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Transcriber’s Note:

[n], [i], [u], [w], [U] indicate raised (superscript) letters.




SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

BY

JAMES MOONEY.




CONTENTS


  Introduction  307

  How the formulas were obtained.  310

    The A‘yû[n]inĭ (Swimmer) manuscript  310

    The Gatigwanastĭ (Belt) manuscript  312

    The Gahunĭ manuscript  313

    The Inâlĭ (Black Fox) manuscript  314

    Other manuscripts  316

    The Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ Etĭ or Ancient Cherokee Formulas
          317

  Character of the formulas--the Cherokee religion  318

  Myth of the origin of disease and medicine  319

  Theory of disease--animals, ghosts, witches  322

  Selected list of plants used    324

  Medical practice--theory of
          resemblances--fasting--tabu--seclusion--women  328

    Illustration of the gaktû[n]ta or tabu  331

    Neglect of sanitary regulations  332

    The sweat bath--bleeding--rubbing--bathing  338

    Opposition of shamans to white physicians  336

    Medicine dances  337

    Description of symptoms  337

  The ugista´‘tĭ or pay of the shaman  337

  Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine  339

  The Cherokee gods and their abiding places   340

  Color symbolism  342

  Importance attached to names  343

  Language of the formulas  343

  Specimen formulas  344

    Medicine.  345

      To treat the crippler (rheumatism)--from Gahuni  345

      Second formula for the crippler--from Gahuni  349

      Song and prescription for snake bites--from Gahuni  351

      When something is causing something to eat them--Gahuni  353

      Second formula for the same disease--A‘wanita  355

      For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)--Gatigwanasti  356

      Song and prayer for the great chill--A‘yû[n]ini  359

      To make children jump down (child birth)--A‘yû[n]ini  363

      Second formula for child birth--Takwatihi 364

      Song and prayer for the black yellowness
          (biliousness)--A‘yû[n]ini  365

      To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)--A‘yû[n]ini  366

    Hunting  369

      Concerning hunting--A‘yû[n]ini  369

      For hunting birds--A‘yû[n]ini  371

      To shoot dwellers in the wilderness--A‘wanita  372

      Bear song--A‘yû[n]ini   373

      For catching large fish--A‘yû[n]ini  374

    Love  375

      Concerning living humanity--Gatigwanasti  376

      For going to water--Gatigwanasti  378

      Yû[n]wehi song for painting--Gatigwanasti  379

      Song and prayer to fix the affections--A‘yû[n]ini  380

      To separate lovers--A‘yû[n]ini  381

      Song and prayer to fix the affections--Gatigwanasti  382

    Miscellaneous  384

      To shorten a night goer on this side--A‘yû[n]ini  384

      To find lost articles--Gatigwanasti  386

      To frighten away a storm--A‘yû[n]ini  387

      To help warriors--A´wanita  388

      To destroy life (ceremony with beads)--A‘yû[n]ini  391

      To take to water for the ball play--A‘yû[n]ini  395




ILLUSTRATIONS


  Pl. XXIV. Portrait of A‘yû[n]ini (Swimmer)                  306
       XXV. Facsimile of A‘yû[n]ini manuscript--Formula for
              Dalâni Û[n]nagei                                310
      XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--Yû[n]wĕhĭ
              formula                                         312
     XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript--Formula for
              Didû[n]lĕskĭ                                    314


[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV

A‘YU[N]INI (SWIMMER).]




SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

By James Mooney.




INTRODUCTION.

The sacred formulas here given are selected from a collection of about
six hundred, obtained on the Cherokee reservation in North Carolina in
1887 and 1888, and covering every subject pertaining to the daily life
and thought of the Indian, including medicine, love, hunting, fishing,
war, self-protection, destruction of enemies, witchcraft, the crops,
the council, the ball play, etc., and, in fact, embodying almost
the whole of the ancient religion of the Cherokees. The original
manuscripts, now in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology,
were written by the shamans of the tribe, for their own use, in
the Cherokee characters invented by Sikwâ´ya (Sequoyah) in 1821,
and were obtained, with the explanations, either from the writers
themselves or from their surviving relatives.

Some of these manuscripts are known to be at least thirty years
old, and many are probably older. The medical formulas of all kinds
constitute perhaps one-half of the whole number, while the love charms
come next in number, closely followed by the songs and prayers used in
hunting and fishing. The great number of love charms will doubtless be
a surprise to those who have been educated in the old theory that the
Indian is insensible to the attractions of woman. The comparatively
small number of war formulas is explained by the fact that the last
war in which the Cherokees, as a tribe, were engaged on their own
account, closed with the Revolutionary period, so that these things
were well nigh forgotten before the invention of the alphabet, a
generation later. The Cherokees who engaged in the Creek war and the
late American civil war fought in the interests of the whites, and
their leaders were subordinated to white officers, hence there was not
the same opportunity for the exercise of shamanistic rites that there
would have been had Indians alone been concerned. The prayers for
hunting, fishing, and the ball play being in more constant demand,
have been better preserved.

These formulas had been handed down orally from a remote antiquity
until the early part of the present century, when the invention of
the Cherokee syllabary enabled the priests of the tribe to put them
into writing. The same invention made it possible for their rivals,
the missionaries, to give to the Indians the Bible in their own
language, so that the opposing forces of Christianity and shamanism
alike profited by the genius of Sikwâya. The pressure of the new
civilization was too strong to be withstood, however, and though
the prophets of the old religion still have much influence with the
people, they are daily losing ground and will soon be without honor in
their own country.

Such an exposition of the aboriginal religion could be obtained from
no other tribe in North America, for the simple reason that no other
tribe has an alphabet of its own in which to record its sacred lore.
It is true that the Crees and Micmacs of Canada and the Tukuth of
Alaska have so-called alphabets or ideographic systems invented for
their use by the missionaries, while, before the Spanish conquest,
the Mayas of Central America were accustomed to note down their hero
legends and priestly ceremonials in hieroglyphs graven upon the walls
of their temples or painted upon tablets made of the leaves of the
maguey. But it seems never to have occurred to the northern tribes
that an alphabet coming from a missionary source could be used for any
other purpose than the transcription of bibles and catechisms, while
the sacred books of the Mayas, with a few exceptions, have long since
met destruction at the hands of fanaticism, and the modern copies
which have come down to the present day are written out from imperfect
memory by Indians who had been educated under Spanish influences in
the language, alphabet and ideas of the conquerors, and who, as is
proved by an examination of the contents of the books themselves,
drew from European sources a great part of their material. Moreover,
the Maya tablets were so far hieratic as to be understood only
by the priests and those who had received a special training in
this direction, and they seem therefore to have been entirely
unintelligible to the common people.

The Cherokee alphabet, on the contrary, is the invention or adaptation
of one of the tribe, who, although he borrowed most of the Roman
letters, in addition to the forty or more characters of his own
devising, knew nothing of their proper use or value, but reversed them
or altered their forms to suit his purpose, and gave them a name and
value determined by himself. This alphabet was at once adopted by the
tribe for all purposes for which writing can be used, including the
recording of their shamanistic prayers and ritualistic ceremonies. The
formulas here given, as well as those of the entire collection, were
written out by the shamans themselves--men who adhere to the ancient
religion and speak only their native language--in order that their
sacred knowledge might be preserved in a systematic manner for their
mutual benefit. The language, the conception, and the execution
are all genuinely Indian, and hardly a dozen lines of the hundreds
of formulas show a trace of the influence of the white man or
his religion. The formulas contained in these manuscripts are not
disjointed fragments of a system long since extinct, but are the
revelation of a living faith which still has its priests and devoted
adherents, and it is only necessary to witness a ceremonial ball
play, with its fasting, its going to water, and its mystic bead
manipulation, to understand how strong is the hold which the old faith
yet has upon the minds even of the younger generation. The numerous
archaic and figurative expressions used require the interpretation
of the priests, but, as before stated, the alphabet in which they are
written is that in daily use among the common people.

In all tribes that still retain something of their ancient
organization we find this sacred knowledge committed to the keeping of
various secret societies, each of which has its peculiar ritual with
regular initiation and degrees of advancement. From this analogy
we may reasonably conclude that such was formerly the case with the
Cherokees also, but by the breaking down of old customs consequent
upon their long contact with the whites and the voluntary adoption
of a civilized form of government in 1827, all traces of such society
organization have long since disappeared, and at present each priest
or shaman is isolated and independent, sometimes confining himself
to a particular specialty, such as love or medicine, or even the
treatment of two or three diseases, in other cases broadening his
field of operations to include the whole range of mystic knowledge.

It frequently happens, however, that priests form personal friendships
and thus are led to divulge their secrets to each other for their
mutual advantage. Thus when one shaman meets another who he thinks can
probably give him some valuable information, he says to him, “Let us
sit down together.” This is understood by the other to mean, “Let us
tell each other our secrets.” Should it seem probable that the seeker
after knowledge can give as much as he receives, an agreement is
generally arrived at, the two retire to some convenient spot secure
from observation, and the first party begins by reciting one of his
formulas with the explanations. The other then reciprocates with
one of his own, unless it appears that the bargain is apt to prove a
losing one, in which case the conference comes to an abrupt ending.

It is sometimes possible to obtain a formula by the payment of a coat,
a quantity of cloth, or a sum of money. Like the Celtic Druids of old,
the candidate for the priesthood in former times found it necessary to
cultivate a long memory, as no formula was repeated more than once for
his benefit. It was considered that one who failed to remember after
the first hearing was not worthy to be accounted a shaman. This task,
however, was not so difficult as might appear on first thought, when
once the learner understood the theory involved, as the formulas are
all constructed on regular principles, with constant repetition of
the same set of words. The obvious effect of such a regulation was
to increase the respect in which this sacred knowledge was held by
restricting it to the possession of a chosen few.

Although the written formulas can be read without difficulty by any
Cherokee educated in his own language, the shamans take good care that
their sacred writings shall not fall into the hands of the laity or
of their rivals in occult practices, and in performing the ceremonies
the words used are uttered in such a low tone of voice as to be
unintelligible even to the one for whose benefit the formula is
repeated. Such being the case, it is in order to explain how the
formulas collected were obtained.


HOW THE FORMULAS WERE OBTAINED.

On first visiting the reservation in the summer of 1887, I devoted
considerable time to collecting plants used by the Cherokees for food
or medicinal purposes, learning at the same time their Indian names
and the particular uses to which each was applied and the mode of
preparation. It soon became evident that the application of the
medicine was not the whole, and in fact was rather the subordinate,
part of the treatment, which was always accompanied by certain
ceremonies and “words.” From the workers employed at the time no
definite idea could be obtained as to the character of these words.
One young woman, indeed, who had some knowledge of the subject,
volunteered to write the words which she used in her prescriptions,
but failed to do so, owing chiefly to the opposition of the half-breed
shamans, from whom she had obtained her information.


THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT.

Some time afterward an acquaintance was formed with a man named
A‘yû[n]´inĭ or “Swimmer,” who proved to be so intelligent that I
spent several days with him, procuring information in regard to myths
and old customs. He told a number of stories in very good style, and
finally related the Origin of the Bear[1]. The bears were formerly a
part of the Cherokee tribe who decided to leave their kindred and go
into the forest. Their friends followed them and endeavored to induce
them to return, but the Ani-Tsâ´kahĭ, as they were called, were
determined to go. Just before parting from their relatives at the
edge of the forest, they turned to them and said, “It is better for
you that we should go; but we will teach you songs, and some day when
you are in want of food come out to the woods and sing these songs
and we shall appear and give you meat.” Their friends, after learning
several songs from them, started back to their homes, and after
proceeding a short distance, turned around to take one last look, but
saw only a number of bears disappearing in the depths of the forest.
The songs which they learned are still sung by the hunter to attract
the bears.

[Footnote 1: To appear later with the collection of Cherokee myths.]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV

FACSIMILE OF GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.

Formula for Didù[n]lĕckĭ. (Page 349.)]

When Swimmer had finished the story he was asked if he knew these
songs. He replied that he did, but on being requested to sing one
he made some excuse and was silent. After some further efforts the
interpreter said it would be useless to press the matter then as there
were several other Indians present, but that to-morrow we should have
him alone with us and could then make another attempt.

The next day Swimmer was told that if he persisted in his refusal it
would be necessary to employ some one else, as it was unfair in him to
furnish incomplete information when he was paid to tell all he knew.
He replied that he was willing to tell anything in regard to stories
and customs, but that these songs were a part of his secret knowledge
and commanded a high price from the hunters, who sometimes paid as
much as $5 for a single song, “because you can’t kill any bears or
deer unless you sing them.”

He was told that the only object in asking about the songs was to put
them on record and preserve them, so that when he and the half dozen
old men of the tribe were dead the world might be aware how much the
Cherokees had known. This appeal to his professional pride proved
effectual, and when he was told that a great many similar songs had
been sent to Washington by medicine men of other tribes, he promptly
declared that he knew as much as any of them, and that he would give
all the information in his possession, so that others might be able to
judge for themselves who knew most. The only conditions he made were
that these secret matters should be heard by no one else but the
interpreter, and should not be discussed when other Indians were
present.

As soon as the other shamans learned what was going on they endeavored
by various means to persuade him to stop talking, or failing in this,
to damage his reputation by throwing out hints as to his honesty or
accuracy of statement. Among other objections which they advanced
was one which, however incomprehensible to a white man, was perfectly
intelligible to an Indian, viz: That when he had told everything this
information would be taken to Washington and locked up there, and thus
they would be deprived of the knowledge. This objection was one of
the most difficult to overcome, as there was no line of argument with
which to oppose it.

These reports worried Swimmer, who was extremely sensitive in regard
to his reputation, and he became restive under the insinuations of
his rivals. Finally on coming to work one day he produced a book from
under his ragged coat as he entered the house, and said proudly:
“Look at that and now see if I don’t know something.” It was a small
day-book of about 240 pages, procured originally from a white man, and
was about half filled with writing in the Cherokee characters. A brief
examination disclosed the fact that it contained just those matters
that had proved so difficult to procure. Here were prayers, songs,
and prescriptions for the cure of all kinds of diseases--for chills,
rheumatism, frostbites, wounds, bad dreams, and witchery; love charms,
to gain the affections of a woman or to cause her to hate a detested
rival; fishing charms, hunting charms--including the songs without
which none could ever hope to kill any game; prayers to make the corn
grow, to frighten away storms, and to drive off witches; prayers for
long life, for safety among strangers, for acquiring influence in
council and success in the ball play. There were prayers to the Long
Man, the Ancient White, the Great Whirlwind, the Yellow Rattlesnake,
and to a hundred other gods of the Cherokee pantheon. It was in fact
an Indian ritual and pharmacopoeia.

After recovering in a measure from the astonishment produced by this
discovery I inquired whether other shamans had such books. “Yes,”
said Swimmer, “we all have them.” Here then was a clew to follow up. A
bargain was made by which he was to have another blank book into which
to copy the formulas, after which the original was bought. It is now
deposited in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. The remainder of
the time until the return was occupied in getting an understanding of
the contents of the book.


THE GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT.

Further inquiry elicited the names of several others who might be
supposed to have such papers. Before leaving a visit was paid to one
of these, a young man named Wilnoti, whose father, Gatigwanasti, had
been during his lifetime a prominent shaman, regarded as a man of
superior intelligence. Wilnoti, who is a professing Christian, said
that his father had had such papers, and after some explanation from
the chief he consented to show them. He produced a box containing a
lot of miscellaneous papers, testaments, and hymnbooks, all in the
Cherokee alphabet. Among them was his father’s chief treasure, a
manuscript book containing 122 pages of foolscap size, completely
filled with formulas of the same kind as those contained in Swimmer’s
book. There were also a large number of loose sheets, making in all
nearly 200 foolscap pages of sacred formulas.

On offering to buy the papers, he replied that he wanted to keep them
in order to learn and practice these things himself--thus showing
how thin was the veneer of Christianity, in his case at least. On
representing to him that in a few years the new conditions would
render such knowledge valueless with the younger generation, and that
even if he retained the papers he would need some one else to explain
them to him, he again refused, saying that they might fall into
the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should never see his
father’s papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end for the time.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI

FACSIMILE OF SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT.

Formula for Dalàni Ù[n]nagei (Page 364.)]

On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was made
to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any others of
the same kind which could be procured. By this time the Indians had
had several months to talk over the matter, and the idea had gradually
dawned upon them that instead of taking their knowledge away from them
and locking it up in a box, the intention was to preserve it to the
world and pay them for it at the same time. In addition the writer
took every opportunity to impress upon them the fact that he was
acquainted with the secret knowledge of other tribes and perhaps could
give them as much as they gave. It was now much easier to approach
them, and on again visiting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter,
who explained the matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend
the papers for a time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer
nor anyone else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but
he still refused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of
the papers, and after repeated efforts during a period of several
weeks, the matter ended in the purchase of the papers outright,
with unreserved permission to show them for copying or explanation
to anybody who might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary
disposition, and after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was
to overcome his objection to parting with his father’s handwriting,
but it was an essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed
to copy some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly
out of the question to copy the whole.

These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole, and
amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages
consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written
in bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are
generally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a
man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by
his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is one of
the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the band.


THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.

The next book procured was obtained from a woman named Ayâsta, “The
Spoiler,” and had been written by her husband, Gahuni, who died about
30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to arrange, as she had
already been employed on several occasions, so that she understood the
purpose of the work, besides which her son had been regularly engaged
to copy and classify the manuscripts already procured. The book
was claimed as common property by Ayâsta and her three sons, and
negotiations had to be carried on with each one, although in this
instance the cash amount involved was only half a dollar, in addition
to another book into which to copy some family records and personal
memoranda. The book contains only eight formulas, but these are of
a character altogether unique, the directions especially throwing
a curious light on Indian beliefs. There had been several other
formulas of the class called Y´û´[n]wĕhĭ, to cause hatred between
man and wife, but these had been torn out and destroyed by Ayâsta on
the advice of an old shaman, in order that her sons might never learn
them. In referring to the matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was
evident enough that she had full faith in the deadly power of these
spells.

In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages of
Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like several
others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian conjurer
and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into the hands
of the younger members of the family, who filled it with miscellaneous
writings and scribblings. Among other things there are about seventy
pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee-English pronouncing
dictionary, probably written by the youngest son, already mentioned,
who has attended school, and who served for some time as copyist on
the formulas. This curious Indian production, of which only a few
columns are filled out, consists of a list of simple English words
and phrases, written in ordinary English script, followed by Cherokee
characters intended to give the approximate pronunciation, together
with the corresponding word in the Cherokee language and characters.
As the language lacks a number of sounds which are of frequent
occurrence in English, the attempts to indicate the pronunciation
sometimes give amusing results. Thus we find: _Fox_ (English
script); _kwâgisĭ´_ (Cherokee characters); _tsú‘lû´_ (Cherokee
characters). As the Cherokee language lacks the labial _f_ and has no
compound sound equivalent to our _x_, _kwâgisĭ´_ is as near as the
Cherokee speaker can come to pronouncing our word _fox_. In the same
way “bet” becomes _wĕtĭ_, and “sheep” is _síkwĭ_, while “if he has
no dog” appears in the disguise of _ikwĭ hâsĭ nâ dâ´ga_.


THE INÂLI MANUSCRIPT.

In the course of further inquiries in regard to the whereabouts of
other manuscripts of this kind we heard a great deal about Inâ´lĭ,
or “Black Fox,” who had died a few years before at an advanced age,
and who was universally admitted to have been one of their most able
men and the most prominent literary character among them, for from
what has been said it must be sufficiently evident that the Cherokees
have their native literature and literary men. Like those already
mentioned, he was a full-blood Cherokee, speaking no English, and in
the course of a long lifetime he had filled almost every position of
honor among his people, including those of councilor, keeper of the
townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer, officer in the
Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last dying, as he was
born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII

FACSIMILE OF GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT.

Yugwilû´ formula. (Page 375.)]

On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a
great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and
on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she
readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them on
condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders. A day
was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her living in
a comfortable log house, built by Inâlĭ himself, with her children
and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with snow-white
hair and vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman of the tribe,
and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a veritable savage
in her young days, having carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the
Creek war 75 years before.

Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inâlĭ’s daughter brought
out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee and
English. The work of examining these was a tedious business, as each
paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the general
drift of the contents, after which the several classes were arranged
in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she brought out
another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on setting it down
there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a mass of material as
it had not seemed possible could exist in the entire tribe.

In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a
number of letters in English from various officials and religious
organizations, and addressed to “Enola,” to “Rev. Black Fox,” and to
“Black Fox, Esq,” with a large number of war letters written to him
by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service. These latter
are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual gossipy style
common among friends, and several of them contain important historic
material in regard to the movements of the two armies in East
Tennessee. Among other things was found his certificate as a Methodist
preacher, dated in 1848. “Know all men by these presents that Black
Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to exercise his Gifts and Graces
as a local preacher in M.E. Church South.”.

There was found a manuscript book in Inâlĭ’s handwriting containing
the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had been
secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war. This
also contains some valuable materials.

There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pictures,
together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring stones.

In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a
feeling akin, to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which
had to be waded through and classified. There was a day’s hard work
ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not done yet,
and after rummaging about inside the house for a while longer she
appeared with another armful of papers, which she emptied on top of
the others. This was the last straw; and finding it impossible to
examine in detail such a mass of material we contented ourselves
with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manuscript books
containing the town-house records and scriptural quotations and
departed.

The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers in
a few days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her
promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional
formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. A large number
of letters and other papers were selected from the miscellaneous lot,
and these, with the others obtained from her, are now deposited also
with the Bureau of Ethnology. Among other things found at this house
were several beads of the old shell wampum, of whose use the Cherokees
have now lost even the recollection. She knew only that they were
very old and different from the common beads, but she prized them as
talismans, and firmly refused to part with them.


OTHER MANUSCRIPTS.

Subsequently a few formulas were obtained from an old shaman named
Tsiskwa or “Bird,” but they were so carelessly written as to be almost
worthless, and the old man who wrote them, being then on his dying
bed, was unable to give much help in the matter. However, as he was
anxious to tell what he knew an attempt was made to take down some
formulas from his dictation. A few more were obtained in this way but
the results were not satisfactory and the experiment was abandoned.
About the same time A‘wani´ta or “Young Deer,” one of their best herb
doctors, was engaged to collect the various plants used in medicine
and describe their uses. While thus employed he wrote in a book
furnished him for the purpose a number of formulas used by him in his
practice, giving at the same time a verbal explanation of the theory
and ceremonies. Among these was one for protection in battle, which
had been used by himself and a number of other Cherokees in the
late war. Another doctor named Takwati´hĭ or “Catawba Killer,” was
afterward employed on the same work and furnished some additional
formulas which he had had his son write down from his dictation,
he himself being unable to write. His knowledge was limited to the
practice of a few specialties, but in regard to these his information
was detailed and accurate. There was one for bleeding with the
cupping horn. All these formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, A´wanita, and
Takwtihi are now in possession of the Bureau.


THE KANÂHETA ANI-TSALAGI ETI.

Among the papers thus obtained was a large number which for various
reasons it was found difficult to handle or file for preservation.
Many of them had been written so long ago that the ink had almost
faded from the paper; others were written with lead pencil, so that in
handling them the characters soon became blurred and almost illegible;
a great many were written on scraps of paper of all shapes and sizes;
and others again were full of omissions and doublets, due to the
carelessness of the writer, while many consisted simply of the prayer,
with nothing in the nature of a heading or prescription to show its
purpose.

Under the circumstances it was deemed expedient to have a number of
these formulas copied in more enduring form. For this purpose it
was decided to engage the services of Ayâsta’s youngest son, an
intelligent young man about nineteen years of age, who had attended
school long enough to obtain a fair acquaintance with English in
addition to his intimate knowledge of Cherokee. He was also gifted
with a ready comprehension, and from his mother and uncle Tsiskwa had
acquired some familiarity with many of the archaic expressions used in
the sacred formulas. He was commonly known as “Will West,” but signed
himself W.W. Long, Long being the translation of his father’s name,
Gûnahi´ta. After being instructed as to how the work should be done
with reference to paragraphing, heading, etc., he was furnished a
blank book of two hundred pages into which to copy such formulas as it
seemed desirable to duplicate. He readily grasped the idea and in the
course of about a month, working always under the writer’s personal
supervision, succeeded in completely filling the book according to
the plan outlined. In addition to the duplicate formulas he wrote
down a number of dance and drinking songs, obtained originally from
A‘yû[n]´inĭ, with about thirty miscellaneous formulas obtained from
various sources. The book thus prepared is modeled on the plan of
an ordinary book, with headings, table of contents, and even with an
illuminated title page devised by the aid of the interpreter according
to the regular Cherokee idiomatic form, and is altogether a unique
specimen of Indian literary art. It contains in all two hundred and
fifty-eight formulas and songs, which of course are native aboriginal
productions, although the mechanical arrangement was performed under
the direction of a white man. This book also, under its Cherokee
title, _Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ E´tĭ_ or “Ancient Cherokee
Formulas,” is now in the library of the Bureau.

There is still a considerable quantity of such manuscript in the hands
of one or two shamans with whom there was no chance for negotiating,
but an effort will be made to obtain possession of these on some
future visit, should opportunity present. Those now in the Bureau
library comprised by far the greater portion of the whole quantity
held by the Indians, and as only a small portion of this was copied by
the owners it can not be duplicated by any future collector.


CHARACTER OF THE FORMULAS--THE CHEROKEE RELIGION.

It is impossible to overestimate the ethnologic importance of the
materials thus obtained. They are invaluable as the genuine production
of the Indian mind, setting forth in the clearest light the state of
the aboriginal religion before its contamination by contact with the
whites. To the psychologist and the student of myths they are equally
precious. In regard to their linguistic value we may quote the
language of Brinton, speaking of the sacred books of the Mayas,
already referred to:

    Another value they have,... and it is one which will be
    properly appreciated by any student of languages. They are,
    by common consent of all competent authorities, the genuine
    productions of native minds, cast in the idiomatic forms of
    the native tongue by those born to its use. No matter how
    fluent a foreigner becomes in a language not his own, he can
    never use it as does one who has been familiar with it from
    childhood. This general maxim is tenfold true when we apply
    it to a European learning an American language. The flow of
    thought, as exhibited in these two linguistic families, is
    in such different directions that no amount of practice can
    render one equally accurate in both. Hence the importance of
    studying a tongue as it is employed by natives; and hence the
    very high estimate I place on these “Books of Chilan Balam” as
    linguistic material--an estimate much increased by the great
    rarity of independent compositions in their own tongues by
    members of the native races of this continent.[2]

[Footnote 2: Brinton, D.G.: The books of Chilan Balam 10,
Philadelphia, n.d., (1882).]

The same author, in speaking of the internal evidences of authenticity
contained in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Kichés, uses the
following words, which apply equally well to these Cherokee formulas:

    To one familiar with native American myths, this one bears
    undeniable marks of its aboriginal origin. Its frequent
    puerilities and inanities, its generally low and coarse range
    of thought and expression, its occasional loftiness of both,
    its strange metaphors and the prominence of strictly heathen
    names and potencies, bring it into unmistakable relationship
    to the true native myth.[3]

[Footnote 3: Brinton, D.G.: Names of the Gods in the Kiché Myths, in
Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., Philadelphia, 1881, vol. 19, p. 613.]

