The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the United States, Volume 6 (of
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Title: History of the United States, Volume 6 (of 6)

Author: E. Benjamin Andrews

Release Date: December 24, 2007 [EBook #24023]
[Most recently updated: December 6, 2021]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8


Produced by Don Kostuch

[Transcriber's Notes]

Text has been moved to avoid fragmentation of sentences and paragraphs.

This is the last volume in a set of six. The other five volumes are at:
Volume I   --
Volume II  --
Volume III --
Volume IV  --
Volume V   --

Here are the definitions of some uncommon words.

  Numbering or assessing by the head. Poll tax. Fee or payment of a
  uniform amount for each person.


  Absolutely necessary; unavoidable; commanding.

  Capable of being settled by law or by the action of a court:

  Very generous.

[End Transcriber's Notes]


Copyright, 1907, by Clinedinst. Washington, D. C.
Theodore Roosevelt
At his desk in the executive offices of the White House during his term
as president.




With 650 Illustrations and Maps






Career of Theodore Roosevelt.


Temper and Method.




Industrial Confederations.

Railway, Steel and Steamship Combinations.

Ship Subsidy Bill.

Beef Trust.

Steel Strike of 1901.

Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

President Roosevelt Calls Conference for Its Settlement.


His Fine Equipment for the Office of President.

A Remarkable Cabinet.

Mr. Root's Work for Cuba and the Philippines.

For the Army.

The Diplomacy of John Hay.

Department of Commerce and Labor Created.

The Panama Canal Achievement.

Recognition of Panama.

The Galveston Flood.

Plan of City Government.

Cuba an Independent Republic.

The Philippines under United States Rule.

The Baltimore Fire.

The St. Louis Exposition.


President Roosevelt Renominated.

Nominations of the Democratic Convention.

Of the Conventions of the Populist, Socialist and Prohibitionist Parties.

Character of the Campaign.

Charges Made against the Republicans.

President Roosevelt's Reply to Judge Parker's Statements.

Results of the Election.


Aggressive Policy of President Roosevelt.

Secretary Hay Continued in Office.

William H. Taft Made Secretary of War.

Trade of America and European Nations with China.

Secretary Hay's Request for Equal Trade Rights in China for All Nations.

The Boxer Rebellion.

Portion of China's Indemnity Cancelled by Congress.

Chinese Students in America.

Russia's Influence in China.

New Commercial Treaty between United States and China.

Opening of Manchurian Ports to All Nations.

Secretary Hay and Chinese Neutrality during the Russo-Japanese War.

Effects of too Strict Interpretation of Chinese Exclusion Act.

President Roosevelt's Instructions to Immigration Officials.


Progress Made in Settlement of International Difficulties by Arbitration.

First Meeting of the Hague Peace Conference.

Work of the Conference.

Chief Features of a Permanent International Court of Arbitration.

Advantages of Such Court.

Convened for the First Time in 1901.

The Pious Fund Case.

The Venezuela Case.

Mr. Carnegie's Gift for a "Palace of Peace."

The Building.

Peace Congresses Held in the United States in 1904.

Resolutions Adopted.

The Nations Invited by President Roosevelt to a Second Hague Conference.

Work of Second Conference.

Number of Treaties Concluded between the Nations.


Interest in South American Republics.

Meeting of Pan-American Congress in Washington.

In City of Mexico.

Comparison of Foreign Commerce of South American States with European
Countries and with the United States.

Progress of South American States.

The Third Pan-American Congress, at Rio Janeiro Bureau of Pan-American
Republics Founded.

New Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

The Santo Domingo Situation.

Its Adjustment by President Roosevelt.


Waste of Nation's Resources.

Establishment of a Division of Forestry.

Mariposa Forest Reservation.

Preservation of Niagara Falls.

Inland Waterways Commission Appointed by President Roosevelt.

Conference on Conservation Held at the White House.

Resolutions Adopted.

First National Conservation Commission.

The National Conservation Association Formed.

First North American Conservation Congress, called by President

Irrigation and the Reclamation Act.

The Roosevelt Dam.

The Shoshone Dam.

The Truckee-Carson Canal.

Proceeds from Sales of Public Lands.

Reclamation of the Swamp Lands.

The Mississippi Basin.

The Lakes to the Gulf Deep Waterways Association.

Projects Submitted by the Inland Waterways Commission.

Appropriation for Enlargement of Erie Canal.


Splendid Natural Gifts of the South.

Its Water Power Facilities.

Wealth of Minerals and Forests, Coal and Iron.

Waste of Forest Lands.

Wonderful Economic Advancement.

Mr. Rockefeller's Gift.

Cotton Production.

Improved Methods of Agriculture.


Methods of Financing the Plantation System.

Cultivation of Hay and Corn.


The New Social Life.

Bright Prospect for the Future.


Exposition at Portland, Oregon, Commemorating Lewis and Clark Expedition.

Interstate Commerce Commission.

Provisions of Interstate Commerce Laws.

Pure Food and Drugs Law.

Investigation of Meat-Packing Methods.

The Earthquake in San Francisco.

Relief Fund.

Rebuilding of the City.


Popular Explanations of Its Cause.

The Real Causes.

Insolvency of Knickerbocker Trust Company.

Lack of Confidence in Financial Institutions.

Aid from the United States Treasury's Surplus Fund.

Enormous Amounts Paid Out to Depositors.

Radical Steps Taken by Bankers.

"Emergency Currency" Issued.

Strengthening of the New York Stock Exchange.

Gold from Foreign Countries.

Sale of Panama Bonds and Notes.

Confidence Restored.

Discussions Concerning Financial System.

The Aldrich-Vreeland Act.


Great Increase in Immigration.

Change in Its Character.

Gain in Percentage from Southern Europe over that from Northern Europe.

Reasons Why These Foreigners Emigrate to America.

The Immigration Act of 1907.

And Its Effect.

The Emigration of Italians.

Slavs in the United States.

The Jews.

The Question of Oriental Immigration.

Dangers of Increasing Immigration.

Foreign Colonies in Chicago and Other Cities.

Increase in Criminality.

The Chief Problem.

Emigration of United States Farmers to Canada.


The Northern Securities Company Case.

The Alonzo Bailey Case.

Case of Loewe vs. Lawler, or the Danbury Hatters Case.

The Standard Oil Case.

The Case of the American Tobacco Company.


President Roosevelt's Advocacy of a Larger and More Efficient Navy.

Rear-Admiral Evans's Effective Work.

Cruise of the Atlantic Fleet.

Unusual Honors Tendered by Brazil and Other Countries Visited by the

Purchase and Settlement of Oklahoma Territory.

Indian System of Government.

Oklahoma and Indian Territory Admitted to the Union.

Exclusion of Japanese Students in San Francisco and President
Roosevelt's Prompt Action.

Child-Labor in the United States.

The Beveridge-Parsons Bill.

New Uses of Electricity.

Wireless Telegraphy, Air-Ships and Submarine Boats.

Business and Political Reforms.

Advances in Educational Work.

Notable Gifts of Mr. Carnegie and Mr. Rockefeller.


The Republican Convention.

William H. Taft Nominated for President.

Other Candidates for Nomination.

James S. Sherman Nominated for Vice-President.

The Democratic Convention.

And Its Nominations.

Platforms of Both Parties.

The Socialist Convention and Platform.

Convention of the Prohibition Party and Its Platform.

Lack of Campaign "Issues."

Personal Fitness of the Candidates.

Fear of the Power of Great Corporations.

Efficiency of President Roosevelt's Administration.

Results of the Election.


Inauguration of President Taft.

His Cabinet.

Increase of Salaries of Principal Executive Officers.

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.

Alaskan Products.

Hudson-Fulton Celebration.

Arctic Exploration.

Commander Peary's Expedition.

Dr. Cook's Claims.

State Constitutions of Arizona and New Mexico Formed.

President Taft's Disapproval of Them.

New Mexico Admitted to the Union.

Population and Products of Arizona.

Of New Mexico.

The Aeroplane.

Tests and Records Made by Aviators.

The Federal Publicity Law.

President Taft's Recommendation Concerning Classified Service.

His Advance Position on International Arbitration.


Permanent Census Bureau Established.

Work of the Enumerators.

Special Attention Given to Character of Questions.

Enormous Labor of Tabulation and Classification.

Cost of Census.

Population of United States and Territorial Possessions.

Comparisons of Population with That of Previous Decade.

Rapid Growth of Cities.

Westward Advance of Centre of Population.

Emigration to Canada.

Congressional Reapportionment.

Farms of the United States.

Value of Foreign Commerce.

Of Exports.


Government by the People.

Attitude Toward Senator La Follette, the First Progressive.

Number of Progressives in Senate.

Laws Annulled by Courts.

National Progressive Republican League Formed.

Its Platform.

The "Initiative."

The "Referendum."

The "Recall."

Tariff Revision.

The Payne-Aldrich Bill Passed.

Criticism of the Cotton Schedule.

Of the Wool Schedule.

The "Maximum and Minimum" Clause.

Democratic Revision of the Tariff.

Farmers' Free List Bill.

Reciprocity with Canada.

President Taft and the Progressive Movement.















PRESIDENT. (Copyright, 1907, Clinedinst, Washington).

(From a copyrighted photograph by Pach Bros., New York).



JAMES J. HILL. (Copyright, 1902, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).



ANDREW CARNEGIE. (Copyright, 1902, by Rockwood, N. Y.).

J. PIERPONT MORGAN. (Copyright, 1901, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).



by George Grantham Bain).

JOHN HAY, SECRETARY OF STATE. (Copyright, 1904, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).

ELIHU ROOT, SECRETARY OF WAR. (Copyright, 1903, by Clinedinst,

(Photograph by Rice).



M. BUNAU-VARILLA, MINISTER FROM PANAMA. (Photograph by Clinedinst).

(Copyright, 1900, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).

(Photograph by H. H. Morris).

(Copyright, 1902, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).

OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC. (Copyright, 1901, by Underwood & Underwood).


THE BALTIMORE FIRE. (Lombard and Calvert Streets, showing Continental
and Equitable Buildings).

THE BALTIMORE FIRE. (Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east).

Rau, Philadelphia).







Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.).

Underwood & Underwood, N, Y.).

Underwood & Underwood).








CITY OF MEXICO. (Courtesy of the Pan-American Union).

DE JANEIRO. (Courtesy of the Pan-American Union).

Pan-American Union).




by Underwood & Underwood).




SHOSHONE DAM. (Photograph by Clinedinst).



THE PORT OF NEW ORLEANS. (Copyright, 1900, by Detroit Photographic Co.).








(Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).






THE AUDITORIUM. (Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).














Clinedinst, Washington).

CHIEF JUSTICE MELVILLE W. FULLER. (Photograph copyright by Clinedinst,

REAR-ADMIRAL ROBLEY D. EVANS. (Copyright, 1908, by Harris & Ewing).

1907. (Copyright, 1907, by Underwood & Underwood).







THE "ARROW" GETTING UNDER WAY. (Courtesy of Scientific American).



JOSEPH G. CANNON. (Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).

Bell, Washington).


P. TAFT, OF CINCINNATI, OHIO. (Copyright, 1908, by Young & Carl,
Cincinnati, Ohio).

THE INAUGURATION, MARCH 4,1909. (Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).

PRESIDENT TAFT AND CABINET, 1909. (Copyright, 1909, by Brown Bros., N.





(Photograph by Brown Bros., N. Y.).

Clinedinst, Washington).

JANUARY 6, 1912. (Photograph, copyright, by Clinedinst, Washington).

TEXAS. (From a photograph by H. H. Morris).

(Photograph by Brown Bros., N. Y.).



E. DANA DURAND, DIRECTOR OF THE CENSUS. (Copyright by Clinedinst,


ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE. (Copyright by Harris & Ewing, Washington).


SENATOR NELSON W. ALDRICH. (Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington).







Theodore Roosevelt was born in New York City, October 27, 1858. He was
graduated from Harvard in 1880. At the age of twenty-three he entered
the New York State Assembly, where he served six years with great
credit. Two years he was a "cowboy" in Dakota. He was United States
Civil Service Commissioner and President of the New York City Police
Board. In 1897 he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, holding this
position long enough to indite the despatch which took Dewey to Manila.
He then raised the first United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly
spoken of as "Rough Riders," and went to Cuba as their
lieutenant-colonel. Gallantry at Las Guasimas made him their colonel,
the first colonel, Leonard Wood, having received a brigadier-general's
commission. Returning from the war, Colonel Roosevelt found himself, as
by a magic metamorphosis, Governor of his State, fighting civic battles
against growing corporate abuses. He urged compulsory publicity for the
affairs of monopolistic combinations, and was prominently instrumental
in the enactment of the New York Franchise Tax Law.

The party managers in the 1900 convention hoped by making him
Vice-President to remove him from competition for the presidency in
1904. But the most unexpected of the many swift transitions in his
career foiled their calculations and brought him in a moment to the
summit of a citizen's ambition.

The new chief magistrate was no less honest, fearless, or
public-spirited than the recent one; it only remained to be seen whether
he were not less astute and cautious. Coming to the office as he did, he
was absolutely unfettered, which, in one of so frank a temperament,
might prove a danger. He was more popular with the people than with
politicians. Though highly educated and used to the best associations,
he was more approachable than any of his predecessors. At a public
dinner which he attended, one round of cheers was given him as "the
President of the United States" another as "Roosevelt," and a third as
"Teddy." Had McKinley been in his place a corresponding variation would
have been unthinkable.

From a copyrighted photograph by Pach Bros., N. Y.
Theodore Roosevelt.

President Roosevelt's temper and method were in pointed contrast to
McKinley's. Whereas McKinley seemed simply to hold the tiller, availing
himself of currents that to the eye deviously, yet easily and
inevitably, bore him to his objective, Roosevelt strenuously plied the
oar, recking little of cross currents or head winds, if, indeed, he did
not delight in them. Chauncey Depew aptly styled McKinley "a Western man
with Eastern ideas." Roosevelt, "an Eastern man with Western ideas."
This aspect of the new President's character gave him hold on both West
and East. Roosevelt was the first President since William Henry Harrison
to bring to his office the vigor and freshness of the frontier, as he
was, anomalously, the first city-born or wealthy-born incumbent.

Theodore Roosevelt, as Lieut.-Colonel of the "Rough Riders."


The members of President McKinley's cabinet were invited to retain their
portfolios, which they agreed to do. At the time, Roosevelt was reputed
to be the foremost civil service reformer in the country. Politicians
were  soon made aware that the President regarded fitness for office as
the first test. Unfortunately during the presidency of McKinley, some
8000 offices had been taken out of the competitive lists. During
Roosevelt's first term, however, the list of offices placed under the
merit system was greatly extended. Within the twenty-one years from the
enactment of the first national civil service reform law wonders had
been accomplished in that more than one-half of the 300,000 offices in
the executive civil service were placed in the classified competitive

President Roosevelt stood for liberal reciprocity with Cuba, urging
this, at first, with results disastrous to party harmony. He was
vindicated by public opinion, but learned wisdom. Though believed to be
favorable to a decided easing of custom-house levies, his administration
soon frankly avowed itself unable to proceed further than high-
protectionists would follow. The evidence of his tariff convictions won
him strong support in the West, which was prepared to go greater lengths
than he. In the congressional campaign of 1902, ex-Speaker Henderson, of
Iowa, a stanch protectionist, withdrew from public life, as was
supposed, rather than misrepresent himself by acceding to tariff reform
or his constituents by opposing it.

Mr. Roosevelt signalized his accession by an effort to make the federal
anti-trust law something more than a cumberer of the statute-book. His
inaugural message and innumerable addresses of his boldly handled the
whole trust evil and called for the regulation of capitalistic
combinations in the interest of the public.

Appreciation of the President's attitude on these matters may be
assisted by some notice of the then threatening vigor and universality
of the movement toward industrial combination. Mr. Beck, Assistant
Attorney-General of the United States, declared in 1892:

"Excessive capitalization of corporations, dishonest management by their
executive officers, the destruction of the rights of the minority, the
theft of public utilities, the subordination of public interests to
private gain, the debauchery of our local legislatures and executive
officers, and the corruption of the elective franchise, have resulted
from the facility afforded by the law to corporations to concentrate the
control of colossal wealth in the hands of a few men . . . . The
question presses ever more importunately for decision whether these
marvellous aggregations of capital can be subordinated to the very laws
which created them."

Legislation in many States, the enactment of the Sherman anti-trust law
by Congress, and the decision of the Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri
case rendered insecure trust agreements of the old type, in which
constituent corporations surrendered the control of their affairs to
trustees. But the current merely shifted to a different channel, the
trust proper giving way to the giant corporation having the same aims,
methods, and efficiency, while, as more legal, it was less vulnerable.

In the railway world, "community of interest" assumed the place of
pooling agreements. The Union Pacific acquired large holdings from
Collis P. Huntington's estate and controlled the Southern Pacific. The
power behind the Southern Railway got control of nearly all the other
Southern railways, including the Atlantic Coast Line, the Plant System,
and at last even the Louisville and Nashville. The New York Central
dominated the other Vanderbilt roads. The Pennsylvania secured decisive
amounts of Baltimore and Ohio stock, as well as weighty interests in the
Chesapeake and Ohio and the Norfolk and Western, and so on.


Collis P. Huntington.

Great banking establishments, foremost among them the house of J. P.
Morgan & Co., took to financing these schemes. Morgan re-organized the
Northern Pacific, and it would forthwith have pooled issues with the
Great Northern but for opposition by the State of Minnesota. James J.
Hill was master of the Great Northern, and confidence existed between
him and Morgan.

They wished a secure outlet for the products of the Northwest, also
access to Chicago over a line of their own. After a survey of the field
the promoters selected as the most available for the latter office the
Chicago, Burlington and Quincy. Purchase of shares in this corporation
was quietly begun. Soon the Burlington road was apparently in hand.
Prices rose.

