In curtesye Resseyve shulle document, And vertues knowe, by this lytil coment. [Sidenote: My God, support me while I translate this treatise from Latin. It shall teach those of tender age.] ¶ And Facett seyth{e} the Book of curtesye, 8 Vertues to knowe, thaym forto haue and vse, Is thing moste heelfull{e} in this worlde trevly. Therfore in feyth{e} I wole me nat excuse From this labour ywys, nor hit Refuse; 12 For myn owne lernynge wole I say su{m}me thing That touchis vertues and curtesye havyng. [Sidenote: To know and practise virtues is the most profitable thing in the world.] ¶ But, O yonge Babees, whom{e} bloode Royall{e} With{e} grace, Feture, and hyh{e} habylite 16 Hath{e} eno{ur}myd, on yow ys that I call{e} To knowe this Book; for it were grete pyte, Syn that in yow ys sette sovereyne beaute, But yf vertue and nurture were with{e} all{e}; 20 To yow therefore I speke in specyall{e}, [Sidenote: Young Babies, adorned with grace, I call on you to know this book (for Nurture should accompany beauty),] ¶ And nouht{e} to hem of elde that ben{e} experte In governau{n}ce, nurture, and honeste. For what nedys to yeve helle peynes smerte, 24 Ioye vnto hevene, or water vnto the see, [Sidenote: [Fol. 86b.]] Heete to the Fyre that kan nat but hoote be? It nedys nouht{e}: therfore, O Babees yynge, My Book only is made for youre lernynge. 28 [Sidenote: and not on aged men expert therein. Why add pain to hell, water to the sea, or heat to fire? Babies, my book is for you only,] ¶ Therfore I pray that no man Reprehende This lytyl Book, the which{e} for yow I make; But where defaute ys, latte ylke man amende, And nouht{e} deme yt; [I] pray thaym for youre sake. 32 For other mede ywys I kepe noon{e} take But that god wolde this Book myht{e} yche man plese, And in lernynge vnto yow do{n}ne so{m}me ese. [Sidenote: and so I hope no one will find fault with it, but only amend it. The only reward I seek is that my book may please all and improve you.] ¶ Eke, swete children, yf ther{e} be eny worde 36 That yee ke{n}ne nouht{e}, spyrre whils yee yt ken; Wha{n}ne yee yt knowe, yee mowe holde yt in horde, Thus thurh{e} spyrryng yee mowe lerne at wyse men. Also thenke nouht{e} to st{ra}ungely at my penne, 40 In this metre for yow lyste to procede, Men vsen yt; therfore on hit take hede. [Sidenote: If you don’t know any word in it, ask till you do, and then keep hold of it. And do not wonder at this being in metre.] ¶ But amonge alle that I thenke of to telle, My purpos ys first only forto trete 44 How yee Babees in housholde that done duelle Shulde haue your{e} sylf whe{n}ne yee be sette at mete, And how yee shulde, whe{n}ne men lyste yow Rehete, Haue wordes lovly, swete, bleste, and benyngne. 48 In this helpe me O Marie, Modir dyngne! [Sidenote: I must first describe how you Babies who dwell in households should behave at meals, and be ready with lovely and benign words when you are spoken to.] ¶ And eke, O lady myn, Facecia! My pe{n}ne thow guyde, and helpe vnto me shewe; [Sidenote: [Fol. 87.]] For as the firste off alle lettres ys the A, 52 So Artow firste Modir of alle vertue. Off myn vnku{n}nynge, swete lady, now Rewe; And thouh{e} vntauht{e} I speke of governau{n}ce, With{e} thy swete helpe supporte myn ygnorau{n}ce. 56 [Sidenote: Lady Facetia, help me! Thou art the Mother of all Virtue. Help the ignorance of me untaught!] ++A, Bele Babees, herkne now to my lore! Whe{n}ne yee entre into yo{ur} lordis place, Say first, “god spede;” And alle that ben byfore Yow in this stede, salue with{e} humble Face; 60 Stert nat Rudely; ko{m}me Inne an esy pace; Holde vp youre heede, and knele but on oone kne To youre sovereyne or lorde, whedir he be. [Sidenote: Fair Babies, when you enter your lord’s place, say “God speed,” and salute all there. Kneel on one knee to your lord.] ¶ And yf they speke with{e} yow at youre komynge, 64 With{e} stable Eye loke vpon{e} theym Riht{e}, To theyre tales and yeve yee goode herynge Whils they haue seyde; loke eke with{e} alle yo{ur} myht{e} Yee Iangle nouht{e}, also caste nouht{e} yo{ur} syht{e} 68 Aboute the hovs, but take to theym entent With{e} blyth{e} vysage, and spiryt diligent. [Sidenote: If any speak to you, look straight at them, and listen well till they have finished; do not chatter or let your eyes wander about the house.] ¶ Whe{n}ne yee Answere or speke, yee shull{e} be purveyde What yee shall{e} say / speke eke thing fructuous; 72 On esy wyse latte thy Reson{e} be sayde [Sidenote: [Fol. 87b.]] In wordes gentyll{e} and also compendious, For many wordes ben riht{e} Tedious To ylke wyseman that shall{e} yeve audience; 76 Thaym to eschewe therfore doo diligence. [Sidenote: Answer sensibly, shortly, and easily. Many words are a bore to a wise man.] ¶ Take eke noo seete, but to stonde be yee preste; Whils forto sytte ye haue in komau{n}dement, Youre heede, youre hande, yo{ur} feet, holde yee in reste; 80 Nor thurh{e} clowyng, yo{ur} flesshe loke yee nat Rent; Lene to no poste whils that ye stande present Byfore yo{ur} lorde, nor handyll{e} ye no thyng Als for that tyme vnto the hovs touching. 84 [Sidenote: Stand till you are told to sit: keep your head, hands, and feet quiet: don’t scratch yourself, or lean against a post, or handle anything near.] ¶ At eu{er}y tyme obeye vnto youre lorde Whe{n}ne yee answere, ellis stonde yee styl as stone But yf he speke; loke with{e} oon accorde That yf yee se ko{m}me Inne eny p{er}sone 88 Better tha{n}ne yee, that yee goo bak anoone And gyff him place; your{e} bak eke in no way Turne on no wiht{e}, as ferforth{e} as ye may. [Sidenote: Bow to your lord when you answer. If any one better than yourself comes in, retire and give place to him. Turn your back on no man.] ¶ Yiff that youre lorde also yee se drynkynge, 92 Looke that ye be in riht{e} stable sylence With{e}-oute lowde lauht{e}re or Iangelynge, Rovnynge, Iapynge, or other Insolence. Yiff he komau{n}de also in his presence 96 Yow forto sytte, fulfill{e} his wylle belyve, And for youre seete, looke nat with{e} other stryve, [Sidenote: Be silent while your lord drinks, not laughing, whispering, or joking. If he tells you to sit down, do so at once.] ¶ Whe{n}ne yee er sette, take noon{e} vnhoneste tale; [Sidenote: [Fol. 88.]] Eke forto skorne eschewe with{e} alle yo{ur} myht{e}; 100 Latte ay youre chere be lowly, blyth{e}, and hale, With{e}-oute chidynge as that yee wolde fyht{e}. Yiff yee p{er}ceyve also that eny wiht{e} Lyst yow ko{m}mende that better be tha{n}ne yee, 104 Ryse vp anoon{e}, and thanke him with{e} herte free. [Sidenote: Then don’t talk dirt, or scorn any one, but be meek and cheerful. If your better praises you, rise up and thank him heartily.] ¶ Yif that yee se youre lorde or y{o}ure lady Touching the housholde speke of eny thinge, Latt theym alloone, for that is curtesy, 108 And entremete yow nouht{e} of theyre doynge, But be Ay Redy with{e}-oute feynynge At hable tyme to done yo{ur} lorde service, So shall{e} yee gete anoon{e} a name of price. 112 [Sidenote: When your lord or lady is speaking about the household, don’t you interfere, but be always ready to serve at the proper time,] ¶ Also to brynge drynke, holde liht{e} wha{n}ne tyme ys, Or to doo that which{e} ouht{e} forto be done, Looke yee be preste, for so yee shall{e} ywys In nurture gete a gentyl name ful sone; 116 And yif ye shulde at god aske yow a bone Als to the worlde, better in noo degre Miht{e} yee desire tha{n}ne nurtred forto be. [Sidenote: to bring drink, hold lights, or anything else, and so get a good name. The best prayer you can make to God is to be well mannered.] ¶ Yif that youre lorde his owne coppe lyste co{m}mende 120 To yow to drynke, ryse vp wha{n}ne yee it take, And resseyve it goodly with{e} booth{e} youre hende; Of yt also to nõõne other profre ye make, But vnto him that brouht{e} yt yee hit take 124 [Sidenote: [Fol. 88b.]] Whe{n}ne yee haue done, for yt in no kyn wyse Auht{e} comvne be, as techis vs the wyse. [Sidenote: If your lord offers you his cup, rise up, take it with both hands, offer it to no one else, but give it back to him that brought it.] ¶ Now must I telle in shorte, for I muste so, Youre observau{n}ce that ye shall{e} done at none; 128 Whe{n}ne that ye se youre lorde to mete shall{e} goo, Be redy to fecche him water sone; Su{m}me helle[1] water; su{m}me holde to he hath{e} done The cloth{e} to him; And from him yee nat pace 132 Whils he be sette, and haue herde sayde the grace. [Sidenote: At Noon, when your lord is ready for dinner, some pour water on him, some hold the towel for him till he has finished, and don’t leave till grace is said.] ¶ Byfore him stonde whils he komau{n}de yow sytte, With{e} clene handes Ay Redy him to serve; Whe{n}ne yee be sette, yo{ur} knyf with{e} alle yo{ur} wytte 136 Vnto youre sylf both{e} clene and sharpe conserve, That honestly yee mowe yo{ur} owne mete kerve. Latte curtesye and sylence with{e} yow duelle, And foule tales looke noone to other telle. 