These formulas furnish a complete refutation of the assertion so
frequently made by ignorant and prejudiced writers that the Indian had
no religion excepting what they are pleased to call the meaning less
mummeries of the medicine man. This is the very reverse of the truth.
The Indian is essentially religious and contemplative, and it might
almost be said that every act of his life is regulated and determined
by his religious belief. It matters not that some may call this
superstition. The difference is only relative. The religion of
to-day has developed from the cruder superstitions of yesterday, and
Christianity itself is but an outgrowth and enlargement of the beliefs
and ceremonies which have been preserved by the Indian in their more
ancient form. When we are willing to admit that the Indian has a
religion which he holds sacred, even though it be different from
our own, we can then admire the consistency of the theory, the
particularity of the ceremonial and the beauty of the expression.
So far from being a jumble of crudities, there is a wonderful
completeness about the whole system which is not surpassed even by the
ceremonial religions of the East. It is evident from a study of these
formulas that the Cherokee Indian was a polytheist and that the spirit
world was to him only a shadowy counterpart of this. All his prayers
were for temporal and tangible blessings--for health, for long life,
for success in the chase, in fishing, in war and in love, for good
crops, for protection and for revenge. He had no Great Spirit, no
happy hunting ground, no heaven, no hell, and consequently death had
for him no terrors and he awaited the inevitable end with no anxiety
as to the future. He was careful not to violate the rights of his
tribesman or to do injury to his feelings, but there is nothing to
show that he had any idea whatever of what is called morality in the
abstract.

As the medical formulas are first in number and importance it may be
well, for the better understanding of the theory involved, to give the
Cherokee account of


THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE.

In the old days quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects could all talk,
and they and the human race lived together in peace and friendship.
But as time went on the people increased so rapidly that their
settlements spread over the whole earth and the poor animals found
themselves beginning to be cramped for room. This was bad enough,
but to add to their misfortunes man invented bows, knives, blowguns,
spears, and hooks, and began to slaughter the larger animals, birds
and fishes for the sake of their flesh or their skins, while the
smaller creatures, such as the frogs and worms, were crushed and
trodden upon without mercy, out of pure carelessness or contempt. In
this state of affairs the animals resolved to consult upon measures
for their common safety.

The bears were the first to meet in council in their townhouse in
Kuwa´hĭ, the “Mulberry Place,”[4] and the old White Bear chief
presided. After each in turn had made complaint against the way in
which man killed their friends, devoured their flesh and used their
skins for his own adornment, it was unanimously decided to begin war
at once against the human race. Some one asked what weapons man used
to accomplish their destruction. “Bows and arrows, of course,” cried
all the bears in chorus. “And what are they made of?” was the next
question. “The bow of wood and the string of our own entrails,”
replied one of the bears. It was then proposed that they make a bow
and some arrows and see if they could not turn man’s weapons against
himself. So one bear got a nice piece of locust wood and another
sacrificed himself for the good of the rest in order to furnish a
piece of his entrails for the string. But when everything was ready
and the first bear stepped up to make the trial it was found that
in letting the arrow fly after drawing back the bow, his long claws
caught the string and spoiled the shot. This was annoying, but another
suggested that he could overcome the difficulty by cutting his claws,
which was accordingly done, and on a second trial it was found that
the arrow went straight to the mark. But here the chief, the old White
Bear, interposed and said that it was necessary that they should have
long claws in order to be able to climb trees. “One of us has already
died to furnish the bowstring, and if we now cut off our claws we
shall all have to starve together. It is better to trust to the teeth
and claws which nature has given us, for it is evident that man’s
weapons were not intended for us.”

[Footnote 4: One of the High peaks of the Smoky Mountains, on the
Tennessee line, near Clingman’s Dome.]

No one could suggest any better plan, so the old chief dismissed the
council and the bears dispersed to their forest haunts without having
concerted any means for preventing the increase of the human race. Had
the result of the council been otherwise, we should now be at war with
the bears, but as it is the hunter does not even ask the bear’s pardon
when he kills one.

The deer next held a council under their chief, the Little Deer, and
after some deliberation resolved to inflict rheumatism upon every
hunter who should kill one of their number, unless he took care to ask
their pardon for the offense. They sent notice of their decision to
the nearest settlement of Indians and told them at the same time how
to make propitiation when necessity forced them to kill one of the
deer tribe. Now, whenever the hunter brings down a deer, the Little
Deer, who is swift as the wind and can not be wounded, runs quickly up
to the spot and bending over the blood stains asks the spirit of the
deer if it has heard the prayer of the hunter for pardon. If the reply
be “Yes” all is well and the Little Deer goes on his way, but if the
reply be in the negative he follows on the trail of the hunter, guided
by the drops of blood on the ground, until he arrives at the cabin in
the settlement, when the Little Deer enters invisibly and strikes
the neglectful hunter with rheumatism, so that he is rendered on the
instant a helpless cripple. No hunter who has regard for his health
ever fails to ask pardon of the deer for killing it, although some
who have not learned the proper formula may attempt to turn aside the
Little Deer from his pursuit by building a fire behind them in the
trail.

Next came the fishes and reptiles, who had their own grievances
against humanity. They held a joint council and determined to make
their victims dream of snakes twining about them in slimy folds and
blowing their fetid breath in their faces, or to make them dream of
eating raw or decaying fish, so that they would lose appetite, sicken,
and die. Thus it is that snake and fish dreams are accounted for.

Finally the birds, insects, and smaller animals came together for a
like purpose, and the Grubworm presided over the deliberations. It was
decided that each in turn should express an opinion and then vote on
the question as to whether or not man should be deemed guilty.
Seven votes were to be sufficient to condemn him. One after another
denounced man’s cruelty and injustice toward the other animals and
voted in favor of his death. The Frog (walâ´sĭ) spoke first and
said: “We must do something to check the increase of the race or
people will become so numerous that we shall be crowded from off the
earth. See how man has kicked me about because I’m ugly, as he says,
until my back is covered with sores;” and here he showed the spots
on his skin. Next came the Bird (tsi´skwa; no particular species is
indicated), who condemned man because “he burns my feet off,” alluding
to the way in which the hunter barbecues birds by impaling them on a
stick set over the fire, so that their feathers and tender feet are
singed and burned. Others followed in the same strain. The Ground
Squirrel alone ventured to say a word in behalf of man, who seldom
hurt him because he was so small; but this so enraged the others that
they fell upon the Ground Squirrel and tore him with their teeth and
claws, and the stripes remain on his back to this day.

The assembly then began to devise and name various diseases, one after
another, and had not their invention finally failed them not one of
the human race would have been able to survive. The Grubworm in his
place of honor hailed each new malady with delight, until at last they
had reached the end of the list, when some one suggested that it be
arranged so that menstruation should sometimes prove fatal to woman.
On this he rose up in his place and cried: “Wata´[n] Thanks! I’m glad
some of them will die, for they are getting so thick that they tread
on me.” He fairly shook with joy at the thought, so that he fell over
backward and could not get on his feet again, but had to wriggle off
on his back, as the Grubworm has done ever since.

When the plants, who were friendly to man, heard what had been done by
the animals, they determined to defeat their evil designs. Each tree,
shrub, and herb, down, even to the grasses and mosses, agreed to
furnish a remedy for some one of the diseases named, and each said: “I
shall appear to help man when he calls upon me in his need.” Thus did
medicine originate, and the plants, every one of which has its use if
we only knew it, furnish the antidote to counteract the evil wrought
by the revengeful animals. When the doctor is in doubt what treatment
to apply for the relief of a patient, the spirit of the plant suggests
to him the proper remedy.


THEORY OF DISEASE--ANIMALS, GHOSTS, WITCHES.

Such is the belief upon which their medical practice is based, and
whatever we may think of the theory it must be admitted that the
practice is consistent in all its details with the views set forth
in the myth. Like most primitive people the Cherokees believe that
disease and death are not natural, but are due to the evil influence
of animal spirits, ghosts, or witches. Haywood, writing in 1823,
states on the authority of two intelligent residents of the Cherokee
nation:

    In ancient times the Cherokees had no conception of anyone
    dying a natural death. They universally ascribed the death of
    those who perished by disease to the intervention or agency of
    evil spirits and witches and conjurers who had connection with
    the Shina (Anisgi´na) or evil spirits.... A person dying by
    disease and charging his death to have been procured by means
    of witchcraft or spirits, by any other person, consigns that
    person to inevitable death. They profess to believe that their
    conjurations have no effect upon white men.[5]

[Footnote 5: Haywood, John: Natural and Aboriginal History of East
Tennessee, 267-8, Nashville, 1823.]

On the authority of one of the same informants, he also mentions
the veneration which “their physicians have for the numbers four and
seven, who say that after man was placed upon the earth four and seven
nights were instituted for the cure of diseases in the human body and
the seventh night as the limit for female impurity.”[6]

[Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 281.]

Viewed from a scientific standpoint, their theory and diagnosis
are entirely wrong, and consequently we can hardly expect their
therapeutic system to be correct. As the learned Doctor Berendt
states, after an exhaustive study of the medical books of the Mayas,
the scientific value of their remedies is “next to nothing.” It must
be admitted that many of the plants used in their medical practice
possess real curative properties, but it is equally true that many
others held in as high estimation are inert. It seems probable that in
the beginning the various herbs and other plants were regarded as so
many fetiches and were selected from some fancied connection with the
disease animal, according to the idea known to modern folklorists as
the doctrine of signatures. Thus at the present day the doctor puts
into the decoction intended as a vermifuge some of the red fleshy
stalks of the common purslane or chickweed (Portulaca oleracea),
because these stalks somewhat resemble worms and consequently must
have some occult influence over worms. Here the chickweed is a fetich
precisely as is the flint arrow head which is put into the same
decoction, in order that in the same mysterious manner its sharp
cutting qualities may be communicated to the liquid and enable it
to cut the worms into pieces. In like manner, biliousness is called
by the Cherokees dalâ´nĭ or “yellow,” because the most apparent
symptom of the disease is the vomiting by the patient of the yellow
bile, and hence the doctor selects for the decoction four different
herbs, each of which is also called dalânĭ, because of the color of
the root, stalk, or flower. The same idea is carried out in the tabu
which generally accompanies the treatment. Thus a scrofulous patient
must abstain from eating the meat of a turkey, because the fleshy
dewlap which depends from its throat somewhat resembles an inflamed
scrofulous eruption. On killing a deer the hunter always makes an
incision in the hind quarter and removes the hamstring, because this
tendon, when severed, draws up into the flesh; ergo, any one who
should unfortunately partake of the hamstring would find his limbs
draw up in the same manner.

There can be no doubt that in course of time a haphazard use of
plants would naturally lead to the discovery that certain herbs are
efficacious in certain combinations of symptoms. These plants would
thus come into more frequent use and finally would obtain general
recognition in the Indian materia medica. By such a process of
evolution an empiric system of medicine has grown up among the
Cherokees, by which they are able to treat some classes of ailments
with some degree of success, although without any intelligent idea
of the process involved. It must be remembered that our own medical
system has its remote origin in the same mythic conception of disease,
and that within two hundred years judicial courts have condemned
women to be burned to death for producing sickness by spells and
incantations, while even at the present day our faith-cure professors
reap their richest harvest among people commonly supposed to belong
to the intelligent classes. In the treatment of wounds the Cherokee
doctors exhibit a considerable degree of skill, but as far as any
internal ailment is concerned the average farmer’s wife is worth all
the doctors in the whole tribe.

The faith of the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the
Indian has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that a child has
in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies and prayers are well
calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect thus produced
upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly reacts favorably upon his
physical organization.

The following list of twenty plants used in Cherokee practice will
give a better idea of the extent of their medical knowledge than
could be conveyed by a lengthy dissertation. The names are given
in the order in which they occur in the botanic notebook filled on
the reservation, excluding names of food plants and species not
identified, so that no attempt has been made to select in accordance
with a preconceived theory. Following the name of each plant are
given its uses as described by the Indian doctors, together with its
properties as set forth in the United States Dispensatory, one of the
leading pharmacopoeias in use in this country.[7] For the benefit
of those not versed in medical phraseology it may be stated that
aperient, cathartic, and deobstruent are terms applied to medicines
intended to open or purge the bowels, a diuretic has the property of
exciting the flow of urine, a diaphoretic excites perspiration, and
a demulcent protects or soothes irritated tissues, while hæmoptysis
denotes a peculiar variety of blood-spitting and aphthous is an
adjective applied to ulcerations in the mouth.

[Footnote 7: Wood, T.B., and Bache, F.: Dispensatory of the United
States of America, 14th ed., Philadelphia, 1877.]


SELECTED LIST OF PLANTS USED.

1. UNASTE´TSTIYÛ=“very small root”--Aristolochia
serpentaria--Virginia or black snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon
patient for fever and feverish headache, and drunk for coughs; root
chewed and spit upon wound to cure snake bites; bruised root placed
in hollow tooth for toothache, and held against nose made sore by
constant blowing in colds. Dispensatory: “A stimulant tonic, acting
also as a diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its
application; * * * also been highly recommended in intermittent
fevers, and though itself generally inadequate to the cure often
proves serviceable as an adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of
quinia.” Also used for typhous diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle
for sore throat, as a mild stimulant in typhoid fevers, and to promote
eruptions. The genus derives its scientific name from its supposed
efficacy in promoting menstrual discharge, and some species have
acquired the “reputation of antidotes for the bites of serpents.”

2. UNISTIL´Û[n]ISTÎ[8]=“they stick on”--Cynoglossum
Morrisoni--Beggar lice: Decoction of root or top drunk for kidney
troubles; bruised root used with bear oil as an ointment for cancer;
forgetful persons drink a decoction of this plant, and probably also
of other similar bur plants, from an idea that the sticking qualities
of the burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a similar
connection of ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love
charms. Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale “has been used as
a demulcent and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood,
dysentery, and diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in
burns, ulcers, scrofulous tumors and goiter.”

[Footnote 8: The Cherokee plant names here given are generic names,
which are the names commonly used. In many cases the same name is
applied to several species and it is only when it is necessary to
distinguish between them that the Indians use what might be called
specific names. Even then the descriptive term used serves to
distinguish only the particular plants under discussion and the
introduction of another variety bearing the same generic name would
necessitate a new classification of species on a different basis,
while hardly any two individuals would classify the species by the
same characteristics.]

3. Û[n]NAGÉI=“black”--Cassia Marilandica--Wild senna: Root bruised
and moistened with water for poulticing sores; decoction drunk for
fever and for a disease also called û[n]nage´i, or “black” (same
name as plant), in which the hands and eye sockets are said to turn
black; also for a disease described as similar to û[n]nagei, but more
dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while black spots
appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the body,
accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the
black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as
“an efficient and safe cathartic, * * * most conveniently given in the
form of infusion.”

4. KÂSD´ÚTA=“simulating ashes,” so called on account of the
appearance of the leaves--Gnaphalium decurrens--Life everlasting:
Decoction drunk for colds; also used in the sweat bath for various
diseases and considered one of their most valuable medical plants.
Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of two other species of this genus
are mentioned as used by country people for chest and bowel diseases,
and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although “probably
possessing little medicinal virtue.”

5. ALTSA´STI=“a wreath for the head”--Vicia Caroliniana--Vetch:
Decoction drunk for dyspepsia and pains in the back, and rubbed on
stomach for cramp; also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to
render their muscles tough, and used in the same way after scratching
in the disease referred to under û[n]nagei, in which one side becomes
black in spots, with partial paralysis; also used in same manner in
decoction with Kâsduta for rheumatism; considered one of their most
valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not named.

6. DISTAI´YǏ=“they (the roots) are tough”--Tephrosia
Virginiana--Catgut, Turkey Pea, Goat’s Rue, or Devil’s Shoestrings:
Decoction drunk for lassitude. Women wash their hair in decoction of
its roots to prevent its breaking or falling out, because these roots
are very tough and hard to break; from the same idea ball-players
rub the decoction on their limbs after scratching, to toughen them.
Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic and aperient.

7. U´GA-ATASGI´SKǏ=“the pus oozes out”--Euphorbia
hypericifolia--Milkweed: Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions,
especially on children’s heads; also used as a purgative; decoction
drunk for gonorrhoea and similar diseases in both sexes, and held in
high estimation for this purpose; juice used as an ointment for sores
and for sore nipples, and in connection with other herbs for cancer.
Dispensatory: The juice of all of the genus has the property of
“powerfully irritating the skin when applied to it,” while nearly all
are powerful emetics and cathartics. This species “has been highly
commended as a remedy in dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea,
menorrhagia, and leucorrhea.”

8. GÛ´NǏGWALǏ´SKǏ=“It becomes discolored when
bruised”--Scutellaria lateriflora--Skullcap. The name refers to
the red juice which comes out of the stalk when bruised or chewed.
A decoction of the four varieties of Gûnigwalĭ´skĭ--S. lateriflora,
S. pilosa, Hypericum corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior--is drunk to
promote menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and used
as a wash to counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a
woman in the menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes
into a sick room or a house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea
and used with other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory:
This plant “produces no very obvious effects,” but some doctors regard
it as possessed of nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None
of the other three species are named.

9. KÂ´GA SKÛ´[n]TAGǏ=“crow shin”--Adiantum pedatum--Maidenhair
Fern: Used either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills,
generally in connection with some other fern. The doctors explain
that the fronds of the different varieties of fern are curled up
in the young plant, but unroll and straighten out as it grows, and
consequently a decoction of ferns causes the contracted muscles of
the rheumatic patient to unbend and straighten out in like manner. It
is also used in decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The leaves “have
been supposed to be useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral
affections.”

10. ANDA´NKALAGI´SKǏ=“it removes things from the gums”--Geranium
maculatum--Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with Yânû
Unihye´stĭ (Vitis cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in
thrush; also used alone for the same purpose by blowing the chewed
fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory: “One of our best indigenous
astringents. * * * Diarrhea, chronic dysentery, cholora infantum
in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are the forms of
disease in which it is most commonly used.” Also valuable as “an
application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea,
a gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the
throat.” The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned.

11. Û´[n]LĚ UKǏ´LTǏ=“the locust frequents it”--Gillenia
trifoliata--Indian Physic. Two doctors state that it is good as a tea
for bowel complaints, with fever and yellow vomit; but another says
that it is poisonous and that no decoction is ever drunk, but that the
beaten root is a good poultice for swellings. Dispensatory: “Gillenia
is a mild and efficient emetic, and like most substances belonging to
the same class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small doses
it has been thought to be tonic.”

12. SKWA´LǏ=Hepatica acutiloba--Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for
coughs either in tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes
drink a decoction of this herb and I´natû Ga´n‘ka=“snake tongue”
(Camptosorus rhizophyllus or Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after
which the dreams do not return. The traders buy large quantities of
liverwort from the Cherokees, who may thus have learned to esteem it
more highly than they otherwise would. The appearance of the other
plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus, has evidently determined its Cherokee
name and the use to which it is applied. Dispensatory: “Liverwort is a
very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some to possess
diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe
in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but
has fallen into entire neglect. In this country, some years since,
it acquired considerable reputation, which, however, it has not
maintained as a remedy in hæmoptysis and chronic coughs.” The other
plant is not named.

13. DA´YEWÛ=“it sews itself up,” because the leaves are said to grow
together again when torn--Cacalia atriplicifolia--Tassel Flower: Held
in great repute as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to draw
out the blood or poisonous matter. The bruised leaf is bound over the
spot and frequently removed. The dry powdered leaf was formerly used
to sprinkle over food like salt. Dispensatory: Not named.

14. A´TALǏ KÛLǏ´=“it climbs the mountain.”--Aralia
quinquefolia--Ginseng or “Sang:” Decoction of root drunk for headache,
cramps, etc., and for female troubles; chewed root blown on spot for
pains in the side. The Cherokees sell large quantities of sang to
the traders for 50 cents per pound, nearly equivalent there to two
days’ wages, a fact which has doubtless increased their idea of its
importance. Dispensatory: “The extraordinary medical virtues formerly
ascribed to ginseng had no other existence than in the imagination of
the Chinese. It is little more than a demulcent, and in this country
is not employed as a medicine.” The Chinese name, ginseng, is said to
refer to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while
in the Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the “great man” or “little
man,” and this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation
in which it is held by both peoples.

15. Û´TSATǏ UWADSǏSKA=“fish scales,” from shape of
leaves--Thalictrum anemonoides--Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk
for diarrhea with vomiting. Dispensatory: Not named.

16. K´KWĚ ULASU´LA=“partridge moccasin”--Cypripedium
parviflorum--Lady-slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in
children. In the liquid are placed some stalks of the common chickweed
or purslane (Cerastium vulgatum) which, from the appearance of its
red fleshy stalks, is supposed to have some connection with worms.
Dispensatory: Described as “a gentle nervous stimulant” useful in
diseases in which the nerves are especially affected. The other herb
is not named.

17. A´HAWǏ´ AKĂ´TĂ´=“deer eye,” from the appearance of the
flower--Rudbeckia fulgida--Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for
flux and for some private diseases; also used as a wash for snake
bites and swellings caused by (mythic) tsgâya or worms; also dropped
into weak or inflamed eyes. This last is probably from the supposed
connection between the eye and the flower resembling the eye.
Dispensatory: Not named.

18. UTǏSTUGǏ´=Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium--Solomon’s
Seal: Root heated and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an
ulcerating swelling called tu´stĭ´, resembling a boil or carbuncle.
Dispensatory: “This species acts like P. uniflorum, which is said
to be emetic. In former times it was used externally in bruises,
especially those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and cutaneous
eruptions and was highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it is
not employed, though recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in gout
and rheumatism.” This species in decoction has been found to produce
“nausea, a cathartic effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis,” and
is useful “as an internal remedy in piles, and externally in the
form of decoction, in the affection of the skin resulting from the
poisonous exhalations of certain plants.”

19. ĂMĂDITA‘TÌ=“water dipper,” because water can be sucked up
through its hollow stalk--Eupatorium purpureum--Queen of the
Meadow, Gravel Root: Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar
plant called Ămăditá´tĭ û´tanu, or “large water dipper” (not
identified) for difficult urination. Dispensatory: “Said to operate
as a diuretic. Its vulgar name of gravel root indicates the popular
estimation of its virtues.” The genus is described as tonic,
diaphoretic, and in large doses emetic and aperient.

20. YÂNA UTSĚSTA=“the bear lies on it”--Aspidium
acrostichoides--Shield Fern: Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting,
and also used to rub on the skin, after scratching, for rheumatism--in
both cases some other plant is added to the decoction; the
warm decoction is also held in the mouth to relieve toothache.
Dispensatory: Not named.

The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be
summarized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the
Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed
in the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although
regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these
seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of
a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians are
better informed in this regard than the best educated white physicians
in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2 and 4),
belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties ascribed
by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos. 8, 9,
11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the
Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on
account of some fancied connection between the plant and the disease,
according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remainder (Nos.
1, 3, and 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties, that is,
while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical value, the
Indian mode of application is so far at variance with recognized
methods, or their own statements are so vague and conflicting, that
it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use of the herbs.
Thus the Unaste´tstiyû, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated by the
Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is said to
have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, although alone
it is “generally inadequate to the cure.” Though not expressly stated,
the natural inference is that it must be applied internally, but the
Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever, takes the decoction
in his mouth and blows it over the head and shoulders of the patient.
Another of these, the Distai´yĭ, or Turkey Pea, is described in the
Dispensatory as having roots tonic and aperient. The Cherokees drink
a decoction of the roots for a feeling of weakness and languor, from
which it might be supposed that they understood the tonic properties
of the plant had not the same decoction been used by the women as a
hair wash, and by the ball players to bathe their limbs, under the
impression that the toughness of the roots would thus be communicated
to the hair or muscles. From this fact and from the name of the plant,
which means at once hard, tough, or strong, it is quite probable that
its roots are believed to give strength to the patient solely because
they themselves are so strong and not because they have been proved
to be really efficacious. The remaining five plants have generally
pronounced medicinal qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for
the very purposes for which, according to the Dispensatory, they are
best adapted; so that we must admit that so much of their practice
is correct, however false the reasoning by which they have arrived at
this result.


MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this list
is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the medical
properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent of
the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are
presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants, or
15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are
of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce good
results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or about
one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing medical
virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not positively
injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of examples would
change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A number of herbs
used in connection with these principal plants may probably be set
down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named in the Dispensatory.

The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those
persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor,
and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts,
witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties
of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist
or physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient
investigation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information
contained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with
all the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern
science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in
intellect, has reached a higher development in any branch of science
than has been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages
of intellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that
the Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties
of plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with
nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be
compared for a moment with that of the trained student working upon
scientific principles.

Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea. For
a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant called
“rabbit’s food,” “rabbit’s ear,” or “rabbit’s tail;” for snake dreams
the plant used is “snake’s tooth;” for worms a plant resembling a worm
in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower having the appearance
and name of “deer’s eye.” A yellow root must be good when the patient
vomits yellow bile, and a black one when dark circles come about his
eyes, and in each case the disease and the plant alike are named from
the color. A decoction of burs must be a cure for forgetfulness, for
there is nothing else that will stick like a bur; and a decoction of
the wiry roots of the “devil’s shoestrings” must be an efficacious
wash to toughen the ballplayer’s muscles, for they are almost strong
enough to stop the plowshare in the furrow. It must be evident that
under such a system the failures must far outnumber the cures, yet it
is not so long since half our own medical practice was based upon the
same idea of correspondences, for the mediæval physicians taught that
_similia similibus curantur_, and have we not all heard that “the hair
of the dog will cure the bite?”

Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown by
the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception of the
fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the recovery of
the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the fasting is as
much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it is prescribed
the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset, just as in the
Catholic church both priest and communicants remain fasting from
midnight until after the celebration of the divine mysteries. As the
Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or appetizing dishes
are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the same heavy, sodden
cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form his principal food in
health. In most cases certain kinds of food are prohibited, such as
squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason is not that such
food is considered deleterious to health, as we understand it, but
because of some fanciful connection with the disease spirit. Thus if
squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not eat squirrel
meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the leg of any
animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this malady. Lye,
salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is any prohibition
at all; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regulation,
instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discomfort.
Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Cherokees, the
alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom used among
them, having been introduced by the whites. Their bean and chestnut
bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel are all boiled in a pot,
all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last, served up hot from
the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard and tasteless as a
lump of yesterday’s dough, and to condemn a sick man to a diet of such
dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch of salt to give it a
relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him without any further
aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly prohibited is really
a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with curative effect.
So much for the health regimen.

In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed
to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genuine
sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to the
sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for quiet has
probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this regulation is
intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect contact with a woman
in a pregnant or menstrual condition. Among all primitive nations,
including the ancient Hebrews, we find an elaborate code of rules
in regard to the conduct and treatment of women on arriving at the
age of puberty, during pregnancy and the menstrual periods, and at
childbirth. Among the Cherokees the presence of a woman under any of
these conditions, or even the presence of any one who has come from
a house where such a woman resides, is considered to neutralize all
the effects of the doctor’s treatment. For this reason all women,
excepting those of the household, are excluded. A man is forbidden to
enter, because he may have had intercourse with a tabued woman, or may
have come in contact with her in some other way; and children also
are shut out, because they may have come from a cabin where dwells a
woman subject to exclusion. What is supposed to be the effect of the
presence of a menstrual woman in the family of the patient is not
clear; but judging from analogous customs in other tribes and from
rules still enforced among the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long
contact with the whites, it seems probable that in former times the
patient was removed to a smaller house or temporary bark lodge built
for his accommodation whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed
by the doctor. Some of the old men assert that in former times sick
persons were removed to the public townhouse, where they remained
under the care of the doctors until they either recovered or died.
A curious instance of this prohibition is given in the second
Didû[n]lĕ´skĭ (rheumatism) formula from the Gahuni manuscript (see
page 350), where the patient is required to abstain from touching a
squirrel, a dog, a cat, a mountain trout, or a woman, and must also
have a chair appropriated to his use alone during the four days that
he is under treatment.

In cases of the children’s disease known as Gû[n]wani´gista´ĭ (see
formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not
to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to
cold air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird
chance to be flying by overhead at the moment the napping of its wings
would _fan the disease back_ into the body of the patient.


ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU.