Copyright. 1902. by Pach Bros., N. Y.
James J. Hill.

The Union Pacific control perceived in the aggression of the two
northern lines a menace to its northwestern and Pacific coast
connections. The Union Pacific leader, E. H. Harriman, resorted to an
unexpected coup. He attempted to purchase the Northern Pacific,
Burlington and all. A mysterious demand, set Northern Pacific shares
soaring. The stock reached $1,000 a share and none was obtainable. Panic
arose; bankers and brokers faced ruin.

The two sides now declared a truce. The Northern Securities Company was
created, with a capital approaching a billion dollars, to take over the
Burlington, Northern Pacific, and Great Northern stocks.

E. H. Harriman.

The States of Minnesota and Washington, unable in their own courts to
thwart this plan, sought the intervention of the United States Supreme
Court. Their suit was vain till the Administration came to the rescue.
At the instance of the Attorney-General, an injunction issued from the
high court named forbidding the Securities Company to receive the
control of the roads, and the holders of the railroad stocks involved to
give it over. It was observed, however, that at the very time of the
above proceedings the Southern Railways' power obtained control of the
Louisville and Nashville without jar or judicial obstruction.

While general, the process of confederation was specially conspicuous in
the iron and steel trade. In rapid succession the National Steel
Company, the American Sheet Steel Company, and the American Tin Plate
Company were each made up of numerous smaller plants. Each of these
corporations, with a capital from $12,000,000 to $40,000,000, owned the
mines, the ships, and the railways for hauling its products, the mills
for manufacturing, and the agencies for sale. Through the efforts of
John W. Gates numerous wire and nail works were combined into the
American Steel and Wire Company. The Federal Steel Company, the American
Bridge Company, the Republic Iron and Steel Company, huge and complete,
were dictators each in its field.

John W. Gates.

The Carnegie Steel Company long remained independent. Determined not to
enter a "combine," Andrew Carnegie sought to fortify his position. He
obtained a fleet of ships upon the lakes, purchased mines, undertook to
construct tube works at Conneaut, Ohio, and planned for railroads. A
battle of the giants, with loss and possible ruin for one side or the
other, impended. Carnegie was finally willing to sell. Hence, the United
States Steel Corporation capitalized for a billion dollars. Carnegie and
his partners were said to receive about $300,000,000 in bonds of the new
corporation, while the other trusts and the promoters absorbed the stock
for their properties and services. The underwriting syndicate probably
realized $25,000,000.

Copyright. 1902, by Rockwood. N. Y.
Andrew Carnegie.

The trust creators extended their operations abroad. In 1901 J. Pierpont
Morgan and associates acquired the Leyland line of Atlantic
steamships. British nerves had not recovered tone when a steamship
combination, embracing not only American and British but also German
lines and ship-building firms at Belfast and on the Clyde was announced.
Of the great Atlantic companies, only the Cunard line remained
independent. Parliamentary and ministerial assurances of governmental
attention only emphasized the strength of the association.

Copyright, 1901. by Pach Bros., N. Y:
J. Pierpont Morgan.

One effect of this organization at home was to place the Ship Subsidy
Bill, which passed the Senate in 1901, for the time, at least, on the
table. The sentiment of the country, especially of the Middle West,
would not permit the payment of public money to a concern commercially
able to defy Britannia on the sea.

The Yankee Peril confronted Londoners when they saw American capital
securing control of their proposed underground transit system. At their
tables they beheld the output of food trusts. One of these, the
so-called Beef Trust, called down upon itself in 1902 domestic as well
as foreign anathema.

The failure of the corn crop in 1900, together with a scarcity of
cattle, tended to raise the price of beef. In 1902 outcry became
emphatic. Advance in meat values drew forcibly to view the control held
by six slaughtering concerns acting in unison.

The President ordered an investigation, and, as a result, proceedings
under the Sherman Act to restrain the great packers from continuing
their alleged combination. A temporary injunction was granted. The slow
machinery of chancery bade fair to work out a decree, but long before it
was on record, alert spirits among the packing firms evolved a new plan
not obnoxious to decrees, but effective for union.

If the public suffered from these phalanxed industries while they ran
smoothly, it endured peculiar evils from the periodical conflicts
between the capital and the labor engaged in them.

The Steel Strike of 1901 was a conflict over the unionizing of certain
hitherto non-union plants of the United States Steel Corporation. It
resulted in defeat for the strikers and in the disunionizing of plants.

Col. Clements. Gen. Gobin, commanding troops
sent to Shenandoah in the coal strike of 1902.

This strike had no such consequences for the consuming public as
attended the anthracite coal strike of 1902, which was more bitterly
fought in that it was a conflict over wages. The standard of living had
been lowered in one of the coal-fields by the introduction of cheap
foreign labor. Now the same process threatened the other coal-field.

A strike ordered by the United Mine Workers began May 12, 1902, when one
hundred and forty-seven thousand miners went out. Though the record was
marred at places, they behaved well and retained to a large degree
public sympathy. When the price of anthracite rose from about $5 a ton
to $28 and $30, the parts of the country using hard coal were threatened
with a fuel famine and had begun to realize it. For the five months
ending October 12th, the strike was estimated to have cost over
$126,000,000. The operators stubbornly refused to arbitrate or to
recognize the union, and the miners, with equal constancy, held their
ranks intact.

Coal strike at Shenandoah, Pa., 1902. A strikers' picket.

Copyright, 1902, by George Grantham Bain.
The coal strike arbitrators chosen by the President. Carroll D. Wright,
Recorder; T. H. Watkins, General J. M. Wilson, Judge Gray, Presiding
Officer; E, W. Parker, E. E. Clark. and Bishop Spalding.

The problem of protecting the public pressed for solution as never
before. The only suggestion at first discussed was arbitration. Enforced
arbitration could not be effected in the absence of contract without
infringing the workingman's right to labor or to decline to do so; in
other words, without reducing him, in case of adverse decision by
arbitration, to a condition of involuntary servitude. It looked as
though no solution would be reached unless State or nation should
condemn and acquire ample portions of the mining lands to be worked
under its own auspices and in a just manner. This course was suggested,
but nearly all deemed it dangerously radical; nor was it as yet likely
to be adopted by Congress or by the Pennsylvania legislature, should
these powers be called to deal with the problem.

On October 3 President Roosevelt called the coal operators and President
Mitchell of the United Mine Workers to a conference at the White House,
urging them to agree. His effort, at first seeming unsuccessful, was
much criticised, but very few failed to praise it when, a few days
later, it was found to have succeeded completely. An able and impartial
commission, satisfactory to both sides, was appointed by the President
to act as arbitrator, both miners and operators agreeing to abide its
decrees. The miners, the four hundred thousand women and children
dependent on them, the poor beginning to suffer from cold, indeed the
whole nation, including, no doubt, the operators, felt relief.

"How much better," said the young President, once, addressing a
fashionable assembly, "boldly to attempt remedying a bad situation than
to sit quietly in one's retreat, sigh, and think how good it would be if
the situation could be remedied!"




The sentiment noted at the end of the last chapter seemed to be the
motive of Mr. Roosevelt's public life. Not only was he better informed
on the whole than almost any President who had sat in the chair before,
but he was a good lawyer, familiar with national and general history and
awake to all contemporary doings, questions, and interests south, west,
east, and abroad. He was also more a man of action and affairs than any
of his predecessors. He had, in a very high degree, alertness, energy,
courage, initiative, dispatch. Physically as well as mentally vigorous,
he read much, heard all who could usefully inform him, apprehended
easily, decided quickly, and toiled like Hercules. He was just and
catholic in spirit, appreciating whatever was good in any section of the
country or class of people. He respected precedent but was not its
slave. Rather than walk always in ruts with never a jolt, he preferred
some risks of tumbling over hummocks. Few public men of any age or
country have more fully met Aristotle's test of a statesman: "ability to
see facts as they exist and to do the things needing to be done."

Copyright. l904. by Pach Bros., N. Y.
John Hay, Secretary of State. [Died July 1, 1905.]

He had able aids; pre-eminent among these were John Hay, Secretary of
State, and Elihu Root, Secretary of War. Each was, to say the least,
the peer of his greatest predecessors in his office. It was mainly to
Mr. Root that we were indebted for starting the Cubans prosperously as
an independent nation. His service for the Philippines so far as it went
was not less distinguished; and he effected vitally important
reorganization and reform in the war office.

A well co-ordinated plan was developed whereby army officers were given
advanced training in the various branches of military science as in the
European countries. Neither the President nor Secretary Root advocated a
large standing army, but they both strove to bring the army "to the very
highest point of efficiency of any army in the civilized world." The
ability of Secretary Root to inaugurate reforms in a department which
when he became its head was overridden by tradition, was well expressed
by President Roosevelt as follows: "Elihu Root is the ablest man I have
known in our governmental service. I will go further. He is the greatest
man that has appeared in the public life of any country, in any
position, on either side of the ocean in my time."

Copyright. 1903. by Clinedinst, Washington.
Elihu Root, Secretary of War.
[Secretary of State, July 1905.]

Under Secretary Hay our State Department attained unprecedented
prestige, due in part to the higher position among the nations now
accorded us. This result itself Mr. Hay had done much to achieve; and he
passed hardly a month in his office without making some further addition
to the renown and influence of his country. If the United States
has--which may be doubted--raised up diplomatists with Mr. Hay's mastery
of international law and practice and his art and skill in conducting
delicate negotiations, we have probably never had his equal in
diplomatic initiative, or in the thorough preparation and presentation
of cases. He did not meet occasions merely but made them, not
arbitrarily but for the world's good. Settling the Alaskan boundary
favorably to the United States at every point save one, crumbling with
the single stroke of his Pauncefote treaty that Clayton-Bulwer rock on
which Evarts, Blaine, and Frelinghuysen in turn had tried dynamite in
vain, were deeds seldom matched in statecraft.

By an act of Congress, in 1903, a new member was added to the
President's cabinet in the person of the Secretary of the Department of
Commerce and Labor. George B. Cortelyou was the first man appointed to
that office. Two bureaus, those of corporations and of manufactures,
were created for the department. The other bureaus, such as the Bureau
of Statistics, Bureau of Standards of Weights and Measures and Coast and
Geodetic Survey, were transferred from the other departments. The place
of this new department was defined by the President in the following:
"to aid in strengthening our domestic and foreign markets, in perfecting
our transportation facilities, in building up our merchant marine, in
preventing the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in improving
commercial and industrial conditions, and in bringing together on common
ground those necessary partners in industrial progress--capital and

Photograph by Rice.
George B. Cortelyou,
Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor.

Among the problems engaging President Roosevelt none was of wider
interest than the construction of an Atlantic-Pacific canal. A
commission of nine, Rear-Admiral Walker its head, had been set by
President McKinley to find the best route. It began investigation in
the summer of 1899, visiting Paris to examine the claims of the French
Panama Company, and also Nicaragua and Panama. It surveyed, platted,
took borings, and made a minute and valuable report upon the work which
each of the proposed canals would require.

The Isthmian Canal Commission, taken March 22, 1904.
1. Col. Frank J. Hecker. 2. William Barclay Parsons. 3. Wm. H. Burr.
4. C. E. Grunsky. 5. Ad. J. G. Walker. 6. B. M. Harrod. 7. Gen. Geo. W. Davis.

The most practicable routes were Nicaragua and Panama. The Nicaragua way
was between three and four times the longer--183 miles to 49; 38 hours
from ocean to ocean as against 12. The Panama way was straighter, had
less elevation at its summit, and required fewer locks. Congress finally
decided to construct a high level lock-canal. The cost of keeping up and
operating a Panama canal was estimated at six-tenths that of one across
Nicaragua. Harbor expenses and facilities would be nearly the same for
both lines. The time required for construction, probably nine or ten
years, would be a trifle the less at Nicaragua. Control works, to keep
always the proper depth of water in the canal, could be more easily
maintained at Panama.

Panama political and commercial complications were serious. The isthmus
was Colombia territory, and, since October, 1899, a civil war had been
raging in that republic. Its financial condition was desperate. Two
hundred million inconvertible paper pesos had depreciated to the value
of two cents each in gold, yet were legal tender for all obligations. In
such a country, especially as war was in progress, the only government
able to maintain itself was despotic. Civil troubles were intensified by
dissension between Catholics and Protestants. Revolution accompanied any
change in administration.

Under Ferdinand de Lesseps, creator of the Suez Canal, the French
company had performed extensive excavations at Panama. The New Panama
Canal Company of France held certain concessions from the Colombian
government. The value of its assets was $109,000,000 at most. If we dug
at Nicaragua these would be worth little. Besides, a Nicaragua canal
completed, some $6,000,000 of stock owned by the French company in the
Panama railroad would dwindle in value.

The validity of the French company's rights was questioned. Its
agreement to work some each year had not been kept. Its charter was to
expire in October, 1904, but, for 5,000,000 francs, the Colombia
President granted a six-year extension. Even with this the French
franchise would revert to Colombia in 1910. Colombia wished delay. The
United States transcontinental railroads did not want a canal, as it
would divert from them heavy, bulky, and imperishable freight. They
therefore joined Colombia in seeking delay, playing off the Nicaragua
plan against the Panama, hoping to defeat both.

Late in 1901, newspapers in the United States began urging the purchase
from Colombia of a land belt across the isthmus to be United States
territory. Our Senate, December 16, 1901, by a vote of 72 to 6, ratified
the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great Britain, in which it was agreed
that we should build a canal, allowing all other nations to use it.
Meantime, spite of the fact that the Walker commission had recommended
Nicaragua route, public sentiment began to favor Panama. Even the Walker
commission changed to this view.

The Spooner act of Congress, approved June 28, 1902, authorized the
President to build an isthmian canal. The Panama properties and
franchises were to be bought if he could get good title and also obtain
the fee of a right of way from Colombia; otherwise he must pierce
Nicaragua. The act provided for all necessary funds. The French
company's claims were investigated, pronounced valid, and in due time
acquired by the United States.

The American Isthmus, showing routes investigated for a ship-canal.
Solid Lines--Routes investigated by the Isthmian Canal Commission.
Dashed Lines--Routes investigated by others.

Effort to secure from Colombia the required territorial rights was made
in the proposed Hay-Herran treaty, ratified by our Senate, 73 against 5,
March 17, 1903, under which we were to pay Colombia, besides an annual
rental $10,000,000 for the lease of a belt six miles wide from sea to
sea. August 17, 1903, the Colombian Senate rejected this treaty, and,
October 18, the government of that country proposed another, involving
the payment by us of $25,000,000 instead of $10,000,000. If we offered
this, would not the price rise to $30,000,000 or more?

Papers in the United States argued for a revolution in Panama. The
isthmus, it was urged, was in time nearer to Washington than to Bogota.
All Panama interests centred in the canal. Should Nicaragua get the
canal, Colon and Panama would be deserted. Both places owed their peace
to the presence of our navy. On the principle that treaties concerning
territory run with the territory, ignoring changes of sovereignty, our
time-honored obligation to keep peace on the isthmus, bound us, if
Panama set up for herself, to protect her even against Colombia. England
would concur. English ships would use the canal more than ours. Great
Britain, risking and spending nothing, would gain incalculably. France,
too, would acquiesce. The Frenchmen got some $40,000,000 if the canal
crossed Panama but lost everything if it passed to Nicaragua. Other
European nations wished the canal built and felt that now was the
accepted time. Latin-American States alone showed sympathy with

Photograph by Clinedinst.
M. Bunau-Varilla, Minister from Panama.

Revolution took place. On the afternoon of November 3, 1903, the Panama
city council declared that city independent of Colombia. Colon followed.
A provisional Panama government was organized. November 6 we recognized
Panama as an independent State. November 7 she appointed M.
Bunau-Varilla her diplomatic agent at Washington. November 13 he was, as
such, formally received by President Roosevelt. November 18 Secretary
Hay and M. Bunau-Varilla signed a treaty whose first article read: "The
United States guarantees and will maintain the independence of the
Republic of Panama." Articles II and III gave us, in effect, sovereignty
over a ten-mile wide canal zone between the oceans. This treaty was
ratified by Panama December 2, and by our Senate February 23, 1904.
November 16, 1903, Colombia protested to Great Britain against our
action, and, November 28, offered us a canal concession free if we would
permit her to subjugate Panama.

Both at home and abroad the administration was charged with sharp
practice for its Panama coup, and the case made out by critics was prima
facie strong--less, indeed, on its legal than on its ethical and
prudential side. We had allowed ourselves to profit by Colombia's
distress, encouraged secession in federal republics like our own, and
rendered ourselves and our Monroe doctrine objects of dread throughout
Central and South America. Still, Colombia had been so stiff and greedy
and the settlement was in the main so happy, that censure soon subsided.
All the powerful nations speedily followed our example and recognized
Panama's independence.

Copyright, 1900. by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y:
Great heaps of wreckage piled high by the Galveston disaster.

In September, 1900, the city of Galveston was visited by one of the
greatest disasters known in American history. A fierce storm swept the
waters of the gulf over the island on which Galveston is situated,
destroying property aggregating many millions of dollars and causing the
loss of 6,000 lives out of the total population of 37,000. For a time it
seemed that the site of the city would have to be abandoned, for the
highest land on which buildings stood was but a few feet above the
highest waves. It was determined, however, to build a stone wall three
miles in length which should be massive enough to protect the city from
any similar attack. Its top, which is five feet thick, is three feet
above the highest point reached by the water. The bottom of the wall is
sixteen feet thick. This wall, which is built concave toward the gulf,
is protected by earth and stone filled in for two hundred feet, thus
providing a driveway thirty feet wide with walks on either side,
beautified with trees and shrubs.