140 [Sidenote: Stand by your lord till he tells you to sit, then keep your knife clean and sharp to cut your food. Be silent, and tell no nasty stories.] ¶ Kutte with{e} yo{ur} knyf yo{ur} brede, and breke yt nouht{e}; A clene Trenchour byfore yow eke ye lay, And whe{n}ne yo{ur} potage to yow shall{e} be brouht{e}, Take yow sponys, and soupe by no way, 144 And in youre dysshe leve nat yo{ur} spone, I pray, Nor on the borde lenynge be yee nat sene, But from embrowyng the cloth{e} yee kepe clene. [Sidenote: Cut your bread, don’t break it. Lay a clean trencher before you, and eat your broth with a spoon, don’t sup it up. Don’t leave your spoon in your dish. Don’t lean on the table, or dirty the cloth.] ¶ Oute ou{er}e youre dysshe yo{ur} heede yee nat hynge, 148 And with{e} fulle mouth{e} drynke in no wyse; Youre nose, yo{ur} teeth{e}, yo{ur} naylles, from pykynge, [Sidenote: [Fol. 89.]] Kepe At your mete, for so techis the wyse. Eke or ye take in youre mouthe, yow avyse, 152 So mekyl mete but that yee riht{e} well{e} mowe Answere, And speke, whe{n}ne men speke to yow. [Sidenote: Don’t hang your head over your dish, or eat with a full mouth, or pick your nose, teeth, and nails, or stuff your mouth so that you can’t speak.] ¶ Wha{n}ne ye shall{e} drynke, yo{ur} mouthe clence with{e} A cloth{e}; Youre handes eke that they in no manere 156 Imbrowe the cuppe, for tha{n}ne shull{e} noon{e} be loth{e} With{e} yow to drynke that ben with{e} yow yfere. The salte also touche nat in his salere With{e} nokyns mete, but lay it honestly 160 On youre Trenchoure, for that is curtesy. [Sidenote: Wipe your mouth when you drink, and don’t dirty the cup with your hands. Don’t dip your meat in the salt-cellar,] ¶ Youre knyf with{e} mete to yo{ur} mouthe nat bere, And in youre hande nor holdẽ yee yt no way; Eke yf to yow be brouht{e} goode metys sere, 164 Luke curteysly of ylke mete yee assay, And yf yo{ur} dysshe with{e} mete be tane away And better brouht{e}, curtesye wole certeyne Yee late yt passe and calle it nat ageyne. 168 [Sidenote: or put your knife in your mouth. Taste every dish that’s brought to you, and when once your plate is taken away, don’t ask for it again.] ¶ And yf st{ra}ungers with{e} yow be sette at mete, And vnto yow goode mete be brouht{e} or sente, With{e} parte of hit goodely yee theym Rehete, For yt ys nouht{e} ywys convenyent 172 With{e} yow at mete, wha{n}ne other ben present, Alle forto holde that vnto yow ys brouht{e}, And as wrecches on other vouchesauf nouht{e}. [Sidenote: If strangers dine with you, share all good food sent to you with them. It’s not polite to keep it all to yourself.] [Sidenote: [Fol. 89b.]] ¶ Kutte nouht{e} youre mete eke as it were Felde men, 176 That to theyre mete haue suche an appetyte That they ne rekke in what wyse, where ne when, Nor how vngoodly they on theyre mete twyte; But, swete children, haue al-wey yo{ur} delyte 180 In curtesye, and in verrey gentylnesse, And at youre myht{e} eschewe boystousnesse. [Sidenote: Don’t cut your meat like field labourers, who have such an appetite they don’t care how they hack their food. Sweet children, let your delight be courtesy, and eschew rudeness.] ¶ Wha{n}ne chese ys brouht{e}, A Trenchoure ha ye clene On which{e} with{e} clene knyf [ye] yo{ur} chese mowe kerve; 184 In your fedynge luke goodly yee be sene. And from Iangelyng yo{ur} tunge al-wey conserve, For so ywys yee shall{e} a name deserve Off gentylnesse and of goode governau{n}ce, 188 And in vertue al-wey youre silf avau{n}ce. [Sidenote: Have a clean trencher and knife for your cheese, and eat properly. Don’t chatter either, and you shall get a good repute for gentleness.] ¶ Wha{n}ne that so ys that ende shall{e} kome of mete, Youre knyffes clene, where they ouht{e} to be, Luke yee putte vp{pe}; and holde eke yee yo{ur} seete 192 Whils yee haue wasshe, for so wole honeste. Whe{n}ne yee haue done, looke tha{n}ne goodly that yee With{e}-oute lauht{e}r{e}, Iapynge, or boystous worde, Ryse vp{pe}, and goo vnto youre lordis borde, 196 [Sidenote: When the meal is over, clean your knives, and put them in their places; keep your seats till you’ve washed; then rise up without laughing or joking, and go to your lord’s table.] ¶ And stonde yee there, and passe yee him nat fro Whils grace ys sayde and brouht{e} vnto an ende, Tha{n}ne so{m}me of yow for water owe to goo, So{m}me holde the clothe, so{m}me poure vpõn his hende. 200 [Sidenote: [Fol. 90.]] Other service tha{n}ne this I myht{e} comende To yow to done, but, for the tyme is shorte, I putte theym nouht{e} in this lytyl Reporte, [Sidenote: Stand there till grace is said. Then some of you go for water, some hold the towel, some pour water over his hands. Other things I shall not put in this little Report,] ¶ But ou{er}e I passe, prayyng with{e} spyrit gladde 204 Of this labour that no wiht{e} me detray, But where to lytyl ys, latte him more adde, And whe{n}ne to myche ys, latte him take away; For thouh{e} I wolde, tyme wole that I no more say; 208 I leve therfore, And this Book I directe To eu{er}y wiht{e} that lyste yt to correcte. [Sidenote: but skip over, praying that no one will abuse me for this work. Let readers add or take away: I address it to every one who likes to correct it.] ¶ And, swete children, for whos love now I write, I yow beseche with{e} verrey lovande herte, 212 To knowe this book that yee sette yo{ur} delyte; And myht{e}full{e} god, that suffred peynes smerte, In curtesye he make yow so experte, That thurh{e} yo{ur} nurture and youre governau{n}ce 216 In lastynge blysse yee mowe yo{ur} self auau{n}ce! [Sidenote: Sweet children, I beseech you know this book, and may God make you so expert therein that you may attain endless bliss.] [Footnote 1: _helde_, pour out; A.S. _hyldan_, to incline, bend.] * * * * * * * * * ¶ Lerne or be Lewde. [Sidenote: [Fol. 90b.]] To Amerous, to Au{n}terous, ne Angre the nat to muche; To Bolde, ne to Besy, ne Bourde nat to large; To Curteys, to Cruell{e}, ne Care nat to sore; To Dulle, ne to Dredefull{e}, ne Drynke nat to offte; 4 To Elenge, to Excellent, ne to Carefulle neythur; To Fers, ne to Famuler, but Frendely of Chere; To gladde, ne to Glorious, and Gelousy thow hate; To Hasty, to Hardy, ne to Hevy in thyn Herte; 8 To Iettyng, ne to Iangelyng, and Iape nat to ofte; To Kynde, ne to Kepyng, and warr{e} Knavis tacches; To Loth{e}, ne to Lovyng, ne to Lyberall{e} of goode; To Medlous, to Mury, but as goode Maner askith{e}; 12 To noyous, ne to Nyce, ne to Newfangyll{e}; To Orped, to Overtwert, and Othes, s{ir}, thow hate; To Preysyng, to Preve with{e} Prynces and Dukes; To Queynt, to Querelous, and Queme well{e} thy maistre; 16 To Riotous, to Revelyng, ne Rage nat to muche; To Strau{n}ge, ne to Steryng, ne Stare nat abroode; To Toyllous, to Talevys, for Temp{er}au{n}ce it hatith{e}; To Vengable, to Envious, and waste nat to muche; 20 To Wylde, to Wrathefull{e}, and Wade nat to depe; A Mesurable Mene way ys beste for vs alle; ¶ Yitte. Lerne. or. Be. Lewde. [Sidenotes: Don’t be too loving or angry, bold or busy, courteous or cruel or cowardly, and don’t drink too often, [E] or be too lofty or anxious, but friendly of cheer. [G] Hate jealousy, be not too hasty or daring; joke not too oft; ware knaves’ tricks. Don’t be too grudging or too liberal, too meddling, [N] too particular, new-fangled, or too daring. Hate oaths and [P] flattery. [Q] Please well thy master. Don’t be too rackety, [S] or go out too much. [V] Don’t be too revengeful or wrathful, and wade not too deep. The middle path is the best for us all.] [A Dietary given ‘vnto Kyng Herry v^te’ ‘by Sigismounde, Emp{er}our of Rome,’ follows, leaf 91. The colophon (leaf 98, back) is ‘¶ Thus endith{e} this Dyetarye Compyled And made by Plato and Petrus Lucratus, Grete Philosophers and Astronomers.’] _A complete copy of the A B C Alliterative Poem of which the foregoing LERNE OR BE LEWDE is a fragment, occurs in the Lambeth MS. 853, and is therefore added here._ * * * * * * * * * The A B C of Aristotle. [_Lambeth _MS. 853_, ab. 1430 A.D., page 30, written without breaks._] ++Who-so wilneþ to be wijs, & worschip desiriþ, Lerne he oo lettir, & looke on anothir Of þe .a. b. c. of aristotil: argue not aȝen þat: It is cou{n}cel for riȝt manye clerkis & knyȝtis a þousand, 4 And eek it myȝte ameende a man ful ofte For to leerne lore of oo lettir, & his lijf saue; For to myche of ony þing was neu{er}e holsum. Reede ofte on þis rolle, & rewle þ{o}u þer aftir; 8 Who-so be greued in his goost, gou{er}ne hi{m} bettir; Blame he not þe barn þat þis .a. b. c. made, But wite he his wickid will & his werk aftir; It schal neu{er}e greue a good man þouȝ þe gilti be meendid. 