On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practical
illustration of the gaktû´[n]ta or tabu, which may be of interest as
showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions.
Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an old
shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but confined
to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his house,
several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor named
Sû´[n]kĭ (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told that he
had just that morning begun a four days’ gaktû´[n]ta which, among
other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to argue
that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The laws of the
gaktû´[n]ta were as immutable as those of the Medes and Persians,
and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable results from
the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to the letter.
But although we might not enter the house, there was no reason why we
should not talk to the old man, so seats were placed for us outside
the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on the bed just inside and
The Mink perched himself on the fence a few yards distant to keep an
eye on the proceedings. As there was a possibility that a white man
might unconsciously affect the operation of the Indian medicine,
the writer deemed it advisable to keep out of sight altogether, and
accordingly took up a position just around the corner of the house,
but within easy hearing distance, while the interpreter sat facing
the doorway within a few feet of the sick man inside. Then began an
animated conversation, Tsiskwa inquiring, through the interpreter,
as to the purpose of the Government in gathering such information,
wanting to know how we had succeeded with other shamans and asking
various questions in regard to other tribes and their customs. The
replies were given in the same manner, an attempt being also made
to draw him out as to the extent of his own knowledge. Thus we
talked until the old man grew weary, but throughout the whole of
this singular interview neither party saw the other, nor was the
gaktû´[n]ta violated by entering the house. From this example it
must be sufficiently evident that the tabu as to visitors is not a
hygienic precaution for securing greater quiet to the patient, or to
prevent the spread of contagion, but that it is simply a religious
observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to many of the regulations
among the ancient Jews, as laid down in the book of Leviticus.


NEGLECT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS.

No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the
sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always
open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while
the Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when
necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the
old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only
means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when closed
the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency. On the
other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold, dampness,
or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year whole families
sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old blanket. The
Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indifferent to the
simplest rules of hygiene. He will walk all day in a pouring rain
clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes barefoot and
frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on a frosty
morning in late November, when the streams are of almost icy coldness,
men and women will deliberately ford the river where the water is
waist deep in preference to going a few hundred yards to a foot-log.
At their dances in the open air men, women, and children, with bare
feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp ground from darkness until
daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick mountain fog which makes
even the neighboring treetops invisible, while the mothers have their
infants laid away under the bushes with only a shawl between them and
the cold ground. In their ball plays also each young man, before going
into the game, is subjected to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and
cold plunge baths, without food or sleep, which must unquestionably
waste his physical energy.

In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole country
from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and leading
an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a condition of
robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his medical ideas
and his general disregard of sanitary regulations. But with the advent
of the white man and the destruction of the game all this was changed.
The East Cherokee of to-day is a dejected being; poorly fed, and worse
clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut off from the old free life, and
with no incentive to a better, and constantly bowed down by a sense of
helpless degradation in the presence of his conqueror. Considering all
the circumstances, it may seem a matter of surprise that any of them
are still in existence. As a matter of fact, the best information that
could be obtained in the absence of any official statistics indicated
a slow but steady decrease during the last five years. Only the
constitutional vigor, inherited from their warrior ancestors, has
enabled them to sustain the shock of the changed conditions of the
last half century. The uniform good health of the children in the
training school shows that the case is not hopeless, however, and that
under favorable conditions, with a proper food supply and a regular
mode of living, the Cherokee can hold his own with the white man.


THE SWEAT BATH--BLEEDING--RUBBING--BATHING.

In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort
to sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running
stream, to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia
generally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was in
common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico excepting the
central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great cure-all in
sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes it appears to
have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the Cherokees seem
to have looked upon it simply as a medical application, while the
ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge bath. The person
wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat bath entered the
â´sĭ, a small earth-covered log house only high enough to allow
of sitting down. After divesting himself of his clothing, some large
bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were placed near him, and over
them was poured a decoction of the beaten roots of the wild parsnip.
The door was closed so that no air could enter from the outside, and
the patient sat in the sweltering steam until he was in a profuse
perspiration and nearly choked by the pungent fumes of the decoction.
In accordance with general Indian practice it may be that he plunged
into the river before resuming his clothing; but in modern times
this part of the operation is omitted and the patient is drenched
with cold water instead. Since the âsĭ has gone out of general use
the sweating takes place in the ordinary dwelling, the steam being
confined under a blanket wrapped around the patient. During the
prevalence of the smallpox epidemic among the Cherokees at the close
of the late war the sweat bath was universally called into requisition
to stay the progress of the disease, and as the result about three
hundred of the band died, while many of the survivors will carry
the marks of the visitation to the grave. The sweat bath, with the
accompanying cold water application, being regarded as the great
panacea, seems to have been resorted to by the Indians in all parts of
the country whenever visited by smallpox--originally introduced by the
whites--and in consequence of this mistaken treatment they have died,
in the language of an old writer, “like rotten sheep” and at times
whole tribes have been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried
to ward off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which
they believe to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul
smell, which keeps the disease spirits at a distance.

Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheumatism
and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of
performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter
being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought
into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed
with a small cupping horn, to which suction is applied in the ordinary
manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken glass. In
the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes to find a minute
pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind, which he asserts
to be the cause of the trouble and to have been conveyed into the
body of the patient through the evil spells of an enemy. He frequently
pretends to suck out such an object by the application of the lips
alone, without any scarification whatever. Scratching is a painful
process and is performed with a brier, a flint arrowhead, a
rattlesnake’s tooth, or even with a piece of glass, according to the
nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young men for the ball
play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat resembling a comb, having
seven teeth made from the sharpened splinters of the leg bone of
a turkey. The scratching is usually done according to a particular
pattern, the regular method for the ball play being to draw the
scratcher four times down the upper part of each arm, thus making
twenty-eight scratches each about 6 inches in length, repeating the
operation on each arm below the elbow and on each leg above and below
the knee. Finally, the instrument is drawn across the breast from the
two shoulders so as to form a cross; another curving stroke is made
to connect the two upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is
repeated on the back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three
hundred places. Although very painful for a while, as may well
be supposed, the scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result
seriously, excepting in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While
the blood is still flowing freely the medicine, which in this case
is intended to toughen, the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the
wounds after which the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes
off the blood. In order that the blood may flow the longer without
clotting it is frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows.
In rheumatism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to
the part affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with
the mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass,
which is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead.

Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen, is a
very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or the palm
of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of massage. In
one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites (page 351) the
operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the
snake coils itself, because “this is just the same as uncoiling it.”
Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the head, hands,
and other parts of the body, is also an important feature of the
ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it is specified that
the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of the patient, then
upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and finally upon the
right foot, thus making an imaginary cross.

Bathing in the running stream, or “going to water,” as it is called,
is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is
performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new
moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before the
medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after the ball
play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to counteract the
effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy, and as a part of
the regular treatment in various diseases. The details of the ceremony
are very elaborate and vary according to the purpose for which it is
performed, but in all cases both shaman and client are fasting from
the previous evening, the ceremony being generally performed just at
daybreak. The bather usually dips completely under the water four or
seven times, but in some cases it is sufficient to pour the water from
the hand upon the head and breast. In the ball play the ball sticks
are dipped into the water at the same time. While the bather is in the
water the shaman is going through with his part of the performance
on the bank and draws omens from the motion of the beads between his
thumb and finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old
customs are fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the
ball play, and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion
of eating the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special
occasions, even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream
for the purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people
attribute many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later
days. The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season of
the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the surface
of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal virtues to the
water.


SHAMANS AND WHITE PHYSICIANS.

Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among
them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in
the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed
to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are naturally
jealous of this infringement upon their authority and endeavor to
prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the convenient doctrine
that the white man’s medicine is inevitably fatal to an Indian unless
eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for
four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the
training school established by the Government a few years ago met with
considerable difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents
insisted on removing the children at the first appearance of illness
in order that they might be treated by the shamans, until convinced by
experience that the children received better attention at the school
than could possibly be had in their own homes. In one instance, where
a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her
husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of intelligence,
was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white physician,
who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a
few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of
this departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted
that the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy
had caused to be imbedded in the woman’s side. He accordingly began a
series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white
physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the woman
died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the contagion
or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the
sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three
deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one
time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The
appointment of a competent physician to look after the health of the
Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent
much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no such
provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, excepting the
children in the home school, are entirely without medical care.


MEDICINE DANCES.

The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which is
generally performed in connection with other dances when a number of
people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no features
of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a dozen
other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was another,
known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance and solemn
ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn Dance. It has
now been discontinued on the reservation for about twenty years. It
took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and
continued four days. The principal ceremony in connection with it was
the drinking of a strong decoction of various herbs, which acted as
a violent emetic and purgative. The usual fasting and going to water
accompanied the dancing and medicine-drinking.


DESCRIPTION OF SYMPTOMS.

It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate
statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their
description of the symptoms is always of the vaguest character, while
in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses only
his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have
definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and a few other
ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their description
of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that the
patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels tired,
while the disease is assigned such names as “when they dream of
snakes,” “when they dream of fish,” “when ghosts trouble them,” “when
something is making something else eat them,” or “when the food is
changed,” i.e., when a witch causes it to sprout and grow in the body
of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or sharpened
stick.


THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN.

The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is called
ugista´‘tĭ, a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived from
the verb tsĭ´giû, “I take” or “I eat.” In former times this was
generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain
quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans disclaim
the idea that the ugistâ´‘tĭ is pay, in our sense of the word, but
assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment
of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but
the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease
spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or
as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pulling
the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which
includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many
primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil
influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which
must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise
it will cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the
height of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from
the shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus
received upon a member of his own family unless that individual gives
him something in return. If the consideration thus received, however,
be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the rest of the
family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge for his services,
and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offering. This remark
applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman always demands
and receives a fixed remuneration for performing love charms, hunting
ceremonials, and other conjurations of a miscellaneous character.
Moreover, whenever the beads are used the patient must furnish a
certain quantity of new cloth upon which to place them, and at the
close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth, beads and all,
and takes them away with him. The cloth thus received by the doctor
for working with the beads must not be used by him, but must be sold.
In one instance a doctor kept a handkerchief which he received for his
services, but instead sold a better one of his own. Additional cloth
is thus given each time the ceremony is repeated, each time a second
four days’ course of treatment is begun, and as often as the doctor
sees fit to change his method of procedure. Thus, when he begins
to treat a sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he expects to
receive a certain ugista´‘tĭ; but, should he decide after a time
that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the trouble, he
adopts a different course of treatment, for which another ugista´‘tĭ
is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his efforts, it
is because the disease animal requires a greater ugista´‘tĭ, and the
quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine
is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas
explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is
to receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti
formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer
of it makes the additional proviso that it must be “pretty good cloth,
too,” asserting as a clincher that “this is what the old folks said a
long time ago.”

The ugista´‘tĭ can not be paid by either one of a married couple to
the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the
application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in
sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the sick
person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some one
of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance within the
writer’s knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very sick
and needed a doctor’s attention, but his relatives were taking no
steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so.


CEREMONIES FOR GATHERING PLANTS AND PREPARING MEDICINE.

There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in
connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which
can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In
searching for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a
number of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain
direction, going round it from right to left one or four times,
reciting certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the
roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with
the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the hunter
addresses the mountain as the “Great Man” and assures it that he comes
only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from its side, so
that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compensation to
the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some cases the
doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes to the
fourth, which he takes and may then return for the others. The bark
is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the root or
branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward the east, the
reason given being that these have imbibed more medical potency from
the rays of the sun.

When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription
have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient
package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water
with appropriate prayers. Should the package float, as it generally
does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be
successful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some
part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out and
at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the whole
performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moonlight, so
important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to be no part
of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in regard to
the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine during
the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what remains
after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of details the
shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant. In these
degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the healing art have
arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the ignorance of their
fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing next to nothing of the
prayers and ceremonies, without which there can be no virtue in the
application. These impostors are sternly frowned down and regarded
with the utmost contempt by the real professors, both men and women,
who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries and proudly look
upon themselves as conservators of the ancient ritual of the past.


THE CHEROKEE GODS AND THEIR ABIDING PLACES.

After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved in
the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the series,
but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond what
is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A few points,
however, may be briefly noted.

The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North American
tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival of that
earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the worship
of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher system in
which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified. Their
pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth beneath, and
in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal gods constitute
by far the most numerous class, although the elemental gods are
more important. Among the animal gods insects and fishes occupy a
subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles are invoked
almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great horned serpent), the
rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species of hawk, and the
rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal animal gods. The
importance of the god bears no relation to the size of the animal,
and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked. The spider also
occupies a prominent place in the love and life-destroying formulas,
his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim in the meshes of his
web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed man and drag it way to
the black coffin in the Darkening Land.

Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are fire,
water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figurative
names. The sun is called Une´‘lanû´hĭ, “the apportioner,” just as our
word moon means originally “the measurer.” Indians and Aryans alike,
having noticed how these great luminaries divide and measure day and
night, summer and winter, with never-varying regularity, have given to
each a name which should indicate these characteristics, thus showing
how the human mind constantly moves on along the same channels.
Missionaries have naturally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner
of all things to be the suppositional “Great Spirit” of the Cherokees,
and hence the word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous
with God. In ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths
the sun is called Nû´[n]tâ. The sun is invoked chiefly by the
ball-player, while the hunter prays to the fire; but every important
ceremony--whether connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball
play--contains a prayer to the “Long Person,” the formulistic name for
water, or, more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm,
the cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas.

But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal
being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to find a
lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string; the
Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient with
a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the Mountain,
which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus far translated.
Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one seeming to be the
ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the “Great Man” or “Little Man,”
although its proper Cherokee name signifies the “Mountain Climber.”

A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being
the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly
called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to the
Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain, but he
seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In a curious
marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it is stated
that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to the Red
Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red Woman, so that
this personage seems to have dual sex characteristics. Another god
invoked in the hunting songs is Tsu´l’kalû´, or “Slanting Eyes”
(see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in one of the great
mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game. Others are the
Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the Little People, the
fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the De´tsata, a
diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One unwritten
formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dictation, was
addressed to the “Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs down to the
ground.”

The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the theory
of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when a sickness is
caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some other fish-eating
bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and destroy it, so
that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is caused by a
worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in for the same
purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the vitals of the sick
man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter them, and when the
rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil genius, he is driven
out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the intruder has been thus
expelled “a small portion still remains,” in the words of the formula,
and accordingly the Whirlwind is called down from the treetops to
carry the remnant to the uplands and there scatter it so that it shall
never reappear. The hunter prays to the fire, from which he draws his
omens; to the reed, from which he makes his arrows; to Tsu´l’kalû,
the great lord of the game, and finally addresses in songs the very
animals which he intends to kill. The lover prays to the Spider to
hold fast the affections of his beloved one in the meshes of his web,
or to the Moon, which looks down upon him in the dance. The warrior
prays to the Red War-club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous
expedition prays to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his
enemies.

Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place
of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage on the
hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant
hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West,
and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease animal,
when driven away from his prey by some more powerful animal, endeavors
to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be stated here
that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary, everyday
animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper world
(galû´[n]lati) above the arch of the firmament.


COLOR SYMBOLISM.

Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic system
of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Each one of
the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its
symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color
and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is
connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors,
living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their
characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit
of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is
the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to
the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal
influences of the Black Man.

The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be explained
more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows:

    East     red      success; triumph.
    North    blue     defeat; trouble.
    West     black    death.
    South    white    peace; happiness.
    Above?   brown    unascertained, but propitious.
    ------   yellow   about the same as blue.

There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes,
both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for
obvious reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death;
while white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is
somewhat remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph
among the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern
Cherokees.[9]

[Footnote 9: For more in regard to color symbolism, see Mallery’s
Pictographs of the North American Indians in Fourth Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 53-37, Washington, 1886; Gatschet’s Creek
Migration Legend, vol. 3, pp. 31-41, St. Louis, 1888; Brinton’s Kiche
Myths in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 19,
pp. 646-647, Philadelphia, 1882.]


IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO NAMES.

In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to
life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client,
of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired
to win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a
distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or
his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the
malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part
of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various
tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number
of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of
names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are
known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having
been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly
established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent
effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman
sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes
to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with
a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins
afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the
patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with
success.


LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS.

A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the
formulas. They are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of
which are unintelligible to the common people, and some of which even
the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These archaic forms,
like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar beauty which can
hardly be rendered in a translation. They frequently throw light on
the dialectic evolution of the language, as many words found now only
in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee dialect occur in formulas which
in other respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect. The
R sound, the chief distinguishing characteristic of the old Lower
dialect, of course does not occur, as there are no means of indicating
it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those who are accustomed to look to the
Bible for all beauty in sacred expression will be surprised to find
that these formulas abound in the loftiest nights of poetic imagery.
This is especially true of the prayers used to win the love of a woman
or to destroy the life of an enemy, in which we find such expressions
as--“Now your soul fades away--your spirit shall grow less and
dwindle away, never to reappear;” “Let her be completely veiled in
loneliness--O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web, so that
it may never get through the meshes;” and the final declaration of the
lover, “Your soul has come into the very center of my soul, never to
turn away.”

In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical
terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, such
as ada´wĕhĭ and ugistā´‘tĭ. These words will be found explained
in the proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of the
formulas are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the
translations are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of
the originals, exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes
being deferred until a more extended study of the language has been
made, when it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the
whole body of the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but
a small portion.

The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in
possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from
photographs taken by the author in the field.


SPECIMEN FORMULAS.

NOTE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATION.

In the Cherokee text both _d_ and _g_ have a medial sound,
approximating the sounds of _t_ and _k_ respectively. The other
letters are pronounced in regular accordance with the alphabet of
the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in nasal and aspirate
sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate _‘l_,
which to one familiar only with English sounds like _tl_.

A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have
been distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics.
In the translation the corresponding expression has been queried, or
the space left entirely blank. On examining the text the student can
not fail to be struck by the great number of verbs ending in _iga_.
This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these formulas,
where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It
implies that the subject has just come and is now performing the
action, and that he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many
of these verbs may be either assertive or imperative (expressing
entreaty), according to the accent. Thus _hatû´[n]gani´ga_ means
“you have just come and are listening and it is for that purpose you
came.” By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes “come at
once to listen.” It will thus be seen that the great majority of the
formulas are declarative rather than petitional in form--laudatory
rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the ordinary sense of the word.


MEDICINE.

DIDÛ[n]LĚ´SKĬ ADANÛ[n]´WÂTĬ KANÂHĚ´SKĬ.

Sgĕ! Ha-Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Gi´‘lĭ Gigage´ĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsan´ultĭ nige´sû[n]na. Ha-diskwûlti´yû
tĭ´nanugagĭ´, ase´gwû nige´sû[n]na tsagista´‘tĭ
adû[n]ni´ga. Ulsg´eta hû[n]hihyû´[n]stani´ga.
Ha-usdig´iyu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´[n] iytû´[n]ta
dûhilâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-Uhû[n]tsâ´yĭ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ Gi´‘lĭ Sa‘ka´nĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû[n]na. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugai´,
ase´gwû nige´sû[n]na tsagista´‘tĭ adû[n]ni´ga. Ulsge´ta
hû[n]hihyû[n]stani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´[n]
iyû´ta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! (Ha)-Usûhi´(-yĭ) tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Gi‘l´ĭ Gû[n]nage´ĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga usĭnuli´yû. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´sti tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû´[n]na. Diskwûlti´yû tinanugagĭ´,
ase´gwû nige´sû[n]na tsagista´‘tĭ adû[n]ni´ga. Ulsg´eta
hû[n]hihyû[n]stani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´[n]
iyû´[n]ta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Wa´hală´ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Gi´‘lĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa
hatû´[n]gani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, gahu´stĭ
tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû[n]na. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugagĭ´,
ase´gwû nige´sû[n]na tsagista´‘tĭ adû[n]ni´ga. Ha-ulsge´ta
hû[n]hihyû´[n]stani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû e´lawastû´[n]
iyû´[n]ta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Wa´hală tsûl‘dâ´histĭ Tû´ksĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa
hatû´[n]gani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû[n]na. Ha-kâ´lû _gayûske´ta_
tsatû[n]´neli´ga. Utsĭna´wa nu´tatănû´[n]ta.

(Degâsisisgû´[n]ĭ.)--Tûksĭ uhya´ska gûnsta‘tĭ´ na´skĭ
igahi´ta gunstâ´ĭ hĭ´skĭ iyuntale´gĭ tsûntûngi´ya.
Û[n]skwû´ta kĭlû´ atsâ´tastĭ sâ´gwa iyûtsâ´tastĭ,
nû´‘kĭ igû´[n]kta‘tĭ, naski-gwû´ diû[n]lĕ´nĭskâhĭ´
igû[n]yi´yĭ tsale´nihû. Nû´‘kine û[n]skwû´ta kĭlû´
nû´‘kĭ iyatsâ´tastĭ. Uhyaskâ´hi-‘nû ade´la degû‘la´ĭ
tă´lĭ unine´ga-gwû´ nû´[n]wâti-‘nû´ higûnehâ´ĭ
uhyaskâ´hĭ usdi´a-gwû. Une´lagi-‘nû sâĭ´ agadâ´ĭ
agadi´dĭ û´[n]ti-gwû´ yĭkĭ´ âsi´yu-gwû na´ski-‘nû
aganû[n]li´eskâ´ĭ da´gûnstanehû´[n]ĭ ŭ‘taâ´ta.
Hiă‘-nû´ nû´[n]wâtĭ: Yâ´na-Unatsĕsdâ´gĭ tsana´sehâ´ĭ
sâ´i-‘nû Kâ´ga-Asgû´[n]tagĕ tsana´sehâ´ĭ, sâi-‘nû´
_Egû´[n]li_-gwû, sâi-nû´ (U)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´
Egû´[n]lĭ Usdi´a tsĭgĭ´, nû[n]yâ´hi-‘nû tsuyĕ‘dâ´ĭ
Yâ´na-Utsĕsdâgĭ naskiyû´ tsĭgĭ´, usdi´-gwû tsĭgĭ´.
Egû´[n]lĭ (u)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´; sâ´ĭ Wâ´tige Unas(te´)tsa
tsĭgĭ´, sâ´i-‘nû Û´[n]age Tsunaste´tsa, Niga´ta unaste´tsa
gesâ´ĭ.

Sunale´-gwû ale´ndĭ adanû´[n]wâtĭ; tă´line e´ladĭ
tsitkala´ĭ; tsâ´ine u´lsaladĭ´‘satû´; nû´‘kine igû´
ts´kalâ´ĭ. Yeli´gwû´ igesâ´ĭ. Nû´lstâiyanû´na gesâ´ĭ
akanû[n]wi´skĭ, nasgwû´ nulstaiyanû´na.


_Translation._

FORMULA FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER (RHEUMATISM).

Listen! Ha! In the Sun Land you repose, O Red Dog, O now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ[10], you never
fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! Ha! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Dog. O now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken, O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail
in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! Ha! In the darkening land you repose, O Black Dog. O, now you
have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never
fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! On Wa´hală you repose. O White Dog. Oh, now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail
in anything. Oh, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.

Listen! On Wa´hală, you repose, O White Terrapin. O, now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail in
anything. Ha! It is for you to loosen its hold on the bone. Belief is
accomplished.

(Prescription.)--Lay a terrapin shell upon (the spot) and keep it
there while the five kinds (of spirits) listen. On finishing, then
blow once. Repeat four times, beginning each time from the start. On
finishing the fourth time, then blow four times. Have two white beads
lying in the shell, together with a little of the medicine. Don’t
interfere with it, but have a good deal boiling in another vessel--a
bowl will do very well--and rub it on warm while treating by applying
the hands. And this is the medicine: What is called Yâ´na-Utsĕ´sta
(“bear’s bed,” the Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern); and the
other is called Kâ´ga-Asgû´[n]tagĭ (“crow’s shin,” the Adianthum
pedatum or Maidenhair fern); and the other is the common Egû´[n]lĭ
(another fern); and the other is the Little Soft (-leaved)
Egû´[n]lĭ (Osmunda Cinnamonea or cinnamon fern), which grows in the
rocks and resembles Yâna-Utsĕ´sta and is a small and soft (-leaved)
Egû´[n]lĭ. Another has brown roots and another has black roots. The
roots of all should be (used).

Begin doctoring early in the morning; let the second (application) be
while the sun is still near the horizon; the third when it has risen
to a considerable height (10 a.m.); the fourth when it is above at
noon. This is sufficient. (The doctor) must not eat, and the patient
also must be fasting.

[Footnote 10: _Ada´wĕhĭ_ is a word used to designate one supposed
to have supernatural powers, and is applied alike to human beings
and to the spirits invoked in the formulas. Some of the mythic heroes
famous for their magic deeds are spoken of as _ada´wĕhĭ_ (plural
_anida´wĕhĭ_ or _anida´we_), but in its application to mortals
the term is used only of the very greatest shamans. None of those
now belonging to the band are considered worthy of being thus called,
although the term was sometimes applied to one, Usawĭ, who died some
years ago. In speaking of himself as an ada´wĕhĭ, as occurs in some
of the formulas, the shaman arrogates to himself the same powers that
belong to the gods. Our nearest equivalent is the word magician, but
this falls far short of the idea conveyed by the Cherokee word. In
the bible translation the word is used as the equivalent of angel or
spirit.]


_Explanation._

As this formula is taken from the manuscript of Gahuni, who died
nearly thirty years ago, no definite statement of the theory of the
disease, or its treatment, can be given, beyond what is contained in
the formula itself, which, fortunately, is particularly explicit;
most doctors contenting themselves with giving only the words of the
prayer, without noting the ceremonies or even the medicine used. There
are various theories as to the cause of each disease, the most common
idea in regard to rheumatism being that it is caused by the spirits of
the slain animals, generally the deer, thirsting for vengeance on the
hunter, as has been already explained in the myth of the origin of
disease and medicine.

The measuring-worm (Catharis) is also held to cause rheumatism, from
the resemblance of its motions to those of a rheumatic patient, and
the name of the worm _wahhĭlĭ´_ is frequently applied also to the
disease.

There are formulas to propitiate the slain animals, but these are a
part of the hunting code and can only be noticed here, although it may
be mentioned in passing that the hunter, when about to return to the
settlement, builds a fire in the path behind him, in order that the
deer chief may not be able to follow him to his home.

The disease, figuratively called the intruder (ulsgéta), is regarded
as a living being, and the verbs used in speaking of it show that it
is considered to be long, like a snake or fish. It is brought by the
deer chief and put into the body, generally the limbs, of the hunter,
who at once begins to suffer intense pain. It can be driven out only
by some more powerful animal spirit which is the natural enemy of the
deer, usually the dog or the Wolf. These animal gods live up above
beyond the seventh heaven and are the great prototypes of which the
earthly animals are only diminutive copies. They are commonly located
at the four cardinal points, each of which has a peculiar formulistic
name and a special color which applies to everything in the same
connection. Thus the east, north, west, and south are respectively the
Sun Land, the Frigid Land, the Darkening Land, and Wă´hală´, while
their respective mythologic colors are Red, Blue, Black, and White.
Wáhală is said to be a mountain far to the south. The white or red
spirits are generally invoked for peace, health, and other blessings,
the red alone for the success of an undertaking, the blue spirits to
defeat the schemes of an enemy or bring down troubles upon him, and
the black to compass his death. The white and red spirits are regarded
as the most powerful, and one of these two is generally called upon to
accomplish the final result.