Photograph by H. H. Morris.
The boulevard and sea-wall, Galveston. Built after the flood.

The management of public affairs during the rebuilding of the city was
entrusted to a committee of experts. So efficiently and economically was
the administration of the government, that the Galveston Plan, commonly
spoken of as the Commission Plan, soon became a model for municipal
organization. A modification of this plan was soon put into operation at
Des Moines, Iowa. This plan consists of government by five salaried
persons, one of them acting as mayor. This body performs both
legislative and executive duties, each member being in charge of a
department of the city government. The arguments in favor of this type
of government are: (1) Responsibility is easily located; (2) a few men
receive such salaries that they may be expected to give their whole time
to the duties of their offices; (3) more civic interest will be aroused.
All officers are subject to removal at any time by vote of a certain
proportion of the people.

The Cuban government was organized in the spring of 1902. On May 20 of
that year, Governor-General Wood for the United States turned over the
government house at Havana to President Tomaso Estrada y Palma.

The ceremonies attending the transfer were impressive. A letter from
President Roosevelt addressed to the President and the Congress of the
Republic of Cuba was handed to President Palma. This declared the
occupation of Cuba by the United States to be at an end and tendered the
sincere friendship and good wishes of this country. At noon General Wood
hauled down the American flag, which had floated above the Governor's
palace at Havana, and assisted General Gomez in raising to the breeze
the red triangle with central silver star and three blue and two white
stripes constituting the flag of the new republic. All of the foreign
ships in the harbor likewise ran up the Cuban flag in honor of the
occasion. Forty-five shots, one for each State in the Union, were fired
as the stars and stripes were lowered from Morro Castle and the other
fortresses. The American troops saluted the new emblem, fired twenty-one
guns in honor of the new nation, and then embarked for the United
States. Thus was kept to the letter--a noble example of public
faith--the promise we made when invading Cuba, that we would not acquire

Copyright, 1902, by Underwood &Underwood, N.Y.
Tomaso Estrada y Palma,
First President of Cuba, in the palace, Havana.

Copyright. 1902, by Underwood & Underwood.
Lowering the Stars and Stripes on the palace,
May 20, 1902, for the flag of the Cuban Republic.

Those who prophesied a short life for the new republic and a reign of
fraud and corruption were mistaken. During the first year economy became
the rule in the administration of all branches of the public service,
the government was self supporting, and a balance accumulated in the
treasury. Moreover, the reforms inaugurated by Americans continued. Some
3,400 teachers were employed in the island and 120,000 pupils were in
constant attendance upon the schools. In all parts of the island the
effects of American rule were visible. Ten million dollars had been
expended in sanitation reforms and the cleansing of Havana and the other
cities. Industrial schools for orphan boys and girls were begun and
hospitals and asylums for the sick, helpless, and insane were
reestablished. By 1901 a railroad, with branch lines, was constructed
between Santiago and Havana, thus giving the whole island excellent
transportation facilities.

Cuba could not gain prosperity at a bound. Whereas the island should,
under natural conditions, have had $30,000,000 to $40,000,000 due her
from foreign countries in 1902, she was $50,000,000 in debt. Her
manufactures were insignificant. It was estimated that, in the year
named, $80,000,000 of American money was invested in Cuba. The main
enterprises were railroads, sugar and tobacco plantations, mines, and
fruit farms.

Free commercial intercourse with Spain no longer existing, Cuban sugar
and tobacco producers sought markets in the United States, leading to
the "reciprocity" conflict touched upon in Chapter XIII, Vol. V. During
1902 a reciprocity treaty was negotiated and promptly ratified in Cuba.
Our Senate amended it and returned it to Cuba for reconsideration.
Brought hither again, it was passed by our Senate in December, 1903.
President Roosevelt signed it December 17, declaring its provisions
effective in ten days.

The Philippine Commission (Chapter XV, Vol. V), four Americans and three
islanders, at first enacted laws by the authority of the President as
Commander-in-Chief. After the Congressional Act of July 1, 1902, the
formula ran: "By authority of the United States be it enacted by the
Philippine Commission." The government was pronouncedly civil both in
nature and in spirit, the natives being gradually placated, and only an
occasional outbreak demanding the presence of troops. Schools were
established, the English language and American ideas of government and
business introduced. No promise of Philippine independence was given,
yet the tenor of our whole policy toward the Filipinos, of official
utterances and of public sentiment relating to them, was to the effect
that we should never look upon any of the islands as a crown colony.

Gov. William H. Taft
[Secretary of War, 1905.]

The same interests that forbade Cuban reciprocity opposed tariff
concessions to the Philippines. A 25 per cent reduction from the Dingley
rates was the best that Congress would grant, though the commission
besought one of at least 75 per cent. For a time our behavior in this
too much resembled English and Spanish dealings with colonies centuries
ago. The United States acquired from the Philippine religious orders
422,337 acres of land, three-fifths of it highly cultivated and thickly
inhabited, for $7,239,000. In all, the government owned about 61,000,000
out of the perhaps 70,000,000 acres of land in the islands. Of the
government lands, 40,000,000 acres were forest.

The law of July 1, 1902, to supplement the commission, provided for a
native assembly of not more than 100 members or less than 50, with
annual sessions of 90 days. Municipal autonomy was allowed and became
common. An efficient constabulary was established, also a Philippine
mint and coinage system on a gold basis. Careful exploitation of the
agricultural, mineral, and other resources of the islands was provided
for, as well as an increasing number of public improvements in the
interest of order, health, and cleanliness. To promote investment in the
Philippine public works, 4 per cent bonds were issued, guaranteed by the
United States.

The Baltimore fire.
Lombard and Calvert Streets, Showing Continental and Equitable Buildings.


Preparatory to forming the Philippine Assembly the commission took a
census of the islands. In 1905 the population returned from 342 islands
was 7,635,426. Of this number only about 9 per cent were wild tribes,
though more than half the entire population could neither read nor write
in any language. Of the 370,000 pupils in the newly established schools,
or double the number in attendance two years previously, one in nine on
the average had some understanding of English. Twelve thousand adults
were in the night schools, chiefly engaged in acquiring the English

The Baltimore fire.
Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east.

In February, 1904, a fire broke out in the heart of the city of
Baltimore. Some 1,337 structures were either entirely destroyed or
rendered unfit for occupancy. The loss in buildings and other property
destroyed was about $75,000,000. With a few exceptions, the financial
district of the city was burned. For a time it was feared that the
losses would be so great that restoration could not be made, but new
plans were projected which included broader streets and better
buildings. Instead of a decrease in the number of business concerns,
there was an increase through the entrance of firms from the outside.

Copyright, 1904. William H. Rau, Philadelphia.
Opening Day at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
President D. K. Francis delivering the opening address.

The Varied Industries Building.

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis was opened April 30,
1904, and continued for seven months. It commemorated the acquisition of
the Louisiana territory which was consummated April 30, 1803, marking
one of the greatest events in American history. Out of this area had
been carved thirteen States and two territories wherein over 17,000,000
people were making their homes.

The design for the exposition represented the work of ten of the most
distinguished architects of the country. The buildings, grouped in
perfect taste, mostly of noble style, had 128 acres of floor space, far
beyond that at the disposal of any preceding fair. The grounds also were
unprecedentedly ample and beautifully diversified, containing about
1,200 acres. The total attendance, 18,741,073, fell short of that at
Chicago in 1893 by over 8,000,000.

The general plan of the exposition was intended to symbolize the history
of the Louisiana territory representing the successive occupants of the
soil--the wild animals; the  Indians; the discoverers; the explorers;
the hunters; the trappers, and the pioneers. The aim was to make it one
vast educational object lesson. To that end there were extensive
exhibits from thirty States and from the chief cities of work done in
the primary and secondary schools and in the universities and colleges
of the country. This feature culminated in the International Congress of
Arts and Sciences. Over 100 of the leading scholars from England,
France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Japan, the United States, and a number
of other countries made addresses and took part in the various
discussions. All the fields of human knowledge were represented by these

One feature of this exposition was unique: it represented to an
unprecedented extent processes in lieu of products or in addition to
them. Every day at almost every point something was literally doing,
going on. Machinery whizzed, mines were operated, artists were at work,
experts showed their craft; Indians, Filipinos, the blind, deaf, and
dumb were taught.




The Republican convention met at Chicago, June 21, and on June 23
nominated Theodore Roosevelt for President. President Roosevelt's
nomination was a certainty from the beginning. This action was demanded
by the rank and file of Republicans, for his achievements were popular.
Among the problems which he had helped to solve were those growing out
of the war with Spain; settlement of the anthracite coal strike;
creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor; and the investigation
and prosecution of dishonesty in the post-office department.

Charles W. Fairbanks,
Vice-President of the United States.

Plans for the convention had all been matured in advance with the
exception of the selection of a candidate for Vice-President. By the
time the convention assembled the opinion was general that for
geographical reasons some one from Indiana should be named for this
office. Charles Warren Fairbanks, a leading lawyer in Indianapolis, who
was serving his second term in the United States Senate, was nominated
without any real opposition. He had served as a member of the Joint High
Commission to adjust international questions of moment between the
United States and Great Britain. Grover Cleveland and William Jennings
Bryan had declared they would not be candidates for the presidency and
the Democratic party was in a dilemma. Both the conservative and the
radical elements of the party declared they would write the platform and
name the candidates. Alton Brooks Parker, Chief Judge of the Court of
Appeals of New York, who was supported by Grover Cleveland, came
gradually into prominence as the candidate of the conservatives and
William Randolph Hearst of the radicals.

The Republican convention at Chicago, 1904.

The chief contest came in the Democratic convention of New York. There
Judge Parker was supported by David B. Hill, ex-United States senator,
and August Belmont, a New York banker. In consequence it was declared by
the opposition that Judge Parker was the candidate of the trusts, Wall
Street magnates, and a class of politicians of which Hill was the type.
This view was taken by Bryan. In spite of the opposition of Tammany
leaders and the Hearst faction, twice as many Parker as Hearst delegates
were chosen.

William R. Hearst.

In the convention, which met at St. Louis, July 9, Judge Parker received
658 votes for President on the first ballot, Hearst received 200, and
there were a few scattering votes. The requisite two-thirds came to
Parker before the result of the ballot was announced. Henry G. Davis, of
West Virginia, was named for the office of Vice-President.

He had served two terms in the United States Senate, had declined the
office of Post-Master General under President Cleveland, was very
wealthy, and noted for his philanthropy.

Bryan demanded that the platform should be silent on the question of the
money standard, but Parker declined the nomination unless it should be
understood that he would maintain the gold standard, and his declaration
was endorsed by the convention.

There were no distinguishing issues between the two leading parties. The
money question had disappeared and both parties were outspoken in their
declarations against trusts and combinations of capital.

The Populist party, in a convention made up of delegates from one-half
the States, nominated Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, and Thomas H.
Tubbles, of Nebraska, for President and Vice-President, respectively.
There were two Socialist conventions: one, that of the Social Democratic
party, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President, and the
Socialist Labor party named Charles H. Corregan, of New York, for the
same office. The nominees of the Prohibitionist party were Silas C.
Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and George W. Carroll, of
Texas, for Vice-President.

The Democratic convention at St. Louis, 1904.

The campaign was noteworthy on account of the apathy which was very
general. Heated discussions so characteristic of previous political
contests were seldom heard, and arguments were addressed to the
intelligence of voters rather than to passion and prejudice.

It has been called a reading rather than a speaking campaign. The
leading Republican document was a pamphlet containing two notable
addresses. One of these was delivered by John Hay at Jackson, Mich., on
the occasion of the celebration of the semi-centennial of the founding
of the Republican party. He attributed to that party the success in the
conduct of public affairs since 1860, and praised President Roosevelt as
a man and great administrator. The other speech was similar in content,
and was delivered by Elihu Root as temporary chairman of the Republican

Alton B. Parker.

Toward the close of the campaign, the charge was made that the
Republicans were endeavoring to win through a wholesale purchase of
votes. It was asserted that George B. Cortelyou, manager of the
campaign, having obtained secrets of the conduct of some of the great
corporations, was using that knowledge to force them to contribute to
the Republican fund. A second charge proclaimed that the administration
had changed its attitude toward certain corporations and that the
magnates of Wall Street, having decided to elect Roosevelt, were
contributing generously to the Republican campaign fund. Shortly before
the day for the election, Judge Parker in a series of speeches announced
his belief in these reports. President Roosevelt declared that no proof
for the statements could be produced, and ended as follows: "The
statements made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously false.
As Mr. Cortelyou has said to me more than once during this campaign, if
elected I shall go into the presidency unhampered by any pledge,
promise, or understanding of any kind, sort or description, save my
promise, made openly to the American people, that so far as in my power
lies I shall see to it that every man has a square deal, no less and no
more." In his reply, Judge Parker reiterated the charge, but gave no
concrete instances of money having been obtained from corporations.

Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.
Inauguration of President Roosevelt, March 4. 1905.

Out of a total vote of 13,544,705, Roosevelt received 7,630,893 votes,
or 2,524,244 more than his leading competitor. His majority was
1,717,081. Debs received 397,308 votes; Swallow, 258,039; Watson,
114,306; Corregan, 32,516. Thirty-three States gave Roosevelt majorities
and twelve Southern States returned majorities for Parker. In the
electoral college Roosevelt received 336 votes and Parker 140. A
surprising feature of the election was the large number of independent
votes cast, as shown by the fact that Minnesota, Massachusetts,
Missouri, and Montana, while giving majorities for the Republican
candidates, elected Democratic governors, and in several other States a
similar tendency was manifest in the divergence between the vote for the
national candidates and local candidates.




The aggressive policy of President Roosevelt continued throughout the
four years succeeding March 4, 1905, when he again took the oath of
office as President. In his suggested reforms he continued to be a real
leader of the people. John Hay, who for seven years had so efficiently
performed his duties as Secretary of State, was continued in that
office. William H. Taft, after his return from the Philippine Islands,
where he had held the office of first civil governor, succeeded Elihu
Root as Secretary of War.

The United States, having become a world power after the war with Spain,
assumed leadership in the adjustment of Chinese problems. At the close
of the century American manufacturers had built up in China a market for
their cotton goods which they desired to extend. At the same time strife
arose among some of the European nations for trade advantages in that
empire. Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy were demanding
for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and special trade
privileges in various parts of that country. Gradually, spheres of
influence covering certain regions were acquired and it seemed probable
that China would be partitioned among the European Powers as Africa had
been in the previous decade. This would be a blow to American export
trade. Now the acquisition of the Philippine Islands gave us a vantage
point from which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental
affairs. In September, 1899, John Hay addressed a note to the European
Powers interested, asking recognition of the policy of the "open door,"
which means that no power should exclude the citizens of other nations
from equal trade rights, within its sphere of influence, in China.
Without winning complete acceptance from all the nations, the justice of
this policy was, in the main, approved.

Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.
Count Von Waldersee escorted by officers of the allied armies
between lines of U. S. troops toward the Sacred Gate, Peking.

During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion in which there were
massacres of Europeans and Americans. When the foreign legations were
besieged in Peking, United States troops took part in the expedition
which marched to their relief. Seizure of Chinese territory, as
indemnity, might have followed, but Secretary Hay brought the influence
of this country to bear in securing guarantees of the territorial
integrity of China and equal trade rights in its ports.

Friendly relations between the Chinese Empire and the United States were
still further strengthened by the liberal attitude of our government
relative to the indemnity growing out of the Boxer uprising. The total
amount which China had obligated itself to pay the governments,
societies, and private individuals was $333,000,000. Of this sum,
$24,400,778 was allotted to the United States. As a mark of friendship
for China, Congress upon the recommendation of President Roosevelt,
1907, cancelled the obligation of China to pay that part of the
stipulated indemnity in excess of $11,655,492, or an amount adequate to
cover the actual amount of the claims. This generous conduct prompted
the Chinese government to devote the funds thus remitted to the sending
of Chinese students to this country for their education. About one
hundred of these students have entered our schools and colleges each
year since 1907. American institutions will, as a consequence, have a
great influence on the progressive development of China.

For some time Russia had been extending her influence over the Chinese
tributary province of Manchuria. In 1903 negotiations for a new
commercial treaty were begun between China and the United States. There
were numerous delays on account of an agreement relative to opening the
Manchurian ports. For a time it seemed probable that the American demand
that her trading rights should be restored in Manchuria would bring on
serious complications with Russia. Upon the completion of the treaty,
however, the request was renewed and China acquiesced by opening the
ports of Mukden and Ta Tung Kao to the ships of all nations. At the same
time Russia agreed that she would in no way oppose this action.

Copyright 1901, by Underwood & Underwood.
American flag raised over battered remnants of South Gate
immediately after city's capture. Battle of Tien-Tsin, China.

At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Russia, in 1904, Secretary
Hay took another step toward maintaining the administrative entity of
the Chinese Empire. At the suggestion of Germany he addressed a note to
the powers which had taken part in the treaty of Peking, asking them to
pledge themselves to limit the area of the war; keep China from becoming
involved, and use their best endeavors to prevent the violation of
Chinese interests by either belligerent, provided China should maintain
absolute neutrality. These proposals were agreed to by the signatory
nations, and both Russia and Japan promised to respect Chinese

Meantime a new national spirit had been developing rapidly in China and
a greater sensitiveness was manifest toward the treatment of Chinese
outside the empire. The strict interpretation of the Chinese Exclusion
act had caused many Chinese entering the ports of the United States
unwarranted hardships. A crisis was reached in 1905.

Arrival of Chinamen at Malone, N. Y.,
from Canada, accompanied by officials.