12 Now herkeneþ & heeriþ how y bigy{n}ne. [Sidenote: [Page 31.]] +A+ to amerose, to au{n}terose, ne argue not to myche. +B+ to bolde, ne to bisi, ne boorde not to large. +C+ to curteis, to cruel, ne care not to sore. +D+ to dul, ne to dreedful, ne drinke not to ofte. +E+ to elenge, ne to excellent, ne to eernesful neiþ{er}. +F+ to fers, ne to famuler, but freendli of cheere. +G+ to glad, ne to gloriose, & gelosie þou hate. +H+ to hasti, ne to hardi, ne to heuy in þine herte. +I+ to iettynge, ne to iangelinge, ne iape not to ofte. +K+ to kinde, ne to kepynge, & be waar of knaue tacchis. +L+ to looth for to leene, ne to liberal of goodis. +M+ to medelus, ne to myrie, but as mesure wole it meeue. +N+ to noiose, ne to nyce, ne use no new iettis. +O+ to orped, ne to ou{er}þwart, & ooþis þou hate. +P+ to pr{e}sing, ne to p{re}uy w{i}t{h} p{ri}ncis ne w{i}t{h} dukis; [Sidenote: * Page 32.] +Q+ to queynte, ne[*] to quarelose, but queeme weel ȝoure souereyns. +R+ to riotus, to reueling, ne rage not to rudeli. +S+ to strau{n}ge, ne to stirynge, ne strau{n}geli to stare. +T+ to toilose, ne to talewijs, for temperau{n}ce is beest. +V+ to venemose, ne to ve{n}iable, & voide al vilonye. +W+ to wielde, ne to wraþful, neiþ{er} waaste, ne waade not to depe, ¶ For a mesurable meene is eu{er}e þe beste of alle. [“Whi is þis world biloued” follows.] _See two other copies of this _A B C_ in Harl. MS. 541, fol. 213 and 228._ The copy on fol. 213 has the exordium as prose, thus: Who so wyll{e} be wyse, and worspyp{pe} to wynne, leerñ he on lettur, and loke vpon an other of the .A. B. C. of Arystotle; nooñ Argument agaynst that. ffor it is counsell{e} for clerk{is} and knyght{is} a thowsand{e}. And also it myght{e} amend{e} a meane man, fulle oft the lernyng of A lettur, and his lyf save. It shal not greve a good man though gylt be amend{e}. rede on this ragment / and rule the theraft{e}r. The copy on fol. 228 has no Introduction. COLLATION [Transcriber’s Note: The following text is repeated from its original location in the Collations and Corrigenda section immediately after the Preface.] _The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated by Mr Brock, omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here be-gynneth{e} Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.” A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode D, „ „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat E, „ „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e} G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never H, _for_ in þine _read_ off I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde; _for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng; _for_ goodis _read_ woordys M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous; _for_ but as mesure wole it meeue _read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e} N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e}; _for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous; _for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e} V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the ¶ _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs _Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se. Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen. * * * * * * * * * Urbanitatis. [_MS. Cott. Calig. A. II., ab. 1460 A.D., fol. 88, col. 2._] Who-so wyll{e} of nurtur lere, Herken to me & ȝe shall{e} here. [a] When þ{o}u comeste be-fore a lorde In halle, yn bowre, or at þe borde, 4 [b] Hoode or kappe þ{o}u of þo. Ere þ{o}u come hym all{e} vn-to, [c] Twyse or þryse w{i}t{h}-oute{n} dowte To þ{a}t lorde þ{o}u moste lowte, 8 W{i}t{h} þy Ryȝth kne lette h{i}t be do, Thy worshyp þ{o}u mayst saue so. [d] Holde of þy cappe & þy hood also Tyll{e} þ{o}u be byden h{i}t on to do; 12 All{e} þe whyle þ{o}u spekest w{i}t{h} hym, [e] Fayr & louely holde vp þy chyn{n}, So aft{ur} þe nurtur of þe book [f] In h{i}s face louely þ{o}u loke; 16 [g] Foot & hond þ{o}u kepe full{e} stylle Fro clawyng or tryppy{n}g, h{i}t ys skylle; [h] Fro spettyng & snetyng kepe þe also; [i] Be p{ri}uy of voydance, & lette h{i}t go. 20 And loke þ{o}u be wyse & fell{e}, [k] And þ{er}to also þ{a}t þow gouerne þe well{e}. [l] In-to þe halle when þ{o}u dost wende Amonge þe genteles gode & hende, 24 [m] Prece þ{o}u not vp to hyȝ for no þy{n}g, Nor for þy hyȝ blood, ner{e} for þy ko{n}ny{n}g, Noþ{ur} to sytte, neþ{ur} to lene, For h{i}t ys neyþ{ur} good ne clene. 28 [n] Lette not þy co{n}tynaunce also abate, For good nurt{ur} wyll{e} saue þy state; Fadyr & modyr, what eu{ur} þey be, Well{e} ys þe chylde þ{a}t may the: 32 [o] In halle, in chambur, or{e} wher{e} þ{o}u gon, Nurtur & good maners makeþ man. To þe nexte degre loke þ{o}u wysely [p] To do hem Reu{er}ence by and by: 36 Do hem no Reu{er}ens, but sette all{e} i{n} Rowe But ȝyf þ{o}u þe bett{ur} do hym knowe. [Sidenote: [Fol. 86, back, col. 1.]] To þe mete when þ{o}u art sette, Fayre & honestly thow ete hyt: 40 [q] Fyrste loke þ{a}t þy handes be clene, And þ{a}t þy knyf be sharpe & kene; And cutte þy breed & all{e} þy mete Ryȝth euen as þ{o}u doste h{i}t ete. 44 [r] If þ{o}u sytte be a worthyor man Then þy self thow art on, Suffre hym fyrste to towche þe mete Er{e} þy self any þ{er}-of gete; 48 [s] To þe beste morsell{e} þ{o}u may not stryke Thowȝ þ{o}u neu{ur} so well{e} h{i}t lyke. [t] Also kepe þy hondys fayr{e} & well{e} Fro fylynge of the towell{e}, 52 Ther-on þ{o}u shalt not þy nose wype; Noþ{ur} at þy mete þy toth þ{o}u pyke; [v] To depe i{n} þy cuppe þ{o}u may not synke Thowȝ þ{o}u haue good wyll{e} to drynke, 56 Leste þy eyen water þer{e} by, Then ys hyt no curtesy. [x] Loke yn þy mowth be no mete When þ{o}u begy{n}neste to dry{n}ke or speke; 60 Also when þ{o}u sest any man drynkyng That taketh hede of þy karpyng, Soone a-non þ{o}u sece þy tale, Wheþ{ur} he drynke wyne or Ale. 64 [y] Loke also þ{o}u skorne no mon In what þe[gre] [A] þ{o}u se hym gon; Nor þ{o}u shalte no mon Repreue [B] Ȝyf þ{o}u wylt þy owen worshyp saue, 68 For suche wordys þ{o}u myȝth out kaste Sholde make þe to lyue i{n} euell{e} reste; [z] Close þyn honde yn þy feste, And kepe þe well{e} from hadde-y-wyste. 72 [Sidenote: [Fol. 86, back, col. 2.]] [aa] In chamb{ur} among ladyes bryȝth, Kepe þy tonge & spende þy syȝth; [ab] Lawȝe þ{o}u not w{i}t{h} no grette cry, Ne Rage þ{o}u not w{i}t{h} Rybawdry. 76 Pley þ{o}u not but w{i}t{h} þy peres; [ac] Ne telle þ{o}u not þ{a}t þ{o}u heres, Nor dyskeuer{e} þ{o}u not [C] þyn owen dede For no myrth nor for no mede; 80 [ad] W{i}t{h} fayr speche þ{o}u may haue þy wyll{e}, And w{i}t{h} þy speche þ{o}u may þe spyll{e}. [ae] Ȝyf þ{o}u suwe a wordyer mon Then þy self þ{o}u art on, 84 Lette þy Ryȝth shold{ur} folow h{i}s bakke, For nurt{ur} þ{a}t ys, w{i}t{h}-owten lakke. [af] When he doth speke, holde þe style; When he hath don, say þy wyll{e}; 88 [ag] Loke yn þy speche þ{o}u be fell{e}, And what þou sayste a-vyse þe well{e}; [ah] And be-refe þ{o}u no mon h{i}s tale, Noþ{ur} at wyne ner{e} at Ale. 92 [ai] Now, c{ri}ste of h{i}s grette g{ra}ce Ȝeue vs all{e} both{e} wytte & space Well{e} þ{i}s to knowe & Rede, [ak] And heuen to haue for o{ur} mede! 96 Amen, Amen, so moot h{i}t be, So saye we all{e} for charyte! EXPLICIT T{RA}CTUS VRBANITATIS. [Sidenotes: [a] When you come before a lord [b] take off your cap or hood, [c] and fall on your right knee twice or thrice. [d] Keep your cap off till you’re told to put it on; [e] hold up your chin; [f] look in the lord’s face; [g] keep hand and foot still; [h] don’t spit or snot; [i] get rid of it quietly; [k] behave well. [l] When you go into the hall, [m] don’t press up too high. [n] Don’t be shamefaced. [o] Wherever you go, good manners make the man. [p] Reverence your betters, but treat all equally whom you don’t know. [q] See that your hands are clean, and your knife sharp. [r] Let worthier men help themselves before you eat. [s] Don’t clutch at the best bit. [t] Keep your hands from dirtying the cloth, and don’t wipe your nose on it, [v] or dip too deep in your cup. [x] Have no meat in your mouth when you drink or speak; and stop talking when your neighbour is drinking. [y] Scorn and reprove no man. [z] Keep your fingers from what would bring you to grief. [aa] Among ladies, look, don’t talk. [ab] Don’t laugh loud, or riot with ribalds. [ac] Don’t repeat what