In this case the doctor first invokes the Red Dog in the Sun Land,
calling him a great adáwehi, to whom nothing is impossible and who
never fails to accomplish his purpose. He is addressed as if out of
sight in the distance and is implored to appear running swiftly to the
help of the sick man. Then the supplication changes to an assertion
and the doctor declares that the Red Dog has already arrived to take
the disease and has borne away a small portion of it to the uttermost
ends of the earth. In the second, third, and fourth paragraphs the
Blue Dog of the Frigid Land, the Black Dog of the Darkening Land, and
the White Dog of Wáhală are successively invoked in the same terms
and each bears away a portion of the disease and disposes of it in
the same way. Finally, in the fifth paragraph, the White Terrapin of
Wáhălă is invoked. He bears off the remainder of the disease and
the doctor declares that relief is accomplished. The connection of the
terrapin in this formula is not evident, beyond the fact that he is
regarded as having great influence in disease, and in this case the
beads and a portion of the medicine are kept in a terrapin shell
placed upon the diseased part while the prayer is being recited.

The formulas generally consist of four paragraphs, corresponding to
four steps in the medical ceremony. In this case there are five, the
last being addressed to the terrapin instead of to a dog. The prayers
are recited in an undertone hardly audible at the distance of a few
feet, with the exception of the frequent _ha_, which seems to be used
as an interjection to attract attention and is always uttered in a
louder tone. The beads--which are here white, symbolic of relief--are
of common use in connection with these formulas, and are held between
the thumb and finger, placed upon a cloth on the ground, or, as in
this case, put into a terrapin shell along with a small portion of the
medicine. According to directions, the shell has no other part in the
ceremony.

The blowing is also a regular part of the treatment, the doctor either
holding the medicine in his mouth and blowing it upon the patient, or,
as it seems to be the case here, applying the medicine by rubbing,
and blowing his breath upon the spot afterwards. In some formulas the
simple blowing of the breath constitutes the whole application. In
this instance the doctor probably rubs the medicine upon the affected
part while reciting the first paragraph in a whisper, after which he
blows once upon the spot. The other paragraphs are recited in the
same manner, blowing once after each. In this way the whole formula
is repeated four times, with four blows at the end of the final
repetition. The directions imply that the doctor blows only at the end
of the whole formula, but this is not in accord with the regular mode
of procedure and seems to be a mistake.

The medicine consists of a warm decoction of the roots of four
varieties of fern, rubbed on with the hand. The awkward description
of the species shows how limited is the Indian’s power of botanic
classification. The application is repeated four times during the same
morning, beginning just at daybreak and ending at noon. Four is the
sacred number running through every detail of these formulas, there
being commonly four spirits invoked in four paragraphs, four blowings
with four final blows, four herbs in the decoction, four applications,
and frequently four days’ gaktu[n]´ta or tabu. In this case no tabu
is specified beyond the fact that both doctor and patient must be
fasting. The tabu generally extends to salt or lye, hot food and
women, while in rheumatism some doctors forbid the patient to eat the
foot or leg of any animal, the reason given being that the limbs are
generally the seat of the disease. For a similar reason the patient is
also forbidden to eat or even to touch a squirrel, a buffalo, a cat,
or any animal which “humps” itself. In the same way a scrofulous
patient must not eat turkey, as that bird seems to have a scrofulous
eruption on its head, while ball players must abstain from eating
frogs, because the bones of that animal are brittle and easily broken.


HIĂ‘-NÛ´ NASGWÛ´ DIDÛ[n]LĚ´SKǏ ADĂNÛ´[n]WÂTǏ.

  Asga´ya yûkanû´[n]wĭ        | Yû! Higĕ´‘ya Gigage´ĭ tsûdante´lûhĭ
  _Agĕ´‘ya Giagage´ĭ_ atătĭ´; | gese´ĭ. Ulsge´ta hi´tsanu´y’tani´leĭ´.
  agĕ´‘ya-nû yûkanû´[n]wĭ     | Ha-Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ Ulsge´ta
  _Asga´ya Gigage´ĭ_ atătĭ´.  | hi´tsanu´y’tani´leĭ´.
                              | Ha-Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ nûnta´tsûdălenû´hĭ
                              | gese´ĭ. Gasgilâ´ gigage´ĭ tsusdi´ga
                              | tetsadĭ´ilĕ´ detsala´siditĕ-gĕ´ĭ.
                              | Hanâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu detsaldisi´yûĭ.

Utsĭ(nă´)wa nu´tatanû´[n]ta. Usû´hita nutanû´na.
Utsĭnă´wa-gwû nigû[n]tisge´stĭ.

(Degâ´sisisgû´[n]ĭ)--Hiă-gwû´ nigaû´ kanâhe´ta. Nû´‘kiba
nagû´nkw’tisga´ dagû´[n]stiskû´ĭ. Sâ´gwa nû[n]skwû´ta
gûnstû´[n]ĭ agûnstagi´s-kâĭ hû[n]tsatasgâ´ĭ
nû´‘kine-‘nû û[n]skwû´ta nû´‘kĭ nû[n]tsâtasgâ´ĭ.
Hiă-‘nû´ nû´[n]wâtĭ: Egû´[n]lĭ, Yâ´na-‘nû Utsĕsdâ´gĭ,
(U)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´ Egû´[n]lĭ, tă´lĭ tsinu´dalĕ´ha,
Kâ´ga-‘nû Asgû´[n]tagĕ tsiû[n]nâ´sehâ´ĭ, Da´yĭ-‘nû
Uwâ´yĭ tsiû[n]nâ´sehâ´ĭ. Su´talĭ iyutale´gĭ unaste´tsa
agâ´tĭ, uga´nawû‘nû´ dagûnsta´‘tisgâ´ĭ nû´[n]wâtĭ
asû[n]ga‘la´ĭ. Usû´hĭ adanû´[n]wâtĭ, nu´‘kĭ tsusû´hita
dulsi´nisû´[n] adanû´[n]wâti. Ă‘nawa´gi-‘nû dilasula´gĭ
gesû´[n]ĭ ûlĕ´ tsĭkani´kaga´ĭ gûw’sdi´-gwû utsawa´ta
ă‘nawa´-gwû-nû´.

Hiă-nû´ gaktû´[n]ta gûlkwâ´gĭ tsusû´hita.
Gû´[n]wădana´datlahistĭ´ nige´sû[n]na--Salâ´lĭ,
gi´‘li-‘nû, wĕ´sa-‘nû, ă´tatsû-nû´, a´mă-‘nû´,
anigĕ´‘ya-nû. Uda‘lĭ´ ya´kanû[n]wi´ya nû´‘kiha tsusû´hita
unădană´lâtsi´-tastĭ nige´sû[n]na. Gasgilâ´gi-‘nû
uwă´su[n]-gwû´ u´skĭladi´stĭ uwă´sû nû´‘kĭ
tsusû´hită´. Disâ´i-‘nû dega´sgilâ û´[n]tsa nû‘nă´
uwa´‘tĭ yigesûĭ nû´‘kĭ tsusû´hita.


_Translation._

AND THIS ALSO IS FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER.

Yû! O Red Woman, you have caused it. You have put the intruder under
him. Ha! now you have come from the Sun Land. You have brought the
small red seats, with your feet resting upon them. Ha! now they have
swiftly moved away from you. Relief is accomplished. Let it not be for
one night alone. Let the relief come at once.

(Prescription)--(_corner note at top_.) If treating a man one must say
_Red Woman_, and if treating a woman one must say _Red Man_.

This is just all of the prayer. Repeat it four times while laying on
the hands. After saying it over once, with the hands on (the body
of the patient), take off the hands and blow once, and at the fourth
repetition blow four times. And this is the medicine. Egû´[n]lĭ
(a species of fern). Yâ´-na-Utsĕ´sta (“bear’s bed,” the
Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern), _two_ varieties of the
soft-(leaved) Egû´[n]lĭ (one, the small variety, is the Cinnamon
fern, Osmunda cinnamonea), and what is called Kâ´ga Asgû´[n]tagĕ
(“crow’s shin,” the Adiantum pedatum or Maidenhair fern) and what is
called Da´yĭ-Uwâ´yĭ (“beaver’s paw”--not identified). Boil the
roots of the six varieties together and apply the hands warm with the
medicine upon them. Doctor in the evening. Doctor four consecutive
nights. (The pay) is cloth and moccasins; or, if one does not have
them, just a little dressed deerskin and some cloth.

And this is the tabu for seven nights. One must not touch a squirrel,
a dog, a cat, the mountain trout, or women. If one is treating a
married man they (_sic_) must not touch his wife for four nights. And
he must sit on a seat by himself for four nights, and must not sit on
the other seats for four nights.


_Explanation._

The treatment and medicine in this formula are nearly the same as in
that just given, which is also for rheumatism, both being written
by Gahuni. The prayer differs in several respects from any other
obtained, but as the doctor has been dead for years it is impossible
to give a full explanation of all the points. This is probably the
only formula in the collection in which the spirit invoked is the “Red
Woman,” but, as explained in the corner note at the top, this is only
the form used instead of “Red Man,” when the patient is a man. The Red
Man, who is considered perhaps the most powerful god in the Cherokee
pantheon, is in some way connected with the thunder, and is invoked
in a large number of formulas. The change in the formula, according
to the sex of the patient, brings to mind a belief in Irish folk
medicine, that in applying certain remedies the doctor and patient
must be of opposite sexes. The Red Man lives in the east, in
accordance with the regular mythologic color theory, as already
explained. The seats also are red, and the form of the verb indicates
that the Red Woman is either standing upon them (plural) or sitting
with her feet resting upon the rounds. These seats or chairs are
frequently mentioned in the formulas, and always correspond in color
with the spirit invoked. It is not clear why the Red Woman is held
responsible for the disease, which is generally attributed to the
revengeful efforts of the game, as already explained. In agreement
with the regular form, the disease is said to be put under (not into)
the patient. The assertion that the chairs “have swiftly moved away”
would seem from analogy to mean that the disease has been placed upon
the seats and thus borne away. The verb implies that the seats move
by their own volition. Immediately afterward it is declared that
relief is accomplished. The expression “usû´hita nutanû´na” occurs
frequently in these formulas, and may mean either “let it not be for
one night alone,” or “let it not stay a single night,” according to
the context.

The directions specify not only the medicine and the treatment, but
also the doctor’s fee. From the form of the verb the tabu, except as
regards the seat to be used by the sick person, seems to apply to
both doctor and patient. It is not evident why the mountain trout
is prohibited, but the dog, squirrel, and cat are tabued, as already
explained, from the fact that these animals frequently assume
positions resembling the cramped attitude common to persons afflicted
by rheumatism. The cat is considered especially uncanny, as coming
from the whites. Seven, as well as four, is a sacred number with the
tribe, being also the number of their gentes. It will be noted that
time is counted by nights instead of by days.


HIÂ´ I´NATÛ YUNISKÛ´LTSA ADANÛ´NWÂTǏ.

  1. _Dûnu´wa_, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa (_song_).
    Sgĕ! Ha-Walâ´sĭ-gwû tsû[n]lû´[n]tani´ga.
  2. _Dayuha_, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha dayuha (_song_).
    Sgĕ! Ha-_Usugĭ_-gwû tsû[n]-lû[n]´-tani´ga.

(Degâ´sisisgû´[n]ĭ).--Kanâgi´ta nâyâ´ga hiă´
dilentisg´û[n]ĭ. Tă´lĭ igû´nkw’ta‘tĭ, ûlĕ´ talinĕ´
tsutanû´[n]na nasgwû´ tâ´lĭ igû´nkw’ta‘tĭ´. Tsâ´la
aganû´[n]lieskâĭ´ tsâ´la yikani´gû[n]gû´âĭ´
watsi´la-gwû ganû[n]li´yĕtĭ uniskûl‘tsû´[n]ĭ. Nû´‘kĭ
nagade´stisgâĭ´ aganû[n]li´esgû[n]ĭ. Akskû´nĭ
gadest´a‘tĭ, nûû‘kĭ nagade´ sta hû[n]tsatasgâ´ĭ.
Hiă-‘nû´ i´natû akti´sĭ udestâ´ĭ yigû´n‘ka, naski-‘nû´
tsagadû´lăgisgâ´ĭ iyu´stĭ gatgû´[n]ĭ.


_Translation._

THIS IS TO TREAT THEM IF THEY ARE BITTEN BY A SNAKE.

  1. Dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa.
    Listen! Ha! It is only a common frog which has passed by and put
          it (the intruder) into you.
  2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha.
    Listen! Ha! It is only an _Usu´‘gĭ_ which has passed by and
          put it into you.

(Prescription.)--Now this at the beginning is a song. One should say
it twice and also say the second line twice. Rub tobacco (juice) on
the bite for some time, or if there be no tobacco just rub on saliva
once. In rubbing it on, one must go around four times. Go around
toward the left and blow four times in a circle. This is because in
lying down the snake always coils to the right and this is just the
same (_lit._ “means like”) as uncoiling it.


_Explanation._

This is also from the manuscript book of Gahuni, deceased, so that no
explanation could be obtained from the writer. The formula consists of
a song of two verses, each followed by a short recitation. The whole
is repeated, according to the directions, so as to make four verses
or songs; four, as already stated, being the sacred number running
through most of these formulas. Four blowings and four circuits in the
rubbing are also specified. The words used in the songs are sometimes
composed of unmeaning syllables, but in this case dûnuwa and dayuha
seem to have a meaning, although neither the interpreter nor the
shaman consulted could explain them, which may be because the words
have become altered in the song, as frequently happens. Dûnu´wa
appears to be an old verb, meaning “it has penetrated,” probably
referring to the tooth of the reptile. These medicine songs are always
sung in a low plaintive tone, somewhat resembling a lullaby. Usu´‘gĭ
also is without explanation, but is probably the name of some small
reptile or batrachian.

As in this case the cause of the trouble is evident, the Indians have
no theory to account for it. It may be remarked, however, that when
one dreams of being bitten, the same treatment and ceremonies must
be used as for the actual bite; otherwise, although perhaps years
afterward, a similar inflammation will appear on the spot indicated
in the dream, and will be followed by the same fatal consequences. The
rattlesnake is regarded as a supernatural being or ada´wehi, whose
favor must be propitiated, and great pains are taken not to offend
him. In consonance with this idea it is never said among the people
that a person has been bitten by a snake, but that he has been
“scratched by a brier.” In the same way, when an eagle has been shot
for a ceremonial dance, it is announced that “a snowbird has been
killed,” the purpose being to deceive the rattlesnake or eagle spirits
which might be listening.

The assertion that it is “only a common frog” or “only an Usu´‘gĭ”
brings out another characteristic idea of these formulas. Whenever the
ailment is of a serious character, or, according to the Indian theory,
whenever it is due to the influence of some powerful disease spirit
the doctor always endeavors to throw contempt upon the intruder, and
convince it of his own superior power by asserting the sickness to
be the work of some inferior being, just as a white physician might
encourage a patient far gone with consumption by telling him that the
illness was only a slight cold. Sometimes there is a regular scale of
depreciation, the doctor first ascribing the disease to a rabbit or
groundhog or some other weak animal, then in succeeding paragraphs
mentioning other still less important animals and finally declaring it
to be the work of a mouse, a small fish, or some other insignificant
creature. In this instance an ailment caused by the rattlesnake, the
most dreaded of the animal spirits, is ascribed to a frog, one of the
least importance.

In applying the remedy the song is probably sung while rubbing the
tobacco juice around the wound. Then the short recitation is repeated
and the doctor blows four times in a circle about the spot. The whole
ceremony is repeated four times. The curious directions for uncoiling
the snake have parallels in European folk medicine.


GÛ[n]WĂNI´GISTÂ´Ǐ ADANU´[n]WÂTǏ.

Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕiyu, gahus´tĭ aginúl‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Gû[n]gwădag´anad‘diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Wăhuhu´-gwû
hitagu´sgastanĕ‘hĕĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa hŭ‘kikahû[n]û´
ha-dusŭ´‘gahĭ digesû´[n]ĭ, iyû´[n]ta
wû[n]‘kidâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Gû[n]gwădaga´nad’diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Uguku´-gwû
hitagu´sgastanĕ´heĭ´ udâhi´yu tag´u´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ´.
Ha-na´gwadi´na hû[n]kikahû[n]nû´. Ha-nânâ´hĭ digesŭ´[n]ĭ
iyû´[n]ta wû[n]‘kidâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Gû[n]gwădaga´nad’diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Tsistu-gwû
hitagu´sgastanĕ´he´ĭudâhi´yu tag´usgastanĕ´hĕĭ´.
Ha-nâ´gwadi´na hû´[n]kikahû´[n]nû. Ha-sunû[n]da´sĭ
iyû´[n]ta kane´skawâ´dihĭ digesû´[n]ĭ,
wû[n]‘kidâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Gû[n]gwădaga´nad’di´yû tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-De´tsata´-gwû
(hi)tagu´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ udâhi´yu tagu´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ.
Ha-nâ´gwadi´na hû[n]kikahû´[n]a. Ha-udâ´tale´ta
digesû´[n]ĭ, iyû´[n]ta wû[n]‘kidâ´hĭstani´ga.

(Degâ´sisisgû´[n]ĭ)--Hiă´-skĭnĭ´ unsdi´ya
dĭkanû´[n]wâtĭ tsa‘natsa´yihâ´ĭ tsaniska´iha´ĭ;
gû[n]wani´gista´ĭ hi´anûdĭ´sgaĭ´. Ămă´
dûtsati´stĭsgâ´ĭ nû´‘kĭ tsusû´hita dĭkanû´[n]wâtĭ
Ulsinide´na dakanû´[n]wisgâ´ĭ. Ŭ´[n]tsa iyû´[n]ta
witunini´dastĭ yigesâ´ĭ.


_Translation._

TO TREAT THEM WHEN SOMETHING IS CAUSING SOMETHING TO EAT THEM.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere screech
owl that has frightened him. Ha! now I have put it away in the laurel
thickets. There I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere hooting
owl that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha!
At once I have put it away in the spruce thickets. Ha! There I compel
it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a rabbit
that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha!
Instantly I have put it away on the mountain ridge. Ha! There in the
broom sage I compel it to remain.

Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a mountain
sprite that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him.
Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the bluff. Ha! There I compel it
to remain.

(Prescription)--Now this is to treat infants if they are affected by
crying and nervous fright. (Then) it is said that something is causing
something to eat them. To treat them one may blow water on them for
four nights. Doctor them just before dark. Be sure not to carry them
about outside the house.


_Explanation._

The Cherokee name for this disease is Gu[n]wani´gistâĭ´, which
signifies that “something is causing something to eat,” or gnaw the
vitals of the patient. The disease attacks only infants of tender age
and the symptoms are nervousness and troubled sleep, from which the
child wakes suddenly crying as if frightened. The civilized doctor
would regard these as symptoms of the presence of worms, but although
the Cherokee name might seem to indicate the same belief, the real
theory is very different.

Cherokee mothers sometimes hush crying children, by telling them that
the screech owl is listening out in the woods or that the De´tsata--a
malicious little dwarf who lives in caves in the river bluffs--will
come and get them. This quiets the child for the time and is so far
successful, but the animals, or the De´tsata, take offense at being
spoken of in this way, and visit their displeasure upon the _children
born to the mother afterward_. This they do by sending an animal into
the body of the child to gnaw its vitals. The disease is very common
and there are several specialists who devote their attention to
it, using various formulas and prescriptions. It is also called
ătawi´nĕhĭ, signifying that it is caused by the “dwellers in the
forest,” i.e., the wild game and birds, and some doctors declare that
it is caused by the revengeful comrades of the animals, especially
birds, killed by the father of the child, the animals tracking the
slayer to his home by the blood drops on the leaves. The next formula
will throw more light upon this theory.

In this formula the doctor, who is certainly not overburdened with
modesty, starts out by asserting that he is a great ada´wehi, who
never fails and who surpasses all others. He then declares that the
disease is caused by a mere screech owl, which he at once banishes
to the laurel thicket. In the succeeding paragraphs he reiterates his
former boasting, but asserts in turn that the trouble is caused by a
mere hooting owl, a rabbit, or even by the De´tsata, whose greatest
exploit is hiding the arrows of the boys, for which the youthful
hunters do not hesitate to rate him soundly. These various
mischief-makers the doctor banishes to their proper haunts, the
hooting owl to the spruce thicket, the rabbit to the broom sage on the
mountain side, and the De´tsata to the bluffs along the river bank.

Some doctors use herb decoctions, which are blown upon the body of the
child, but in this formula the only remedy prescribed is water, which
must be blown upon the body of the little sufferer just before dark
for four nights. The regular method is to blow once each at the end of
the first, second, and third paragraphs and four times at the end of
the fourth or last. In diseases of this kind, which are not supposed
to be of a local character, the doctor blows first upon the back of
the head, then upon the left shoulder, next upon the right shoulder,
and finally upon the breast, the patient being generally sitting, or
propped up in bed, facing the east. The child must not be taken out
of doors during the four days, because should a bird chance to fly
overhead so that its shadow would fall upon the infant, it would _fan
the disease back_ into the body of the little one.


GÛ[n]WANI´GISTÛ´[n]Ǐ DITANÛ[n]WÂTI´YǏ

Yû! Sgĕ! Usĭnu´lĭ hatû´[n]gani´ga, Giya´giya´ Sa‘ka´nĭ,
ew’satâ´gĭ tsûl‘da´histĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ hatlasi´ga.
Tsis´kwa-gwû´ ulsge´ta uwu´tlani‘lĕĭ´. Usĭnuli´yu
atsahilu´gĭsi´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´[n]ta. Yû!

Yû! Sgĕ! Usĭnu´lĭ hatû´[n]gani´ga, Diga´tiskĭ Wâtige´ĭ,
galû´[n]latĭ iyû´[n]ta ditsûl‘dâ´histĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa
usĭnu´lĭ hatlasi´ga. Tsi´skwa-gwû dĭtu´nila´w’itsû´hĭ
higese´ĭ. Usĭnûlĭ kĕ‘tati´gû‘lahi´ga. Utsĭnă´wa
adû[n]ni´ga. Yû!


_Translation._

TO TREAT GÛ[n]WANI´GISTÛ´[n]Ǐ--(SECOND).

Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue
Sparrow-Hawk; in the spreading tree tops you are at rest. Quickly you
have come down. The intruder is only a bird which has overshadowed
him. Swiftly you have swooped down upon it. Relief is accomplished.
Yû!

Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown
Rabbit-Hawk; you are at rest there above. Ha! Swiftly now you have
come down. It is only the birds which have come together for
a council. Quickly you have come and scattered them. Relief is
accomplished. Yû!


_Explanation._

This formula, also for Gû[n]wani´gistû´[n]ĭ or Atawinĕ´hĭ, was
obtained from A‘wan´ita (Young Deer), who wrote down only the prayer
and explained the treatment orally. He coincides in the opinion that
this disease in children is caused by the birds, but says that it
originates from the shadow of a bird flying overhead having fallen
upon the pregnant mother. He says further that the disease is easily
recognized in children, but that it sometimes does not develop until
the child has attained maturity, when it is more difficult to discern
the cause of the trouble, although in the latter case dark circles
around the eyes are unfailing symptoms.

The prayer--like several others from the same source--seems
incomplete, and judging from analogy is evidently incorrect in some
respects, but yet exemplifies the disease theory in a striking manner.
The disease is declared to have been caused by the birds, it being
asserted in the first paragraph that a bird has cast its shadow
upon the sufferer, while in the second it is declared that they
have gathered in council (in his body). This latter is a favorite
expression in these formulas to indicate the great number of the
disease animals. Another expression of frequent occurrence is to
the effect that the disease animals have formed a settlement or
established a townhouse in the patient’s body. The disease animal,
being a bird or birds, must be dislodged by something which preys upon
birds, and accordingly the Blue Sparrow-Hawk from the tree tops and
the Brown Rabbit-Hawk (Diga´tiskĭ--“One who snatches up”), from
above are invoked to drive out the intruders. The former is then said
to have swooped down upon them as a hawk darts upon its prey, while
the latter is declared to have scattered the birds which were
holding a council. This being done, relief is accomplished. Yû! is
a meaningless interjection frequently used to introduce or close
paragraphs or songs.

The medicine used is a warm decoction of the bark of Kûnstû´tsĭ
(Sassafras--Sassafras officinale), Kanû[n]si´ta (Flowering
Dogwood--Cornus florida), Udâ´lana (Service tree--Amelanchier
Canadensis), and Uni´kwa (Black Gum--Nyssa multiflora), with the
roots of two species (large and small) of Da´yakalĭ´skĭ (Wild
Rose--Rosa lucida). The bark in every case is taken from the east side
of the tree, and the roots selected are also generally, if not always,
those growing toward the east. In this case the roots and barks are
not bruised, but are simply steeped in warm water for four days. The
child is then stripped and bathed all over with the decoction morning
and night for four days, no formula being used during the bathing. It
is then made to hold up its hands in front of its face with the palms
turned out toward the doctor, who takes some of the medicine in his
mouth and repeats the prayer mentally, blowing the medicine upon the
head and hands of the patient at the final _Yû!_ of each paragraph.
It is probable that the prayer originally consisted of four
paragraphs, or else that these two paragraphs were repeated. The child
drinks a little of the medicine at the end of each treatment.

The use of salt is prohibited during the four days of the treatment,
the word (amă´) being understood to include lye, which enters
largely into Cherokee food preparations. No chicken or other feathered
animal is allowed to enter the house during the same period, for
obvious reasons, and strangers are excluded for reasons already
explained.


HIA´ DU´NIYUKWATISGÛ´[n]Í KANA´HÈHÛ.

Sgĕ! Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Kanani´skĭ
Gigage. Usĭnu´lĭ nû´[n]nâ gi´gage hĭnû[n]ni´ga.
Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ digi´gage usĭnû´lĭ
dehĭkssa´û[n]tani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesû´[n],
tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy’teĭ´.
Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ digi´gage dehada´û[n]tani´ga, adi´na
tsûlstai-yû´‘ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa gânagi´ta
da´tsatane´lĭ. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga.
Yû!

Hĭgayû´[n]lĭ Tsûne´ga hatû´[n]gani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´
gatû´[n]gisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,”
tsadûnû´hĭ. Na´ski-gâgû´ itsa´wesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ
hatu´[n]gani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nútatanû´ta nû[n]tû´neli´ga.
Yû!

Sgĕ! Uhyû[n]tlâ´yĭ tsûl‘dâ´histi Kanani´skĭ
Sa‘ka´nĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ nû´[n]nâ sa‘ka´nĭ hĭnû[n]ni´ga.
Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ (di)sa‘ka´nĭ usĭnu´lĭ
dehĭksa´û[n]tani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesû´[n],
tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy‘te(ĭ´).
Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ disa‘ka´nige dehada´û[n]taniga, adi´na
tsûlstai-yû´‘ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta
tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga.
Yû!

Hĭgayû´[n]lĭ Tsûne´ga hatû[n]gani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´
gatû´[n]gisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,”
tsadûnû´hĭ. Nas´kigâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ
hatû´[n]gani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga.
Yû!

Sgĕ! Usûhi´yĭ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ Kanani´skĭ Û´[n]nage.
Usĭnu´lĭ nû´[n]nâ û´[n]nage hĭnû[n]ni´ga.
Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ digû´[n]nage usĭnu´lĭ
dehĭksa´û[n]tani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesû´[n],
tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy‘teĭ´.
Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ digû´[n]nage dehada´û[n]tani´ga, adi´na
tsûlstai-yû´‘ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta
tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga. Yû!

Hĭgayû´[n]lĭ Tsûne´ga hatû[n]gani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´
gatû´[n]gisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,”
tsadûnû´hĭ. Na´skigâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ
hatû´[n]gani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga.
Yû!

Sgĕ! Galû´[n]latĭ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Kanani´skĭ Tsûne´ga.
Usĭnu´lĭ nû´[n]nâ une´ga hĭnû[n]ni´ga. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
astĭ´ tsune´ga usĭnu´lĭ dehĭksa´û[n] tani´ga. Ulsge´ta
kane´ge kayu´‘ga gesû´[n], tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ.
Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´săniy’teĭ´. Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ tsune´ga
dehada´û[n]tani´ga, adi´na tsûlstai-yû´‘ti-gwû higese´ĭ.
Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa
nu´tatanû´[n]ta, nû[n]tûneli´ga. Yû!