According to the rules adopted by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,
neither the immigration acts nor the Chinese exclusion acts apply to a
Chinese person born in the United States. Under the laws, all Chinese
laborers, both skilled and unskilled, are prohibited from entering the
United States, but this prohibition does not extend to merchants,
teachers, students, and travellers who are to be granted all the rights,
privileges, and exemptions accorded the citizens of any other nation. In
spite of these rulings, Ju Toy, who claimed to have been born in the
United States, was deported. Three Chinamen, with their sister, who had
been studying in the English schools came to Boston. Notwithstanding
they had a letter from Mr. Choate, former United States ambassador to
Great Britain, they were not allowed to land with other passengers, and
were otherwise humiliated by the formalities to which they were
subjected. Men of influence throughout the Chinese Empire were aroused
and a circular was issued, in May, 1905, which was widely disseminated
in the chief cities, calling for agreement not to buy any more American
goods. Newspapers urged students to leave schools where American
teachers were employed or American text-books or supplies were used. At
this juncture President Roosevelt was appealed to by the American
members of the Chinese Educational Association. Acting with his
accustomed vigor, he issued instructions to the Secretary of Commerce
and Labor to send a letter to all immigration officials, instructing
them that "any discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any officials of
the Government will be the cause for immediate dismissal from the
service." In his message to Congress he declared that it was Chinese
laborers alone who are undesirable, and that other Chinamen--students,
professional men, merchants--should be encouraged to come to the United
States. "We have no right," he wrote, "to claim the open door in China
unless we do equity to the Chinese."




Great progress was made during the nineteenth century toward the
settlement of differences between nations through arbitration. The
United States was a party to 50 out of the total number of 120
arbitration treaties. Questions settled in this manner, such as
boundary, damages inflicted by war or civil disturbances and injuries to
commerce, would formerly have led to war. Twenty of these cases have
been between the United States and Great Britain, and a settlement was
effected when, at times, it seemed as if war could not be averted.

The work of the Hague Peace Conference, which met May 18, 1899,
constituted a fitting close to the efforts which were put forth during
the century to bring about conciliation through arbitration. The
conference assembled in response to an invitation issued by the Czar of
Russia "on behalf of disarmament and the permanent peace of the world."
One hundred and ten delegates were present, representing twenty-six
different powers of which the United States was one. The delegates were
divided into three commissions, each having separate subjects for

The House in the Woods, The Hague, Holland,
where the first Peace Conference was held.

The first commission adopted unanimously the resolution that "the
limitation of the military charges which so oppress the world is
greatly to be desired," but agreed that this  could not now be
accomplished through an international compact.

In the second commission a revision of the Declaration of Brussels
concerning the rules of war was made. It was agreed by the entire
conference that a new convention for this purpose should be called, and
that the protection offered by the Red Cross, as agreed upon in the
Geneva convention, should also be extended to naval warfare.

The proposition expressing the desire that international conflicts might
in the future be settled through arbitration was considered by the third
commission. Said ex-President Harrison: "The greatest achievement of the
Hague conference was the establishment of an absolutely impartial
judicial tribunal." Some of the chief features of this permanent court
of arbitration were as follows:
(1) Each nation which agreed to the plan was to appoint, within three
months, four persons of recognized competency in international law, who
were to serve for six years as members of the International Court;
(2) an International Bureau was established at The Hague for the purpose
of carrying on all intercourse between the signatory powers relative to
the meetings of the court and to serve also as the recording office, for
the court;
(3) nations in dispute may select from the list of names appointed as
above, and submitted to them by the bureau, those persons whom they
desire to act as arbitrators;
(4) the meetings of the court are to be held at The Hague unless some
other place is stipulated by the nations in the controversy.

The permanent International Court of Arbitration was declared to be
organized and ready for operation by April, 1901. At that time there
were seventy-two judges appointed by twenty-two of the signatory powers,
It is readily seen that the advantages of such a court are that
unprejudiced arbitrators are selected, rules of procedure are defined,
and decisions rendered are more liable to be accepted in future cases
and thus a code of law will be formed. So many cases have been submitted
to this tribunal that it has been said that a government which will not
now try arbitration before resorting to arms is no longer considered
respectable. This court was convened for the first time May 18, 1901.

The first case coming before the tribunal--the Pious Fund Case--was
presented by the United States and Mexico, September 15, 1902. Up to
1846 the Mexican government had paid annual interest on some property
administered by it but belonging to the Catholic church. Part of it was
situated in what is now California. After 1848, when this California
estate came under United States jurisdiction, Mexico refused to pay that
part of the church outside of Mexico its share. This difference between
our Government and Mexico the Hague Tribunal took up.

Agreeably to chapter 3, title 4, of the agreement, each party named two
arbitrators, and the latter, acting together, an umpire. In case of an
equality of votes a third power, designated by agreement of the parties,
was to select the umpire. The arbitrators chosen were M. de Martens, of
the Orthodox Greek church; Sir Edward Fry, an English Protestant; M.
Asser, a Jew, and M. Savornin-Loman, a Dutch Protestant. Decision was
reached within the prescribed thirty days and announced October 14,
1902. It favored the United States contention, giving its proportion of
the Mexican payments to the Catholic church in California.

President Castro of Venezuela.

A second case, involving issues of war and peace, arose from the action
of Great Britain and Germany against Venezuela in the winter of
1902-1903. Subjects of these as well as of  other powers had claims
against Venezuela. That country was in financial straits and its
creditors pressed. December 9, 1902, British and German war-ships sunk
or seized some Venezuelan vessels; next day they landed marines at La
Guayra, who took possession of the custom house; the 14th they bombarded
and demolished a fort at Puerto Cabello. Through the good offices of the
United States the matter of debts was referred to the Hague Tribunal.
The German claims were decided by two representatives of Germany and two
of Venezuela, or, if they disagreed, by an umpire whom the United States
selected. So with the other claims. The tribunal fixed the order in
which Venezuela should pay the different countries, and the United
States was charged with overseeing the payments, a percentage of
Venezuelan customs receipts being reserved for that purpose.

In 1903 Andrew Carnegie donated $1,500,000 for the purpose of erecting a
"palace of peace," the permanent head-quarters of this court. The deed
of trust states: "The establishment of a permanent Court of Arbitration
by the treaty of the 29th of July, 1899, is the most important step
forward, of a world-wide humanitarian character, that has ever been
taken by the joint powers, as it must ultimately banish war, and
further, being of opinion that the cause of peace will greatly benefit
by the erection of a court house and library for the permanent Court of
Arbitration," etc.

The new Peace Palace, The Hague, Holland.

The site of this building, which will be ready for occupancy in 1912, is
near The Hague. Its exterior will resemble some of the old city walls to
be seen in Holland. The various governments which were parties to the
treaty have contributed materials for the completion of the interior and
objects of art for decoration. The United States presented a large
marble group of statuary called "Peace Through Justice."

Two notable congresses were held in the United States during the year
1904, for the purpose of promoting the peace of the world. The
Inter-Parliamentary Union held a meeting, the twelfth in its history, in
connection with the World's Fair at St. Louis. This organization was
founded at Paris in 1888 by thirty members of the French Chamber of
Deputies and ten members of the British Parliament, for the purpose of
promoting the cause of peace and arbitration. Scoffed at from the
beginning, the Union continued to grow until it included parliamentary
delegates from every European country having a constitutional form of

The meeting of the Union at St. Louis was the first to be held in the
United States, for this country took no part in the organization until
1903. Russia and Turkey, having no parliaments, are not represented in
the meetings of the Union. It is a noteworthy fact however that the Czar
sent an official representative to the meeting in 1896 and that it was
due to his report of that meeting, more than to any other cause, that
the Czar invited the nations to send representatives to The Hague in

Russian and Japanese Peace Envoys in session at Portsmouth, N. H.

In the congress at St. Louis, representatives from the deliberative
bodies of fifteen nations were present. Among these delegates were some
of the well-known public men from Great Britain, France, Germany,
Austria, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, the United States, and various
other countries. They were practical men and not dreamers.

Two important resolutions resulted from the gathering. One of these
called upon the powers to intervene and put an end to the war between
Russia and Japan. The other invited the President of the United States
to call a second peace congress, similar to the Hague conference. The
resolution, addressed to President Roosevelt, stated that there were a
number of questions left unsettled from the first Hague conference and
that new problems had arisen since that time which demanded
readjustment, such as the use of wireless telegraphy in the time of war.

On October 3 of the same year an international peace congress was held
in Boston. Numerous congresses of this nature have been held from time
to time since the meeting of the first one in London in 1843. Since the
year 1888, when a congress was held in Paris, an international peace
congress has met each year with the exception of 1895, the year of the
Boer war, and in 1898 and 1899, on account of the Spanish-American war.
The first of these congresses in America was held in conjunction with
the Columbian Exposition at Chicago, 1893. There were in attendance at
Boston distinguished statesmen, clergymen, scholars, and professional
men, and a number of noted women, representing the many peace and
arbitration societies in Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and numerous
other countries.

On the Sunday before the opening of the congress, special services were
held in many of the Boston churches and the peace movement was discussed
by distinguished preachers from Europe and America. In the deliberative
sessions, which were held in Faneuil Hall, the Old South Meeting House,
and other places, the first session being opened by an address by
Secretary of State John Hay, the following topics, among others, were
discussed: the work and influence of the Hague Tribunal; the reduction
of the armaments of the nations; education and the peace sentiment. But
here, as in every previous congress, the two topics to receive primary
consideration have been arbitration and disarmament. At all times there
has been the urgent appeal to the nations to abandon the brutality and
injustice of war and to adopt the humane and just methods of peace.

In response to the resolution adopted at St. Louis, President Roosevelt,
on October 20, 1904, invited the nations which had taken part in the
first Hague conference to another conference at the same place. But in
his message to Congress of that year he defined very clearly his own
position, condemning in no uncertain terms the thought of peace at any
price. "There are kinds of peace," he said, "which are highly
undesirable, which are in the long run as destructive as any war. The
peace of tyrannous terror, the peace of craven weakness, the peace of
injustice--all these should be shunned as we shun unrighteous war."

Building where the second Peace Conference
was held, The Hague, Holland.

Favorable replies to the invitation sent by President Roosevelt were
received from all the nations. Russia, then in the midst of war with
Japan, while approving, stipulated that the conference should not be
called until the end of that war. When peace was restored, in the summer
of 1905, Emperor Nicholas II issued an invitation to fifty-three nations
to send representatives to such a conference. For the first time, nearly
every independent nation on the globe was represented among the
delegates in an international gathering of this nature. It met at The
Hague during the summer of 1907.

First session of the second Peace Conference, The Hague, Holland.

Delegates from the United States were instructed to favor obligatory
arbitration; the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration; the
prohibition of force in the collection of contract debts; immunity from
seizure of private property at sea; a clearer definition of the rights
of neutrals, and the limitation of armaments.

While belief was reasserted by the conference that there should be the
obligatory arbitration of all questions relating to treaties and
international problems of a legal nature, the principle was not adopted,
although thirty-two nations of the forty-five represented favored it.

The resolution adopted, which provided for the collection of contract
debts, is as follows: "In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts
of a purely pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of
the government of one country by the government of another country to be
due to its nationals, the signatory powers agree not to have recourse to
armed force for the collection of such contractual debts. However, this
stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor State refuses or
leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate; or, in case of acceptance,
makes it impossible to formulate the terms of submission; or, after
arbitration, fails to comply with the award rendered."

Provision was made for an international prize court, to which appeal
might be made from the prize courts of the belligerent powers. The
declaration was adopted prohibiting the throwing of projectiles and
explosives from balloons.

Before the end of the year 1908, one hundred and thirty-five arbitration
treaties had been concluded. The United States was a party to twelve of
these. Most of the treaties bind the signatory powers to submit to the
Hague Tribunal all differences in so far as they do not affect "the
independence, the honor, the vital interests, or the exercise of
sovereignty of the contracting countries, and provided it has been
impossible to obtain an amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic
negotiations or by any other method of conciliation."




Looking toward the completion of the Panama Canal, there has been a
revival of interest on the part of the United States in the republics of
South America. From the time of the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine,
there has been a distant friendship on our part for these nations. The
plan inaugurated by James G. Blaine when Secretary of State is much
better understood to-day than in his time. In 1881, with the desire of
emphasizing the leadership of the United States in the western
hemisphere, he proposed a congress of all the American nations. Nothing
came of the proposal at the time, but in 1888 Congress passed a
resolution providing for such an international conference. The meeting
was in Washington the following year, and Secretary Blaine, as chairman,
exercised great influence. While the direct results of the meeting were
not great--principally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all
disputes among these nations--the indirect benefits were considerable.
In 1901 a second Pan-American congress was held in the city of Mexico.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.
Federal Palace, where the second Pan-American
Congress was held in the City of Mexico.

In the meantime the trade with these countries has been largely
monopolized by England, France, and Germany. During the year 1905, the
total exports and imports of the Latin-American countries amounted to
$2,000,000,000. Of this foreign trade the United States bought 35 per
cent of the exports and sold to these countries only 27 per cent of
their imports, producing an unfavorable balance of trade amounting to
$200,000,000. Of the goods imported from this country, over one-fourth
went to Mexico and Cuba. In that year Brazil bought from the United
States only 11 per cent of its imports. Argentina, with a larger foreign
trade than either Japan or China, bought only 14 per cent of its imports
from the United States. With the exception of Mexico, the foreign
commerce of the Latin-American states with European countries has
increased more rapidly than with the United States. Various reasons have
been given for this situation. The sensitive South American resents the
air of superiority assumed toward them by the people of the United
States. In our newspapers there is a seeming disregard for the real
evidences of their national development. Revolutions and boundary
disputes have been exaggerated. In general, citizens of the United
States have no comprehension of the advancement of these countries
within recent times and appreciate but slightly that their economic
future is as fully assured as our own. Argentina constitutes an
excellent example of this progress. This country has an area of
1,135,840 square miles. Splendid rivers water the immense plains. The
chief of these, the Parana, which flows 2,000 miles through the country,
carries a volume of water to the sea one and one-half times that of the
Mississippi, and is capable of floating ships having a draught of 18
feet for 600 miles into the interior. Buenos Ayres, with a population of
1,000,000, in 1906 had a volume of foreign trade amounting to
$562,000,000, constituting it the twelfth port in the world. In 1905
over 10,000,000 acres of land were cultivated in Argentina, an increase
of fourfold within fifteen years. The cereals, cotton, fruits, and meats
produced amounted to $350,000,000.

That the volume of trade between this country and the South American
states has been so small has been due also to the fact that so few
vessels flying the stars and stripes are engaged in this trade.
According to the report of Secretary Root, in 1906, there were in the
harbor of Rio Janeiro the previous year, 1,785 ships flying the flag of
Great Britain; 657 the flag of Germany; 349 the French; 142 the
Norwegian, and 7 sailing vessels (two of them in distress) the flag of
the United States. The bulk of goods from this country to South America
goes by the way of European ports and on foreign ships.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.
Monroe Palace, where the third Pan-American
Conference was held in Rio de Janeiro.

July 4, 1906, the third Pan-American conference was opened at Rio
Janeiro. Among the leading questions discussed were: (1) the right of
creditor nations to enforce by war on the debtor nations contractual
obligations, or the right to use gun-boats as collection agents; and (2)
those relating to commercial intercourse. Besides the regular delegates
from the United States, Elihu Root, Secretary of State, was present at
the opening session. His address at this meeting, together with his
visit to the leading cities, served to inaugurate a new understanding
between these countries and the United States. The true American policy
was set forth by Secretary Root in the following toast: "May the
independence, the freedom, and the rights of the least and weakest be
ever respected equally with the rights of the strongest, and may we all
do our share toward the building up of a sound and enlightened public
opinion of the Americas which shall everywhere, upon both continents,
mightily promote the reign of peace, of order, and of justice in every
American republic." He went as Ambassador Extraordinary representing the
President of the United States. In order to emphasize his official
position, he travelled on an American war-ship. His addresses made in
the various cities were intended to be an official declaration from the
government of the United States, and that position was outlined in his
formal address before the congress. "We wish for no victories," he said,
"but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty
except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and
equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations
entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem
the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against
the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or
privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American
republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to
grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true
way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common
growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together."

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.
Arrival of Secretary Root at Rio de Janeiro.

The International Bureau of American Republics was founded as a result
of the first Pan-American conference. The original plans of the
founders were not carried out owing to a lack of interest on the part of
the Department of State as well as in the foreign offices of the South
American countries. Secretary Root determined to make this bureau an
efficient agency for bringing about better relations between the two
continents. He defined the main purpose to be not only to build up trade
and commerce among all American nations, but to promote more friendly
relations, a better understanding of each other, and the general
prosperity and well-being of all the countries of the American
continents. Through gifts from Andrew Carnegie and contributions from
the different South American states a splendid modern building, costing
$1,000,000, was erected in Washington, 1908, as the home of the Bureau
of the Pan-American Republics. Besides other enterprises, the Bureau
publishes a monthly periodical which contains information on the
commerce, new enterprises, and general development of each republic.

Photograph by Clinedinst.
The Bureau of the Pan-American Republics.

With these new relationships came a new interpretation of the Monroe
Doctrine. At various times European nations have engaged in
controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due
the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent
shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor
nations? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President
Cleveland looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker
American nations, has been followed by recognition of our obligation to
secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President
Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine
unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do
not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for
aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south
of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of
these republics as a shield to protect that republic from the
consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that
inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering
on this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help
those of our sister republics, which need such help, upward toward peace
and order."

The immediate cause for this statement by President Roosevelt was the
problem confronting our government on account of the bankrupt condition
of the Republic of Santo Domingo. Debts had accumulated for over thirty
years until by the beginning of 1905 they amounted to more than
$32,000,000. Each successive ruler became a more reckless borrower and
new loans were secured upon harsher terms.