you hear. [ad] Words make or mar you. [ae] If you follow a worthier man, let your right shoulder follow his back, and [af] don’t speak till he has done. [ag] Be austere (?) in speech; [ah] don’t stop any man’s tale. [ai] Christ gives us all wit to know this, [ak] and heaven as our reward. Amen!] [Text notes: A Marg. has _gre_ for insertion. B _repraue_ is written above the line. C _not_ put in by a later hand.] * * * * * * * * * The Boris hede furst. [_Porkington MS. No. 10, fol. 202; ? ab. 1460-70 A.D._] Hey, hey, hey, hey, þe borrys hede is armyd gay![1] The boris hede i{n} hond I bryng W{i}tt garlond gay in porttoryng. [Sidenote: [Fol. 202b.]] I pray yow all w{i}tt me to synge W{i}tt hay. ¶¶ Lordys, knyȝtt{is}, and skyers, Persons, prystis and wycars, The boris hede ys þe fur[s]t mes, W{i}tt hay. ¶¶ The boris hede, as I yow say, He takis his leyfe, & gothe his way Soñ aft{ur} þe xij theylffyt day, W{i}tt hay. ¶¶ The{n} co{m}mys i{n} þe secund kowrs w{i}th mekyll pryde, þe crann{is} & þe heyrrou{n}s, þe bytt{ur}is by þe syde, þe p{ar}trychys & þe plowers, þe wodcok{is} & þe snyt, W{i}tt hay. ¶¶ Larkys i{n} hoot schow,[2] ladys for to pyk, Good drynk þ{er}to, lycyvs and fyñ, Blwet of allmayñ,[3] ro{m}nay and wyin, W{i}tt hay. ¶¶ Gud[4] bred, alle & wyin, da{er} I well say, þ^e boris hede w{i}tt musterd armyd soo gay, ¶¶ furm̅a{n}te to po^tdtage,[5] w{i}tt we{n}nissu{n} fyñ, & þ^e ho{m}buls of þe dow, & all þ{a}t eu{er} co{m}mis in, ¶¶ Cappons I-bake w{i}tt þ^e pesys of þ^e roow, Reysons of corrans, w{i}tt odyr{e} spysis moo, [_incomplete._] [Footnote 1: “When you print I recommend that the first line of the MS. ‘Hey, hey,’ &c. should stand alone in two lines. They are the burthen of the song, and were a sort of accompaniment, or under-song, sung throughout, while an upper voice sang the words and tune. You will see numbers of the same kind in Wright’s Songs and Carols printed by the Percy Society. It was common in the 14th and 15th centuries.” --WM. CHAPPELL. This Carol is printed in _Reliq. Antiq._, vol. ii., and is inserted here--copied from and read with the MS.--to fill up a blank page. The title is mine.] [Footnote 2: ? sewe, stew.] [Footnote 3: ? the name of a wyne. Recipes for the dish _Brouet of Almayne_ (H. O.), _Brewet of Almony_, _Breuet de Almonde_, are in Household Ordinances, p. 456; Forme of Cury, p. 29, and Liber Cure Cocorum, p. 12.] [Footnote 4: ? MS. End.] [Footnote 5: Recipe for _Potage de Frumenty_ in Household Ordinances, p. 425.] [po^tdtage: small “t” printed above “o”] * * * * * * * * * Errata (noted by transcriber): _The Babees Book_ _In the printed book, some line numbers were shifted to avoid collision with the pilcrow symbol at the beginning of the stanza. For this e-text, numbers have been restored to multiples of 4._ * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: The following two selections, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys be_ and _The Young Children’s Book_, were printed on facing even/odd pages. They are here presented one after the other, with sidenotes grouped at the end of each selection. _Edyllys Be_ is given twice: first with all collations and line numbers, then with sidenotes only.] * * * * * * * * * The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys be. [_Harl. MS. 541, fol. 210; and Egerton MS. 1995; ab. 1480 A.D._] [Text with collations: see Transcriber’s Note above. Numbered footnotes give readings from the alternative MS, Egerton 1995. Footnotes 9 (three references) and 23 each read: “The parts between square brackets [] are from the Egerton MS.” This explanation is also given in an unnumbered note on a later page. Readings in [[double brackets]] are taken from the Collations section immediately after the Preface, with the MSS. abbreviated here as Adv.: “... part of the Advocates Library MS., fol. 84, back”, and Cam.: “... the Cambridge University MS. ... _Hem_ is always written for _him_ in this MS., and so with other words.”] Lytyll{e} children{e}, here ye may lere] Moche curtesy þ{a}t is wrytyn{e} here; For clerk{is} that the vij arteȝ cunne, Seyn[1] þ{a}t curtesy from hevyn come 4 Whan Gabryell{e} oure lady grette, And Eliȝabeth with mary mette. l. 1: [[Adv. childur] l. 2: [[Adv. _dele_ þat]] [[Cam. _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd]] l. 3: [[Adv. _dele_ For]] l. 4: [1: Egerton MS. 1995, Synne] [[Adv. _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady]] [[Cam. _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey]] All{e} vertues arn{e}[2] closid{e} yn curtesye, And all{e} vices yn vylonye. 8 Loke þyne hond{is} be[3] wasshe clene, That no fylth{e} on[4] thy nayles be sene. Take þ{o}u no mete tyll{e} grace[5] be seyd{e}, And tyll{e} þ{o}u see all{e} thyng arayed{e}. 12 l. 7: [2: ben closyde] [[Adv. _for_ arñ _read_ byn]] [[Cam. _for_ closide _read_ clodyd]] l. 9: [[Adv. _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke]] [3: that thy hondys benne] [[Adv. _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd]] l. 10: [4: in] [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ yn]] l. 11: [5: the fyrste gracys] [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ ye]] l. 12: [[Adv. _for_ tylle _read_ to]] [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ ye]] Loke, my son, þ{a}t thow not sytte] Tyll{e} þe ruler of þe hous the bydde;[6] And at thy[7] mete, yn þ{e} begynnyng, Loke on[8] pore men that thow thynk, 16 For the full{e} wombe w{i}t{h}out[[9] any faylys] Wot full{e} lytyl[[9] what the hungery aylys.] l. 13: [[Adv. _prefix_ And _to_ Loke] l. 14: [6: the halle the bytte] [[Adv. To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt]] [[Cam. _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt]] l. 15: [7: Atte the] [[Cam. _for_ þe _read_ they]] l. 16: [8: a-pon (and omits _that_)] [[Adv. _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on]] [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ no]] l. 17: [[Adv. _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle]] [[Cam. _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle]] l. 18: [[Adv. _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle]] [[Cam. _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt]] Ete[[9] not thy mete to hastely, A-byde and ete esely. 20 l. 19: [[Cam. _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey]] l. 20: [[Adv. _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely]] [[Cam. _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde]] [[Cam. _for_ esely _read_ all yesley]] Tylle þ{o}u haue thy fulle seruyse, Touche noo messe in noo wyse. Kerue not thy brede to thynne, Ne breke hit not on twynne: 24 The mosselle that þ{o}u begynnysse to touche, Cast them not in thy pouche. l. 23: [[Cam. _for_ Kerue not thy brede _read_ Kot they bred not]] l. 24: [[Cam. _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn]] l. 25: [[Adv. _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle]] [[Cam. _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels]] [[Cam. _for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost]] l. 26: [[Adv. _for_ in _read_ owt of]] [[Cam. _for_ in _read_ owt of]] Put not thy fyngerys on thy dysche, Nothyr in flesche, nothyr in fysche. 28 l. 27: [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ yn]] l. 28: [[Adv. _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the;]] [[Adv. _for_ thy salte _read_ hit]] [[Cam. 28-30 _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys. Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr]] Put not thy mete in-to the salte, In-to thy Seler that thy salte halte,] [Sidenote: [Fol. 210, back.]] But ley it fayr{e}[10] on þi trencher{e} The byfore,[11] and þat is þyn{e} honor{e}. 32 l. 31: [10: Egerton MS. omits _fayre_] [[Adv. _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a]] l. 32: [11: To-fore the] [[Adv. _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the]] [[Adv. _dele_ þyne]] [[Cam. _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep]] Pyke not þyn{e} Eris ne thy nost{re}ll{is}; If[12] þ{o}u do, men woll{e} sey þ{o}u come of cherl{is}.[13] And[14] whyll{e} þi mete yn þi mouth is, Drynk þow not; for-gete not this. 36 l. 33: [[Cam. _for_ ne _read_ nother]] l. 34: [12: And] [13: comyste of karlys] [[Cam. _for_ If _read_ And]] [[Cam. _for_ come _read_ comest]] [[Adv. Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe]] l. 35: [14: But] [[Cam. _for_ And _read_ Seche]] [[Cam. _put the_ is _before_ yn]] Ete þi mete by small{e} mosselles; [m] Fylle not thy mouth as done[15] brothell{is}. [n] Pyke not þi teth{e} with thy knyfe; In no company begynne þow stryfe.