Hĭgayû´[n]lĭ Tsûne´ga hatû´[n]gani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´
gatû´[n]gisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,”
tsadûnû´hĭ. Naski-gâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ
hatû[n]gani´ga. U´tsĭna´wa nutatanû´[n]ta nû[n]tûneli´ga.
Yû!

(Degasi´sisgû´[n]ĭ)--Hiă´ duniyukwa´tisgû´[n]ĭ
dĭkanû´[n]wâtĭ ătanû´[n]sida´hĭ yĭ´gĭ. Na´skĭ
digû´nstanĕ´‘ti-gwû ûlĕ´ tsĭtsâtû´ yie´lisû.
Nigû[n]´-gwû usû´na [_for_ usûnda´na?] gû´[n]tatĭ
nayâ´ga nû´[n]watĭ unanû´[n]skă‘la´ĭ. Kane´ska dalâ´nige
unaste´tla tsĭ´gĭ. Se´lu dĭgahû‘nû´hĭ tsuni´yahĭstĭ´
nû´‘kĭ tsusû´hita, kanâhe´na-‘nû naskĭ´ iga´ĭ udanû´stĭ
hi´gĭ nayâ´ga.


_Translation._

THIS TELLS ABOUT MOVING PAINS IN THE TEETH (NEURALGIA?).

Listen! In the Sunland you repose, O Red Spider. Quickly you have
brought and laid down the red path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you
have brought down the red threads from above. The intruder in the
tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
red threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it
up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.”
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

Listen! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Spider. Quickly you have
brought and laid down the blue path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you
have brought down the blue threads from above. The intruder in the
tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
blue threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick
it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.”
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

Listen! In the Darkening Land you repose, O Black Spider. Quickly you
have brought and laid down the black path. O great ada´wehi, quickly
you have brought down the black threads from above. The intruder in
the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
black threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick
it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.”
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

Listen! You repose on high, O White Spider. Quickly you have brought
and laid down the white path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have
brought down the white threads from above. The intruder in the tooth
has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself
around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the white
threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.”
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!

(Prescription)--This is to treat them if there are pains moving about
in the teeth. It is only (necessary) to lay on the hands, or to blow,
if one should prefer. One may use any kind of a tube, but usually they
have the medicine in the mouth. It is the Yellow-rooted Grass (kane´
ska dalâ´nige unaste´tla; not identified.) One must abstain four
nights from cooked corn (hominy), and kanâhe´na (fermented corn
gruel) is especially forbidden during the same period.


_Explanation._

This formula is taken from the manuscript book of Gatigwanasti,
now dead, and must therefore be explained from general analogy. The
ailment is described as “pains moving about in the teeth”--that is,
affecting several teeth simultaneously--and appears to be neuralgia.
The disease spirit is called “the intruder” and “the tormentor” and
is declared to be a mere worm (tsgâ´ya), which has wrapped itself
around the base of the tooth. This is the regular toothache theory.
The doctor then calls upon the Red Spider of the Sunland to let down
the red threads from above, along the red path, and to take up the
intruder, which is just what the spider eats. The same prayer is
addressed in turn to the Blue Spider in the north, the Black Spider in
the west and the White Spider above (galû[n]´lati). It may be stated
here that all these spirits are supposed to dwell above, but when no
point of the compass is assigned, galû[n]´lati is understood to mean
directly overhead, but far above everything of earth. The dweller in
this overhead galû[n]´lati may be red, white, or brown in color. In
this formula it is white, the ordinary color assigned spirits dwelling
in the south. In another toothache formula the Squirrel is implored
to take the worm and put it between the forking limbs of a tree on the
north side of the mountain.

Following each supplication to the spider is another addressed to the
Ancient White, the formulistic name for fire. The name refers to its
antiquity and light-giving properties and perhaps also to the fact
that when dead it is covered with a coat of white ashes. In those
formulas in which the hunter draws omens from the live coals it is
frequently addressed as the Ancient Red.

The directions are not explicit and must be interpreted from analogy.
“Laying on the hands” refers to pressing the thumb against the jaw
over the aching tooth, the hand having been previously warmed over
the fire, this being a common method of treating toothache. The other
method suggested is to blow upon the spot (tooth or outside of jaw?) a
decoction of an herb described rather vaguely as “yellow-rooted grass”
either through a tube or from the mouth of the operator. Igawĭ´, a
toothache specialist, treats this ailment either by pressure with the
warm thumb, or by blowing tobacco smoke from a pipe placed directly
against the tooth. Hominy and fermented corn gruel (kanâhe´na)
are prohibited for the regular term of four nights, or, as we are
accustomed to say, four days, and special emphasis is laid upon the
gruel tabu.

The prayer to the Spider is probably repeated while the doctor is
warming his hands over the fire, and the following paragraph to the
Ancient White (the Fire) while holding the warm thumb upon the aching
spot. This reverses the usual order, which is to address the fire
while warming the hands. In this connection it must be noted that the
fire used by the doctor is never the ordinary fire on the hearth, but
comes from four burning chips taken from the hearth fire and generally
placed in an earthen vessel by the side of the patient. In some cases
the decoction is heated by putting into it seven live coals taken from
the fire on the hearth.


UNAWA STÎ EGWA (ADANÛ[n]WÂTÏ).

                     (2)      (3)       (4)        (5)       (6)
Sgĕ! Galû´[n]latĭ´ hinehi´ hinehi´yû hinida´we, utsinâ´wa adû[n]niga
                    12  12  22  34  33  566--Hayĭ´!

          (1)      (2)        (3)      (4)        (5)        (6)
Sgĕ! U[n]wadâ´hi hinehi´, hinehi´yû hinida´we, utsinâ´wa adû[n]ni´ga
                    12  12  22  34  33  566--Hayĭ´!

       (1)      (2)      (3)        (4)      (5)        (6)
Sgĕ! Nâtsihi´ hinehi´ hinehi´yû hinida´we utsinâ´wa adû[n]ni´ga
                    12  12  22  34  33  566--Hayĭ´!

      (1)     (2)       (3)       (4)       (5)        (6)
Sgĕ! Amâyi´ hinehi´, hinehi´yû hinida´we utsinâ´wa adû[n]ni´ga
                    12  12  22  33  33  566--Hayĭ´!

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]ngani´ga, Agalu´ga Tsûsdi´ga,
hida´wĕhĭ, â´tali tsusdiga´hĭ duda´w‘satû´[n]
ditsûldâ´histĭ. (Hida´wĕhĭ, gahu´stĭ
tsanu´lû[n]hû[n]sgĭ´ nige´sû[n]na.) Ha-nâ´gwa
da´tûlehû[n]gû´. Usdi´gi(yu) utiya´stanû[n]´(hĭ)
(higese´i). (Hû[n])hiyala´gistani´ga igâ´tĭ
usdigâ´hĭ usa´hĭlagĭ´ Igâtu´ltĭ nû[n]nâ´hĭ
wĭte´tsatănû[n]´û[n]sĭ´. A´ne´tsâge´ta _getsatûnĕhĭ_
nû[n]gûlstani´ga igû[n]´wûlstanita´sti-gwû. Ati´gale´yata
tsûtû´neli´ga. Utsĭnâ´wa [11] nigû[n]tisge´stĭ.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hû[n]hatû´[n]gani´ga, Agalu´ga Hegwahigwû´.
Â´talĭ tsegwâ´hĭ duda´w‘satû[n] iyû[n]ta ditsûldâ´histĭ.
Agalu´ga He´gwa, hausĭnu´lĭ da´tûlehû[n]gû.
Usdi´giyu utiya´stanû´[n]hĭ. Hiyala´gistani´ga ulsge´ta
igâ´t-egwâ´hĭ) usa´hĭlagĭ´. (Igat-(egwâ´hĭ iyû[n]´ta
nû[n]nâ´hĭ wĭtetsatanû´[n]û[n]sĭ´. A´ne´tsâge´ta
_getsatûne´litise´sti_ igû[n]´wûlstanita´sti-gwû.
Utsĭnâ´wa-gwû nutatanû[n]ta. Nigagĭ´ Yû!

(Degâsi´sisgû´[n]ĭ)--Unawa´stĭ e´gwa u´nitlû[n]gâ´ĭ.
Ta´ya gû´[n]tatĭ, ditsa´tista´‘ti. Tsâ´l-agayû´[n]lĭ
yă´hă ulû´[n]kwati-gwû nasgwû´.

[Footnote 11: So written and pronounced by A‘yû[n]´ini instead of
utsĭnă´wa.]


_Translation._

TO TREAT THE GREAT CHILL.

Listen! On high you dwell, On high you dwell--you dwell, you dwell.
Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you
dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ!

Listen! On Û[n]wadâ´hĭ you dwell, On Û[n]wadâhĭ you dwell--you
dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell,
forever you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ!

Listen! In the pines you dwell, In the pines you dwell--you dwell, you
dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever
you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ!

Listen! In the water you dwell, In the water you dwell, you dwell, you
dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever
you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayiĭ!

Listen! O now you have drawn near to hearken, O Little Whirlwind,
O ada´wehi, in the leafy shelter of the lower mountain, there you
repose. O ada´wehi, you can never fail in anything. Ha! Now rise up.
A very small portion [of the disease] remains. You have come to sweep
it away into the small swamp on the upland. You have laid down your
paths near the swamp. It is ordained that you shall scatter it as in
play, so that it shall utterly disappear. By you it must be scattered.
So shall there be relief.

Listen! O now again you have drawn near to hearken, O Whirlwind,
surpassingly great. In the leafy shelter of the great mountain there
you repose. O Great Whirlwind, arise quickly. A very small part [of
the disease] remains. You have come to sweep the intruder into the
great swamp on the upland. You have laid down your paths toward the
great swamp. You shall scatter it as in play so that it shall utterly
disappear. And now relief has come. All is done. Yû!

(Prescription.)--(This is to use) when they are sick with the great
chill. Take a decoction of wild cherry to blow upon them. If you have
Tsâ´l-agayû´[n]lĭ (“old tobacco”--_Nicotiana rustica_) it also is
very effective.


_Explanation._

Unawa´stĭ, “that which chills one,” is a generic name for
intermittent fever, otherwise known as fever and ague. It is much
dreaded by the Indian doctors, who recognize several varieties of
the disease, and have various theories to account for them. The above
formula was obtained from A‘yû´[n]ni (Swimmer), who described the
symptoms of this variety, the “Great Chill,” as blackness in the face,
with alternate high fever and shaking chills. The disease generally
appeared in spring or summer, and might return year after year. In the
first stages the chill usually came on early in the morning, but came
on later in the day as the disease progressed. There might be more
than one chill during the day. There was no rule as to appetite, but
the fever always produced an excessive thirst. In one instance the
patient fainted from the heat and would even lie down in a stream to
cool himself. The doctor believed the disease was caused by malicious
tsgâ´ya, a general name for all small insects and worms, excepting
intestinal worms. These tsgâ´ya--that is, the disease tsgâ´ya, not
the real insects and worms--are held responsible for a large number
of diseases, and in fact the tsgâ´ya doctrine is to the Cherokee
practitioner what the microbe theory is to some modern scientists. The
tsgâ´ya live in the earth, in the water, in the air, in the foliage
of trees, in decaying wood, or wherever else insects lodge, and as
they are constantly being crushed, burned or otherwise destroyed
through the unthinking carelessness of the human race, they are
continually actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their
vengeance, according to the doctors, they “establish towns” under the
skin of their victims, thus producing an irritation which results in
fevers, boils, scrofula and other diseases.

The formula begins with a song of four verses, in which the doctor
invokes in succession the spirits of the air, of the mountain, of
the forest, and of the water. Galû[n]latĭ, the word used in the
first verse, signifies, as has been already explained, “on high” or
“above everything,” and has been used by translators to mean heaven.
Û[n]wadâ´hĭ in the second verse is the name of a bald mountain
east of Webster, North Carolina, and is used figuratively to denote
any mountains of bold outline. The Cherokees have a tradition
to account for the name, which is derived from Û[n]wadâ´lĭ,
“provision house.” Nâ´tsihĭ´ in the third verse signifies
“pinery,” from nâ´‘tsĭ, “pine,” but is figuratively used to denote
a forest of any kind.

In the recitation which follows the song, but is used only in serious
cases, the doctor prays to the whirlwind, which is considered to
dwell among the trees on the mountain side, where the trembling of the
leaves always gives the first intimation of its presence. He declares
that a small portion of the disease still remains, the spirits
invoked in the song having already taken the rest, and calls upon the
whirlwind to lay down a path for it and sweep it away into the swamp
on the upland, referring to grassy marshes common in the small coves
of the higher mountains, which, being remote from the settlements, are
convenient places to which to banish the disease. Not satisfied with
this, he goes on to direct the whirlwind to scatter the disease as it
scatters the leaves of the forest, so that it shall utterly disappear.
In the Cherokee formula the verb a‘ne´tsâge´ta means literally
“to play,” and is generally understood to refer to the ball play,
a´ne´tsâ, so that to a Cherokee the expression conveys the idea of
catching up the disease and driving it onward as a player seizes
the ball and sends it spinning through the air from between his ball
sticks. Niga´gĭ is a solemn expression about equivalent to the Latin
consummatum est.

The doctor beats up some bark from the trunk of the wild cherry and
puts it into water together with seven coals of fire, the latter
being intended to warm the decoction. The leaves of Tsâl-agayû´[n]li
(Indian tobacco--Nicotiana rustica) are sometimes used in place of the
wild cherry bark. The patient is placed facing the sunrise, and the
doctor, taking the medicine in his mouth, blows it over the body of
the sick man. First, standing between the patient and the sunrise and
holding the medicine cup in his hand, he sings the first verse in a
low tone. Then, taking some of the liquid in his mouth, he advances
and blows it successively upon the top of the head, the right
shoulder, left shoulder, and breast or back of the patient, making
four blowings in all. He repeats the same ceremony with the second,
third, and fourth verse, returning each time to his original position.
The ceremony takes place in the morning, and if necessary is repeated
in the evening. It is sometimes necessary also to repeat the treatment
for several--generally four--consecutive days.

The recitation is not used excepting in the most serious cases, when,
according to the formula, “a very small portion” of the disease
still lingers. It is accompanied by blowing _of the breath alone_,
without medicine, probably in this case typical of the action of the
whirlwind. After repeating the whole ceremony accompanying the song,
as above described, the doctor returns to his position in front of
the patient and recites in a whisper the first paragraph to the Little
Whirlwind, after which he advances and blows his breath upon the
patient four times as he has already blown the medicine upon him. Then
going around to the north he recites the second paragraph to the Great
Whirlwind, and at its conclusion blows in the same manner. Then moving
around to the west--behind the patient--he again prays to the Little
Whirlwind with the same ceremonies, and finally moving around to the
south side he closes with the prayer to the Great Whirlwind, blowing
four times at its conclusion. The medicine must be prepared anew by
the doctor at the house of the patient at each application morning
or evening. Only as much as will be needed is made at a time, and the
patient always drinks what remains after the blowing. Connected with
the preparation and care of the medicine are a number of ceremonies
which need not be detailed here. The wild cherry bark must always be
procured fresh; but the Tsâl-agayû´[n]lĭ (“Old Tobacco”) leaves
may be dry. When the latter plant is used four leaves are taken and
steeped in warm water with the fire coals, as above described.


HIĂ´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‘TADI´NATANTI´YǏ. I.

Sgĕ! Hĭsga´ya Ts‘sdi´ga ha-nâ´gwa da´tûlehû[n]gû´
kĭlû-gwû´. Iyû´[n]ta agayû´[n]linasĭ´ taya´ĭ. Eska´niyŭ
unayĕ´histĭ´ nû[n]ta-yu´tanatĭ´. Sgĕ´! tinû´lĭtgĭ´!
Tleki´yu tsûtsestâ´gĭ hwĭnagĭ´. Yû!

Sgĕ! Hige´cya ts‘sdi´ga ha-nâ´gwa da´tûlehû[n]gû´
kĭlû-gwû´. Iyû[n]´ta tsûtu´tunasĭ´ tăya´ĭ. Eska´niyŭ
unayĕ´histĭ nû[n]tayu´tanatĭ´. Sgĕ! tinû´lĭtgĭ´!
Tleki´yu tsûtsestâ´ hwĭnagĭ´. Yû!


_Translation._

THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.

Listen! You little man, get up now at once. There comes an old woman.
The horrible [old thing] is coming, only a little way off. Listen!
Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû!

Listen! You little woman, get up now at once. There comes your
grandfather. The horrible old fellow is coming only a little way off.
Listen! Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû!


_Explanation._

In this formula for childbirth the idea is to frighten the child and
coax it to come, by telling it, if a boy, that an ugly old woman is
coming, or if a girl, that her grandfather is coming only a short
distance away. The reason of this lies in the fact that an old woman
is the terror of all the little boys of the neighborhood, constantly
teasing and frightening them by declaring that she means to live
until they grow up and then compel one of them to marry her, old and
shriveled as she is. For the same reason the maternal grandfather, who
is always a privileged character in the family, is especially dreaded
by the little girls, and nothing will send a group of children
running into the house more quickly than the announcement that an old
“granny,” of either sex is in sight.

As the sex is an uncertain quantity, the possible boy is always first
addressed in the formulas, and if no result seems to follow, the
doctor then concludes that the child is a girl and addresses her in
similar tones. In some cases an additional formula with the beads
is used to determine whether the child will be born alive or dead.
In most instances the formulas were formerly repeated with the
appropriate ceremonies by some old female relative of the mother,
but they are now the property of the ordinary doctors, men as well as
women.

This formula was obtained from the manuscript book of A‘yû´[n]inĭ,
who stated that the medicine used was a warm decoction of a plant
called Dalâ´nige Unaste´tsĭ (“yellow root”--not identified), which
was blown successively upon the top of the mother’s head, upon the
breast, and upon the palm of each hand. The doctor stands beside the
woman, who is propped up in a sitting position, while repeating the
first paragraph and then blows. If this produces no result he then
recites the paragraph addressed to the girl and again blows. A part of
the liquid is also given to the woman to drink. A‘yû´[n]inĭ claimed
this was always effectual.


(HIĂ´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‘TADI´NATANTI´YI. II.)

Hitsutsa, hitsu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ,
ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ! Hi´tsu´tsa, tleki´yu, gûltsû´tĭ,
gûltsû´tĭ, tinagâ´na, tinagâ´na!

Higĕ‘yu´tsa, higĕ‘yu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ,
ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ! Higĕ‘yu´tsa, tleki´yu, gû[n]gu´stĭ,
gû[n]gu´stĭ, tinagâ´na, tinagâ´na!


_Translation._

THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.

Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy,
hurry; a bow, a bow; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see who’ll get it!

Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little
girl, hurry; a sifter, a sifter; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see
who’ll get it!


_Explanation._

This formula was obtained from Takwati´hĭ, as given to him by
a specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the
treatment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient
as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine used
is simply cold water, the idea being to cause a sudden muscular action
by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or girl is
coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the one who can
get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in asking about the
sex of a new arrival, to inquire, “Is it a bow or a sifter?” or “Is it
ball sticks or bread?”


DALÂ´NI Û[n]NĂGE´Ǐ ADANÛ´[n]WÂTǏ.

  Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´,)
  Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´), Yû!

Sgĕ! Û[n]tal-e´gwâhĭ´ didultâ´hĭstĭ ulsge´ta. Usĭnu´lĭ
dâtitu´lene´ĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ dunu´y‘tani´leĭ´.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa statû´[n]gani´ga, nû[n]dâ´yĭ
distul‘tâ´histĭ, Stisga´ya Dĭst‘sdi´ga, stida´wehi-gâgû.
Û[n]tal-e´gwa dâtitulene´(ĭ) ulsge´ta. Usĭnu´lĭ
detĭstû´l‘tani´ga ulsge´ta. Ditu´talenû´[n]itsa nû[n]na´hĭ
[w]i´de´tutanû´[n]tasĭ´, nû[n]tadu´ktahû´[n]stĭ
nige´sû[n]na. Nû´‘gĭ iyayû´[n]latăgĭ´ ayâwe´sâlû´[n]ta
de´dudûneli´sestĭ´, Gû´[n]tsatâtagi´yû
tistadi´gûlahi´sestĭ. Tiduda´le‘nû´(ĭ) û´[n]tale´gwâ
[w][i]tĭ´stûl‘tati´nû[n]tani´ga. Na´‘nă
witûl‘tâ´hĭstani´ga, tadu´ktahû´[n]stĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Ha-na´‘nă [w][i]d´ultâhiste´stĭ. (Yû!)

(Degasisisgû´[n]ĭ)--Hiă´ anine´tsĭ ga´‘tiskĭ
adanû´[n]wâtĭ. Ŭ´[n]tla atsi´la tĭ´‘tĭ yĭ´gĭ.


_Translation._

TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS.

  Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´,
  Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´ Yû!

Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen
up there. Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the
sick man).

Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun
Land you repose, O Little Men, O great anida´wehi! The intruder has
risen up there in the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the
intruder. His paths have laid themselves down toward the direction
whence he came. Let him never look back (toward us). When he stops
to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly along. Now he has
plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is compelled
to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (Yû!)

(Directions.)--This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire
(coals) is not put down.


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû[n]inĭ’s manuscript, is used in treating
a disease known as Dalâni, literally, “yellow.” From the vague
description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an
aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and
bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revengeful
animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle.

The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety
being distinguished as the “black dalâni” (Dalâni Û[n]nage´ĭ) and
considered the most dangerous. In this form of dalânĭ, according to
their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends of
his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and the
throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down suddenly
insensible. A‘yû[n]inĭ’s method of treatment is to rub the breast
and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been previously
rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry (ta´ya) bark. The
song is sung while rubbing the hands together in the liquid, and the
prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdomen of the patient.
The operation may be repeated several times on successive days.

The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low
plaintive lullaby tone, ending with a sharp _Yu!_ The prayer possesses
a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the
Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The “intruder,” which is held
to be some amphibious animal--as a terrapin, turtle, or snake--is
declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great lake,
situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under the
sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit _creeps under_ as a
snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed.

The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out the
disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they are
regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in the
formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of Kanati.

The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman, pull out
the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face toward the
sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows (expressed in
the word gû´[n]tsatatagi´yû) to the great lake from which he came.
On the road there are four gaps in the mountains, at each of which
the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually forced onward by
his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the lake, where he is
compelled to remain, without being permitted even to look back again.
The four gaps are mentioned also in other formulas for medicine and
the ball play and sometimes correspond with the four stages of the
treatment. The direction “No fire (coals) is put down” indicates that
no live coals are put into the decoction, the doctor probably using
water warmed in the ordinary manner.

Takwati´hĭ uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied
in the same manner. He agrees with A‘yû[n]inĭ in regard to the
general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by
neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for
instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle or
water tortoise (seligu´gĭ) is considered as an inferior being, with
but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of
its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (tûksĭ´).
In Takwatihĭ’s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of
which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put the
fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the terrapin
and snake to the hillside.


TSUNDAYE´LIGAKTANÛ´HǏ ADANÛ´[n]WÂTǏ.

Sgĕ! Hanâ´gwa hatû´[n]ganiga, galû´[n]latĭ hetsadâ´histĭ,
Kâ´lanû Û´[n]nage, gahu´stĭ tsanu´lahû´[n]sgĭ
nige´sû[n]na. Ha-nâ´gwa (hetsatsa´û[n]tani´ga.
Hanigû´[n]watû[n]nigwălâe´stigwû tsalâsû´[n]ĭ.
Asgin-u´danû higes´eĭ. Sanigala´gĭ gesû´[n]ĭ
hastigû´‘lani´ga, duwâlu´wa´tû´tĭ nige´sû[n]na,
nitû´neli´ga. Ha-Usûhi´yĭ wititâ´hĭstani´ga.
Dadu´satahû´[n]stĭ nige´sû[n]na nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa
nu´tatanû´[n]ta.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga, Kâ´lanû Gĭgage´ĭ,
hidawĕhi´yu. Ha-gahu´stĭ tsanu´lahû´[n]sgĭ nige´sû[n]na,
etsanetse´lûhĭ, Ha-galû[n]lati´tsa hetsatâ´histĭ. Nâ´gwa
hetsatsâ´û[n]tani´ga. Nigû´[n]watû´[n]nigwalâe´sti-gwû
tsalâsû´[n]ĭ. Asgin-udanû´hi-gwû higese´ĭ. Ha-Sanigalâgĭ
gesû´[n] hâstigû´‘lani´ga ulsge´ta, ha-utsĭnă´wa-gwû´
nigû´[n]tisge´stĭ. Usûhi´yĭ wĭntûnĕ´dû. Usûhi´yĭ
wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adû[n]ni´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga, Kâ´lanû Sa´ka´ni;
galû´latĭ hetsadâ´histĭ, hida´wĕhĭ. Gahu´stĭ
tsanu´lahû´[n]sgĭ nige´sû[n]na, etsanetse´lûhĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa
hetsatsâ´û[n]tani´ga. Nigû´[n]watû´[n]nigwalâe´sti-gwû
tsalâsû´[n]ĭ. Sanigalâ´gĭ gesu´[n] hastigû´‘lani´ga
ulsge´ta. Duwâlu´watû´tĭ nige´sû[n]na, nitû´neli´ga.
Usûhi´yĭ wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga, dadu´satahû´[n]stĭ
nige´sû[n]na nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adû[n]ni´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga, Wa´hĭlĭ galû[n]lti´tsa
hetsadâ´histĭ, Kâ´lanû Tsûne´ga, hida´wĕhĭ. Gahu´stĭ
tsanu´l‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Hanâ´gwa hetsatsâ´û[n]tani´ga.
Nigû´[n]watû´[n]nigwalâe´sti-gwû tsalâsû´[n]ĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa
detal‘tani´ga. Sanigalâ´gĭ gesû´[n] hastig´û‘lani´ga
ulsge´ta, duwâlu´watû´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na nitû´neli´ga.
Usûhi´yĭ wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga. Dadu´satahû´[n]stĭ
nige´sû[n]na nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adû[n]ni´ga.

(Dega´sisisgû´[n]ĭ)--Hiă´agi‘li´ya unitlû[n]gû´[n]ĭ
adanû´wâtĭ. Askwanu´tsastĭ´. Tsâ´l(a)
Agayû´[n]lĭunitsi´lû[n]nû´hĭgû´[n]tatĭ,
anû´[n]sga‘lâ´-gwû; Kanasâ´la-‘nû unali´gâhû,
ade´la´-‘nû nû´‘gi-gwû ani´gage´ĭ dahâ´ĭ,
Tsâliyu´stĭ-‘nû Usdi´ga. Gahu´sti-´‘nu yuta´suyû´[n]na
sâwatu´hi-gwû atĭ´ dawâ´hila-gwû iyû´[n]ta.


_Translation._

TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting
directly overhead. O Black Raven, you never fail in anything. Ha! Now
you are brought down. Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace
upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. You have
now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the
way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it
may never return. Let relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most
powerful ada´wehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was
ordained of you. Ha! You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you
are brought down. There shall remain but a trace upon the ground where
you have been. It is an evolute ghost. Ha! You have put the Intruder
into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief shall come. It (the
Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to rest in
the Darkening Land. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are
resting directly overhead, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything, for
so it was ordained of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall
be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. You have put
the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the
way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it
may never return. Let the relief come.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on
Wa´hĭlĭ, O White Raven, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything. Ha!
Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the
ground where you have been. Ha! Now you have taken it up. You have put
the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find
the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, never to
return. Let the relief come.

(Directions)--This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must
suck. Use Tsâ´lagayû[n]´-li (“Old Tobacco”--Nicotiana rustica),
blossoms, and just have them in the mouth, and Kanasâ´la (Wild
Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must lie there,
and Tsâliyu´sti Usdi´ga (“Little (plant) Like Tobacco”--Indian
Tobacco--Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with
it (i.e., after sucking the place), just put it about a hand’s-length
into the mud.