Finally affairs were brought to a crisis on account of the pressure on
the part of the French and Italian governments for the payment of the
claims of their citizens. The republic was on the verge of dissolution
when President Roosevelt intervened. European governments were
satisfied, for it signified the payment of their claims. An agreement
was signed by representatives of the government of Santo Domingo and of
the United States whereby the United States was to undertake the task of
collecting and apportioning the revenues of Santo Domingo. The
stipulation was made that no plan of annexation, purchase, or permanent
control on the part of the United States should ensue. Agents were to be
appointed by the United States who should take charge of the
customhouses. Forty-five per cent of the total receipts were to be used
in carrying on the affairs of the republic and the balance was to go to
pay the indebtedness. In his message, February, 1905, President
Roosevelt, pressing upon the Senate the urgent need for the ratification
of this agreement, said: "The state of things in Santo Domingo has
become hopeless unless the United States or some other strong government
shall interpose to bring order out of chaos. . . . If the United States
declines to take action and other foreign governments resort to action
to secure payment of their claims, the latter would be entitled,
according to the decision of the Hague Tribunal in the Venezuela cases,
to the preferential payment of their claims; and this would absorb all
the Dominican revenues and would be a virtual sacrifice of American
claims and interests in the island. If, moreover, any such action should
be taken by them, the only method to enable the payment of their claims
would be to take possession of the custom-houses, and, considering the
state of the Dominican finances, this would mean a definite and very
possibly permanent occupation of Dominican territory, for no period
could be set to the time which would be necessarily required for the
payment of their obligations and unliquidated claims." The Senate, in
special session, shirked responsibility and refused either to ratify or
reject the treaty.

With the revolutionists on the island growing stronger and the European
Powers becoming more insistent, President Roosevelt, disregarding the
attitude of the Senate, appointed an American as receiver of customs.
The move proved immediately successful. The insurrection died out, trade
revived, smuggling ceased, and the people were infused with a new
spirit. There was also a remarkable increase in the customs receipts,
those of 1906 showing an increase of 44 per cent over the receipts of
1905 and 72 per cent over those of 1904. Although only 45 per cent of
the revenues collected were turned over to the Dominican government,
this sum was almost double the amount which they had received when they
had control of the collection themselves.

After two years of discussion, the treaty was ratified by the Senate,
February 25, 1907, and by the Dominican Congress, May 3. The terms were
practically those which had been carried out by order of President
Roosevelt. The United States, in a sense, became the trustee of Santo
Domingo, and thus established a new relation between this country and
the smaller republics of the western hemisphere.




Toward the close of the nineteenth century, attention was called to the
fact by scientific men that the methods employed in the use of our soil,
mines, forests, and water supply were extremely wasteful. During the
previous decades the resources of the country were regarded as
inexhaustible. As stated by President Roosevelt in 1907: "Hitherto as a
nation we have tended to live with an eye single to the present, and
have permitted the reckless waste and destruction of much of our
national wealth." At the same time the call came for the conservation of
our natural resources.

The destruction of the forests first attracted attention. The first
national reservation of forests was made in 1891, and in 1898 a marked
advance was made by the establishment of a division of Forestry in the
Department of Agriculture. Gifford Pinchot, as chief of the division,
called attention of the people to the interdependence of the forests and
the waterways.

Grizzly Giant, Mariposa Grove, California, with a squad of cavalry at
its base.

Big tree "Wanona," showing the relative size of other conifers compared
with big trees. Mariposa Grove.

In 1906, after long effort, the famous Mariposa Grove of large trees in
California was made a national reservation. During the same year a bill
was passed by Congress providing for the preservation of Niagara Falls.
Public opinion had been aroused by the campaign of the American Civic
Association. Power companies had multiplied so rapidly that it seemed
the whole volume of water was about to be used for commercial purposes
and that the most famous object of natural scenery in the United States
would be destroyed.

In response to appeals from the people of the interior, President
Roosevelt, March 14, 1907, appointed the Inland Waterways Commission. In
his letter which created the commission he said: "The time has come for
merging local projects and uses of the inland waters in a comprehensive
plan designed for the benefit of the entire country. . . . I ask that
the Inland Waterways Commission shall consider the relations of the
streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and
their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes."

This commission while carrying on its investigations discussed the
general policy of conservation and suggested to the President the
calling of a convention for the purpose of discussing the conservation
of the nation's resources. Thus originated the celebrated White House
conference of May 13-15, 1908. The opening session presented an
impressive scene, for there were assembled in the east room of the White
House, upon the invitation of the President, the Vice-President, seven
members of the cabinet, all of the justices of the Supreme Court, most
of the representatives and senators, thirty-four governors of States
together with their advisers, and representatives of the governors of
the remaining States, governors of the Territories, representatives of
sixty-eight national societies, and numerous special guests.

The opening address of President Roosevelt was a notable effort. "This
conference," he said, "on the conservation of natural resources is in
effect a meeting of the representatives of all the people of the United
States called to consider the weightiest problem now before the nation.
. . . We have become great in a material sense because of the lavish use
of our resources, and we have just reason to be proud of our growth. But
the time has come to inquire seriously what will happen when our forests
are gone; when the coal, the iron, the oil, and the gas are exhausted;
when the soils shall have been still further impoverished and washed
into the streams, polluting the rivers, denuding the fields, and
obstructing navigation. These questions do not relate only to the next
century or the next generation. One distinguishing characteristic of
really civilized men is foresight; we have to, as a nation, exercise
foresight for this nation in the future, and if we do not exercise that
foresight, dark will be the future!"

During the meeting numerous addresses were made on the conservation of
the minerals, of the soils, of the forests, and of the waters of the
country. In his address on the conservation of ores and related
minerals, Andrew Carnegie declared that during the three-fourths of a
century from 1820 to 1895 nearly 4,000,000,000 tons of coal were mined
by methods so wasteful that 6,000,000,000 tons were either destroyed or
allowed to remain in the ground forever inaccessible. From 1896 to 1906
as much coal was produced as during the preceding seventy-five years.
During this decade 3,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or left in the
ground beyond reach for future use. Basing his statements on the
investigations of scientists, he showed that at the present rate of
increase in production the available coal of the country would be
exhausted in two hundred years and the workable iron ore within a

Copyright by Underwood and Underwood.
The President, Governors, and other leading
men at the National Resources Conference,
at the White House, May 13 to 15, 1908.

Similarly, James J. Hill demonstrated that the forests of this country
are fast disappearing and that from three to four times as much timber
was consumed each year as forest growth restored. His statements
regarding the tremendous soil waste in our farming methods were likewise
astounding. Resolutions were adopted covering the entire subject of
conservation as shown in one of them as follows: "We agree that the land
should be so used that erosion and soil-wash shall cease; that there
should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions by means of
irrigation, and of swamps and overflowed regions by means of drainage;
that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote
navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation,
and to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests
which regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the
fertility and productiveness of the soil should be preserved and
perpetuated; that the minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface
should be so used as to prolong their utility; that the beauty,
healthfulness, and habitability of our country should be preserved and
increased; that the sources of national wealth exist for the benefit of
the people, and that monopoly thereof should not be tolerated." It was
recommended that the States should establish conservation commissions to
co-operate with one another and with a similar national commission.

On June 8, 1908, the first national conservation commission was created
by President Roosevelt. Its forty-nine members were men well known in
politics, in the industries, and scientific work. Gifford Pinchot was
chairman of this commission which submitted its first report at a
conference in Washington, December 8-10, 1908. The delegates consisted
of governors and other representatives from the States and from national
organizations. This report was received with favor and it was
recommended that the work of the commission should be continued.
Congress declined to make the necessary appropriation of $25,000 for
this purpose, although it was strongly endorsed by the President.

In 1901 the National Conservation Association was formed, a voluntary
organization of public and scientific men. The purpose of this
association is to carry on the movement for conservation in every State.
Within seven months after the White House conference, forty-one State
conservation commissions were created and fifty-one conservation
commissions representing national organizations were formed.

President Roosevelt carried the movement still farther in calling the
first North American conservation congress. Representatives to this
conference met in Washington, February 18, 1909. They came from Canada,
Newfoundland, and Mexico as well as the United States. Broad general
principles of conservation applicable to the North American continent
were adopted.

Gifford Pinchot, President
of the Conservation Commission.

The movement was materially strengthened also through the withdrawal of
large areas of the public domain from private entry. Thus 148,000,000
acres of forests and 80,000,000 acres of coal land were withdrawn during
President Roosevelt's administrations.

Directly connected with the problems of conservation are those of
irrigation. The so-called arid regions constitute two-fifths of the
area of the United States, or some 1,200,000 square miles. Of this vast
region, it has been estimated that about one-tenth can be irrigated to
advantage. By the end of the year 1908, some 13,000,000 acres had been
reclaimed, or nearly one-third of the total amount suitable for
irrigation purposes. This has brought about the rapid growth of cities
and a substantial industrial advance in the former arid regions of the
far West. The most notable impulse to this movement was made in 1902
when Congress passed a law, the Reclamation act, providing that the
proceeds from the sales of public lands in thirteen States and three
Territories should be expended by the National Government in the
construction of irrigation works.

The total receipts from the sales of these lands amounted to $28,000,000
by the end of the year 1905, and twenty-three projects, dams,
reservoirs, or canals were in different stages of construction. The most
important of these undertakings were the Roosevelt Dam, the Shoshone
Dam, and the Truckee-Carson Canal.

Built by the U. S. Reclamation Service.
Roosevelt Dam from the road.

The Roosevelt Dam is the chief work of construction in what is called
the Salt River project. By the completion of this work at least 200,000
acres in the vicinity of Phoenix, Arizona, were reclaimed. This dam is
284 feet high, 1,080 feet long on the crest, and 165 feet thick at the
base. The resulting reservoir with a storage area of 16,320 acres will
be the largest artificially formed lake in the world.  It forms a body
of water 25 miles long, almost 2 miles broad, and with a maximum depth
of 220 feet. The main canals are 119 miles in length and the lateral
canals 208 miles. Not only will this structure insure a supply of water
in the Salt River valley where, in recent years, orchards and other
products have perished, but it will prevent the floods which have
devastated that region from time to time. Water-power amounting to
25,000 horse-power has been developed by the construction. This power
is used in part for pumping, and another area, estimated at 40,000
acres, outside the territory covered by the canals has been reclaimed.
The power is also used for lighting, for manufacturing, and for mining.

It was seen that the Shoshone River, in northwestern Wyoming, during the
season of melting snows, carried away more waste water than would be
adequate to reclaim many thousands of acres in the arid regions of the
lower altitudes. Two million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars were
allotted for the construction of the Shoshone Dam which will form a
reservoir of water sufficient to irrigate 75,000 acres of land 50 miles
farther down the river.

Shoshone Dam, Wyoming.
Highest dam in the world.  Height 328.4 feet.

The Truckee-Carson project provides for the irrigation of 150,000 acres
in western Nevada. The water of the Truckee River, which flows out of
Lake Tahoe, is distributed by canals having an aggregate length of 670
miles. The main canal was opened in 1905.

By the close of the year 1906, over $39,000,000 had been allotted for
works under actual construction, and this amount had increased to
$119,500,000 within four years. It has been estimated that the land thus
reclaimed will alone be worth $240,000,000. The additional cost of a
project is assessed against the land. When the land is sold, the money
received is used for the development of new irrigation areas.

Another significant plan outlined by the irrigation congress in its
meeting, 1911, provided for bringing about the complete reclamation of
all swamp and overflowed land. The swampland area of the United States
exceeds 74,500,000 acres, or an amount greater than the area of the
Philippine Islands by 1,000,000 acres.

The Mississippi basin has been called the heart and soul of the
prosperity of the United States. Two-fifths of the area of the country,
comprising one-half the population, is tributary to the Mississippi
system, which has over 20,000 miles of navigable waters. This valley
produces three-fourths of our foreign exports. The network of railroads
covering this territory has for a number of years furnished altogether
inadequate transportation facilities, and conditions have grown steadily
worse. Traffic experts throughout the United States have been advising
river improvement as a means of relieving the congestion of freight.
This situation has led to a revival of interest in the deep waterway
from the Lakes to the Gulf which has been talked and written about for
nearly three-quarters of a century.

Photograph by Clinedinst.
Shoshone Project. Wyoming Park wagon road,
showing wonderful tunnelling work on the new
wagon road from Cody, Wyo., to the
National Park via the Shoshone Dam.


Truckee-Carson reclamation project.
Diversion dam and gates at heading of main canal.

Concerted action was not taken until 1907, when the Lakes to the Gulf
Deep Waterways Association was formed at St. Louis, having for its
object the deepening of the water-way between Lake Michigan and the
Gulf. The proposal to construct a canal by the way of the Illinois River
to the Mississippi, large enough to carry ships, was declared feasible
by government engineers and a route was surveyed. President Roosevelt
endorsed the scheme. In his message to Congress, December 3, 1907, he
said: "From the Great Lakes to the mouth of the Mississippi there should
be a deep water-way, with deep water-ways leading from it to the East
and the West. Such a water-way would practically mean the extension of
our coast line into the very heart of our country. It would be of
incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be carried
through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion of our great
freight-carrying lines of railroad. The work should be systematically
and continuously carried forward in accordance with some well-conceived
plan . . . . Moreover, the development of our water-ways involves many
other important water problems, all of which should be considered as
part of the same general scheme."

He appointed an Inland Waterways Commission which was to outline a
comprehensive scheme of development along the various lines indicated.
Their leading recommendation had to do with the proposal for a deep
water-way from Chicago to New Orleans. The completion of the drainage
canal by the city of Chicago, at a cost of $55,000,000, really created a
deep waterway for forty miles along the intended route. It was reported
to Congress by a special board of surveyors that the continuation of
such a water-way to St. Louis would cost $31,000,000.

Inland Waterways Commission.

The legislature of Illinois, following the recommendation of Governor
Charles S. Deneen, submitted to the people an amendment of the
constitution which would enable the State to assume a bonded
indebtedness of $20,000,000 for the purpose of constructing a deep
waterway from Chicago to St. Louis. The measure was approved by popular
vote November 3, 1907. Thereupon, the State Senate passed a bill
providing for the construction of the canal. This failed in the House.
It was again introduced into the legislature, 1910, but failed to pass.

Among the other important projects submitted by the Inland Waterways
Commission are the following: To connect the Great Lakes with the ocean
by a twenty-foot channel by the way of the Erie Canal and the Hudson
River, an inner channel extending from New England to Florida; to
connect the Columbia River with Puget Sound and deepen the Sacramento
and the San Joaquin Rivers, so as to bring commerce by water to
Sacramento and other interior California cities.

With the hope that New York City might again come into a mastery of the
trade with the West, as at the time when the Erie Canal was first
completed and because of the inability of the railroads to meet the
demands of traffic, the legislature of New York, in 1903, appropriated
$100,000,000 for the enlargement of that waterway and the two branch
canals, the Oswego and Champlain. The proposed uniform depth is twelve
feet and it is otherwise to be large enough for boats of a thousand ton
cargo or four times the capacity of boats now on the canal.




The term New South signifies the transition which has taken place
through energy applied to the opportunities which that section of the
United States offers. The South has natural gifts which in themselves
will make it a marvel of wealth. The coast line measures 3,000 miles and
already the ports of New Orleans and Galveston are among the most
important on our seaboard. In 1898 the imports along the Gulf amounted
to $13,000,000, and in 1908 they amounted to $59,350,000. In 1898 the
exports were valued at $202,000,000; in 1908 they were valued at nearly
$400,000,000. The completion of the Panama Canal will certainly increase
the importance of the Southern seaboard cities.

Copyright, 1900, by Detroit Photographic Co,
The port of New Orleans.

There are in the United States navigable streams amounting to 26,410
miles and of these the South has 18,215 miles. Mr. Wilson, Secretary of
Agriculture, has estimated that the waterpower facilities of the South
equal 5,000,000 horse-power for the six high-water months--five times
the amount New England has. By a system of reservoirs this supply could
be doubled. Roughly speaking, the country can be divided into three
water-power districts: (1) the wholly undeveloped district which lies
about Birmingham, Alabama, the centre of the great iron and coal
district of the South; (2) a well-exploited district along the
Chattahoochee, extending from Atlanta to Columbus, Georgia; (3) a
district which lies in the favored agricultural region of northern South
Carolina and southern North Carolina. Here about one-third of the easily
available power has been developed. To-day New England, poor in raw
materials and having an area of only 66,000 square miles, manufactures
as much as does the whole South which is rich in raw materials and has
an area of 1,000,000 square miles. It is hardly necessary to make
forecasts--possibly it is wiser to ask what can possibly hinder the
development of this favored section.

James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture.

In minerals and forests the South is equally rich. The coal supply,
according to the report of the National Conservation Commission, amounts
to 611,748,000,000 tons and the riches in iron in the southern
Appalachian district are equally enormous. Forty-one per cent of the
remaining forest area is in the same country. Unless a system of
conservation is put into operation, however, these vast timber resources
will pass away, for the forests are being used at a rate of more than
three and one-half times the annual growth. Private interests own
125,000,000 acres in the South and practically none of the timber is
being handled with the idea of conservation. There are no "State
forests"; neither are there adequate laws for the prevention of forest

The economic advancement of the South during the past thirty years has
been wonderful. The tide of migration within our country no longer moves
Westward as much as Southward and in its wake has followed a flood of
capital. The increase of population and capital is necessary to the
industrial growth of the South, and in spite of the recent influx the
scarcity of laborers remains a serious problem, the solution of which is
absolutely necessary for the development of the manufacturing industries
as well as agriculture. Immigrants of good standing are constantly
sought by the States, and to cope with the problem some individuals have
been guilty of operating a system of peonage. Lack of efficiency in the
laborers makes the problem still more perplexing. Scientific
investigations conducted with the aim of discovering the causes for this
general inefficiency have led to the conclusion that the eradication of
the mosquito and hook-worm will add greatly to the ability of the
wage-earners. A systematic campaign in this direction has been made
possible through the recent gift of Mr. Rockefeller.