[16] 40 l. 37: [[Cam. _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn]] l. 38: [15: dothe] [[Cam. _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle;]] [[Cam. _omit_ done]] l. 40: [16: Whyle þ{o}u ettyste by thy lyffe] [[Cam. _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe]] And whan þ{o}u hast þi potage doon{e},[17] Out of thy dyssh þow put thi spone. Ne spitte þow not[18] over the[19] tabyll{e}, Ne therupon, for that is no þing abyll{e}.[20] 44 l. 41: [17: Idone] l. 42: [[Cam. _for_ þow put _read_ take owt]] l. 43: [18: Spette not] [19: thy] [[Cam. _for_ Ne _read_ Nether]] l. 44: [20: Nor a-pon hyt, for hyt ys not able] [[Cam. _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell]] Ley not þyn{e} Elbowe nor[21] thy fyst Vpon the tabyll{e} whyl{is} þ{a}t thow etist.[22] Bulk not as a Been{e} were yn þi throte, [As a ka]rle þ{a}t comys oute of a cote. 48 l. 45: [21: nothyr] [[Cam. _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys]] l. 46: [22: whyle þ{o}u este] [[Cam. _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle]] l. 47: [[Cam. _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte]] l. 48: [[Cam. _for_ karle þat _read_ charle]] [[Cam. _for_ cote _read_ cotte]] [[23] And thy mete be o]f grete pryce, [Be ware of hyt, or þ{o}u arte n]ot wyse. [Speke noo worde stylle ne sterke; And honowre and curtesy loke þ{o}u kepe, 52 And at the tabylle loke þ{o}u make goode chere; Loke þ{o}u rownde not in nomannys ere. l. 50: [[Cam. _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be]] l. 51: [[Cam. _for_ sterke _read_ lowde]] l. 52: [[Cam. _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe]] l. 53: [[Cam. _for_ at _read_ all]] [[Cam. _omit_ loke þou]] l. 54: [[Cam. _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye]] W{i}t{h} thy fyngerys þ{o}u towche and taste Thy mete; And loke þ{o}u doo noo waste. 56 Loke þ{o}u laughe not, nor grenne; And w{i}t{h} moche speche þ{o}u mayste do synne. l. 55: [[Cam. _omit_ thy]] l. 56: [[Cam. _for_ and _read_ ne]] [[Cam. _for_ doo _read_ make]] l. 57: [[Cam. _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe]] l. 58: [[Cam. _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke]] [[Cam. _for_ mayst _read_ may]] Mete ne drynke loke þ{o}u ne spylle, But sette hit downe fayre and stylle.] 60 l. 59: [[Cam. _for_ first ne _read_ ner]] [[Cam. _for the second_ ne _read_ not]] l. 60: [[Cam. _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not]] [Sidenote: [Fol. 207.]] Kepe thy cloth clene the byforn{e}, And bere the so[24] thow haue no scorn{e}. Byte not þi mete, but kerve it[25] clene, Be well{e} war{e} no[26] drop be sene. 64 Whan þ{o}u etyst, gape not to wyde That þi mouth be sene on ych{e} a[27] syde. l. 61: [[Cam. _for_ thy _read_ the]] l. 62: [24: that] l. 63: [25: cut hit] l. 64: [26: that noo] l. 66: [27: be in euery] [[Cam. _omit_ a]] And son, bewar{e}, I rede, of[28] on thyng, Blow neþ{er}[29] yn thi mete nor yn þi[30] drynk. 68 And yif thi lord drynk at þat tyde, Drynk þ{o}u not, but hym abyde; Be it at Evyn{e}, be it at noone,[31] Drynk þ{o}u not tyll{e} he haue done. 72 l. 67: [28: be ware of] [[Cam. _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of]] l. 68: [29: þ{o}u not] [30: mete not] [[Cam. _for_ neþer _read_ neuer]] [[Cam. _omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk]] l. 69: [[Cam. _for_ þat _read_ they]] l. 71: [31: morowe, (and omits next line.)] Vpon þi trencher no fyllth{e} þ{o}u see,[32] It is not honest, as I telle the; Ne drynk[33] behynd{e} no mannes bakke, For yf þ{o}u do, thow art to lakke.[34] 76 l. 73: [32: be sene] [[Cam. _for_ þou see _read_ be saye]] [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ yow]] l. 75: [33: Drynke þ{o}u not] l. 76: [34: blame] [[Cam. _for_ thow art _read_ yow ar]] And chese com{e} forthe,[35] be not to gredy,[36] Ne cutte þow not therof to hastely.[37] Caste not þi bones ynto the flore, But ley þem[38] fayre on þi trenchor{e}. 80 l. 77: [35: by-fore the] [36: redy] [[Cam. _for_ forthe _read_ before yow]] l. 78: [37: To cut there-of be not to gredy.] [[Cam. _omit_ þow not]] l. 79: [[Cam. _for_ ynto _read_ yn]] l. 80: [38: hem] Kepe clene þi cloth byfor{e} þe[39] alle; And sit þ{o}u stylle, what so be-falle,[40] Tyll{e} grace be said vnto þe ende, And tyll{e} þ{o}u haue wasshen w{i}t{h} þi frend. 84 l. 81: [39: _þe_ omitted.] l. 82: [40: stylle w{i}t{h}alle] l. 83: [[Cam. _for_ ende _read_ hendyng]] l. 84: [[Cam. _for_ wasshen _read_ was]] Let the more worthy þan[41] thow Wassh to-fore[42] þe, & that is þi prow; And spitte not yn[43] þi basyn{e}, My swete son, þ{a}t þow wasshist yn{e}; 88 l. 85: [41: thenne] [[Cam. _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor]] l. 86: [42: by-for{e}] [[Cam. _for_ to- _read_ be-]] [[Cam. _omit_ &]] [[Cam. _for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey]] l. 87: [43: Spete not on (and omits next line.)] And aryse up soft & stylle,[44] And iangyll{e} nether with Iak ne Iylle, l. 89: [[Cam. 88, 89, are omitted.]] [44: And ryse w{i}t{h} hym that sate w{i}t{h} the stylle, And thanke hym fayre and welle: Aftyr, Iangely not w{i}t{h} Iacke ne gylle.] l. 90: [[Cam. _for_ nether _read_ not]] [[Cam. _for_ ne _read_ ne with]] [Sidenote: [Fol. 207, back.]] But take þi leve of the hede[45] lowly, And þank hym w{i}t{h} thyn{e} hert hyghly, 92 And all{e} þe gentyll{is}[46] togydr{e} yn same, And bare the so[47] thow haue no blame; Than men wyll{e}[48] say therafter That a gentyll{e}man was heere. 96 l. 91: [45: lorde] [[Cam. _omit_ þi]] [[Cam. _for_ the hede _read_ they lorde]] l. 92: [[Cam. _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley]] l. 93: [46: _þe gentylles_ omitted.] [[Cam. _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere]] l. 94: [47: soo that] [[Cam. _for_ no blame _read_ the same]] l. 95: [48: wylle they sey] [[Cam. _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter]] l. 96: [[Cam. _after_ that _add_ he ys]] [[Cam. _for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr]] And he þ{a}t dispiseth this techyng, He is not worthy, w{i}t{h}oute lesyng, Nether at[49] good mannes tabull{e} to[50] sitte, Ner[51] of no worship{e} for to wytte. 100 l. 97: [[Cam. _omit_ And]] [[Cam. _for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise]] l. 99: [49: Neuyr at a] [50: for to] [[Cam. _for_ Nether _read_ neuer]] l. 100: [51: Nothyr] [[Cam. _for_ Ner _read_ ne]] [[Cam. _after_ for _add_ sent]] And therfor{e}, chyldren, for[52] charyte, Louyth this boke though yt lytil be![53] l. 101: [52: pur] l. 102: [53: Lernythe thys boke that ys callyd Edyllys be] [[Cam. _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen]] And pray for hym þ{a}t made it thus,[54] That hym may helpe swete Ih{esus} 104 To lyve & dye among his frendes, [55] And neu{er} to be combred w{i}t{h} no fendes; And geve vs grace yn Ioy to be; Amen, Amen, for charytee![55] 108 l. 103: [54: made thys] [[Cam. _omit_ and]] [[Cam. _for_ made _read_ wret]] l. 106: [[Cam. is omitted.]] l. 107: [[Cam. _before_ vs _put_ hem and]] l. 108: [[Cam. _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all]] [55-55: And vs graunte in Ioy to a-byde! Say ye alle Amen for charyde in euery syde] EXPLICIT. lerne or be lewde q{uod} Whytyng.[56] Expl.: [56: AMEN. Here endythe the boke of Curtesy that ys fulle necessary vnto yonge chyldryn that muste nedys lerne the maner of curtesy. EXPLICIT. AMEN.] [[Cam. _for the_ Explicit &c. _read_ Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey.]] * * * * * * * * * The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys be. [Text with sidenotes: see Transcriber’s Note at beginning of previous text. Passages in [brackets] are from the Egerton MS; lower-case letters in brackets are sidenote references.] [_Harl. MS. 541, fol. 210; and Egerton MS. 1995; ab. 1480 A.D._] Lytyll{e} children{e}, here ye may lere Moche curtesy þ{a}t is wrytyn{e} here; For clerk{is} that the vij arteȝ cunne, Seynþ{a}t curtesy from hevyn come 4 Whan Gabryell{e} oure lady grette, And Eliȝabeth with mary mette. All{e} vertues arn{e}closid{e} yn curtesye, And all{e} vices yn vylonye. 8 Loke þyne hond{is} be wasshe clene, That no fylth{e} on thy nayles be sene. Take þ{o}u no mete tyll{e} grace be seyd{e}, And tyll{e} þ{o}u see all{e} thyng arayed{e}. 12 Loke, my son, þ{a}t thow not sytte Tyll{e} þe ruler of þe hous the bydde; And at thy mete, yn þ{e} begynnyng, Loke on pore men that thow thynk, 16 For the full{e} wombe w{i}t{h}out [any faylys] Wot full{e} lytyl [what the hungery aylys.] Ete [not thy mete to hastely, A-byde and ete esely. 