_Explanation._

The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its
serious nature. The technical term, Tsundaye´liga´ktanû´hĭ,
really refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues
when two old friends meet. In this instance it might be rendered
“an ordeal.” The application of such a name to what is considered a
serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice
of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the
disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him.
A‘yû[n]inĭ, from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the
disease is sometimes sent to a man by a friend or even by his parents,
in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells.

As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman’s theory
of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the symptoms,
which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indigestion, or
almost any other ailment.

In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an enemy,
through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate appetite,
causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally distended. By the
same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into the man’s body, causing
him to be affected by faintness and languor. The enemy, if bitterly
revengeful, may even put into the body of his victim a worm or insect
(tsgâya), or a sharpened stick of black locust or “fat” pine, which
will result in death if not removed by a good doctor. Sometimes a weed
stalk is in some occult manner conveyed into the patient’s stomach,
where it is transformed into a worm. As this disease is very common,
owing to constant quarrels and rival jealousies, there are a number of
specialists who devote their attention to it.

The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White Ravens,
their location at the four cardinal points not being specified,
excepting in the case of the white raven of Wa´hilĭ, which, as
already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence
is used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn
declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigala´gi--the
Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee River,
in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high precipitous
mountain--and to have left no more than a trace upon the ground where
it has been. The adjective translated “evolute” (udanûhĭ) is of
frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no exact equivalent in
English. It signifies springing into being or life from an embryonic
condition. In this instance it would imply that whatever object the
enemy has put into the body of the sick man has there developed into a
ghost to trouble him.

The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the
case with most of A‘yû[n]ini’s attempts at original composition. The
disease is here called by another name, agi‘li´ya unitlû[n]gû´[n]ĭ,
signifying “when they are painfully sick.” The treatment consists in
sucking the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during
the operation the blossoms of Tsâ´l-agayû´[n]lĭ (Nicotiana rustica),
Kanasâ´la (wild parsnip,) and Tsâliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata.) The
first and last of these names signify “tobacco” and “tobacco-like,”
while the other seems to contain the same word, tsâ´la, and the
original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use of
the various species of “tobacco,” the herb commonly used to drive away
a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads lie near
upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the perquisite
of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is probable that the
doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms named, rather
than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his mouth from the spot
and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected that there will be
found “mixed” with it a small stick, a pebble, an insect, or something
of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up to view as the
cause of the disease. It is afterward buried a “hand’s length”
(awâ´hilû)[12] deep in the mud. No directions were given as to diet
or tabu.

[Footnote 12: This word, like the expression “seven days,” frequently
has a figurative meaning. Thus the sun is said to be seven awâ´hilû
above the earth.]


HUNTING.

GÛNÂ´HILÛ´[n]TA UGÛ´[n]WA‘LǏ.

Una´lelŭ´ eskiska´l‘tasĭ´. Iskwa´lelŭ eskiska´l‘tasĭ´.
Yû! Ela-Kana´tĭ tsûlda´hĭstû´[n], tsûwatsi´la astû´[n]
detsatasi´ga. Ts’skwâ´lĭ uda´nisă´‘testĭ, ugwala´ga
udu´yaheti´dege´stĭ. Sunûsi´ya-gwû udanisă´‘testĭ,
ts’su´lti-gwû nige´sû[n]na.

Hĭkayû´[n]lĭ Gi´gage-gâgû´, tsine´tsĭ gesû´[n]
aw’stitege´stĭ. _Tsăstû´ utatiyĭ_, nâ´gwa _tsăs‘tû
gasû‘hisă‘tĭ atisge´stĭ_. Ha-nâ´gwa nû[n]nâ tsusdi´
tutana´wa-tegû´ _digana´watû´[n]ta_ atisge´stĭ.
Utalĭ´ udanû´hĭ ugwala´ga gû[n]watuy´ahĭti´tege´stĭ,
hĭlahiyû´[n]ta-gwû [w]ustû´‘stĭ nige´sû[n]na. D’stiskwâ´lĭ
deudû´nisă‘te´stĭ. Yû!


_Translation._

CONCERNING HUNTING.

Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yû! O Great Terrestrial Hunter,
I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach
cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a
single bend, and may you never be satisfied.

And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep.
Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious.
Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various
directions(?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and
may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall
bury it in your stomachs. Yû!


_Explanation._

This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the
hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter “goes
to water,” as already explained, and recites the appropriate formula.
In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels without
eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes to water,
reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he builds his
camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night, first rubbing
his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he starts out to
look for game.

“Give me the wind,” is a prayer that the wind may be in his favor,
so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here “Great
Terrestrial Hunter,” is in the original “Ela-Kana´tĭ.” In this
_e´la_ is the earth and _kana´tĭ_ is a term applied to a successful
hunter. The great Kanatĭ, who, according to the myth, formerly kept
all the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above
the sky, and is frequently invoked by hunters. The raven also is
often addressed as Kanatĭ in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kana´tĭ,
the Great Terrestrial Hunter--as distinguished from the other
two--signifies the river, the name referring to the way in which the
tiny streams and rivulets search out and bring down to the great
river the leaves and débris of the mountain forests. In formulas for
medicine, love, the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed
as the Long Person (Yû´[n]wĭ Gûnahi´ta). The “spittle” referred to
is the foam at the edge of the water. “Let your stomach be covered
with leaves” means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken
game shall fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water.
The hunter prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single
bend of the river to accomplish this result without the necessity of
searching through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays
that the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for
more. The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter
is supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In like
manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as the
“Ancient Red,” with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the deer.
The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he sleeps
and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his breast with
ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in order that the
fire may bring him dream omens of success for the morrow. The Fire is
addressed either as the Ancient White or the Ancient Red, the allusion
in the first case being to the light or the ashes of the fire; in the
other case, to the color of the burning coals. “You two shall bury it
in your stomachs” refers to the blood-stained leaves and the piece
of meat which are cast respectively into the river and the fire. The
formula was obtained from A‘yû[n]inĭ, who explained it in detail.


HIĂ´ TSI´SKWA GANÂHILIDASTI YǏ.

Tsĭgĕ´! Hĭkayû´[n]l-Une´ga, tsûltâ´histû´[n]
gûlitâ´hĭstani´ga. Nâ´gwa tsûda´ntâ talehĭ´sani´ga.
Sâ´gwa igûnsi´ya ts’skwâlĭ´ udû´nisate´stĭ, ts’su´ltĭ
nige´sû[n]na. Wane´(ĭ) tigi´gage(ĭ) tali´kanĕli´ga.
[U]´[n]talĭ udanû´hĭ tsăgista´‘tĭ.

Hĭkayû´[n]l-Une´ga, _anu´ya uwâtatâ´gĭ agi´stĭ
tătsiskâ´ltane´lûhĭ_. [U]´[n]talĭ u´danû´
_te´tûlskew´si´ga_.

Hĭkayû´[n]l-Une´ga, nû[n]na´(hĭ) kana´tĭ
skwatetâ´stani´ga. Unigwalû´[n]gĭ te´gatû[n]tsi´ga.
Nû[n]â´(hĭ) kana´tĭ tati´kiyû´[n]gwita´watise´stĭ.
Unigwalû´[n]gĭ tigû´[n]watû´tsanû´hĭ.

Hĭkayû´[n]l-Une´ga, Kana´tĭ, sk´salatâ´titege´stĭ,
sa‘ka´ni ginu´t’tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Sgĕ!


_Translation._

THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS.

Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest.
Now let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried
in your stomach, and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red
hickories have tied themselves together. The clotted blood is your
recompense.

O Ancient White, * * * Accept the clotted blood (?)

O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the
mangled things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with
them doubled up (under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the
mangled things.

O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never
become blue. Listen!


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû[n]inĭ’s manuscript, is recited by the
bird-hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting
camp before starting out for the day’s hunt. A‘yû[n]inĭ stated that
seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only a
“hand-length” (awâ´hilû) long. On rising in the morning the hunter,
standing over the fire, addresses it as the “Ancient White.” rubbing
his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then sets out for
the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day, and on reaching
it he shoots away the short arrow at random, without attempting to
trace its flight. There is of course some significance attached
to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer, but no further
information upon this point was obtainable. Having shot away the magic
arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing sound, intended to call
up the birds, and then goes to work with his remaining arrows. On all
hunting expeditions it is the regular practice, religiously enforced,
to abstain from food until sunset.

A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer season is
to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller birds on
account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient position amid
the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he deliberately
shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are exhausted,
when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the bodies of the birds
killed, and climbs up again to repeat the operation. As the light
darts used make no sound, the birds seldom take the alarm, and are too
busily engaged with the berries to notice their comrades dropping to
the ground from time to time, and pay but slight attention even to the
movements of the hunter.

The prayer is addressed to the Ancient White (the Fire), the spirit
most frequently invoked by the hunter, who, as before stated, rubs
his hands together over the fire while repeating the words. The
expressions used are obscure when taken alone, but are full of meaning
when explained in the light of the hunting customs. The “clotted
blood” refers to the bloodstained leaves upon which the fallen game
has lain. The expression occurs constantly in the hunting formulas.
The hunter gathers up these bloody leaves and casts them upon the
fire, in order to draw omens for the morrow from the manner in which
they burn. A part of the tongue, or some other portion of the animal,
is usually cast upon the coals also for the same purpose. This
subject will be treated at length in a future account of the hunting
ceremonies.

“Let it be buried in your stomach” refers also to the offering made
the fire. By the red hickories are meant the strings of hickory
bark which the bird hunter twists about his waist for a belt. The
dead birds are carried by inserting their heads under this belt.
Red is, of course, symbolic of his success. “The mangled things”
(unigwalû´[n]gĭ) are the wounded birds. Kana´tĭ is here used
to designate the fire, on account of its connection with the hunting
ceremonies.


INAGĚ´HǏ AYÂSTI[n]YǏ.

Usĭnuli´yu Selagwû´tsĭ Gigage´ĭ getsû´[n]neliga
tsûdandâgi´hĭ aye‘li´yu, usĭnuli´yu. Yû!


_Translation._

TO SHOOT DWELLERS IN THE WILDERNESS.

Instantly the Red Selagwû´tsĭ strike you in the very center of your
soul--instantly. Yû!


_Explanation._

This short formula, obtained from Â‘wani´ta, is recited by the
hunter while taking aim. The bowstring is let go--or, rather, the
trigger is pulled--at the final _Yû!_ He was unable to explain the
meaning of the word selagwû´tsĭ further than that it referred to
the bullet. Later investigation, however, revealed the fact that
this is the Cherokee name of a reed of the genus Erianthus, and the
inference follows that the stalk of the plant was formerly used for
arrow shafts. Red implies that the arrow is always successful in
reaching the mark aimed at, and in this instance may refer also to its
being bloody when withdrawn from the body of the animal. Inagĕ´hĭ,
“dwellers in the wilderness,” is the generic term for game, including
birds, but A‘wani´ta has another formula intended especially for
deer.


(YÂ´NA TǏ´KANÂGI´TA.)

  He+! Hayuya´haniwă´. hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
  Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanû, Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanû--Yoho´+!
  He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
  Kuwâhi´ nehandu´yanû´, Kuwâhi´ nehandu´yanû--Yoho´+!
  He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
  Uyâ‘ye´ nehandu´yanû´, Uya´ye´ nehahdu´yanû´--Yoho´+!
  He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
  Gâtekwâ´(hĭ) nehandu´yanû´, Gâtekwâ´(hĭ)
          nehandu´yanû´--Yoho´+!
  Ûlĕ-‘nû´ asĕhĭ´ tadeya´statakûhĭ´ gû´[n]nage astû´tsĭkĭ´.


_Translation._

BEAR SONG.

  He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
    In Rabbit Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+!
  He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
    In Mulberry Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+!
  He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
    In Uyâ´‘yĕ you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+!
  He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´,
          hayuya´haniwă´.
    In the Great Swamp (?) you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+!
  And now surely we and the good black things, the best of all,
          shall see each other.


_Explanation._

This song, obtained from A‘yû´[n]inĭ in connection with the story
of the Origin of the Bear, as already mentioned, is sung by the bear
hunter, in order to attract the bears, while on his way from the camp
to the place where he expects to hunt during the day. It is one of
those taught the Cherokees by the Ani-Tsâ´kahĭ before they lost
their human shape and were transformed into bears. The melody is
simple and plaintive.

The song consists of four verses followed by a short recitation. Each
verse begins with a loud prolonged _He+!_ and ends with _Yoho´+!_
uttered in the same manner. Hayuya´haniwă´ has no meaning.
Tsistu´yĭ, Kuwâ´hĭ, Uyâ´‘yĕ, and Gâte´kwâhĭ are four mountains, in
each of which the bears have a townhouse and hold a dance before
going into their dens for the winter. The first three named are high
peaks in the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, in the
neighborhood of Clingman’s Dome and Mount Guyot. The fourth is
southeast of Franklin, North Carolina, toward the South Carolina line,
and may be identical with Fodderstack Mountain. In Kuwahi dwells the
great bear chief and doctor, in whose magic bath the wounded bears are
restored to health. They are said to originate or be conceived in the
mountains named, because these are their headquarters. The “good black
things” referred to in the recitation are the bears.


HIĂ´ ATSÛ‘TI´YǏ TSUN´TANÛ.

Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa hitsatû´[n]gani´ga hitsiga´tugĭ´.
Titsila´wisû´[n]hĭ [u]wâgi´‘lĭ tege´tsûts‘gû´‘lawĭstĭ´.
Tsuli´stana´lû ûlĕ´ waktûĭ, agi´stĭ une´ka
itsû´[n]yatanilû´ĭstani´ga. Gû[n]watu´hwĭtû´ nû[n]nâ´hĭ
degûndâltsi´dâhe´stĭ. [u]Wâ´hisâ´nahĭ tigiwatsi´la.
Tutsegû´‘lawistĭ´tege´stĭ. Û[n]talĭ´ degû´[n]watanûhĭ,
uhisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Tsuwatsi´la dadâl‘tsi´ga. A‘yû
A‘yû´[n]inĭ tigwadâ´ita. Yû!


_Translation._

THIS IS FOR CATCHING LARGE FISH.

Listen! Now you settlements have drawn near to hearken. Where you have
gathered in the foam you are moving about as one. You Blue Cat and the
others, I have come to offer you freely the white food. Let the paths
from every direction recognize each other. Our spittle shall be in
agreement. Let them (your and my spittle) be together as we go about.
They (the fish) have become a prey and there shall be no loneliness.
Your spittle has become agreeable. I am called Swimmer. Yû!


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû[n]inĭ´s’ book, is for the purpose of
catching large fish. According to his instructions, the fisherman
must first chew a small piece of Yugwilû´ (Venus’ Flytrap--Dionæa
muscipula) and spit it upon the bait and also upon the hook. Then,
standing facing the stream, he recites the formula and puts the bait
upon the hook. He will be able to pull out a fish at once, or if the
fish are not about at the moment they will come in a very short time.

The Yugwilû´ is put upon the bait from the idea that it will enable
the hook to attract and hold the fish as the plant itself seizes and
holds insects in its cup. The root is much prized by the Cherokees
for this purpose, and those in the West, where the plant is not found,
frequently send requests for it to their friends in Carolina.

The prayer is addressed directly to the fish, who are represented
as living in settlements. The same expression as has already been
mentioned is sometimes used by the doctors in speaking of the
_tsgâ´ya_ or worms which are supposed to cause sickness by getting
under the skin of the patient. The Blue Cat (_Amiurus, genus_) is
addressed as the principal fish and the bait is spoken of as the
“white food,” an expression used also of the viands prepared at the
feast of the green corn dance, to indicate their wholesome character.
“Let the paths from every direction recognize each other,” means let
the fishes, which are supposed to have regular trails through the
water, assemble together at the place where the speaker takes his
station, as friends recognizing each other at a distance approach
to greet each other, [u]Wâhisâ´nahĭ tigiwatsi´la, rendered “our
spittle shall be in agreement,” is a peculiar archaic expression that
can not be literally translated. It implies that there shall be such
close sympathy between the fisher and the fish that their spittle
shall be as the spittle of one individual. As before stated, the
spittle is believed to exert an important influence upon the whole
physical and mental being. The expression “your spittle has become
agreeable” is explained by A‘yû[n]inĭ as an assertion or wish that
the fish may prove palatable, while the words rendered “there shall be
no loneliness” imply that there shall be an abundant catch.


LOVE.

(YÛ[n]WĚ´HǏ UGÛ´[n]WA‘LǏ I.)

Ku! Sgĕ! _Alahi´yĭ_ tsûl‘dâ´histĭ, Higĕ´‘ya tsûl‘di´yĭ,
hatû´[n]gani´ga. _Elahi´yĭ_ iyû´[n]ta ditsûl‘da´histĭ,
Higĕ´‘ya Tsûne´ga. Tsisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Tsâduhi´yĭ.
Nâ´gwa-skĭn´ĭ usĭnuli´yu hû[n]skwane´‘lû[n]gû´ tsisga´ya
agine´ga. Agisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Nâ´gwa nû´[n]nâ, une´ga
hû[n]skwanû[n]neli´ga. Uhisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Nâ´gwa
skwade´tastani´ga. Sa‘ka´ni u´tatĭ nige´sû[n]na. Nû[n]nâ
une´ga skiksa´‘û[n]taneli´ga. Elaye´‘lĭ iyû´[n]ta
skwalewistă´‘tani´ga E´latĭ gesû´[n] tsĭtage´stĭ.
Agisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Agwâ´duhi´yu. Kûltsâ´te
une´ga skiga´‘tani´ga. Uhisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na,
gû[n]kwatsâti´tege´stĭ. Tsi-sa‘ka´ni agwă´tatĭ
nige´sû[n]na. Usĭnuli´yu hû[n]skwane´‘lû[n]gû´.

Ha-nâ´gwûlĕ _Elahi´yĭ_ iyû´[n]tă dûhiyane´‘lû[n]gû´
a‘gĕ´‘ya sa‘ka´ni. Nâ´gwa nû[n]nâ´hĭ sa‘ka´ni
hû[n]tane´‘laneli´ga. Uhisa´‘tĭ-gwû u´danû dudusa´gĭ
tanela´sĭ. Nû[n]nâ´hĭ sa‘ka´ni tade´tâstani´ga. Nâgwûlĕ´
hû[n]hiyatsâ´û[n]taniga. E´latĭ gesû´[n] tû´l‘taniga.
Dedu´laskû´[n]-gwû igû´[n]wa‘lawĭ´stĭ uhi´sa‘ti´yĭ
widaye´la‘ni´ga. Dedulaskû´[n]-gwû igû´[n]wa‘lawĭ´stĭ
uhi´sa‘ti´yĭ nitû´[n]neli´ga.

Ha-sâgwahi´yu itsilasta´lagĭ + + uwă´sahi´yu,
etsane´‘laneli´ga. Agisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Agwâ´duhĭ.
A´yû agwadantâ´gĭ aye‘li´yu d’ka´‘lani´lĭ duda´ntâ,
uktahû´[n]stĭ nige´sû[n]na. Yû´[n]wĭ tsu´tsatû[n]
widudante´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na, nitû´[n]neli´ga. Sâ´gwahĭ
itsilasta´lagĭ, etsane´‘laneli´ga kûlkwâ´gi-nasĭ´
igûlstû´‘lĭ gegane´‘lanû´[n].

Anisga´ya anewadi´sû[n] unihisa‘ti´yĭ. Tsu´nada´neilti´yĭ.
Dĭ´la-gwû degû´[n]wănatsegû´‘lawi´sdidegû´.
Ayâ´ise´ta-gwû u´danû. Tsunada´neilti´yĭ. Utse´tsti-gwû
degû´[n]wănatsegû´‘lawis´didegû´. Tsunada´neilti´yĭ.
Ka´ga-gwû degû´[n]wănatsegû´‘awisdidegû´.
Tsunada´neilti´yĭ. Da´l‘ka-gwû
degû´[n]wănatsegû´‘lawisdidegû´.

Kûlkwâ´gĭ igûlsta´lagĭ unihisa‘ti´yu.
Ige´ski-gwû nige´sû[n]na. Ayâ´ise´ta-gwû
u´danû degû´[n]wănatsûn‘ti-degû´. K’si-gwû
degû´[n]wănatsûn‘ti-degû´. A´yagâgû´ tsisga´ya
agine´ga û[n]gwane´‘lanû´hĭ + + Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ
iti´tsa ditsidâ´ga. Agisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Agwâduhi´yu.
Tsi-sa‘ka´nĭ agwă´tatĭ nige´sû[n]na. Kûltsâ´te une´ga
û[n]ni´tagâgû´ gûkwatsâ´nti-degû´. Agisă´‘tĭ
nige´sû[n]na. A´yû agwadantâ´gĭ aye‘li´yu gûlasi´ga
tsûda´ntâ, uktahû´[n]stĭ nige´sû[n]na. A´yû tsĭ´gĭ
tsûda´nta 0 0. Sgĕ!


_Translation._

CONCERNING LIVING HUMANITY (LOVE).

Kû! Listen! In Alahi´yĭ you repose, O Terrible Woman, O you have
drawn near to hearken. There in Elahiyĭ you are at rest, O White
Woman. No one is ever lonely when with you. You are most beautiful.
Instantly and at once you have rendered me a white man. No one is ever
lonely when with me. Now you have made the path white for me. It shall
never be dreary. Now you have put me into it. It shall never become
blue. You have brought down to me from above the white road. There in
mid-earth (mid-surface) you have placed me. I shall stand erect upon
the earth. No one is ever lonely when with me. I am very handsome. You
have put me into the white house. I shall be in it as it moves about
and no one with me shall ever be lonely. Verily, I shall never become
blue. Instantly you have caused it to be so with me.

And now there in Elahiyĭ you have rendered the woman blue. Now you
have made the path blue for her. Let her be completely veiled in
loneliness. Put her into the blue road. And now bring her down. Place
her standing upon the earth. Where her feet are now and wherever she
may go, let loneliness leave its mark upon her. Let her be marked out
for loneliness where she stands.

Ha! I belong to the (Wolf) ( + + ) clan, that one alone which was
allotted into for you. No one is ever lonely with me. I am handsome.
Let her put her soul the very center of my soul, never to turn away.
Grant that in the midst of men she shall never think of them. I belong
to the one clan alone which was allotted for you when the seven clans
were established.

Where (other) men live it is lonely. They are very loathsome. The
common polecat has made them so like himself that they are fit
only for his company. They have became mere refuse. They are very
loathsome. The common opossum has made them so like himself that they
are fit only to be with him. They are very loathsome. Even the crow
has made them so like himself that they are fit only for his company.
They are very loathsome. The miserable rain-crow has made them so like
himself that they are fit only to be with him.

The seven clans all alike make one feel very lonely in their company.
They are not even good looking. They go about clothed with mere
refuse. They even go about covered with dung. But I--I was ordained
to be a white man. I stand with my face toward the Sun Land. No one
is ever lonely with me. I am very handsome. I shall certainly never
become blue. I am covered by the everlasting white house wherever I
go. No one is ever lonely with me. Your soul has come into the very
center of my soul, never to turn away. I--(Gatigwanasti,) (0 0)--I
take your soul. Sgĕ!


_Explanation._

This unique formula is from one of the loose manuscript sheets
of Gatigwanasti, now dead, and belongs to the class known as
Yû[n]wĕ´hĭ or love charms (literally, concerning “living
humanity”), including all those referring in any way to the marital
or sexual relation. No explanation accompanies the formula, which must
therefore be interpreted from analogy. It appears to be recited by
the lover himself--not by a hired shaman--perhaps while painting and
adorning himself for the dance. (_See next two formulas._)

The formula contains several obscure expressions which require further
investigation. Elahiyĭ or Alahiyĭ, for it is written both ways in
the manuscript, does not occur in any other formula met with thus
far, and could not be explained by any of the shamans to whom it was
submitted. The nominative form may be Elahĭ, perhaps from _ela_, “the
earth,” and it may be connected with Wa´hĭlĭ, the formulistic name
for the south. The spirit invoked is the White Woman, white being the
color denoting the south.

Uhisa´‘tĭ, rendered here “lonely,” is a very expressive word to a
Cherokee and is of constant recurrence in the love formulas. It refers
to that intangible something characteristic of certain persons which
inevitably chills and depresses the spirits of all who may be
so unfortunate as to come within its influence. Agisa´‘tĭ
nige´sû[n]na, “I never render any one lonely,” is an intensified
equivalent for, “I am the best company in the world,” and to tell a
girl that a rival lover is uhisa´‘tĭ is to hold out to her the sum
of all dreary prospects should she cast in her lot with him.

The speaker, who evidently has an exalted opinion of himself, invokes
the aid of the White Woman, who is most beautiful and is never
uhisa´‘tĭ. She at once responds by making him a white--that is,
a happy--man, and placing him in the white road of happiness, which
shall never become blue with grief or despondency. She then places him
standing in the middle of the earth, that he may be seen and admired
by the whole world, especially by the female portion. She finally puts
him into the white house, where happiness abides forever. The verb
implies that the house shelters him like a cloak and goes about with
him wherever he may go.

There is something comical in the extreme self-complacency with which
he asserts that he is very handsome and will never become blue and no
one with him is ever lonely. As before stated, white signifies peace
and happiness, while blue is the emblem of sorrow and disappointment.

Having thus rendered himself attractive to womankind, he turns his
attention to the girl whom he particularly desires to win. He begins
by filling her soul with a sense of desolation and loneliness. In the
beautiful language of the formula, her path becomes blue and she is
veiled in loneliness. He then asserts, and reiterates, that he is of
the one only clan which was allotted for her when the seven clans were
established.

He next pays his respects to his rivals and advances some very
forcible arguments to show that she could never be happy with any of
them. He says that they are all “lonesome” and utterly loathsome--the
word implies that they are mutually loathsome--and that they are
the veriest trash and refuse. He compares them to so many polecats,
opossums, and crows, and finally likens them to the rain-crow (cuckoo;
_Coccygus_), which is regarded with disfavor on account of its
disagreeable note. He grows more bitter in his denunciations as he
proceeds and finally disposes of the matter by saying that all the
seven clans alike are uhisa´‘tĭ and are covered with filth. Then
follows another glowing panegyric of himself, closing with the
beautiful expression, “your soul has come into the very center of
mine, never to turn away,” which reminds one forcibly of the sentiment
in the German love song, “Du liegst mir im Herzen.” The final
expression, “I take your soul,” implies that the formula has now
accomplished its purpose in fixing her thoughts upon himself.

When successful, a ceremony of this kind has the effect of rendering
the victim so “blue” or lovesick that her life is in danger until
another formula is repeated to make her soul “white” or happy again.
Where the name of the individual or clan is mentioned in these
formulas the blank is indicated in the manuscript by crosses + + or
ciphers 0 0 or by the word iyu´stĭ, “like.”


HǏ´Ă ĂMA´YǏ Ă´TAWASTI´YǏ KANÂ´HEHÛ.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu hatû´[n]gani´ga _Higĕ´‘yagu´ga_,
tsûwatsi´la gi´gage tsiye´la skĭna´dû‘lani´ga. 0 0
digwadâ´ita. Sa‘ka´nĭ tûgwadûne´lûhĭ. Atsanû´[n]gĭ
gi´gage skwâsû´hisa‘tani´ga. + + kûlstă´lagĭ + sa‘ka´nĭ
nu´tatanû´[n]ta. Ditu´nû[n]nâ´gĭ dagwû´laskû´[n]-gwû
deganu´y’tasi´ga. Galâ´nû[n]tse´ta-gwû
dagwadûne´lidise´stĭ. Sgĕ!


_Translation._

THIS TELLS ABOUT GOING INTO THE WATER.