A field of cotton.

The South has always been largely an agricultural section, with the
production of cotton as the leading interest. In 1909 the yield was
about 13,500,000 bales from about 32,000,000 acres. In value the crop
equals about twice the annual output of all the gold mines in the world.
The 8,000,000 bales which are exported annually represent an income to
the United States of about $400,000,000. The problem which has called
for the most attention is that the average output per acre has been
decreasing for years. During the past few years the white farmers have
taken active steps to remedy this weakness. Agricultural experiment
stations have conducted investigations and the agricultural press has
interpreted these results to the actual farmers and has conducted a
systematic agitation for an agricultural revolution. Associations have
been formed for the purpose of studying conditions and introducing
improved methods in preparing the soil and rotating crops. More of the
food supply of the South is to be raised at home; better homes and farm
buildings are being erected, and better machinery is being used. The
invention of a mechanical cotton picker, which has been accomplished,
should reduce materially the cost of handling the crop.

Bales of cotton ready for shipment.
Cotton-press yard, New Orleans.

Closely connected with this is the problem of roads. Where railroads are
scarce good wagon roads are all the more necessary. In the South
(excluding Kentucky, Arkansas, and Oklahoma) there are 500,000 miles of
public roads serving a population of over 20,000,000 people. In 1908
there were only 17,700 miles of improved road. To help along this work
good roads associations have been formed in the various States.

The old methods of financing the plantation system are passing. The
planters are breaking away from the credit system which has kept them as
borrowers and debtors and, as a result, they have money for investments
elsewhere. The great problems connected with cotton culture are the
labor supply and proper conservation of the soil. These solved, the
friends of the South confidently believe that thirty times as much
cotton could be produced as is produced at present. When one learns that
only 145,200,000 acres out of 612,000,000 are now under cultivation, the
claim does not seem extravagant.

Loading cotton on the levee, New Orleans.

Southern farmers have learned that other products besides cotton pay
well. Less than twenty years ago practically no hay was raised for sale
in the Gulf States. The red clover and timothy which the planter thought
could only be raised in the North are now cultivated in the South. Iowa,
the greatest hay-growing State in the Union, has for the past ten years
averaged 1.58 tons per acre at an average value of $5.45 per ton.
Mississippi during the same time has averaged 1.62 tons to the acre
valued at over $10 a ton. Alfalfa has been found to be excellent feed
for stock and the yield, which averages from four to eight tons per
acre, sells for from $10 to $18 a ton. Corn is being cultivated now and
it is not uncommon to find yields of  100 bushels to the acre and under
the most favorable circumstances even twice that much has been raised on
a single acre. The prevailing high prices make the corn crop
particularly valuable.

Stock-raising, which has never been indulged in to any extent, now gives
excellent returns. The mules which are used so extensively in the South
are being raised at home instead of being brought from the North. Beef
animals and hogs are increasing in numbers and are being bred more
carefully. The great variety of food crops which ripen in rotation make
the cost of hog-raising very little--possibly two cents a pound will
cover the cost of raising, butchering, and packing. Sheep flourish in
the pine regions where they are remarkably free from diseases. They
range all the year, needing little attention.

The Price-Campbell cotton-picking machine,
which does the work of fifty persons.

This shift in agricultural pursuits has been due in a measure to the
appearance of the boll-weevil which wrought havoc with the cotton crop
for some years. It is possible that the change has been decidedly
beneficial when one notes that the value of products in 1899 was
$705,000,000 and in 1909 about $1,430,000,000.

Agriculture is not the only interest of the New South. Northern capital
has worked wonders along industrial lines. Some communities have changed
entirely from agriculture to manufacturing. South Carolina is now second
among the States in the manufacture of cotton; North Carolina is third,
and Georgia is not far behind. In Alabama Southern tobacco is
manufactured. The steel and iron industries, the furniture industry, the
cottonseed-oil industry, and others are constantly becoming more
important. The effects of this industrial revolution are far reaching.
Social lines are shifting; a new society based upon business success and
wealth seems to be supplanting or at least breaking in upon the
aristocracy of the ante-bellum South, based upon family and public
service. The ideal of success is changing and the ambitious young man
now goes into business, manufacturing, or engineering as often as into
the profession of law and politics. The laboring class has changed also.
Years ago this class lived on farms and raised raw materials: now it
lives in the cities and fashions raw materials. The same social results
are found here as elsewhere, but on account of the conservatism and
personal independence of the Southern laborer, who is only a generation
removed from the soil, these results are not in evidence so soon. In the
manufacturing districts there is the political unrest characteristic of
the North. Labor unions develop here and Socialism has some adherents.
This tends to break the political solidarity of the section and it is
possible that in the not distant future the "Solid South" may pass away.

The South is enthusiastic; it is alert to its opportunities and it is
planning with hope for the future. Through practical education wonders
may be worked, and upon this practical education for the rising
generation the South bases its hopes. The new generation will make
greater strides in the utilization of the great natural gifts than the
old one has. The race problem will be solved in time, and the solution
must come through the efforts of the Southern people, for the best
classes now believe that the South can prosper best when all the people,
colored as well as white, are brought to the highest standard of their




On June 1, 1905, an exposition was opened at Portland, Oregon, in
commemoration of the Lewis and Clark expedition (1804-1805). Four
hundred acres of ground adjoining the principal residence district,
overlooking the Willamette River, were set aside for this purpose. There
were extensive exhibits by the United States, Great Britain, Canada,
Holland, Italy, China, and other European and Asiatic countries. The
fair was, in general, the expression of the life and history of the
Pacific Northwest and the direct relationship between that region and
the Orient. Many national congresses were held in conjunction with it,
such as the American Medical Association, National Good Roads
Association, and the National Conference of Charities and Correction.

The different interstate commerce acts, beginning with that of 1887 and
including the railroad rate bill of 1906, constitute a system of control
established by the Federal Government over persons and corporations
engaged in interstate or foreign commerce; this includes the carrying of
persons and property by either rail or water. Pipe lines, telephone,
telegraph, express, and sleeping-car companies are also brought under
the same provisions. The administration of these laws was vested in the
Interstate Commerce Commission consisting of seven members.

The Lewis and Clark Exposition, Portland, Ore.
General view across the Lagoon.

The Lewis and Clark Exposition, Portland, Ore.
The Government Buildings across the Lagoon.

The important provisions of these laws may be summarized as follows:
1. All charges must be just and reasonable. The commission was given
power to fix maximum rates after investigation of a complaint by either
party to a dispute over rates.
2. Pooling agreements were prohibited.
3. It was made unlawful to make discriminations by giving to any
particular person, corporation, or locality an unreasonable advantage
over others. Granting of passes was prohibited to other than railroad
employees, and granting of rebates was forbidden.
4. By the "long or short haul" clause it was made unlawful for a common
carrier to charge more for the transportation of passengers, or the same
kind of freight, over a shorter than a longer distance; provided the
transportation was under substantially similar circumstances and
conditions over the same line and in the same direction.
5. All rates were required to be published and posted where they might
be consulted by any person.
6. Railroad companies were forbidden to engage in other lines of business.
7. Companies engaged in interstate commerce must have a uniform system of
8. They are required to make reports to the Interstate Commerce
Commission regularly.

This commission was also empowered to receive complaints, hear
testimony, make orders correcting abuses, or investigate conditions
without previous complaint. It was given the power to suspend the
proposed increase of rates until their justice had been determined. Any
person objecting to an order of the commission was empowered to appeal
to the "Commerce Court," which was created, being made up of five
circuit court Justices.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
Dr. Harvey W. Wiley, many years
Chief of the U. S. Bureau of Chemistry.

Nearly all of the States have passed laws relating to the purity of
goods sold to the public. Investigation showed, however, that twenty per
cent of the articles of food in common use were adulterated. This led to
the passing of a far-reaching measure by Congress, 1906, known as the
Pure Food and Drugs law. It provides against the manufacture and sale of
adulterated or misbranded foods, drugs, medicines, or liquors in the
District of Columbia, the Territories, and the insular possessions of
the United States, and prohibits the shipment of such goods from one
State to another or to a foreign country. To the Department of
Agriculture was given the power to enforce the law. Thus the public is
protected against adulterated foods and medicines and dishonest and
misleading labels, and honest manufacturers are protected against
fraudulent competition.

For a number of years some of the European countries condemned American
packing-house products. Abuses in the processes of preparing preserved
meats were brought vividly before Americans by Upton Sinclair in his
novel "The Jungle." The Department of Agriculture took up the problem
and a special investigation was ordered by President Roosevelt. The
report showed the need for more rigid inspection, and the agitation
throughout the country forced the House of Representatives, 1906,
somewhat reluctantly, to adopt the President's recommendation for a
thorough inspection, by government agents, of all processes and methods
used in the meat packing-houses.

U. S. Government inspection of a packing-house.
Inspector's assistant attaching a "Retained" tag to carcass marked by
inspector on the heading bench. Carcasses so marked are left intact
until they reach the retaining-room.

Earthquake at San Francisco, April 18, 1906.
Upheaval of sidewalk at Eighteenth and Capp Streets.

Early in the morning of April 18, 1906, San Francisco was visited by one
of the most dreadful disasters of modern times. An earthquake shock
destroyed many of the important buildings in the business part of the
city. Other cities and towns along the coast and in the Santa Clara
Valley suffered greatly and a number of the buildings of Leland Stanford
University, thirty miles south of San Francisco, were demolished. Ninety
per cent of the loss in San Francisco was due to the conflagration which
raged for two days. Fires broke out owing to the crossing of electric
wires. The water-mains were old and poorly laid and the force of the
earthquake had burst them. Firemen and soldiers fought the advance of
the flames by destroying buildings with dynamite. Not until an area
three miles in length and two miles in breadth, including all the
business and the thickly settled residential sections, had been burned
over was the advance of the flames stopped. The estimated loss of life
was 1,000, and property valued at $300,000,000 was destroyed. Among the
irreparable losses were several libraries, the collections of the
California Academy of Sciences, and many works of art. The noted
Bancroft Library with its collection of manuscripts was saved.

Burning of San Francisco following the earthquake.

Showing destruction of buildings after the
earthquake and fire in San Francisco.

A quarter of a million people were rendered homeless and were without
food and the means of earning a livelihood. The sympathy of the world
was aroused and offers of relief came from all quarters. Two million
five hundred thousand dollars was voted by Congress, and the total
relief fund amounted to $20,000,000. There was little suffering for lack
of food and water, owing to the co-operation of representatives of the
Red Cross Association, a citizens' committee, and the United States army
in distributing supplies.

Refugees in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco.

One hundred thousand persons were sheltered in tents in Golden Gate
Park. The courage and hopefulness of the people did not desert them, and
the rebuilding of the city was immediately begun. At the end of a year
one-half of the burned area had been rebuilt. The old frame and low
brick structures were replaced by modern buildings of steel and
re-enforced concrete, for this type had survived the earthquake shock.
After two years, a new San Francisco, more beautiful and more
substantial, had risen on the site of the old.

Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.
The Jamestown Exposition--Manufactures and
Liberal Arts Building from the Auditorium.

On April 26, 1907, the Jamestown Exposition was opened. It was in
commemoration of the first English settlement in America. The southern
shore of Hampton Roads, forty miles southeast of old Jamestown, was
selected as the site for the buildings. The historic idea was uppermost
in the exposition.  The colonial type of construction was dominant and
good taste and moderation were notable in the arrangement of the grounds
and exhibits. Industrial and commercial progress were emphasized. The
United States had a special exhibit to illustrate the work of the
different departments. In the harbor, one of the finest in the world,
was the greatest international naval display ever witnessed. Every
variety of war-vessel in existence was on exhibition besides commercial
and passenger boats from the great ports of the world.




Popular opinion ascribed three reasons for the panic of 1907. The first
of these was the attitude of the President toward certain great
corporations. It is true that his attacks bared some of the most deeply
rooted evils which have always been at the bottom of our
panics--dishonesty in the administration of great aggregations of
capital. Great were the lamentations and doleful the predictions of what
would happen should the President not change his policy of enforcing the
laws. The railway opponents of the President were sure the panic came
from the Hepburn Bill, which was passed early in 1906. If this had been
dangerous to the welfare of the railroads it is reasonable to assume
that foreign capital would have been withdrawn from American railways
and that American capitalists interested in railroads would have
attempted to avert financial ruin by disposing of their holdings.
Neither situation developed, for the European investors increased their
holdings and American capitalists continued to plan still greater
investments in railways.

The second general explanation was found in the unsound and reckless
banking in New York City. The dangers arising from trust companies had
been known for several years. It came to be believed that the deposits
in these trust companies were being misused by the bank officers for the
promotion of various speculating schemes. The disclosures which came
with the investigation of the insurance companies fixed these beliefs
more firmly in the minds of the people, and the first break in
confidence precipitated runs on the New York banks.

The third explanation was that the panic was due to the defects in our
American currency system.

These were the popular explanations, but there were deep-seated causes
which had worked to bring about the existing conditions. The crisis was
world-wide and was felt most in the countries where there was a gold
standard. In 1890 the world's supply of gold available for monetary use
was hardly $4,000,000,000; in 1907 it was more than $7,000,000,000.
Along with this went a rapid rise in the average price of commodities in
gold-standard countries. Bank deposits in the United States in 1907 were
three times as great as they were in 1897. Amidst all this prosperity
there were forces which were bound to bring a reaction and among the
most important of these was the demand for capital for conversion into
fixed forms. Ready capital was also lessened relatively by the great
losses experienced as a result of the Spanish-American War, the Boer
War, the Japanese-Russian War, the San Francisco earthquake, and the
Baltimore fire. These losses, which amounted to $3,000,000,000, came at
a time when the world was just entering upon a period of great
industrial activity and needed all its capital. Much capital was
absorbed in the construction of railroads, industrial plants,
development of foreign industries, etc. These conditions brought about a
tightening of money rates in Europe and American financial centres;
consequently rates of interest went up. Commercial paper which brought
three to three and one-half per cent in New York in 1897 brought seven
per cent in 1907.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Knickerbocker Trust Company,
34th Street and Fifth Avenue.

Closely allied to this movement was the increase in the number of
securities issued by industrial concerns. A few resourceful men, in
order to do away with the evils of unrestricted competition, devised a
remedy in the form of mergers. Others of less capacity but greater
daring saw opportunities for money-making, and a craze for mergers and
for the incorporation of private enterprises swept over the country. By
1907 there were at least $38,500,000,000 worth of securities in
existence. The natural result was speculation. When investors began to
fear the soundness of the securities a collapse of credit was due.

The rapid development of trust companies had its effect. The cash
reserves held by these companies were small; their investments were not
always conservative and the depositors were often suspicious. This free
expansion of business with little or no reference to cash reserve or
capital gave rise to another cause for the panic, which was not a matter
of money. It was a matter of what was in men's minds. There was a period
of "muckraking" in which leaders financial and political were severely
critcised. Whether or not this criticism was justified by the exposition
of the frauds of the insurance companies and the questionable dealings
of some other corporations need not be discussed. The criticism created
an attitude of mind throughout the nation, and the first weakening of a
bank brought on the deluge.

The panic of 1907. Uptown branch of the
Knickerbocker Trust Company, 125th Street.

To the ordinary observer the panic of 1907 will date from October 22,
when the Knickerbocker Trust Company of New York closed its doors.
Earlier in the month the Mercantile National Bank had gotten into
difficulties and had appealed to the clearing-house committee for aid,
which was given. Soon it was noted that the Knickerbocker Trust Company
was in a precarious condition, and the directors, following the example
of the other bank, appealed to the same committee.  The investigation of
the committee showed the company insolvent and aid was refused. When the
facts became known, a run on the bank began and it was compelled to
close its doors. The lack of confidence in other financial institutions
was soon shown by similar runs.

No bank could stand the strain unaided. Now the Federal Government
stepped in and Secretary of the Treasury Cortelyou came in person to New
York and deposited $40,000,000 of the surplus from the United States
Treasury to be used for the aid of beleaguered institutions. For more
than a week the crowds of depositors sought their money. The lines were
not broken at night until the police hit upon the plan of giving to each
individual a ticket denoting his place in the line. The Trust Company of
America alone paid $34,000,000 across its counters and still crowds
thronged the streets. At length the enormous reserve of the Treasury was
exhausted and it became necessary to delay and deliberately to make slow
payments. Through loans made by other banks the Trust Company of America
and the Lincoln Trust Company, which had endured the hardest sieges,
were saved and now the panic entered its second stage.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Colonial Trust Company.
Line of depositors in Ann Street waiting their turn.

The country was thoroughly aroused, and to avoid a nation-wide raid upon
banking houses the bankers took radical steps. The first measure
resorted to was the enforcement of the rule requiring savings-bank
depositors, at the option of the institution, to give sixty days' notice
before withdrawing deposits. The second expedient was one which had been
resorted to during former years of financial unsteadiness. "Emergency
currency" was issued. This currency took various forms. (1) The
clearing-house loan certificates issued in denominations ranging from
$500 to $20,000, used for settling inter-bank balances; (2)
clearing-house certificates in currency dimensions to be used by banks
in paying their customers; (3) clearing-house checks which took the form
of checks drawn upon particular banks and signed by the manager of the
clearing-house; (4) cashier's checks (in opposition to the National Bank
act) secured by approved collateral; (5) New York drafts which were
cashier's checks drawn against actual balances in New York banks; (6)
negotiable certificates of deposit, and (7) pay checks payable to bearer
drawn by bank customers upon their banks in currency denominations.
These were guaranteed by the firm which issued them.