20 Tylle þ{o}u haue thy fulle seruyse, Touche noo messe in noo wyse. Kerue not thy brede to thynne, Ne breke hit not on twynne: 24 The mosselle that þ{o}u begynnysse to touche, Cast them not in thy pouche. Put not thy fyngerys on thy dysche, Nothyr in flesche, nothyr in fysche. 28 Put not thy mete in-to the salte, In-to thy Seler that thy salte halte,] But ley it fayr{e} on þi trencher{e} The byfore, and þat is þyn{e} honor{e}. 32 Pyke not þyn{e} Eris ne thy nost{re}ll{is}; If þ{o}u do, men woll{e} sey þ{o}u come of cherl{is}. Andwhyll{e} þi mete yn þi mouth is, Drynk þow not; for-gete not this. 36 Ete þi mete by small{e} mosselles; Fylle not thy mouth as done brothell{is}. Pyke not þi teth{e} with thy knyfe; In no company begynne þow stryfe. 40 And whan þ{o}u hast þi potage doon{e}, Out of thy dyssh þow put thi spone. Ne spitte þow notover thetabyll{e}, Ne therupon, for that is no þing abyll{e}. 44 Ley not þyn{e} Elbowe northy fyst Vpon the tabyll{e} whyl{is} þ{a}t thow etist. Bulk not as a Been{e} were yn þi throte, [As a ka]rle þ{a}t comys oute of a cote. 48 [And thy mete be o]f grete pryce, [Be ware of hyt, or þ{o}u arte n]ot wyse. [Speke noo worde stylle ne sterke; And honowre and curtesy loke þ{o}u kepe, 52 And at the tabylle loke þ{o}u make goode chere; Loke þ{o}u rownde not in nomannys ere. W{i}t{h} thy fyngerys þ{o}u towche and taste Thy mete; And loke þ{o}u doo noo waste. 56 Loke þ{o}u laughe not, nor grenne; And w{i}t{h} moche speche þ{o}u mayste do synne. Mete ne drynke loke þ{o}u ne spylle, But sette hit downe fayre and stylle.] 60 Kepe thy cloth clene the byforn{e}, And bere the sothow haue no scorn{e}. Byte not þi mete, but kerve itclene, Be well{e} war{e} nodrop be sene. 64 Whan þ{o}u etyst, gape not to wyde That þi mouth be sene on ych{e} asyde. And son, bewar{e}, I rede, ofon thyng, Blow neþ{er}yn thi mete nor yn þidrynk. 68 And yif thi lord drynk at þat tyde, Drynk þ{o}u not, but hym abyde; Be it at Evyn{e}, be it at noone, Drynk þ{o}u not tyll{e} he haue done. 72 Vpon þi trencher no fyllth{e} þ{o}u see, It is not honest, as I telle the; Ne drynkbehynd{e} no mannes bakke, For yf þ{o}u do, thow art to lakke. 76 And chese com{e} forthe, be not to gredy, Ne cutte þow not therof to hastely. Caste not þi bones ynto the flore, But ley þemfayre on þi trenchor{e}. 80 Kepe clene þi cloth byfor{e} þealle; And sit þ{o}u stylle, what so be-falle, Tyll{e} grace be said vnto þe ende, And tyll{e} þ{o}u haue wasshen w{i}t{h} þi frend. 84 Let the more worthy þanthow Wassh to-foreþe, & that is þi prow; And spitte not ynþi basyn{e}, My swete son, þ{a}t þow wasshist yn{e}; 88 And aryse up soft & stylle, And iangyll{e} nether with Iak ne Iylle, But take þi leve of the hedelowly, And þank hym w{i}t{h} thyn{e} hert hyghly, 92 And all{e} þe gentyll{is}togydr{e} yn same, And bare the sothow haue no blame; Than men wyll{e}say therafter That a gentyll{e}man was heere. 96 And he þ{a}t dispiseth this techyng, He is not worthy, w{i}t{h}oute lesyng, Nether atgood mannes tabull{e} tositte, Nerof no worship{e} for to wytte. 100 And therfor{e}, chyldren, forcharyte, Louyth this boke though yt lytil be! And pray for hym þ{a}t made it thus, That hym may helpe swete Ih{esus} 104 To lyve & dye among his frendes, And neu{er} to be combred w{i}t{h} no fendes; And geve vs grace yn Ioy to be; Amen, Amen, for charytee! 108 EXPLICIT. lerne or be lewde q{uod} Whytyng. Here endythe the boke of Curtesy that ys fulle necessary vnto yonge chyldryn that muste nedys lerne the maner of curtesy. [Sidenotes (by line number): [3] Clerks say that courtesy came from heaven when Gabriel greeted our Lady. [7] All virtues are included in it. [9] See that your hands and nails are clean. [11] Don’t eat till grace is said, or sit down till you’re told. [15] First, think on the poor; the full belly wots not what the hungry feels. [19] Don’t eat too quickly. [21] Touch nothing till you are fully helped. [23] Don’t break your bread in two, [26] or put your pieces in your pocket, your fingers in the dish, or your meat in the salt-cellar. [33] Don’t pick your ears or nose, [35] or drink with your mouth full, [38] or cram it full. [39] Don’t pick your teeth with your knife. [41] Take your spoon out when you’ve finished soup. [43] Don’t spit over or on the table, that’s not proper. [45] Don’t put your elbows on the table, [47] or belch as if you had a bean in your throat. [49] Be careful of good food; and be courteous and cheerful. [54] Don’t whisper in any man’s ear. Take your food with your fingers, and don’t waste it. [57] Don’t grin, or talk too much, or spill your food. [61] Keep your cloth before you. [63] Cut your meat, don’t bite it. [65] Don’t open your mouth too wide when you eat, [68] or blow in your food. [69] If your lord drinks, always wait till he has done. [73] Keep your trencher clean. [75] Drink behind no man’s back. [77] Don’t rush at the cheese, [79] or throw your bones on the floor. [82] Sit still till grace is said [84] and you’ve washed your hands, [87] and don’t spit in the basin. [89] Rise quietly, don’t jabber, [91] but thank your host and all the company, [95] and then men will say, ‘A gentleman was here!’ [97] He who despises this teaching isn’t fit to sit at a good man’s table. [101] Children, love this little book, [103]  and pray that Jesus may help its author to die among his friends, and not be troubled with devils, but be in joy for ever. Amen!] * * * * * * * * * The Young Children’s Book. [_From the Ashmolean MS. 61 (Bodleian Library), ab. 1500 A.D., fol. 20._] Who so eu{er} wyll{e} thryue or the, Muste v{er}tus lerne, & c{ur}tas be; For{e} who in ȝowth{e} no v{er}tus vsythe, Yn Age All men hy{m} refusythe. 4 Clerkys þ{a}t ca{n}ne þe scyens seuen{e}, Seys þ{a}t c{ur}tasy came fro heue{n} When gabryell owre lady grette, And elyȝabeth w{i}t{h} her{e} mette. 8 All v{er}tus be closyd{e} in c{ur}tasy, And All{e} vyces i{n} vilony. Aryse be tyme oute of thi bedde, And blysse þi brest & thi forhede, 12 Than wasche thi hond{es} & thi face, Keme þi hede, & Aske god g{ra}ce The to helpe in All þi werkes; Thow schall spede bett{er} what so þ{o}u carpes. 16 Than go to þe chyrch{e}, & here A messe, Ther{e} aske m{er}sy for{e} þi trespasse. To whom þ{o}u metys come by þe weye, Curtasly ‘gode morne’ þ{o}u sey. 20 When þ{o}u hast done, go breke thy faste W{i}t{h} mete & drynke of god{e} repaste: Blysse þi mouthe or þ{o}u it ete, The bett{er} schall{e} be þi dyete. 24 Be-for{e} þi mete sey þ{o}u þi g{ra}ce, Yt ocupys bot lytell space;-- For{e} oure mete, & drynke, & vs, Thanke we owre lord Ih{esu}s;-- 28 A pat{er} nost{er} & Aue mary Sey for{e} þe saulys þ{a}t in peyn{e} ly; Than go labo{ur} as þ{o}u arte bownde, And be not Idyll{e} in no stounde: 32 Holy scrypto{ur} þ{us} it seyth To þe þ{a}t Arte of cristen feyth, “Yff{e} þ{o}u labo{ur}, þ{o}u muste ete That w{i}t{h} þi hond{es} þ{o}u doyst{e} gete;” 36 A byrd{e} hath weng{es} forto fle, So man hath Armes laboryd to be. Luke þ{o}u be trew in word{e} & dede, Yn All{e} þi werkes þa{n} schall þ{o}u spede: 40 Treuth wyt neu{er} his mast{er} schame, Yt kepys hy{m} out off{e} sy{n}ne & blame. The weys to heue{n} þ{e}i bene þ{us} tweyn{e}, M{er}cy & treuthe, As clerk{es} seyn{e}; 44 Who so wyll come to þe lyfe of blysse, To go þe weys he may not mysse. Make no p{ro}mys bot it be gode, And kepe þ{o}u it w{i}t{h} myght & mode; 48 For{e} eu{er}y p{ro}mys, it is dette, That w{i}t{h} no falsed muste be lette. God & þi neybores lufe all wey; Welle is þe, than may þ{o}u sey, 52 For{e} so þ{o}u kepys All þe lawe W{i}t{h}-oute Any fer{e}, drede, o{r} awe. Vn-callyd go þ{o}u to no counsell{e}; That long{es} to þe, w{i}t{h} þ{a}t thow melle. 56 Scorne not þe pore, ne hurte no man{e}; Lerne of hy{m} þ{a}t the tech{e} cane; Be no gloser{e} no{r} no moker{e}, Ne no s{er}ua{n}t{es} no wey loker{e}. 60 Be not prowd, bot meke & lynd, And w{i}t{h} thi bett{er} go þ{o}u be-hynd. When þi bett{er} schewys his wylle, To he haue seyd þ{o}u muste be stylle. 64 When þ{o}u spekes to Any man{e}, Hand{e}, fote, & fyng{er}, kepe þ{o}u styll þan, And luke þ{o}u vppe i{n} to his face, And c{ur}tase be in eu{er}y place. 