Listen! O, now instantly, you have drawn near to hearken, O
Agĕ´‘yagu´ga. You have come to put your red spittle upon my body.
My name is (Gatigwanasti.) The blue had affected me. You have come and
clothed me with a red dress. She is of the (Deer) clan. She has become
blue. You have directed her paths straight to where I have my feet,
and I shall feel exultant. Listen!


_Explanation._

This formula, from Gatigwanasti’s book, is also of the Yû[n]wĕ´hĭ
class, and is repeated by the lover when about to bathe in the stream
preparatory to painting himself for the dance. The services of a
shaman are not required, neither is any special ceremony observed.
The technical word used in the heading, ă´tawasti´yĭ, signifies
plunging or going entirely into a liquid. The expression used for the
ordinary “going to water,” where the water is simply dipped up with
the hand, is ămâ´yĭ dita‘ti´yĭ, “taking them to water.”

The prayer is addressed to Agĕ´‘yaguga, a formulistic name for the
moon, which is supposed to exert a great influence in love affairs,
because the dances, which give such opportunities for love making,
always take place at night. The shamans can not explain the meaning
of the term, which plainly contains the word agĕ´‘ya, “woman,” and
may refer to the moon’s supposed influence over women. In Cherokee
mythology the moon is a man. The ordinary name is nû´[n]dâ, or more
fully, nû´[n]dâ sû[n]nâyĕ´hĭ, “the sun living in the night,”
while the sun itself is designated as nû´[n]dâ igĕ´hĭ, “the sun
living in the day.”

By the red spittle of Agĕ´‘yagu´ga and the red dress with which the
lover is clothed are meant the red paint which he puts upon himself.
This in former days was procured from a deep red clay known as
ela-wâ´tĭ, or “reddish brown clay.” The word red as used in the
formula is emblematic of success in attaining his object, besides
being the actual color of the paint. Red, in connection with dress
or ornamentation, has always been a favorite color with Indians
throughout America, and there is some evidence that among the
Cherokees it was regarded also as having a mysterious protective
power. In all these formulas the lover renders the woman blue or
disconsolate and uneasy in mind as a preliminary to fixing her
thoughts upon himself. (_See next formula._)

(YÛ´[n]WĚ´HǏ UGÛ´[n]WA‘LǏ II.)

  Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ.
  Galû´[n]latĭ, datsila´ĭ--Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ,
          yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ.
  Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ gatla´ahĭ--Yû´[n]wĕhĭ.
  Ge‘yagu´ga Gi´gage, tsûwatsi´la gi´gage tsiye´la
          skĭna´dû‘lani´ga--
  Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ.
  Hiă-‘nû´ atawe´ladi´yĭ kanâ´hĕhû galû[n]lti´tla.


_Translation._

SONG FOR PAINTING.

  _Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ._
  I am come from above--_Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ,
          yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ._
  I am come down from the Sun Land--_Yû´[n]wĕhĭ._
  O Red Agĕ‘yagu´ga, you have come and put your red spittle upon
          my body--Yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ, yû´[n]wĕhĭ.

And this above is to recite while one is painting himself.


_Explanation._

This formula, from Gatigwanasti, immediately follows the one last
given, in the manuscript book, and evidently comes immediately after
it also in practical use. The expressions used have been already
explained. The one using the formula first bathes in the running
stream, reciting at the same time the previous formula “Amâ´yĭ
Ă´tawasti´yĭ.” He then repairs to some convenient spot with his
paint, beads, and other paraphernalia and proceeds to adorn himself
for the dance, which usually begins about an hour after dark, but
is not fairly under way until nearly midnight. The refrain,
yû´[n]wĕhĭ, is probably _sung_ while mixing the paint, and the
other portion is recited while applying the pigment, or vice versa.
Although these formula are still in use, the painting is now obsolete,
beyond an occasional daubing of the face, without any plan or pattern,
on the occasion of a dance or ball play.

ADALANI´STA‘TI´YǏ. Ǐ.

            Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga nihĭ´--
  --Tsa´watsi´lû tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´.
  --Hiyelû´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´.
  --Tsăwiyû´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´.
  --Tsûnahu´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´.

Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga, Hĭkayû´[n]lige. Hiă´ asga´ya
uda´ntâ tsa‘ta´hisi´ga [Hĭkayû´[n]lige] hiye´lastû[n].
Tsaskûlâ´hĭsti-gwû´ nige´sû[n]na. Dĭkana´watû´[n]ta-gwû
tsûtû´neli´ga. Hĭlû dudantĕ´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Duda´ntâ dûskalû[n]´tseli´ga. Astĭ´ digû´[n]nage
tagu´talû[n]tani´ga.


_Translation._

TO ATTRACT AND FIX THE AFFECTIONS.

  Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken--
      --Your spittle, I take it, I eat it. }
      --Your body, I take it, I eat it,    }
      --Your flesh, I take it, I eat it,   } Each sung four times.
      --Your heart, I take it, I eat it.   }

Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken, O, Ancient One. This
man’s (woman’s) soul has come to rest at the edge of your body. You
are never to let go your hold upon it. It is ordained that you shall
do just as you are requested to do. Let her never think upon any
other place. Her soul has faded within her. She is bound by the black
threads.


_Explanation._

This formula is said by the young husband, who has just married an
especially engaging wife, who is liable to be attracted by other men.
The same formula may also be used by the woman to fix her husband’s
affections. On the first night that they are together the husband
watches until his wife is asleep, when, sitting up by her side, he
recites the first words: Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga nihĭ´,
and then sings the next four words: Tsawatsi´lû tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´
ayû´, “Your spittle, I take it, I eat it,” repeating the words four
times. While singing he moistens his fingers with spittle, which
he rubs upon the breast of the woman. The next night he repeats the
operation, this time singing the words, “I take your body.” The third
night, in the same way, he sings, “I take your flesh,” and the fourth
and last night, he sings “I take your heart,” after which he repeats
the prayer addressed to the Ancient One, by which is probably meant
the Fire (the Ancient White). A‘yû´[n]inĭ states that the final
sentences should be masculine, i.e., His soul has faded, etc., and
refer to any would-be seducer. There is no gender distinction in
the third person in Cherokee. He claimed that this ceremony was so
effective that no husband need have any fears for his wife after
performing it.


ADAYE´LIGA´GTA‘TǏ´.

Yû! Galû´[n]latĭ tsûl‘da´histĭ, Giya´giya´ Sa‘ka´ni,
nâ´gwa nû[n]talû[n] i´yû´[n]ta. Tsâ´la Sa‘ka´ni
tsûgistâ´‘tĭ adû[n]ni´ga. Nâ´gwa nidâtsu´l‘tanû´[n]ta,
nû´[n]tātagû´ hisa´hasi´ga. Tani´dâgû[n]´
aye´‘lĭ dehidâ´siga. Unada´ndâ dehiyâ´staneli´ga.
Nidugale´ntanû´[n]ta nidûhû[n]neli´ga.

Tsisga´ya agine´ga, nû[n]dâgû´[n]yĭ ditsidâ´‘stĭ. Gû´nĭ
âstû´ uhisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Agĕ´‘ya une´ga hi´ă
iyu´stĭ gûlstû´‘lĭ, iyu´stĭ tsûdâ´ita. Uda´ndâ
usĭnu´lĭ dâdatinilû´gû[n]elĭ´. Nû[n]dâgû´[n]yitsû´
dâdatinilugûstanelĭ. Tsisga´ya agine´ga, ditsidâstû´[n]ĭ
nû‘nû´ kana´tlani´ga. Tsûnkta´ tegă‘la´watege´stĭ.
Tsiye´lû[n] gesû´[n]ĭ uhisa´‘tĭ nige´sû[n]na.


_Translation._

FOR SEPARATION (OF LOVERS).

Yû! On high you repose, O Blue Hawk, there at the far distant lake.
The blue tobacco has come to be your recompense. Now you have arisen
at once and come down. You have alighted midway between them where
they two are standing. You have spoiled their souls immediately. They
have at once become separated.

I am a white man; I stand at the sunrise. The good sperm shall never
allow any feeling of loneliness. This white woman is of the Paint
(iyustĭ) clan; she is called (iyustĭ) Wâyĭ´. We shall instantly
turn her soul over. We shall turn it over as we go toward the Sun
Land. I am a white man. Here where I stand it (her soul) has attached
itself to (literally, “come against”) mine. Let her eyes in their
sockets be forever watching (for me). There is no loneliness where my
body is.


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû[n]inĭ’s book, is used to separate two lovers
or even a husband and wife, if the jealous rival so desires. In the
latter case the preceding formula, from the same source, would be used
to forestall this spell. No explanation of the ceremony is given, but
the reference to tobacco may indicate that tobacco is smoked or thrown
into the fire during the recitation. The particular hawk invoked
(giya´giya´) is a large species found in the coast region but seldom
met with in the mountains. Blue indicates that it brings trouble with
it, while white in the second paragraph indicates that the man is
happy and attractive in manner.

In the first part of the formula the speaker calls upon the Blue
Hawk to separate the lovers and spoil their souls, i.e., change their
feeling toward each other. In the second paragraph he endeavors
to attract the attention of the woman by eulogizing himself. The
expression, “we shall turn her soul over,” seems here to refer to
turning her affections, but as generally used, to turn one’s soul is
equivalent to killing him.


(ADALANǏ´STĂ‘TI´YǏ II.)

Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga, [*][*] hĭlû(stû´‘lĭ),
([*][*]) ditsa(dâ´ita). A´yû 0 0 tsila(stû´‘lĭ). Hiye´la
tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´. (Yû!)

Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. [*][*] hĭlû(stû´‘lĭ),
[*][*] ditsa(dâ´íta). A´yû 0 0 tsûwi´ya tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´.
Yû!

Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. [*][*] hĭlû(stû´‘lĭ)
[*][*] ditsa(dâ´íta). A´yû 0 0 tsûwatsi´la tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´
a´yû. Yû!

Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. [*][*] hĭlû(stû´‘lĭ),
[*][*] ditsadâ´(ita). A´yû 0 0 tsûnahŭ´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´.
Yû!

Sgĕ! “Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dutsase´, tsugale´ntĭ nige´sû[n]na,”
tsûdûneĭ, Hĭkayû´[n]lige galû´[n]latĭ. Kananĕ´skĭ
Û´[n]nage galû´[n]latĭ (h)etsatsâ´û[n]tănile´ĭ.
Tsănilta´gĭ tsûksâ´û[n]tanile´ĭ. [*][*] gûla(stû´‘lĭ),
[*][*] ditsadâ´(ita). Dudantâ´gĭ uhani´latâ
tĭkwenû´[n]tani´ga. Kûlkwâ´gĭ igûlsta´lagĭ iyû´[n]ta
yû´[n]wĭ adayû´[n]latawă´ dudûne´lida´lû[n] uhisa´‘tĭ
nige´sû[n]na.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwatĭ uhisa´‘tĭ dutlû´[n]tani´ga. Tsû´nkta
daskâ´lû[n]tsi´ga. Sâ´gwahĭ di´kta de´gayelû[n]tsi´ga.
Ga´tsa igûnû´nugâ´ĭstû uda´ntâ? Usû´hita nudanû´[n]na
ûltû[n]ge´ta gû[n]wadûneli´dege´stĭ. Igû[n]wûlsta´‘ti-gwû
duwâlu´wa‘tû[n]tĭ nige´sû[n]na. Kananĕ´skĭ Û[n]nage´ĭ
tsanildew’se´stĭ ada´ntâ uktû[n]lesi´dastĭ nige´sûna.
Gadâyu´stĭ tsûdâ´ita ada´ntĭ tside´atsasi´ga. A´ya
a´kwatseli´ga.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwûlĕ´ hû[n]hatû[n]ga´ga, Hĭkayû´[n]lĭ
Gi´gage. Tsetsûli´sĭ hiye´lastû[n] a‘ta´hisi´ga. Ada´ntâ
hasû‘gû´‘lawĭ´stani´ga, tsa´skaláhĭstĭ nige´sû[n]na.
Hĭkayû´[n]lige denătsegû‘la´wĭstani´ga. Agĕ´‘ya
gĭ´nsû[n]gû‘lawĭs´tani´ga uda´ntâ _uwahisĭ´sata_.
Dĭgĭnaskûlâ´hĭstĭ nige´sû[n]na. Yû!

Hi´ănasgwû´ u‘tlâ´yi-gwû dĭgalû´[n]wistan´tĭ
snû[n]â´yĭ hani´‘lihû[n] gûnasgi´stĭ. Gane´tsĭ
aye´‘lĭ asi´tadis´tĭ watsi´la, ganû[n]li´yetĭ aguwaye´nĭ
andisgâ´ĭ. Sâi´yĭ tsika´nâhe itsu´laha´gwû.


_Translation._

TO FIX THE AFFECTIONS.

Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer (x x)
clan. Your name is (x x) Ayâsta, I am of the Wolf (o-o) clan. Your
body, I take it, I eat it. Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together.
You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan.
Your flesh I take, I eat. Yû!

Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan.
Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your spittle I take, I
eat. I! Yû!

Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan.
Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your heart I take, I eat.
Yû!

Listen! “Ha! Now the souls have met, never to part,” you have said, O
Ancient One above. O Black Spider, you have been brought down from on
high. You have let down your web. She is of the Deer clan; her name is
Ayâsta. Her soul you have wrapped up in (your) web. There where the
people of the seven clans are continually coming in sight and again
disappearing (i.e. moving about, coming and going), there was never
any feeling of loneliness.

Listen! Ha! But now you have covered her over with loneliness. Her
eyes have faded. Her eyes have come to fasten themselves on one alone.
Whither can her soul escape? Let her be sorrowing as she goes along,
and not for one night alone. Let her become an aimless wanderer, whose
trail may never be followed. O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in
your web so that it shall never get through the meshes. What is the
name of the soul? They two have come together. It is mine!

Listen! Ha! And now you have hearkened, O Ancient Red. Your
grandchildren have come to the edge of your body. You hold them yet
more firmly in your grasp, never to let go your hold. O Ancient One,
we have become as one. The woman has put her (x x x) soul into our
hands. We shall never let it go! Yû!

(Directions.)--And this also is for just the same purpose (the
preceding formula in the manuscript book is also a love charm). It
must be done by stealth at night when they are asleep. One must put
the hand on the middle of the breast and rub on spittle with the hand,
they say. The other formula is equally good.


_Explanation._

This formula to fix the affections of a young wife is taken from the
manuscript sheets of the late Gatigwanasti. It very much resembles the
other formula for the same purpose, obtained from. A‘yû´[n]inĭ,
and the brief directions show that the ceremony is alike in both. The
first four paragraphs are probably sung, as in the other formula, on
four successive nights, and, as explained in the directions and as
stated verbally by A‘yû´[n]inĭ, this must be done stealthily at
night while the woman is asleep, the husband rubbing his spittle on
her breast with his hand while chanting the song in a low tone, hardly
above a whisper. The prayer to the Ancient One, or Ancient Red (Fire),
in both formulas, and the expression, “I come to the edge of your
body,” indicate that the hands are first warmed over the fire, in
accordance with the general practice when laying on the hands. The
prayer to the Black Spider is a beautiful specimen of poetic imagery,
and hardly requires an explanation. The final paragraph indicates
the successful accomplishment of his purpose. “Your grandchildren”
(tsetsûli´sĭ) is an expression frequently used in addressing the
more important deities.


MISCELLANEOUS FORMULAS.

SÛ[n]NÂ´YǏ EDÂ´HǏ E´SGA ASTÛ[n]TI´YǏ.

Sgĕ! Uhyû[n]tsâ´yĭ galû[n]lti´tla tsûltâ´histĭ, Hĭsgaya
Gigage´ĭ, usĭnu´lĭ di´tsakûnĭ´ denatlû[n]hi´sani´ga
Uy-igawa´stĭ duda´ntĭ. Nû[n]nâ´hĭ tatuna´watĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ
duda´ntâ dani´yû[n]stanilĭ´.

Sgĕ! Uhyû[n]tlâ´yĭ galû[n]lti´tla tsûltâ´histĭ, Hĭsga´ya
Tĕ´halu, _hinaw’sŭ´’ki_. Ha-usĭnu´lĭ nâ´gwa di´tsakûnĭ´
denatlû[n]hisani´ga uy-igawa´stĭ duda´ntĭ. Nû[n]nâ´hĭ
tătuna´wătĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ duda´ntâ dani´galĭstanĭ´.


_Translation._

TO SHORTEN A NIGHT-GOER ON THIS SIDE.

Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Red Man, quickly we two
have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has
them lying along the path. Quickly we two will take his soul as we go
along.

Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Purple Man, * * * *.
Ha! Quickly now we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the
Imprecator. He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will cut
his soul in two.


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû´[n]inĭs’ book, is for the purpose of
driving away a witch from the house of a sick person, and opens up a
most interesting chapter of Cherokee beliefs. The witch is supposed
to go about chiefly under cover of darkness, and hence is called
sû[n]nâ´yĭ edâ´hĭ, “the night goer.” This is the term in common
use; but there are a number of formulistic expressions to designate
a witch, one of which, u´ya igawa´stĭ, occurs in the body of the
formula and may be rendered “the imprecator,” i.e., the sayer of
evil things or curses. As the counteracting of a deadly spell always
results in the death of its author, the formula is stated to be not
merely to drive away the wizard, but to kill him, or, according to the
formulistic expression, “to shorten him (his life) on this side.”

When it becomes known that a man is dangerously sick the witches from
far and near gather invisibly about his house after nightfall to worry
him and even force their way in to his bedside unless prevented by the
presence of a more powerful shaman within the house. They annoy the
sick man and thus hasten his death by stamping upon the roof and
beating upon the sides of the house; and if they can manage to get
inside they raise up the dying sufferer from the bed and let him fall
again or even drag him out upon the floor. The object of the witch in
doing this is to prolong his term of years by adding to his own life
as much as he can take from that of the sick man. Thus it is that
a witch who is successful in these practices lives to be very old.
Without going into extended details, it may be sufficient to state
that the one most dreaded, alike by the friends of the sick man and by
the lesser witches, is the Kâ´lana-ayeli´skĭ or Raven Mocker, so
called because he flies through the air at night in a shape of fire,
uttering sounds like the harsh croak of a raven.

The formula here given is short and simple as compared with some
others. There is evidently a mistake in regard to the Red Man, who is
here placed in the north, instead of in the east, as it should be.
The reference to the arrows will be explained further on. Purple,
mentioned in the second paragraph, has nearly the same symbolic
meaning as blue, viz: Trouble, vexation and defeat; hence the Purple
Man is called upon to frustrate the designs of the witch.

To drive away the witch the shaman first prepares four sharpened
sticks, which he drives down into the ground outside the house at each
of the four corners, leaving the pointed ends projecting upward and
outward. Then, about noontime he gets ready the Tsâlagayû´[n]lĭ
or “Old Tobacco” (_Nicotiana rustica_), with which he fills his pipe,
repeating this formula during the operation, after which he wraps the
pipe thus filled in a black cloth. This sacred tobacco is smoked only
for this purpose. He then goes out into the forest, and returns just
before dark, about which time the witch may be expected to put in
an appearance. Lighting his pipe, he goes slowly around the house,
puffing the smoke in the direction of every trail by which the witch
might be able to approach, and probably repeating the same or another
formula the while. He then goes into the house and awaits results.
When the witch approaches under cover of the darkness, whether in his
own proper shape or in the form of some animal, the sharpened stick on
that side of the house shoots up into the air and comes down like an
arrow upon his head, inflicting such a wound as proves fatal within
seven days. This explains the words of the formula, “We have prepared
your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along
the path”. A‘yû´[n]inĭ said nothing about the use of the sharpened
sticks in this connection, mentioning only the tobacco, but the
ceremony, as here described, is the one ordinarily used. When wounded
the witch utters a groan which is heard by those listening inside the
house, even at the distance of half a mile. No one knows certainly who
the witch is until a day or two afterward, when some old man or woman,
perhaps in a remote settlement, is suddenly seized with a mysterious
illness and before seven days elapse is dead.


GAHU´STǏ A´GIYAHU´SA.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´[n]gani´ga Nû´[n]ya Wâtige´ĭ,
gahu´stĭ tsûtska´dĭ nige´sû[n]na. Ha-nâ´gwa
dû´[n]gihya´lĭ. Agiyahu´sa sĭ´kwa, haga´ tsû[n]-nû´
iyû´[n]ta dătsi´waktû´hĭ. Tla-‘ke´ a´ya a´kwatseli´ga. 0 0
digwadâi´ta.


_Translation._

I HAVE LOST SOMETHING.

Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rock; you
never lie about anything. Ha! Now I am about to seek for it. I have
lost a hog and now tell me about where I shall find it. For is it not
mine? My name is ----.


_Explanation._

This formula, for finding anything lost, is so simple as to need but
little explanation. Brown in this instance has probably no mythologic
significance, but refers to the color of the stone used in the
ceremony. This is a small rounded water-worn pebble, in substance
resembling quartz and of a reddish-brown color. It is suspended by a
string held between the thumb and finger of the shaman, who is guided
in his search by the swinging of the pebble, which, according to their
theory, will swing farther in the direction of the lost article than
in the contrary direction! The shaman, who is always fasting, repeats
the formula, while closely watching the motions of the swinging
pebble. He usually begins early in the morning, making the first
trial at the house of the owner of the lost article. After noting the
general direction toward which it seems to lean he goes a considerable
distance in that direction, perhaps half a mile or more, and makes
a second trial. This time the pebble may swing off at an angle in
another direction. He follows up in the direction indicated for
perhaps another half mile, when on a third trial the stone may veer
around toward the starting point, and a fourth attempt may complete
the circuit. Having thus arrived at the conclusion that the missing
article is somewhere within a certain circumscribed area, he advances
to the center of this space and marks out upon the ground a small
circle inclosing a cross with arms pointing toward the four cardinal
points. Holding the stone over the center of the cross he again
repeats the formula and notes the direction in which the pebble
swings. This is the final trial and he now goes slowly and carefully
over the whole surface in that direction, between the center of the
circle and the limit of the circumscribed area until in theory, at
least, the article is found. Should he fail, he is never at a loss for
excuses, but the specialists in this line are generally very shrewd
guessers well versed in the doctrine of probabilities.

There are many formulas for this purpose, some of them being long and
elaborate. When there is reason to believe that the missing article
has been stolen, the specialist first determines the clan or
settlement to which the thief belongs and afterward the name of the
individual. Straws, bread balls, and stones of various kinds are used
in the different formulas, the ceremony differing according to the
medium employed. The stones are generally pointed crystals or antique
arrowheads, and are suspended as already described, the point being
supposed to turn finally in the direction of the missing object.
Several of these stones have been obtained on the reservation and are
now deposited in the National Museum. It need excite no surprise
to find the hog mentioned in the formula, as this animal has been
domesticated among the Cherokees for more than a century, although
most of them are strongly prejudiced against it.


HIA´ UNÁLE (ATESTI´YǏ).

    Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´,
    Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´--Yû!

Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hĭnahû[n]´ski tayĭ´. Ha-tâ´sti-gwû
gû[n]ska´ihû. Tsûtali´i-gwati´na halu´‘nĭ. Kû´nigwati´na
dula´ska galû´[n]lati-gwû witu´ktĭ. Wigû[n]yasĕ´hĭsĭ.
Â´talĭ tsugû´[n]yĭ wite´tsatanû´[n]û[n]sĭ´ nû[n]nâhĭ
tsane´lagĭ de´gatsana´wadise´stĭ. Kûnstû´ dutsasû´[n]ĭ
atû´[n]wasûtĕ´hahĭ´ tsûtûneli´sestĭ. Sgĕ!


_Translation._

THIS IS TO FRIGHTEN A STORM.

    Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´,
    Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´--Yû!

Listen! O now you are coming in rut. Ha! I am exceedingly afraid of
you. But yet you are only tracking your wife. Her footprints can be
seen there directed upward toward the heavens. I have pointed them
out for you. Let your paths stretch out along the tree tops (?) on
the lofty mountains (and) you shall have them (the paths) lying down
without being disturbed, Let (your path) as you go along be where the
waving branches meet. Listen!


_Explanation._

This formula, from A‘yû´[n]inĭ’s book, is for driving away, or
“frightening” a storm, which threatens to injure the growing corn. The
first part is a meaningless song, which is sung in a low tone in the
peculiar style of most of the sacred songs. The storm, which is not
directly named, is then addressed and declared to be coming on in a
fearful manner on the track of his wife, like an animal in the rutting
season. The shaman points out her tracks directed toward the upper
regions and begs the storm spirit to follow her along the waving tree
tops of the lofty mountains, where he shall be undisturbed.

The shaman stands facing the approaching storm with one hand stretched
out toward it. After repeating the song and prayer he gently blows in
the direction toward which he wishes it to go, waving his hand in the
same direction as though pushing away the storm. A part of the storm
is usually sent into the upper regions of the atmosphere. If standing
at the edge of the field, he holds a blade of corn in one hand while
repeating the ceremony.


DANAWÛ´ TSUNEDÂLÛ´HǏ NUNATÛ´NELI´TALÛ´[n]HǏ
U´NALSTELTA´‘TANÛ´HǏ.

Hayĭ! Yû! Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu A´tasu Gi´gage´ĭ
hinisa´latani´ga. Usĭnu´lĭ duda´ntâ u´nanugâ´tsidastĭ´
nige´sû[n]na. Duda´ntâ e‘lawi´nĭ iyû´[n]ta ă´tasû
digû[n]nage´ĭ degû[n]lskwĭ´tahise´stĭ, anetsâge´ta
unanugâ´istĭ nige´sû[n]na, nitinû´[n]neli´ga. Ă´tasû
dusa´ladanû´[n]stĭ nige´sû[n]na, nitinû´[n]neli´ga.
E‘lawi´nĭ iyû´[n]ta ă´tasû û[n]nage´ ugû[n]´hatû
û[n]nage´ sâ´gwa da‘liyĕ´kû‘lani´ga _unadutlâ´gĭ_.
Unanugâ´tsida´stĭ nige´sû[n]na, nû[n]eli´ga.

Usĭnuli´yu tsunada´ntâ kul‘kwâ´gine tigalû´[n]ltiyû´[n]ĭ
iyû´[n]ta ada´ntâ tega´yĕ‘ti´tege´stĭ. Tsunada´ntâ
tsuligalĭ´stĭ nige´sû[n]na dudûni´tege´stĭ.
Usĭnu´lĭ deniû´[n]eli´ga galû´[n]latĭ iyû´[n]ta
widu´l‘tâhĭsti´tege´stĭ. Ă´tasû gigage´ĭ
dĕhatagû´[n]yastani´ga. Tsunada´ntâ tsudastû´nilida´stĭ
nige´sû[n]na nû[n]eli´ga. Tsunada´ntâ galû´[n]latĭ
iyû´[n]ta witĕ´‘titege´stĭ. Tsunada´ntâ anigwalu´gĭ
une´ga gû[n]wa´nadagû´[n]yastitege´stĭ. Sa‘ka´nĭ udûnu´hĭ
nige´sû[n]na usĭnuli´yu. Yû!


_Translation._

WHAT THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN TO WAR DID TO HELP THEMSELVES.

Hayĭ! Yû! Listen! Now instantly we have lifted up the red war club.
Quickly his soul shall be without motion. There under the earth, where
the black war clubs shall be moving about like ball sticks in the
game, there his soul shall be, never to reappear. We cause it to be
so. He shall never go and lift up the war club. We cause it to be so.
There under the earth the black war club (and) the black fog have come
together as one for their covering. It shall never move about (i.e.,
the black fog shall never be lifted from them). We cause it to be so.

Instantly shall their souls be moving about there in the seventh
heaven. Their souls shall never break in two. So shall it be. Quickly
we have moved them (their souls) on high for them, where they shall
be going about in peace. You (?) have shielded yourselves (?) with the
red war club. Their souls shall never be knocked about. Cause it to
be so. There on high their souls shall be going about. Let them shield
themselves with the white war whoop. Instantly (grant that) they shall
never become blue. Yû!