Other devices were used to aid the banks and to block the spread of the
panic by limiting cash payments by the banks. The governors of Nevada,
Oregon, and California declared legal holidays continuously for several
weeks, thereby allowing the banks to remain closed. In some places the
size of withdrawals was limited to $10 or $25 daily.

The panic was felt to a great degree on the New York Stock Exchange
because the banks refused to make loans, but this stringency was
relieved by a bankers' pool, headed by J. P. Morgan, which loaned
$25,000,000 at the prevailing rate of interest. With the strengthening
of the Stock Exchange another stage of the panic passed.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Lincoln
Trust Company, Fifth Avenue entrance.

In spite of the use of the surplus of the Treasury the banks showed a
loss of $50,000,000 in actual cash during the five weeks of the panic.
Now demands were made on foreign countries for gold. The Bank of England
made no move to block the great withdrawals of gold except to raise the
official discount to seven per cent. The flow of gold did much to stay
the ebb of confidence.

Some contended for an issue of paper money and after a long discussion
by the officials of the Treasury, it was decided to sell $50,000,000
worth of Panama two per cent bonds and $100,000,000 worth of three per
cent notes in the hope of calling from its hiding-place the money which
was being hoarded. The result of the venture was not satisfactory and
the loan operations soon ceased.

Gradually financial affairs righted themselves. The emergency currency
was redeemed, the runs on banks ceased, confidence slowly returned, and
business picked up, although by the middle of 1908 the volume was
scarcely half of what it had been a year before. The number of bank
failures had been comparatively small. Only twenty-one banks were
obliged to suspend payment, while in 1893 the number was 160.

The panic of 1907. Wall Street, in front of the Sub-Treasury Building,
when the run on the Trust Company of America was at its height.

Naturally there was much discussion concerning the defects of our
financial system, of the needs of elastic currency, of a central bank,
etc., when the Sixtieth Congress met in December, 1907. Several bills
were offered for the establishment of a central bank; some for the issue
of a special currency by the government; others for the legalization of
certificates and currency created by clearing-house associations. The
aversion of the people to the centralization of the banking business in
the hands of a few of the great money powers made the establishment of a
central bank out of the question.

The bills which were discussed at any length were the Fowler Bill, the
Vreeland Bill, and the Aldrich Bill. The first was discarded, although
it had merits, and the two branches of Congress were unable to agree
upon either of the others. The result was a compromise measure which
became the Aldrich-Vreeland Act.

The important provisions of this act are as follows: (1) Ten or more
national banking associations, each with an unimpaired capital and
surplus of not less than twenty per cent and an aggregate capital and
surplus of not less than $5,000,000, may form national currency
associations. These associations are to have power to render available,
for the basis of additional circulation, "any securities, including
commercial paper, held by a national banking association."

(2) To obtain this additional circulation, any bank belonging to a
national currency association having circulating notes outstanding
secured by United States bonds to an amount not less than forty per cent
of its capital stock, and having the required unimpaired capital and
surplus, may deposit approved securities with the currency association
and be empowered by the Secretary of the Treasury to issue additional
circulating notes to an amount not to exceed seventy-five per cent of
the cash value of the securities. If the securities are State or
municipal bonds the issue must not exceed ninety per cent of the market
value of the bonds.

(3) The banks and assets of all banks belonging to the currency
association are liable to the United States for the redemption of this
additional currency, and the association may at any time require that
additional securities be deposited. All banks are held liable to make
good the securities of any bank in the association.

The panic of 1907, Run on the State Bank,
Grand Street, New York.

(4) The total amount of circulating notes outstanding for any bank shall
not at any time exceed the amount of its unimpaired capital and surplus,
neither shall the amount of such notes in the United States exceed
$500,000,000 at any time. The amount issued in each State shall bear the
same relation to the total amount issued in the United States as the
unimpaired capital and surplus of the banks of that State bear to the
unimpaired capital and surplus of the banks of the United States.

(5) The tax on circulating notes secured by United States bonds bearing
two per cent or less shall be one-half of one per cent; if secured by
United States bonds bearing more than two per cent, the tax shall be one
per cent. If the securities are other than United States bonds, the tax
shall be at a rate of five per cent per annum for the first month and
afterward an additional tax of one per cent per annum for each month
until a tax of ten per cent per annum is reached.

(6) The redemption of the notes may take place by the banks depositing
with the Treasurer of the United States lawful money to replace the
securities deposited.

(7) The formation of a national monetary commission to inquire into and
report to Congress necessary or desirable changes in the banking and
currency laws was provided for.




Since the organization of our government nearly 29,000,000 foreigners
have come to the United States. The flow of immigration first assumed
large proportions during the decade 1831-1840 and since that time one
wave after another has reached our shores. The last one, and the one
which has caused the greatest alarm, gathered force about 1897 and
reached its full tide in the first decade of the twentieth century, when
over 8,000,000 aliens landed at our ports.

During this period (1820-1910) the character of immigration has changed.
Prior to 1880 the greater part of it came from northern Europe, but
since that time the number has constantly fallen off, and the flow from
southern Europe has greatly increased. During the decade 1871-1880
Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia sent only 181,000 of 2,262,000 aliens
who landed in the United States--about eight per cent. During the decade
1901-1910, 8,130,000 immigrants came to our shores, and of these
5,800,000, or over 70 per cent, were from these three countries. In 1901
Austria-Hungary sent, 113,400; in 1907 about 338,500, but owing to the
passage of the immigration law in 1907 the number fell abruptly, but by
1910 had again increased to 260,000. The same is true of Italy. In 1901
about 136,000 came; in 1907 nearly 286,000, and in 1910 about 215,500.
Russia sent 85,000 in 1901, some 260,000 in 1907, and 187,000 in 1910.
The numbers from northern Europe do not approach these. The immigration
from the British Isles does not reach the 100,000 mark; from Germany
only 30,000 come yearly.

Causes for this influx are varied. Many come desirous of owning homes, a
pleasure out of reach in their home country on account of high prices.
Free institutions attract others. A land which offers free schools to
all regardless of race or creed, religious freedom, and the opportunity
to play some part in the political life of the state is naturally
attractive. Some come to escape military service, others with the idea
of making money and returning to their native land. Density of
population and the accompanying excessive competition in the struggle
for existence also play a part.

Hundreds of letters telling of the general prosperity in America and
contrasting this with the condition at home, do their work with the
disheartened peasants. It is said that half of our immigrants come on
tickets paid for by friends in America. The large employers of labor,
and even the States themselves, are constantly calling for laborers.
Ours is a huge, half-developed country, and the development of our
resources, particularly the coal and iron industries, the cotton; rice,
cane, and tobacco industries, and the railways demands thousands of

Emigrants bound for America.

The steamship companies which have found an extremely profitable
business in the transportation of immigrants have used various means to
increase the numbers. Agents are said to be in all European countries
soliciting trade. Associations for the assistance of poor emigrants have
been formed in various European cities--this is especially true among
the Jews who, by means of societies such as the "Hebrew Shelter" of
London, have aided thousands of Roumanian and Russian Jews on their way
to America.

Entrance to Emigrant Station or "model town" in Hamburg.
Built for emigrants waiting to sail.

Although most of the European countries have placed restrictions upon
emigration, these restrictions unfortunately do not retard the
emigration of the undesirable classes. As a result America was called
upon early to legislate on this problem. The first act was in 1819 and
was aimed to regulate the transportation of immigrants. The laws of
1875, 1882, 1891, 1893, and 1903 dealt with the class of immigrants to
be admitted. The acts did not accomplish the end for which they were
framed, and the question was taken up again by Congress which, after a
lengthy discussion, passed the act of 1907.  No great change in policy
was effected by this law which, for the most part, only revised the
wording of the old laws and modified the methods of regulation. The head
tax of two dollars, hitherto levied on each alien, was doubled but was
made inapplicable to immigrants from our insular possessions or to
aliens who had resided for a year either in the British possessions in
North America, or in Cuba or Mexico. All aliens suffering from
tuberculosis or loathsome diseases or those who were "mentally or
physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of a nature
which may affect the ability . . . to earn a living," were excluded.
Children under sixteen unaccompanied by a parent were excluded.
Steamship companies were placed under additional restrictions to insure
against their violation of the act. Should an immigrant within a period
of three years be found to have entered the country contrary to the
terms of the act, he was to be deported and the transportation company
responsible for his coming would be held liable for the expense of his

The effect of the new law can be seen in the immigration statistics--the
number of immigrants for the year 1908 is but little more than half as
great as the number for 1907. The chief decrease was in the stream from
southern Europe. This decrease cannot be attributed entirely to the act
of 1907, but must be accounted for in part by the panic of 1907.
Observations extending over a long period of years have disclosed the
fact that the ebb and flow of the tide of immigration is closely
attached to the periods of economic prosperity and depression.

When the races of northern Europe contributed the greater part of our
immigrants there was a general feeling that this was a decided advantage
to us. The people were readily assimilated into our population and were
in general intelligent, industrious citizens who soon acquired a
patriotic love for America and its institutions.  The serious problems
came with the increased number of southern Europeans.

One of several churches built for emigrants of various
faiths in the station or "model town" of the
Hamburg-American Company, for use while waiting to sail.

For years Italians emigrated to South America, particularly to Brazil
and the Argentine Republic, where the climate, race customs, and
language were more to their liking than in the north. A diminution of
prosperity there has turned part of the tide northward. About eighty per
cent of our Italians come from southern Italy, a fact explained by the
difference between the industrial conditions in the northern and
southern parts of the peninsula. In the south agriculture is the only
industry, and it frequently suffers from climatic conditions, the
resulting losses bearing heavily upon the population. Conditions are
aggravated by an unequal division of taxes between the north and the
south. Often the only alternative to starvation is emigration. During
the past decade 2,000,000 Italians have come to us and, according to
estimates, about two-thirds of them have settled in the cities of the
Northern States, a condition detrimental to the foreign and our social
organization alike. These Italians, peasants and experts in fruit
culture by training, become day laborers, thus losing their greatest
productive power. The Italian who keeps away from the city finds his lot
more agreeable. Wherever they have settled as farmers they have been
uniformly successful. The person who knows only the Italian of the
tenements has little sympathy for him, in spite of the fact that many of
this race have proved themselves to be quiet, sober, and useful

Exterior view of main building.

Restaurant. Immigrants dining-room and detention quarters.
Detained immigrants are fed here at the expense of the steamship companies.

Here all immigrants must present themselves upon arrival for their
first inspection under the law--sometimes as many as 5,000 a day.


The Slavic immigration since 1880 has been mainly from the more
primitive districts out of touch with the civilization of western
Europe. These people have come, not as settlers, but as laborers in the
mines, factories, and foundries, planning to remain here for a time,
earn as much as possible, and return to their native land.

In 1899 statistics began to be compiled by means of which the race and
nationality of aliens might be determined. From 1899 to 1907 about
seventy-two per cent of the Slavic immigration came from
Austria-Hungary. Since 1900 at least 100,000 aliens from this country
have come to the United States each year; in 1905, 1906, and 1910 the
number exceeded 250,000 each year, and in 1907 it was 340,000. In this
crowd came Bohemians, Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenians, Slovenians, Croatians,
Bulgarians, Servians, Montenegrins, and other allied peoples. They are
distributed over various parts of the land. Pennsylvania, on account of
its mines, gathers by far the greatest number--in 1906 there were about
500,000 Slavs in the State; New York had nearly 200,000, and Illinois
about 134,000. The Bohemians and Poles seem inclined to farm, but in the
main the Slav laborers have busied themselves in the coal, coke, iron,
and steel industries. Very seldom do the Slavs take to petty street
traffic, as do the Jews and Italians, but prefer the harder and better
paid work in the mines and foundries.

The Russians make the smallest Slavic group in America. Although many
Russians are reported among the immigrants, only about five per cent are
native born Russians, the rest being Jews, Poles, Finns, and

About one-eighth of our European immigrants are Jews. By the law of 1769
the Jews in Russia are compelled to live within certain territorial
limits known as the Jewish Pale, and about ninety-four per cent comply
with the regulation. The law of 1882 has further restricted the places
of residence, for Jews are now prohibited from buying or renting lands
outside the limits of the cities or incorporated towns. Their
educational advantages are limited by law; few are admitted to the bar
and few to the other learned professions. To these disabilities the
Russian government has added the terror of persecution, which will
explain why 150,000 Jews come to America each year. In all there are
1,250,000 here.


Last Permanent Residence

7,800 72,969 353,717 597,047 2,145,266 3,176,801
Belgium 27 22 5,074 4,738 6,734 7,221 20,177 20,062 41,635 105,690
Denmark 169 1,063 539 3,749 17,094 31,771 88,132 52,670 65,285 260,472
France 8,497 45,575 77,262 76,358 35,984 72,206 50,464 36,006 73,379 475,731
Germany 6,761 152,454 434,626 951,667 787,468 718,182 1,452,970 543,922 341,498 5,389,548

15,996 167,519 183,515
Italy 408 2,253 1,870 9,231 11,728 55,759 307,309 655,694 2,045,877 3,090,129
Netherlands 1,078 1,412 8,251 10,789 9,102 16,541 53,701 31,816 48,262 180,952
Norway, Sweden 91 1,201 13,903 20,931 109,298 211,245 568,362 95,264 190,505 1,691,013

230,679 249,534
Russia 91 646 656 1,621 4,536 52,254 265,088 593,703 1,597,306 2,515,901
Spain, Portugal 2,622 2,954 2,759 10,353 8,493 9,893 6,535 6,723 27,935 170,426

23,010 69,149
Switzerland 3,226 4,821 4,644 25,011 23,286 28,293 81,988 33,149 34,922 239,340
England 22,167 73,143 263,332 385,643 568,128 460,479 657,488 271,094 388,017 3,089,491
Scotland 2,912 2,667 3,712 38,331 38,768 87,564 149,869 60,053 120,469 504,345
Ireland 50,724 207,381 780,719 914,119 435,778 436,871 655,482 403,496 339,065 4,223,635

11,186 17,464 28,650
Europe; unspecified 43 96 155 116 210 656 10,318 4,370 1,719
Total 98,816 495,688 1,597,502 2,452,657 2,064,407 2,261,904 4,721,602 3,703,061 8,136,016 25,531,653

Immigrants from British North America and other countries     2,535,810

Estimated number of immigrants prior to October 1, 1819         250,000

[Transcriber's note: Norway/Sweden and Spain/Portugal are combined totals in
columns where only one value is given.]


Sex Age
Year Ending
June 30
Under 14
14 to 45
45 and Over
1891 560,319 354,059 296,200 95,879 405,843 58,597
1892 623,084 385,781 237,303 89,167 491,839 42,078
1893 502,917 315,845 187,072 57,392 419,701 25,824
1894 314,467 186,247 128,220 41,755 258,162 14,550
1895 279,948 159,924 120,024 33,289 233,543 13,116
1896 343,267 212,466 130,801 52,741 254,519 36,007
1897 230,832 135,107 95,725 38,627 165,181 27,024
1898 229,299 135,775 93,524 38,267 164,905 26,127
1899 311,715 195,277 116,438 43,983 248,187 19,545
1900 448,572 304,148 144,424 54,624 370,382 23,566
1901 487,918 331,055 156,863 62,562 396,516 28,840
1902 648,743 466,369 182,374 74,063 539,254 35,426
1903 857,046 613,146 243,900 102,431 714,053 40,562
1904 812,870 549,100 263,770 109,150 657,155 46,565
1905 1,026,499 724,914 301,585 114,668 855,419 56,412
1906 1,100,735 764,463 336,272 136,273 913,955 50,507
1907 1,285,349 927,976 355,373 138,344 1,100,771 46,234
1908 782,870 506,912 275,958 112,148 630,671 40,051
1909 751,786 519,969 231,817 88,393 624,876 38,517
1910 1,041.570 736,038 305,532 120,509 868,310 52,751

Debarred from
One Year
Three Years
Able to Read
but not Wruite
[See note 1]
Unable to
read or Write
[See note 1]
1892 2,164 637

1893 1,053 577
59,582 61,038
1894 2,389 417
16,784 41,614
1895 2,394 189
2,612 42,302
1896 2,799 238
5,066 78,130
1897 1,617 263
1,572 43,008
1898 3,030 199
1,416 43,057
1899 3,798 263
1,022 60,446
1900 4,246 356
2,097 93,576
1901 3,516 363
3,058 117,587
1902 4,974 465
2,917 162,188
1903 8,769 547
3,341 185,667
1904 7,994 300 473 3,953 168,903
1905 11,879 98 747 8,209 230,882
1906 12,371 61 615 4,755 265,068
1907 13,064 70 925 5,829 337,573
1908 10,902 114 1,955 2,310 172,293
1909 10,411 58 2,066 2,431 191,049
1910 24,270 23 2,672 4,571 253,569

Note 1: Prior to 1895 the figures are for persons over 16 years; from
1895 to 1910 for persons 14 years of age and over.

The question of Oriental immigration has caused much comment in our
Pacific Coast States for several years. Before 1900 the total number of
Japanese coming to America seldom reached 1,500 a year. Since that time
about 12,000 have come each year, except in 1903 when 20,000 came and
1907 when the number reached 30,000. Seventy per cent of this number,
however, went to Hawaii. Over-population and economic depression in
their native land have caused this exodus. Most of these immigrants are
laborers--skilful, energetic and efficient--who apparently desire to
become citizens. Among the better classes are many who have attained
eminence in various lines of work in our country. In scientific
investigation the names of Takamine, Noguchi, Yatsu, Takami, Asakawa,
and Iyenaga are well known. The names of those who have been more than
ordinarily successful in business would make a long list. The most
serious objections to the Japanese arise in the coast States where these
immigrants have raised a serious labor problem. The people of these
commonwealths also fear a race problem which in gravity will rival the
one in the Southern States. It is claimed that even now, when the number
of Orientals is small, the enforcement of law is exceedingly difficult
in the Chinese quarters, while the control of the Japanese is next to
impossible since they do not congregate in certain sections of the
cities as do the Chinese. It is claimed that the 2,000,000 whites who
live on the Pacific Coast will be swamped and lose control of the
government if this Oriental immigration is not entirely prohibited. The
Chinese do not cause so much anxiety. Since the passage of the exclusion
act thirty years ago, few have come to the United States--scarcely more
than 2,000 a year. As laborers they are efficient, patient, and honest
in keeping labor contracts.