68 W{i}t{h} þi fyng{er} schew þ{o}u no thyng{e}, No{r} be not lefe to telle tydinge. Yff Any man sey welle of þe, Or of thi frend{es}, thankyd muste be. 72 Haue few word{es}, & wysly sette, For{e} so þ{o}u may thi worschyppe gete. Vse no sueryng{e} noþ{er} lyeng{e}, Yn thi sellyng{e} & thi byeng{e}, 76 For{e} & þ{o}u do þ{o}u arte to blame, And at þe last þ{o}u wyll{e} haue scham{e}. Gete þi gowd w{i}t{h} trewe[t]h & wy{n}ne, And kepe þe out of dette & sy{n}ne. 80 Be loth to greue, & leffe to ples; Seke þe pes, & lyfe in es. Off{e} whom{e} þ{o}u spek{es}, wher{e} & when, A-vyse þe welle, & to what men. 84 When þ{o}u co{m}mys vn to A dore, Sey “god be here,” o{r} þ{o}u go ferre: W{er}-eu{er} þ{o}u co{m}mys, speke honestly To s{er} or dame, or þ{er} meny. 88 Stand, & sytte not furth-w{i}t{h}-all{e} Tyll{e} he byde þe þ{a}t rewlys þe halle; Wher{e} he bydis, þ{er} must þ{o}u sytte, And for{e} non{e} oþ{er} change ne flyte; 92 Sytt vp-ryght And honestly, Ete & drinke, & be feleyly, Parte w{i}t{h} hem þ{a}t sytes þe by; Thus teches þe dame c{ur}tasy. 96 Take þe salt w{i}t{h} thi clen{e} knyfe; Be cold of spech, & make no stryfe; Bakbyte no man þ{a}t is A-wey{e}, Be glad of All{e} men wele to sey. 100 Here & se, & sey thou nought, Than schall þ{o}u not to p{ro}fe be brought. W{i}t{h} mete & drynke be-for{e} þe sette, Hold þe plesyd, & aske no bette. 104 Wype thi mouthe when þ{o}u wyll drinke, Lest it foule thi copys brinke; Kepe clen{e} thi fyng{er}es, lypes, & chine, For{e} so þ{o}u may thi wyrschype wy{n}ne. 108 Yn þi mouth when þi mete is, To drinke, o{r} speke, o{r} lauȝh, I-wys Dame c{ur}tasy for{e}-byd{es} it the: Bot p{ra}yse thi fare, w{er}-so-eu{er} þ{o}u be, 112 For{e} be it gode o{r} be it badde, Yn gud worth it muste be had. Whe{n} þ{o}u spyt{es}, be welle were Wher{e} so þ{o}u spyt{es}, nyȝe or fer{e}; 116 Hold þi hand be-fore thi mouth When þ{o}u spyt{es}, & hyde it couth. Kepe þi knyfe both clen{e} & scherpe, And be not besy forto kerpe; 120 Clens þi knyfe w{i}t{h} som{e} cutte bred, Not w{i}t{h} thi cloth, As I þe rede: W{i}t{h} Any fylth to fowle þe clothe, A c{ur}tase man{e} he wyll{e} be lothe. 124 In þi dysch sett{e} not þi spone, Noþ{er} on þe brynk{e}, as vn-lernyd don{e}. When þ{o}u sopys, make no no[y]se W{i}t{h} thi mouth As do boys. 128 The mete þ{a}t on þi trencher is, Putt{e} it not in-to þi dysch. Gete þe sone A voyd{er}, And sone A-voyd þ{o}u thi trencher{e}. 132 When thi bett{er} take þe tho coppe, Drinke thi selffe, & sett{e} it vppe, Take tho coppe w{i}t{h} thi hond{es}. Lest it fall{e} þ{er} As þ{o}u stond{es}. 136 When thi bett{er} spek{es} to the, Do off{e} thi cape & bow þi kne. At thi tabull noþ{er} crache ne claw, Than men wyll{e} sey þ{o}u arte A daw. 140 Wype not thi nose nor þi nos-thirlys, Than men{e} wyll{e} sey þ{o}u com{e} of cherlys. Make þ{o}u noþ{er} cate ne hond (_so in MS._) [[1a]] Thi felow at þ{o}u tabull round; ( „ „ ) 144 Ne pley{e} w{i}t{h} spone, trencher{e}, ne knyffe. Yn honesty & clenys lede þ{o}u thi lyffe. This boke is made fo{r} chyld{er} ȝong{e} At the scowle þ{a}t byde not long{e}: 148 Sone it may be conyd & had, And make them gode iff þ{e}i be bad. God gyff{e} them g{ra}ce, v{er}tuos to be, For{e} than þ{e}i may both thryff & the. 152 Amen! q{uod} Kate. [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] Whoever will thrive, must be courteous, and begin in his youth. [5] Courtesy came from heaven, and contains all virtues, as rudeness does all vices. [11] Get up betimes; cross yourself; wash your hands and face; comb your hair; say your prayers; [17] go to church and hear Mass. [19] Say ‘Good Morning’ to every one you meet. [21] Then have breakfast, first crossing your mouth. [25] Say grace, thank Jesus for your food, [29] and say an Ave for the souls in pain. [31] Then set to work, and don’t be idle. [33] Scripture tells you, if you work, you must eat what you get with your hands. [39] Be true in word and deed; [41] truth keeps a man from blame. [44] Mercy and Truth are the two ways to heaven, fail not to go by them. [47] Make only proper promises, and keep them without falsehood. [51] Love God and your neighbours, and so fulfil all the Law. [55] Meddle only with what belongs to you. [57] Scorn not the poor; flatter no one; [60] oppress (?) not servants. Be meek, and [63] wait till your better has spoken. [65] When you speak to a man, keep still, and look him in the face. [70] Don’t be a tale-bearer. [71] Thank all who speak well of you. [73] Use few words; don’t swear or lie in your dealings. [79] Earn money honestly, and keep out of debt. [81] Try to please; seek peace; mind whom you speak to and what you say. [85] Wherever you enter, say “God be here;” and speak courteously to master and man. [89] Stand till you are told to sit at meat, and don’t leave your seat before others. [93] Sit upright; be sociable, and share with your neighbours. [97] Take salt with a clean knife; [99] talk no scandal, but speak well of all. [101] Hear and see; don’t talk. [103] Be satisfied with what’s set before you. [105] Wipe your mouth before you drink; [107] keep your fingers and lips clean. [109] Don’t speak with your mouth full. [112] Praise your food for whether it’s good or bad, it must be taken in good part. [115] Mind where you spit, [117] and put your hand before your mouth. [119] Keep your knife clean, and don’t wipe it on the cloth. [125] Don’t put your spoon in the dish, or make a noise, like boys, when you sup. [129] Don’t put meat off your plate into the dish, but into a voider. [133] If your superior hands you a cup, drink, but take the cup with two hands. [137] When he speaks to you, doff your cap and bend your knee. [139] Don’t scratch yourself at table, wipe your nose, [145] or play with your spoon, &c. [147] This book is for young children who don’t stay long at school. [151] God grant them grace to be virtuous!] [[Footnote 1a: ? sense, reading corrupt.]] * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: The following two versions of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ were printed on facing even/odd pages. They are here presented twice: first as consecutive independent texts, and then in alternating stanzas. In the first version, text notes are grouped after each seven-line stanza. In the original book, the editor’s sidenotes were printed only on the right-hand pages; they have been duplicated here.] Stans Puer ad Mensam. ASCRIBED TO JOHN LIDGATE.[[1a]] [MS. Harl. 2251, ? about 1460 A.D., fol. 153 or 148. The parts between brackets [ ], and various readings, are from Mr Halliwell’s print in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, of a 15th-century MS. Q. Γ. 8, fol. 77, r^o, in the Library of Jesus College, Cambridge.] [[Footnote 1a: Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ the _Carmen Juvenile_ of Sulpitius.]] ¶ [My dere childe, first thiself enable With all thin herte to vertuous disciplyne Afor thi soverayne standing at the table, Dispose thi youth aftir my doctryne 4 To all norture thi corage to enclyne. First when thu spekist be not rekles, Kepe feete and fingeris and handes still in pese.] [Sidenote: When you stand before your sovereign, speak not recklessly, and keep your hands still.] ++Be symple of chiere, cast nat thyn ye aside, 8 Agenst the post lete nat thy bak abyde; Gaase nat aboute, to{ur}nyng ou{er}all{e}; Make nat thy myrro{ur} also of the wall{e}, Pyke nat thy nose, and in especiall{e} 12 Be right wele ware, and sette hieron thi thought, By-fore thy sou{er}ayne cracche ne rubbe nought. [Sidenote: Don’t stare about, lean against a post, look at the wall, pick your nose, or scratch yourself.] ¶ Who spekith{e} to the in any man{er} place, Rudely[1] cast nat thyn ye[2] adowne, 16 But with a sadde chiere loke hym in the face; Walke demurely by strete in the towne, Advertise the with{e} wisdom and Reasoun{e}. With{e} dissolute laughters do thow non offence 20 To-fore thy sou{er}ayn, whiles he is in presence. [Sidenote: When spoken to, don’t lumpishly look at the ground. Walk demurely in the streets, and don’t laugh before your lord.] [1: _Rel. Ant._, Lumbisshly] [2: hede] ¶ Pare clene thy nailes, thyn handes wassh{e} also To-fore mete, and whan thow dooest arise; Sitte in that place thow art assigned to; 24 Prease nat to hye in no man{er} wise; And til thow se afore the thy service, Be nat to hasty on brede for to byte, Of gredynesse lest men wolde the endwyte.