_Explanation._

This formula, obtained from A‘wani´ta, may be repeated by the doctor
for as many as eight men at once when about to go to war. It is
recited for four consecutive nights, immediately before setting out.
There is no tabu enjoined and no beads are used, but the warriors “go
to water” in the regular way, that is, they stand at the edge of the
stream, facing the east and looking down upon the water, while the
shaman, standing behind them, repeats the formula. On the fourth night
the shaman gives to each man a small charmed root which has the power
to confer invulnerability. On the eve of battle the warrior after
bathing in the running stream chews a portion of this and spits the
juice upon his body in order that the bullets of the enemy may pass
him by or slide off from his skin like drops of water. Almost every
man of the three hundred East Cherokees who served in the rebellion
had this or a similar ceremony performed before setting out--many of
them also consulting the oracular ulû[n]sû´tĭ stone at the same
time--and it is but fair to state that not more than two or three of
the entire number were wounded in actual battle.

In the formula the shaman identifies himself with the warriors,
asserting that “_we_” have lifted up the red war club, red being the
color symbolic of success and having no reference to blood, as might
be supposed from the connection. In the first paragraph he invokes
curses upon the enemy, the future tense verb _It shall be_, etc.,
having throughout the force of _let it be_. He puts the souls of
the doomed enemy in the lower regions, where the black war clubs are
constantly waving about, and envelops them in a black fog, which shall
never be lifted and out of which they shall never reappear. From
the expression in the second paragraph, “their souls shall never be
knocked about,” the reference to the black war clubs moving about like
ball sticks in the game would seem to imply that they are continually
buffeting the doomed souls under the earth. The spirit land of the
Cherokees is in the west, but in these formulas of malediction or
blessing the soul of the doomed man is generally consigned to the
underground region, while that of the victor is raised by antithesis
to the seventh heaven.

Having disposed of the enemy, the shaman in the second paragraph turns
his attention to his friends and at once raises their souls to the
seventh heaven, where they shall go about in peace, shielded by
(literally, “covered with”) the red war club of success, and never to
be knocked about by the blows of the enemy. “Breaking the soul in two”
is equivalent to snapping the thread of life, the soul being regarded
as an intangible something having length, like a rod or a string. This
formula, like others written down by the same shaman, contains several
evident inconsistencies both as to grammar and mythology, due to the
fact that A‘wanita is extremely careless with regard to details and
that this particular formula has probably not been used for the last
quarter of a century. The warriors are also made to shield themselves
with the white war whoop, which should undoubtedly be the red war
whoop, consistent with the red war club, white being the color
emblematic of peace, which is evidently an incongruity. The war whoop
is believed to have a positive magic power for the protection of the
warrior, as well as for terrifying the foe.

The mythologic significance of the different colors is well shown in
this formula. Red, symbolic of success, is the color of the war club
with which the warrior is to strike the enemy and also of the other
one with which he is to shield or “cover” himself. There is no doubt
that the war whoop also should be represented as red. In conjuring
with the beads for long life, for recovery from sickness, or for
success in love, the ball play, or any other undertaking, the red
beads represent the party for whose benefit the magic spell is
wrought, and he is figuratively clothed in red and made to stand upon
a red cloth or placed upon a red seat. The red spirits invoked always
live in the east and everything pertaining to them is of the same
color.

Black is always typical of death, and in this formula the soul of the
enemy is continually beaten about by black war clubs and enveloped in
a black fog. In conjuring to destroy an enemy the shaman uses
black beads and invokes the black spirits--which always live in the
west--bidding them tear out the man’s soul, carry it to the west,
and put it into the black coffin deep in the black mud, with a black
serpent coiled above it.

Blue is emblematic of failure, disappointment, or unsatisfied desire.
“They shall never become blue” means that they shall never fail in
anything they undertake. In love charms the lover figuratively covers
himself with red and prays that his rival shall become entirely blue
and walk in a blue path. The formulistic expression, “He is entirely
blue,” closely approximates in meaning the common English phrase, “He
feels blue.” The blue spirits live in the north.

White--which occurs in this formula only by an evident error--denotes
peace and happiness. In ceremonial addresses, as at the green corn
dance and ball play, the people figuratively partake of white food
and after the dance or the game return along the white trail to their
white houses. In love charms the man, in order to induce the woman to
cast her lot with his, boasts “I am a white man,” implying that all is
happiness where he is. White beads have the same meaning in the bead
conjuring and white was the color of the stone pipe anciently used
in ratifying peace treaties. The white spirits live in the south
(Wa´hală).

Two other colors, brown and yellow, are also mentioned in the
formulas. Wâtige´ĭ, “brown,” is the term used to include brown,
bay, dun, and similar colors, especially as applied to animals. It
seldom occurs in the formulas and its mythologic significance is as
yet undetermined. Yellow is of more frequent occurrence and is typical
of trouble and all manner of vexation, the yellow spirits being
generally invoked when the shaman wishes to bring down calamities upon
the head of his victim, without actually destroying him. So far as
present knowledge goes, neither brown nor yellow can be assigned to
any particular point of the compass.

Usĭnuli´yu, rendered “instantly,” is the intensive form of
usĭnu´lĭ “quickly,” both of which words recur constantly in the
formulas, in some entering into almost every sentence. This frequently
gives the translation an awkward appearance. Thus the final sentence
above, which means literally “they shall never become blue instantly,”
signifies “Grant that they shall never become blue”, i.e., shall never
fail in their purpose, _and grant our petition instantly_.


DIDA´LATLI´‘TǏ.

Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa tsûdantâ´gĭ tegû´[n]yatawâ´ilateli´ga. Iyustĭ
(0 0) tsilastû´‘lĭ Iyu´stĭ (0 0) ditsadâ´ita. Tsûwatsi´la
elawi´nĭ tsidâ´hĭstani´ga. Tsûdantâgĭ
elawi´nĭ tsidâ´hĭstani´ga. Nû´[n]ya gû´[n]nage
gû[n]yu´tlû[n]tani´ga. Ă‘nûwa´gĭ gû´[n]nage´
gû[n]yu´tlû[n]tani´ga. Sû[n]talu´ga gû´[n]nage
degû´[n]yanu´galû´[n]tani´ga, tsû´nanugâ´istĭ
nige´sû[n]na. Usûhi´yĭ nû[n]nâ´hĭ wite´tsatanû´[n]û[n]sĭ
gûne´sâ gû´[n]nage asahalagĭ´. Tsûtû´neli´ga. Elawâ´tĭ
asa´halagĭ´a´dû[n]ni´ga. Usĭnuli´yu Usûhi´yĭ gûltsâ´tĕ
digû´[n]nagesta´yĭ, elawâ´ti gû´[n]nage tidâ´hĭstĭ
wa‘yanu´galû[n]tsi´ga. Gûne´sa gû´[n]age sû[n]talu´ga
gû´[n]nage gayu´tlû[n]tani´ga. Tsûdantâ´gĭ
ûska´lû[n]tsi´ga. Sa‘ka´nĭ adû[n]ni´ga. Usû´hita
atanis´se´tĭ, ayâ´lâtsi´sestĭ tsûdantâ´gĭ,
tsû´nanugâ´istĭ nige´sû[n]na. Sgĕ!


_Translation._

TO DESTROY LIFE.

Listen! Now I have come to step over your soul. You are of the (wolf)
clan. Your name is (A‘yû´[n]inĭ). Your spittle I have put at rest
under the earth. Your soul I have put at rest under the earth. I have
come to cover you over with the black rock. I have come to cover you
over with the black cloth. I have come to cover you with the black
slabs, never to reappear. Toward the black coffin of the upland in the
Darkening Land your paths shall stretch out. So shall it be for you.
The clay of the upland has come (to cover you. (?)) Instantly the
black clay has lodged there where it is at rest at the black houses in
the Darkening Land. With the black coffin and with the black slabs I
have come to cover you. Now your soul has faded away. It has become
blue. When darkness comes your spirit shall grow less and dwindle
away, never to reappear. Listen!


_Explanation._

This formula is from the manuscript book of A‘yû´[n]inĭ,
who explained the whole ceremony. The language needs but little
explanation. A blank is left for the name and clan of the victim, and
is filled in by the shaman. As the purpose of the ceremony is to bring
about the death of the victim, everything spoken of is symbolically
colored black, according to the significance of the colors as already
explained. The declaration near the end, “It has become blue,”
indicates that the victim now begins to feel in himself the effects of
the incantation, and that as darkness comes on his spirit will shrink
and gradually become less until it dwindles away to nothingness.

When the shaman wishes to destroy the life of another, either for his
own purposes or for hire, he conceals himself near the trail along
which the victim is likely to pass. When the doomed man appears the
shaman waits until he has gone by and then follows him secretly until
he chances to spit upon the ground. On coming up to the spot the
shaman collects upon the end of a stick a little of the dust thus
moistened with the victim’s spittle. The possession of the man’s
spittle gives him power over the life of the man himself. Many
ailments are said by the doctors to be due to the fact that some enemy
has by this means “changed the spittle” of the patient and caused it
to breed animals or sprout corn in the sick man’s body. In the love
charms also the lover always figuratively “takes the spittle” of the
girl in order to fix her affections upon himself. The same idea in
regard to spittle is found in European folk medicine.

The shaman then puts the clay thus moistened into a tube consisting
of a joint of the Kanesâ´la or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant of
considerable importance in life-conjuring ceremonies. He also puts
into the tube seven earthworms beaten into a paste, and several
splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. The idea in
regard to the worms is not quite clear, but it may be that they are
expected to devour the soul of the victim as earthworms are supposed
to feed upon dead bodies, or perhaps it is thought that from their
burrowing habits they may serve to hollow out a grave for the soul
under the earth, the quarter to which the shaman consigns it. In other
similar ceremonies the dirt-dauber wasp or the stinging ant is buried
in the same manner in order that it may kill the soul, as these are
said to kill other more powerful insects by their poisonous sting or
bite. The wood of a tree struck by lightning is also a potent spell
for both good and evil and is used in many formulas of various kinds.

Having prepared the tube, the shaman goes into the forest to a tree
which has been struck by lightning. At its base he digs a hole, in the
bottom of which he puts a large yellow stone slab. He then puts in
the tube, together with seven yellow pebbles, fills in the earth, and
finally builds a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his work.
The yellow stones are probably chosen as the next best substitute for
black stones, which are not always easy to find. The formula mentions
“black rock,” black being the emblem of death, while yellow typifies
trouble. The shaman and his employer fast until after the ceremony.

If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the victim becomes
blue, that is, he feels the effects in himself at once, and, unless
he employs the countercharms of some more powerful shaman, his soul
begins to shrivel up and dwindle, and within seven days he is dead.
When it is found that the spell has no effect upon the intended victim
it is believed that he has discovered the plot and has taken measures
for his own protection, or that, having suspected a design against
him--as, for instance, after having won a girl’s affections from
a rival or overcoming him in the ball play--he has already secured
himself from all attempts by counterspells. It then becomes a serious
matter, as, should he succeed in turning the curse aside from himself,
it will return upon the heads of his enemies.

The shaman and his employer then retire to a lonely spot in the
mountains, in the vicinity of a small stream, and begin a new series
of conjurations with the beads. After constructing a temporary shelter
of bark laid over poles, the two go down to the water, the shaman
taking with him two pieces of cloth, a yard or two yards in length,
one white, the other black, together with seven red and seven
black beads. The cloth is the shaman’s pay for his services, and is
furnished by his employer, who sometimes also supplies the beads.
There are many formulas for conjuring with the beads, which are used
on almost all important occasions, and differences also in the details
of the ceremony, but the general practice is the same in all cases.
The shaman selects a bend in the river where his client can look
toward the east while facing up stream. The man then takes up his
position on the bank or wades into the stream a short distance,
where--in the ceremonial language--the water is a “hand length”
(_awâ´hilû_) in depth and stands silently with his eyes fixed upon
the water and his back to the shaman on the bank. The shaman then lays
upon the ground the two pieces of cloth, folded into convenient size,
and places the red beads--typical of success and his client upon
the white cloth, while the black beads--emblematic of death and the
intended victim--are laid upon the black cloth. It is probable that
the first cloth should properly be red instead of white, but as it is
difficult to get red cloth, except in the shape of handkerchiefs, a
substitution has been made, the two colors having a close mythologic
relation. In former days a piece of buckskin and the small glossy,
seeds of the Viper’s Bugloss (_Echium vulgare_) were used instead
of the cloth and beads. The formulistic name for the bead is
_sû´nĭkta_, which the priests are unable to analyze, the ordinary
word for beads or coin being _adélâ_.

The shaman now takes a red bead, representing his client, between
the thumb and index finger of his right hand, and a black bead,
representing the victim, in like manner, in his left hand. Standing
a few feet behind his client he turns toward the east, fixes his eyes
upon the bead between the thumb and finger of his right hand, and
addresses it as the Sû´nĭkta Gigăge´ĭ, the Red Bead, invoking
blessings upon his client and clothing him with the red garments of
success. The formula is repeated in a low chant or intonation, the
voice rising at intervals, after the manner of a revival speaker. Then
turning to the black bead in his left hand he addresses it in similar
manner, calling down the most withering curses upon the head of the
victim. Finally looking up he addresses the stream, under the name of
Yû´[n]wĭ Gûnahi´ta, the “Long Person,” imploring it to protect
his client and raise him to the seventh heaven, where he will be
secure from all his enemies. The other, then stooping down, dips up
water in his hand seven times and pours it upon his head, rubbing it
upon his shoulders and breast at the same time. In some cases he dips
completely under seven times, being stripped, of course, even when the
water is of almost icy coldness. The shaman, then stooping down, makes
a small hole in the ground with his finger, drops into it the fatal
black bead, and buries it out of sight with a stamp of his foot. This
ends the ceremony, which is called “taking to water.”

While addressing the beads the shaman attentively observes them as
they are held between the thumb and finger of his outstretched hands.
In a short time they begin to move, slowly and but a short distance at
first, then faster and farther, often coming down as far as the first
joint of the finger or even below, with an irregular serpentine motion
from side to side, returning in the same manner. Should the red bead
be more lively in its movements and come down lower on the finger
than the black bead, he confidently predicts for the client the speedy
accomplishment of his desire. On the other hand, should the black bead
surpass the red in activity, the spells of the shaman employed by the
intended victim are too strong, and the whole ceremony must be gone
over again with an additional and larger quantity of cloth. This must
be kept up until the movements of the red beads give token of success
or until they show by their sluggish motions or their failure to move
down along the finger that the opposing shaman can not be overcome. In
the latter case the discouraged plotter gives up all hope, considering
himself as cursed by every imprecation which he has unsuccessfully
invoked upon his enemy, goes home and--theoretically--lies down and
dies. As a matter of fact, however, the shaman is always ready with
other formulas by means of which he can ward off such fatal results,
in consideration, of a sufficient quantity of cloth.

Should the first trial, which takes place at daybreak, prove
unsuccessful, the shaman and his client fast until just before sunset.
They then eat and remain awake until midnight, when the ceremony is
repeated, and if still unsuccessful it may be repeated four times
before daybreak (or the following noon?), both men remaining awake and
fasting throughout the night. If still unsuccessful, they continue to
fast all day until just before sundown. Then they eat again and again
remain awake until midnight, when the previous night’s programme
is repeated. It has now become a trial of endurance between the
revengeful client and his shaman on the one side and the intended
victim and his shaman on the other, the latter being supposed to be
industriously working countercharms all the while, as each party must
subsist upon one meal per day and abstain entirely from sleep until
the result has been decided one way or the other. Failure to endure
this severe strain, even so much as closing the eyes in sleep for
a few moments or partaking of the least nourishment excepting just
before sunset, neutralizes all the previous work and places the
unfortunate offender at the mercy of his more watchful enemy. If
the shaman be still unsuccessful on the fourth day, he acknowledges
himself defeated and gives up the contest. Should his spells prove the
stronger, his victim will die within seven days, or, as the Cherokees
say, seven nights. These “seven nights,” however, are frequently
interpreted, figuratively, to mean _seven years_, a rendering which
often serves to relieve the shaman from a very embarrassing position.

With regard to the oracle of the whole proceeding, the beads do move;
but the explanation is simple, although the Indians account for it
by saying that the beads become alive by the recitation of the sacred
formula. The shaman is laboring under strong, though suppressed,
emotion. He stands with his hands stretched out in a constrained
position, every muscle tense, his breast heaving and voice trembling
from the effort, and the natural result is that before he is done
praying his fingers begin to twitch involuntarily and thus cause the
beads to move. As before stated, their motion is irregular; but the
peculiar delicacy of touch acquired by long practice probably imparts
more directness to their movements than would at first seem possible.


HIĂ´ A´NE´TSÂ UGÛ´[n]WA´LǏ AMÂ´YǏ DITSÛ´[n]STA´TǏ.

Sgĕ! Ha-nâgwa ă´stĭ une´ga aksâ´û[n]tanû´[n] usĭnu´lĭ
a‘ne´tsâ unatsâ´nû[n]tse´lahĭ akta´‘tĭ adû[n]ni´ga.

Iyu´stĭ utadâ´ta, iyu´stĭ tsunadâ´ita. Nû[n]nâ´hĭ
anite´lahĕhû´ ige´skĭ nige´sû[n]na. Dû´ksi-gwu´
dedu´natsgû‘la´wate´gû. Da´‘sû[n] unilâtsi´satû. Sa‘ka´ni
unati´satû´.

Nû[n]nâ´hĭ dâ´tadu´nina´watĭ´ a´yû-‘nû´ digwatseli´ga
a‘ne´tsâ unatsâ´nû[n]tse´lahĭ. Tla´mehû Gigage´ĭ sâ´gwa
danûtsgû´‘lani´ga. Igû´[n]yĭ galû´[n]lâ ge´sû[n] i´yû[n]
kanû´[n]lagĭ [u]wâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ. Ta´line galû´[n]lâ
ge´su[n] i´yû[n] kanû´[n]lagĭ [u]wâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ.
He´nilû danûtsgû´‘lani´ga. Tla´ma û[n]ni´ta a´nigwalu´gĭ
gû[n]tla´‘tisge´stĭ, ase´gwû nige´sû[n]na.

Du´talĕ a‘ne´tsâ unatsâ´nû[n]tse´lahĭ saligu´gi-gwû
dedu´natsgû´‘lawĭsti´tegû´. Elawi´nĭ da´‘sû[n]
unilâtsi´satû.

Tsâ´ine digalû´[n]latiyu´[n] Să´niwă Gi´gageĭ sâ´gwa
danûtsgû´‘lani´ga, asĕ‘gâ´gĭ nige´sû[n]na. Kanû´[n]lagĭ
[u]*wâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ nû´‘gine digalû´[n]latiyû´[n].
Gulĭ´sgulĭ´ Sa‘ka´ni sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‘lani´ga,
asĕ‘gâ´gĭ nige´sû[n]na. Kanû´[n]lagĭ [u]wâhâ´hĭstâgĭ
hĭ´skine digalû´[n]latiyû´[n]. Tsŭtsŭ´ Sa‘ka´ni sâ´gwa
danûtsgû´‘lani´ga, asĕ‘gâ´gĭ nige´sû[n]na.

Du´talĕ a‘ne´tsâ utsâ´nû[n]tse´lahĭ Tĭne´gwa Sa‘ka´ni
sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‘lani´ga, ige´skĭ nige´sû[n]na. Da´‘sû[n]
unilâtsi´satû. Kanû´[n]lagĭ [u]wâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ
sutali´ne digalû´[n]latiyû´[n]. A´nigâsta´ya sâ´gwa
danûtsgu´‘lani´ga, asĕ‘gâ´gĭ nige´su[n]na. Kanû´[n]lagĭ
[u]wâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ kûl‘kwâgine digalû´[n]latiyû´[n].
Wâtatû´ga Sa‘ka´ni sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‘lani´ga, asĕ‘gâ´gĭ
nige´sû[n]na.

Du´talĕ a‘ne´tsâ unatsâ´nû[n]tse´lahĭ, Yâ´na
dedu´natsgû´‘lawĭstani´ga, ige´skĭ nige´sû[n]na. Da‘sû[n]
du´nilâtsi´satû. Kanû´[n]lagĭ de´tagaskalâ´û[n]tanû´[n],
igû[n]´wûlstanûhi-gwûdi´na tsuye´listi gesû´[n]ĭ. Akta´‘tĭ
adû[n]ni´ga.

Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa t’skĭ´nâne´lĭ ta´lădŭ´ iyû´[n]ta
a´gwatseli´ga, Wătatu´ga Tsûne´ga. Tsuye´listĭ gesû´[n]ĭ
skĭ´nâhû[n]sĭ´ a´gwatseli´ga--kanû´[n]lagĭ a´gwatseli´ga.
Nă´‘nâ utadâ´ta kanû´[n]lagĭ dedu´skalâ´asi´ga.

Dedû´ndagû´[n]yastani´ga, gû[n]wâ´hisâ´nûhĭ. Yû!


_Translation._

THIS CONCERNS THE BALL PLAY--TO TAKE THEM TO WATER WITH IT.

Listen! Ha! Now where the white thread has been let down, quickly we
are about to examine into (the fate of) the admirers of the ball play.

They are of--such a (iyu´stĭ) descent. They are called--so and so
(iyu´stĭ). They are shaking the road which shall never be joyful.
The miserable Terrapin has come and fastened himself upon them as they
go about. They have lost all strength. They have become entirely blue.

But now my admirers of the ball play have their roads lying along in
this direction. The Red Bat has come and made himself one of them.
There in the first heaven are the pleasing stakes. There in the second
heaven are the pleasing stakes. The Pewee has come and joined them.
The immortal ball stick shall place itself upon the whoop, never to be
defeated.

As for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common
Turtle has come and fastened himself upon them as they go about. Under
the earth they have lost all strength.

The pleasing stakes are in the third heaven. The Red Tlăniwă has
come and made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.
The pleasing stakes are in the fourth heaven. The Blue Fly-catcher
has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The
pleasing stakes are in the fifth heaven. The Blue Martin has made
himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.

The other lovers of the ball play, the Blue Mole has come and fastened
upon them, that they may never be joyous. They have lost all strength.

The pleasing stakes are there in the sixth heaven. The Chimney Swift
has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The
pleasing stakes are in the seventh heaven. The Blue Dragon-fly has
made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.

As for the other admirers of the ball play, the Bear has just come and
fastened him upon them, that they may never be happy. They have lost
all strength. He has let the stakes slip from his grasp and there
shall be nothing left for their share.

The examination is ended.

Listen! Now let me know that the twelve are mine, O White Dragon-fly.
Tell me that the share is to be mine--that the stakes are mine. As for
the player there on the other side, he has been forced to let go his
hold upon the stakes.

Now they are become exultant and happy. Yû!


_Explanation._

This formula, from the A‘yû[n]inĭ manuscript is one of those used
by the shaman in taking the ball players to water before the game.
The ceremony is performed in connection with red and black beads,
as described in the formula just given for destroying life. The
formulistic name given to the ball players signifies literally,
“admirers of the ball play.” The Tlă´niwă (să´niwă in the Middle
dialect) is the mythic great hawk, as large and powerful as the roc of
Arabian tales. The shaman begins by declaring that it is his purpose
to examine or inquire into the fate of the ball players, and then
gives his attention by turns to his friends and their opponents,
fixing his eyes upon the red bead while praying for his clients, and
upon the black bead while speaking of their rivals. His friends he
raises gradually to the seventh or highest _galû´[n]latĭ_. This
word literally signifies height, and is the name given to the abode
of the gods dwelling above the earth, and is also used to mean heaven
in the Cherokee bible translation. The opposing players, on the other
hand, are put down under the earth, and are made to resemble animals
slow and clumsy of movement, while on behalf of his friends the
shaman invokes the aid of swift-flying birds, which, according to
the Indian belief, never by any chance fail to secure their prey.
The birds invoked are the He´nilû or wood pewee (_Contopus virens_),
the Tlăniwă or mythic hawk, the Gulĭ´sgulĭ´ or great crested
flycatcher (_Myiarchus crinitus_), the Tsûtsû or martin (_Progne
subis_), and the A´nigâsta´ya or chimney swift (_Chætura
pelasgia_). In the idiom of the formulas it is said that these “have
just come and are sticking to them” (the players), the same word
(_danûtsgû´lani’ga_) being used to express the devoted attention of
a lover to his mistress. The Watatuga, a small species of dragon-fly,
is also invoked, together with the bat, which, according to a Cherokee
myth, once took sides with the birds in a great ball contest with the
four-footed animals, and won the victory for the birds by reason of
his superior skill in dodging. This myth explains also why birds, and
no quadrupeds, are invoked by the shaman to the aid of his friends.
In accordance with the regular color symbolism the flycatcher, martin,
and dragon-fly, like the bat and the tlă´niwă, should be red, the
color of success, instead of blue, evidently so written by mistake.
The white thread is frequently mentioned in the formulas, but in this
instance the reference is not clear. The twelve refers to the number
of runs made in the game.


Index.

  A‘wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by  316
  Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained from  313
  A‘yû[n]´inĭ, or Swimmer, Cherokee manuscripts obtained from
          310-312
  Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees  333-334,  335-336
  Bleeding, practice of among the Cherokees  334-335
  Brinton, D.G., cited on linguistic value of Indian records  318
  Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas furnished by  316
  Cherokees, paper on Sacred Formulas of, by James Mooney  301-397
    bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in medical practice of  333-336
    manuscripts of, containing sacred, medical, and other formulas,
          character and age of  307-318
    medical practice of, list of plants used in  324-327
    medicine dance of  337
    color symbolism of  342-343
    gods of, and their abiding places  340-342
    religion of  319
  Cherokee Sacred Formulas, language of  343-344
    specimens of  344-397
    for rheumatism  345-351
    for snake bite  351-353
    for worms  353-356
    for neuralgia  356-359
    for fever and ague  359-363
    for child birth  363-364
    for biliousness  365-366
    for ordeal diseases  367-369
    for hunting and fishing  369-375
    for love  375-384
    to kill a witch  384-386
    to find something  386-387
    to prevent a storm  387-388
    for going to war  388-391
    for destroying an enemy  391-395
    for ball play  395-397
  Color symbolism of the Cherokees  342,  343
  Disease, Cherokee theory of  322-324
  Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition of origin of  319-322
  Gahuni manuscript of Cherokee formulas  313,  314
  Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee formulas  312,  313
  Gods of the Cherokees and their abiding places  340-342
  Haywood, John, cited on witchcraft beliefs among the Cherokees  322
  Inali manuscript of Cherokee formulas  314-316
  Long, W.W., collection of Cherokee formulas and songs prepared by
          317
  Medical practice of Cherokees, plants used  322-331
  Medicine dance of Cherokees  337
  Mooney, James, paper on sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by
          301-397
  Names, importance attached to, in Cherokee sacred formulas  343
  Plants used by Cherokees for medical purposes  322-331
    ceremonies for gathering  339
  Religion of the Cherokees, character of  319
  Religion of the Cherokees, gods of  340-342
  Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, paper by James Mooney on  301-397
  Sanitary regulations among the Cherokee Indians, neglect of  332,
          333
  Shamans, decline of power of among Cherokees  336
    mode of payment of among Cherokees  337-339
  Sweat bath, use of, among Cherokees  333-334
  Swimmer manuscript of Cherokee formulas  310,  312
  Tabu among Cherokees, illustrations of  331-332
  Takwatihi, or Catawba-Killer, Cherokee formulas furnished by  316
  Will West, collection of Cherokee formulas and songs prepared by
          317
  Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by  316




  Errors:

  Missing or superfluous quotation marks have been silently corrected.

  ... while closely watching the motions ...
    [original has “the / the” at line break]
  formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, A´wanita, and / Takwtihi
    [error for Takwati´hĭ ?]
  Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hû[n]hatû´[n]gani´ga
    [all parentheses in this paragraph shown as printed]
  (hetsatsa´û[n]tani´ga
    [mismatched parenthesis in original]