[3] 28 [Sidenote: Clean your nails and wash your hands. Sit where you’re told to, and don’t be too hasty to begin eating.] [3: a-wite.] ¶ Grennyng and mowes at the table eschowe; Cry nat to lowde; kepe honestly silence; To enboce thy Iowis with{e} mete[4] is nat diewe; With{e} ful mowth{e} speke nat, lest thow do offence; 32 Drynk nat bretheles[5] for hast ne necligence; Kepe clene thy lippes from fat of flessh{e} or fissh{e}; Wype clene[6] thi spone, leve it nat in thy dissh{e}. [Sidenote: Don’t grin, shout, or stuff your jaws with food, or drink too quickly. Keep your lips clean, and wipe your spoon.] [4: brede it] [5: bridlid] [6: fayre] ¶ Of brede I-byten no soppis that thow make; 36 In ale nor wyne with{e} hande leve no fattenes; With{e} mowth{e} enbrewed thy cuppe thow nat take; Enbrewe[7] no napery for no rekelesnes; For to souppe [loude] is agenst gentiles; 40 [N]eu{er} at mete begynne thow nat[8] stryf; Thi teth{e} also thow pike nat with{e} no knyf. [Sidenote: Don’t make sops of bread, or drink with a dirty mouth. Don’t dirty the table linen, or pick your teeth with your knife.] [Sidenote: [Fol. 153, back.]] [7: Foul] [8: be warre gynne no] ¶ Of honest myrth{e} late be thy daliaunce; Swere none othes, speke no ribawdrye; 44 The best morsel, have in remembraunce, Hole to thyself alwey do nat applie; Part with{e} thy felaw, for that is curtesie: Laade nat thy trencho{ur} with{e} many remyssailes; 48 And from blaknes alwey kepe thy nayles. [Sidenote: Don’t swear or talk ribaldry, or take the best bits; share with your fellows. Eat up your pieces, and keep your nails clean.] ¶ Of curtesye also agenst the lawe, With{e} sowne[9] dishonest for to do offence; Of old surfaytes abrayde nat thy felawe; 52 Toward thy sou{er}ayne alwey thyn aduertence; Play with{e} no knyf, take heede to my sentence; At mete and soupp{er} kepe the stille and soft; Eke to and fro meve nat thy foote to oft. 56 [Sidenote: It’s bad manners to bring up old complaints. Don’t play with your knife, or shuffle your feet about.] [9: Which sou] ¶ Droppe nat thi brest with{e} sawce ne with{e} potage; Brynge no knyves vnskoured to the table; Fil nat thy spone, lest in the cariage It went beside, whiche were nat comendable; 60 Be quyke and redy, meke and s{er}uisable, Wele awaityng to fulfille anone What that thy sou{er}ayn{e} comav[{n}]dith{e} the to be done. [Sidenote: Don’t spill your broth on your chest, or use dirty knives, or fill your spoon too full. Be quick to do whatever your lord orders.] ¶ And whereso eu{er} that thow dyne or soupe, 64 Of gentilesse take salt with{e} thy knyf; And be wele ware thow blow nat in the cuppe. Reu{er}ence thy felawe, gynne with{e} hym no stryf; Be thy power{e} kepe pees al thy lyf. 68 Interrupt nat, where so thow wende, None other mans tale, til he have made an ende; [Sidenote: Take salt with your knife; don’t blow in your cup, or begin quarrels. Interrupt no man in his story.] ¶ With{e} thy fyngres make[10] thow nat thy tale; Be wele avised, namly in tendre age, 72 To drynk by mesure both{e} wyne and ale; Be nat copious also of langage; As tyme requyrith{e}, shewe out thy visage, To gladde ne to sory, but kepe atwene tweyne, 76 For losse or lucre or any case sodayne. [Sidenote: Drink wine and ale in moderation. Don’t talk too much, but keep a middle course.] [Sidenote: [Fol. 154 or 149.]] [10: _Rel. Ant._, marke] ¶ Be meke in mesure, nat hasti, but tretable; Ou{er} moche is nat worth{e} in no man{er} thyng; To children it longith{e} nat to be [vengeable,[11]] 80 Sone meeved and sone forgyvyng; And as it is remembrid bi[12] writyng, Wrath{e} of children is sone ou{er}gone, With{e} an apple the p{ar}ties be made atone. 84 [Sidenote: Be gentle and tractable, but not too soft. Children must not be revengeful; their anger is appeased with a bit of apple.] [11: MS. Harl., tretable] [12: _Rel. Ant._, by olde] ¶ In children werre[13] now myrth{e} and now debate, In theyr quarel no grete violence; Now pley, now wepyng, sielde in one estate; To theyr playntes gyve no credence; 88 A Rodde refo{ur}myth{e} al theyr insolence; In theyr corage no Ranco{ur} doth{e} abyde; Who sparith{e} the yerd, al vertu set aside. [Sidenote: Children’s quarrels are first play, then crying; don’t believe their complaints; give ’em the rod. Spare that, and you’ll spoil all.] [13: _Rel. Ant._, In childre] LENVOYE. ¶ Go, litel bille, bareyn of eloquence, 92 Pray yonge children that the shal see or Reede, Though{e} thow be compendious of sentence, Of thi clauses for to taken heede, Whiche to al vertu shal theyr yowth{e} leede. 96 Of the writyng, though{e} ther be no date, If ought be mysse,--worde, sillable, or dede,-- Put al the defaute vpon Iohn{e} Lydegate. [Sidenote: Young children, pray take heed to my little ballad, which shall lead you into all virtues. My mistakes I submit to correction.] * * * * * * * * * The Book of Curteisie That is Clepid Stans Puer ad Mensam. [_Lambeth MS. 853, ab. 1430 A.D., page 150, back. Part written as prose._] ++Mi dere sone, first þi silf able w{i}t{h} al þin herte to vertuose discipline,-- A-fore þi souereyn stondinge at þe table Dispose þou þ{e}e aftir my doctryne-- 4 To al nortur þi corage to encline. First while þou spekist, be not richelees; Kepe boþe fyngir and hond stille in pees; [Sidenote: When you stand before your sovereign, speak not recklessly, and keep your hands still.] [Sidenote: [Page 151.]] ++Be symple in cheer; caste not þi looke a-side, 8 gase not about, t{ur}nynge þi siȝt ou{er}al. aȝen þe post lete not þi bak abide, neiþ{er} make þi myrro{ur} also of þe wal. Pike not pi nose; & moost in especial 12 be weel waar, sette her-on þi þouȝt, to-fore þi sou{er}eyn cratche ne picke þ{e}e nouȝt. [Sidenote: Don’t stare about, lean against a post, look at the wall, pick your nose, or scratch yourself.] ¶ Who-so speke to þ{e}e in ony man{er} place, lu{m}pischli caste not þin heed a-dou{n}, 16 but w{i}t{h} a sad cheer loke him in þe face. walke demurely bi streetis in þe tou{n}, And take good hede bi wisdom & resou{n} þat bi no wantowne lauȝinge þ{o}u do noo{n} offence 20 To-fore þi sou{er}eyne while he is i{n} p{re}sence. [Sidenote: When spoken to, don’t lumpishly look at the ground. Walk demurely in the streets, and don’t laugh before your lord.] ++Pare clene þi nailis; þi{n} hondis waische also to-fore þi mete, [&] wha{n}ne þou doist arise. sitte þ{o}u in þ{a}t place þ{a}t þ{o}u art a-signed to; 24 Prece not to hie in no maner wise; And wha{n}ne þou seest afore þ{e}e þi seruice, be not to hasti upon breed to bite lest men þ{er}of Do þee edwite. 28 [Sidenote: Clean your nails and wash your hands. Sit where you’re told to, and don’t be too hasty to begin eating.] [Sidenote: [Page 152.]] ++Gre{n}nynge & mowy{n}ge at þi table eschewe; Crie not to lowde: honestli kepe silence. To enbrace þi iowis w{i}t{h} breed, it is not dewe; w{i}t{h} ful mouþ speke not lest þ{o}u do offence; 32 Drinke not bridelid for haste ne necligence; Kepe clene þi lippis from fleisch & fische; Wipe faire þi spoon; leue it not i{n} þi dische. [Sidenote: Don’t grin, shout, or stuff your jaws with food, or drink too quickly. Keep your lips clean, and wipe your spoon.] ++Of breed w{i}t{h} þi teeþ no soppis þou make; 36 Lowde for to soupe is aȝen gentilnes: W{i}t{h} mouþ enbrowide þi cuppe þ{o}u not take, In ale ne i{n} wiyn w{i}t{h} hond leue no fatnes; Defoule not þe naprie bi no richelesnes. 40 Be waar þ{a}t at þe mete þ{o}u bigy{n}ne no striif; Þi teeþ also at þe table picke w{i}t{h} no knyf. [Sidenote: Don’t make sops of bread, or drink with a dirty mouth. Don’t dirty the table linen, or pick your teeth with your knife.] ++Of honest mirþe eu{er}e be þi daliaunce; Swere noo{n} ooþis; speke no ribaudie. 44 Þe beste morsels,--haue þis i{n} reme{m}brau{n}ce,-- Holli alwey þi silf to take do not applie. P{ar}te w{i}t{h} þi felawis, for þat is curteisie. Lete not þi trencho{ur} be w{i}t{h} many morsels; 48 And fro blaknes kepe weel þi nailis. [Sidenote: Don’t swear or talk ribaldry, or take the best bits; share with your fellows. Eat up your pieces, and keep your nails clean.] [Sidenote: [Page 153.]] ++Of curtesie it is aȝen þe lawe, W{i}t{h} dishoneste, sone, for to do difence; Of oolde forfetis vpbraide not þi felawe; 52 Towarde þi sou{er}eyn do eu{er}e reu{er}ence. Pleie w{i}t{h} no knif, take hede to my sentence; At mete & at sop{er} kepe þee stille & softe, And eek to & fro meeue not þi feeþ to ofte. 56 [Sidenote: It’s bad manners to bring up old complaints. Don’t play with your knife, or shuffle your feet about.] ++Droppe n{o}t þi brest w{i}t{h} seew & oþ{er} potage, Bri{n}ge no foule knyues vnto þe table; Fille not þi spoon lest i{n} þe cariage It scheede bi side, it were not co{m}mendable. 60 Be quik & redi, meke & seruiable, Weel awaiti{n}ge to fulfille anoo{n} What þ{a}t þi sou{er}eyn co{m}maundiþ to be doon. [Sidenote: Don’t spill your broth on your chest, or use dirty knives, or fill your spoon too full. Be quick to do whatever your lord orders.] ++And whe{re}-so-eu{er}e þ{o}u be to digne or to suppe, 64 Of gentilnes take salt w{i}t{h} þi knyf, {and} be weel waar þ{o}u blowe n{o}t i{n} þe cuppe. Reu{er}ence þi felawis; bigy{n}ne w{i}t{h} he{m} no strijf; To þi power kepe pees al þi lijf. 68 Intrippe no ma{n} whe{re} so þat þou wende, No man in his tale, til he haue maade an eende. [Sidenote: Take salt with your knife; don’t blow in your cup, or begin quarrels. Interrupt no man in his story.] [Sidenote: [Page 154.]] ¶ W{i}t{h} þi fyngris marke n{o}t þi