Gypsies excluded and deported as undesirable.

Ruthenian shepherds from Austria, bound out West for farmers.
Considered desirable and qualified to enter.

A German family of ten considered desirable and qualified to enter.


These swarms of foreigners who come to us each year are causing
uneasiness in the minds of the thinking people. Can our foreign
population be growing more rapidly than our power to assimilate it? Is
this element as dangerous to our civilization as we think? Has
criminality increased as a result of increased immigration? Has this
element increased labor agitations during the past decade? Some contend
that we are rapidly approaching the limit of our power of assimilation
and that we are in constant danger of losing the traits which we call
American. The immigrants from southern Europe are in too many cases
deficient in education. This lack of education may or may not prove a
danger. So far it seems to have been the rule that in the second
generation these foreigners have shown themselves extremely anxious to
take advantage of the opportunities offered by our free schools.

One of the most serious charges made against the Americanized foreigner
has been that through him there has developed in our political system a
strain of corruption which endangers our institutions. Political
corruption did not come with the immigrants: it was known in all its
forms years ago. This much can be said, however: the worst class of
foreign-born citizens has ever proved to be a support of corrupt
political bosses. Our city governments have been notoriously corrupt and
the cities harbor the great masses of foreigners. The high cost of
living in the cities and the relatively low wages force the aliens into
poor and crowded quarters which tend to weaken them physically and
degrade them morally and socially. Among the Italians of the cities
there appears to be a vicious element composed of social parasites who
found gambling dens, organize schemes of black-mail, and are the agents
of the dreaded Black Hand. It is the class which furnishes aids for the
lowest political bosses and furnishes the bad reputation for the

Group of Cossack immigrants considered desirable and qualified to enter.

An investigation of the nationalities in the city of Chicago has been
made by Professor Ripley, of Harvard. The results illustrate the
wonderful dimensions of the problem which the cities confront in the
assimilation of the foreign element. In the case of Chicago, were the
foreigners (those not American beyond the third generation) to be
eliminated, the population would dwindle from 2,000,000 to about 100,00.
In this city fourteen languages are spoken by groups of not less than
10,000 persons each. Newspapers are regularly published in ten different
languages and church services conducted in twenty different tongues.
Measured by the size of its foreign colonies, Chicago is the second
Bohemian city in the world, the third Swedish, the fourth Polish, and
the fifth German. There is one large factory employing over 4,000 people
representing twenty-four nationalities. Here the rules of the
establishment are printed in eight languages. So it is with the other
cities. New York, for example, has a larger Italian population than
Rome, and is the greatest Jewish city, for there are in the city some
800,000 Jews. In all eighty per cent of the population of New York are
foreigners or the children of foreigners. In Boston the per cent reaches
seventy and in Milwaukee about eighty-six.

The charge that criminality has increased rapidly with the increased
immigration from southern Europe seems to be substantiated by
statistics. From 1904 to 1908 the number of aliens charged with
committing grave crimes nearly doubled. While this fact will not prove
the point, it suggests thought on the question.

It has been truthfully said that the fundamental problem in this
question of immigration is most frequently overlooked. Back of the
statistics of illiteracy, pauperism, criminality, and the economic value
of immigrants lies another one of great proportions. What has been the
effect upon our native stock? What has been the expense, to our native
stock, of this increase of population and wealth through immigration?
The decreasing birth rate of our native population some contend is due
to the industrial competition caused by the foreign element. If this be
true, the foreigners have supplanted not supplemented the American, and
the question arises, how long can the assimilation go on before we lose
our American characteristics?

Swedish immigrant family considered desirable and qualified to enter.

The number of Europeans who return to their native lands after living a
time in the United States is comparatively small and the loss is not
great. The emigration of our farmers to Canada is a more serious thing.
Since 1897 the Dominion Government has fostered high-class immigration.
Canadian agencies have been established in many of our Western cities
with the avowed object of attracting farmers to the Provinces. The
Canadian Pacific Railway Company has taken up the pioneering business.
It sells the land, builds the home and the necessary buildings, breaks
the fields, plants the first crop, and hands over to the prospective
settler a farm under cultivation. In return the railway demands
high-class immigrants and, to insure this, no settler can take
possession of a railway farm unless he can show $2,000 in his own right.
Between 1897 and the close of 1910 Canada gained by immigration nearly
2,000,000 inhabitants. Of these, 630,000 were from the United States,
and it is estimated that those who went from the United States during
the past five years took with them $267,000,000 in cash and settlers'
effects. The end of the movement has not come, for the railway companies
have now gone into the reclamation of arid lands. Since 1908 over
1,000,000 acres of arid land in Alberta have been placed under
irrigation, and the work of reclaiming another equally large section has
begun. The American farmers who are taking advantage of this opportunity
form a class which we cannot afford to lose.




The Northern Securities Company is a corporation, formed under the laws
of New Jersey, for the purpose of obtaining control of a majority of the
stock of the Northern Pacific Railroad and part of the stock of the
Great Northern Railroad. These roads, which parallel each other from
Lake Superior to the Pacific, have been held by the courts, in the case
of Pearsall vs. the Great Northern Railway, to be competing lines.

The organizers of the Northern Securities Company contended that their
ultimate purpose in organizing the company was to control the two
railway systems not for the purpose of suppressing competition, but to
create and develop a volume of trade among the States of the Northwest
and between the Orient and the United States by establishing and
maintaining a permanent schedule of cheap transportation rates.

When the company had completed its organization and the full
significance of the organization was known, the State of Minnesota
instituted proceedings against the company in the State courts. Later
the case was transferred to the federal Circuit Court and eventually
carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, where the contentions
of the State were overruled.

In March, 1902, a suit was instituted by the United States in the
Circuit Court of the eighth federal district. The judges who sat upon
the case decided unanimously that the acquisition of the stock of the
Northern Pacific and the Great Northern Railways by the Securities
Company was a combination for the restraint of trade among the States,
and therefore a violation of the Sherman act. A decree was issued by the
court prohibiting the company from acquiring any more of the stock of
these roads and from exercising any control over either of the roads in

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.
W. Van Devanter.   H. H. Lurton.  C. E. Hughes.  J. R. Lamar.
O. W. Holmes.      J. M. Harlan.  E. D. White.   J. E. McKenna.  W. R. Day.
Justices of the United States Supreme Court who acted upon the cases of
the Standard Oil and American Tobacco Companies.

The case was carried to the Supreme Court which by a vote of five to
four, affirmed the decree of the lower court. In the majority opinion
the court took the position that the mere acquisition by the Securities
Company of the stock of the two roads was in itself a combination for
the restraint of trade. The power to do things made unlawful by the
Sherman act had been acquired and this in effect violated that act.

Another point was made clear by the court. The defendants had vigorously
denied that the power of Congress over interstate commerce was extended
to the regulation of railway corporations organized under State laws, by
reason of these corporations engaging in interstate commerce. The court
declared that while this was not the intention of the Government, the
Government was acting within its rights when it took steps, not
prohibited under the Constitution, for protecting the freedom of
interstate commerce. Furthermore, it was held that no State corporation
could stand in the way of the enforcement of the national will by
extending its authority into other States. In substance the court denied
the right of any State to endow a corporation of its creation with power
to restrain interstate commerce.

The contention of the defendants, that the Sherman law was intended to
prohibit only those restraints which are unreasonable at common law, was
dismissed on the ground that this question had been passed upon by the
lower court in other cases.

The dissenting opinions were two in number and were written by Justice
White and Justice Holmes.

Several conclusions of importance may be drawn from the court's

1. That Congress may forbid transactions of purchase and sale when such
transactions confer on an individual or group of individuals the power
to destroy competition.

2. No State can create corporations and confer upon them power to
interfere with interstate commerce.

3. The Sherman law is not to be interpreted as forbidding the reasonable
restraints of trade which are not objectionable at common law.

The Bailey case is one of importance by reason of the fact that the
decision handed down by the Supreme Court was an effective blow against
the "peonage system," which is an evasion of the constitutional
prohibition of slavery. The Alabama law provides, in effect, that the
mere act of quitting work on the part of a contract laborer is
conclusive evidence that he is guilty of the crime of defrauding his

Alonzo Bailey was engaged by a corporation to do farm work and signed a
contract for a year, the wages being $12 a month. The company, to bind
the contract, paid Bailey $15 down and it was agreed that thereafter he
should be paid at the rate of $10.75 a month. After working a month and
a few days he left. Instead of suing him for a breach of contract and
recovery of damages, the company caused the arrest of Bailey on the
charge of an attempt to defraud. No direct evidence could be produced
that this was his intention, but the law expressly authorized the jury
to find him guilty of fraud, on the ground that he quitted work. The
accused was not allowed to testify as to his unexpressed intention. His
opportunity to escape prison was to pay back the $15 or to work out the
sum. In case neither was done, he was to be fined double the amount paid
at the time of making the contract or go to work at hard labor.

The attorneys for Bailey, wishing to test the constitutionality of the
Alabama law, carried the case to the Supreme Court of the United States.
The constitutionality of the law was called into question on the
following grounds: (1) That it violated the prohibition against
involuntary service; (2) it denied the plaintiff in error the right of
due process of law; (3) that by laying a burden on the employee and no
equivalent burden on the employer, the law denied to the plaintiff the
constitutional right of equal protection of the laws.

The decision of the court was not unanimous. Justices Holmes and Lurton
upheld the Alabama law, but the majority, in an opinion written by
Justice Hughes, declared the law in conflict with the Thirteenth
Amendment, which prohibits slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime.

The significance of the decision is this--slavery has been outlawed by
our highest court, and one more legal barrier to the progress of the
black man has been removed.

The case of Loewe vs. Lawler, probably better known to the public as the
Danbury Hatters  case, was decided by the Supreme Court in February,
1908, Chief Justice Fuller rendering the decision. The action was
brought originally in the United States Circuit Court for the District
of Connecticut and, after passing through the Circuit Court of Appeals,
reached the Supreme Court late in 1907.

Photograph copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller.

The plaintiffs, who were manufacturers of hats, complained that the
defendants--members of the United Hatters of North America, an
organization which was a part of the American Federation of Labor--were
"engaged in a combined scheme and effort to force all manufacturers of
fur hats in the United States, including the plaintiffs, against their
will and their previous policy of carrying on their business, to
organize their workmen . . . into an organization of the said
combination known as The United Hatters of North America, or, as the
defendants and their confederates term it, to unionize their shops, with
the intent thereby to control the employment of labor in, and the
operation of, said factories . . . and to carry out such scheme, effort
and purpose by restraining and destroying the interstate trade and
commerce of such manufacturers by means of intimidation of, and threats
made to such manufacturers and their customers in the several States, of
boycotting them, their product and their customers . . . until . . . the
said manufacturers should yield to the demand to unionize their

These methods had been successfully employed before, as is evidenced by
the fact that seventy of the eighty-two manufacturers of fur hats had
been compelled to accept the conditions set forth by the American
Federation of Labor. The boycott against the Danbury, manufacturers
began in July, 1902, and was widened to include the wholesalers who
handled the goods of the Danbury concern, the dealers who bought from
the wholesalers, and customers who bought from these dealers. Notices to
this effect were printed in the official organs of the American
Federation of Labor and the United Hatters of North America. To make the
feeling against the manufacturers more intense, statements were
published to the effect that they were practising an unfair, un-American
policy in discriminating against competent union men in favor of the
cheap unskilled foreign labor.

The counsel for the defence argued that no case could be set up under
the Sherman act, since the defendants were not engaged in interstate
commerce, implying that a combination of laborers was not a violation of
the act. The court held that an action could be maintained in this case
and that the combination as it existed was "in restraint of trade" in
the sense designated by the act of 1890. The significance of the
decision lies in the fact that the Supreme Court made no distinctions
between classes. Records of Congress show that efforts were made to
exempt, by legislation, organizations of farmers and laborers from the
operation of the act and that their efforts failed. Therefore the court
held that every contract, combination, or conspiracy in restraint of
trade was illegal and cited a former decision (The United States vs.
Workingmen's Amalgamated Council) to show that the law interdicted
combinations of workingmen as well as capital.

The Sherman act was passed by Congress in 1890. It was entitled "An Act
to Protect Trade and Commerce against Unlawful Restraints and
Monopolies." Since its passage various cases falling under it have been
decided, but until the decisions in the Standard Oil Company and the
American Tobacco Company cases the extent and intent of this act have
not been understood.

In the Standard Oil case the question involved was this: Was the Sherman
act violated by the existence and conduct of this corporation, which
owned or controlled some eighty corporations originally in competition?
The control had been acquired for the purpose of monopolizing the sale
and distribution of petroleum products in the United States, and had
been acquired by various means of combination with the intent either by
fair or unfair methods "to drive others from the field and to exclude
them from their right to trade."  The proof was that, to destroy
competitors, prices had been temporarily reduced in various localities,
spies had been used on competitors' business, bogus independent
companies operated, and rebates given and taken.

In the case of the American Tobacco Company, there were more than one
hundred formerly competing companies united under the control of a
single organization and the market in nearly all tobacco products was
monopolized. This domination was secured "by methods devised in order to
monopolize the trade by driving competitors out of business."

In each case the court found the defendants guilty on the grounds that
the agreements and the conduct of the defendants indicated a purpose to
destroy competitors and monopolize trade in certain articles. The
desired result was accomplished by wrongful means which injured the
public as well as the competitors.

The facts in neither case required the consideration of the question as
to whether the Sherman act prohibited every unification of formerly
competing properties and every restraint of trade, reasonable or
unreasonable but, owing to the uncertainty of the public concerning the
meaning of the law, the court stated definitely the meaning and scope of
the act. From appearances the Supreme Court has practically amended the
Sherman act by limiting its application to "unreasonable" restraints of
trade. The significance of the decisions lies here rather than in the
fact that both companies were compelled to dissolve. The best legal
authorities believe that the new interpretation of "reasonableness" and
"unreasonableness" of restraint of trade has increased rather than
decreased the effectiveness of the law, inasmuch as the meaning has
always been obscure. The new policy is a notification to combinations of
capital that to exist without prosecution they must not resort to any
unfair, oppressive, or illegal methods to control competition or crush




While President Roosevelt advocated peace, he believed that the best
means to preserve peace was suitable preparation for war. In his message
to Congress, 1904, he said; "There is no more patriotic duty before us
as a people than to keep the navy adequate to the needs of this
country's position. Our voice is now potent for peace, and is so potent
because we are not afraid of war. But our protestations would neither
receive nor deserve the slightest attention if we were impotent to make
them good." At all times he urged a larger and more efficient navy. For
years, before he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he had been a
student of naval affairs. He found that there was no programme for
building ships as in the European countries, and that there was general
unpreparedness for war.

Before the war with Spain, the American navy was so inferior that it was
excluded from any table of the principal navies of the world. Had the
United States possessed a few more battleships at that time, it is
probable that war would not have occurred. Spanish authorities had been
told by naval experts that their navy was superior to ours.

Profiting by that experience, plans for a larger navy were projected. By
the close of the year 1907 there were about 300 vessels in the navy
manned by 35,377 men. In comparative strength it ranked second only to
that of Great Britain. Not only was there an increase in the number of
vessels but there was great improvement in marksmanship and in the
handling of ships. In the battle of Santiago it has been estimated that
about five per cent of the shells struck the enemy. During the year 1902
Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans introduced regular and frequent target
practice. So effective was this work that in 1908, at ranges twice as
great as at Santiago, gunners throughout the fleet averaged sixty per
cent and one vessel scored eighty per cent. Rapidity of fire also was
increased nearly fourfold.

It was the custom to send the fleet each winter to the Caribbean Sea for
manoeuvres, which lasted about four months. In December, 1907, the
Atlantic fleet, comprising sixteen battle-ships and a flotilla of
torpedo-boats, began a cruise around the world. President Roosevelt
steadily adhered to the plan in the face of the most extravagant
denunciation on the part of those who declared that it could be
considered only as a menace toward Japan. Naval experts claimed,
however, that the experience to be gained by this cruise, such as
practice in handling ships in all kinds of weather, the renewal of
stores and coal, and the meeting of other problems incident to actual
warfare, justified the experiment.

Copyright. 1908. by Harris & Ewing.
Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans.

Under command of Rear-Admiral Evans the fleet reached Rio Janeiro on
January 12. Unusual honors were tendered the men by the Brazilian
government and people. The day of their arrival was made a national
festival. In reply to the friendly greeting from the Brazilian
government President Roosevelt wrote: "The war-ships on this cruise
exist for no other purpose than to protect peace against possible
aggression. As between the United States and Brazil these ships are not
men-of-war, but messengers of friendship and good-will." There were
similar manifestations on the part of Argentina, Chile, and Peru. The
visit of the fleet to these countries was regarded as a compliment. They
were permitted to see something of the strength of the republic at the
north and learned that the Monroe Doctrine might be enforced, if need
be, by a navy of the first rank. Notable ceremonies attended the arrival
of the fleet at Honolulu, Auckland, Sydney, Melbourne, and Manila. A
despatch to a London paper said: "It is beyond question that the United
States is no longer a Western but a cosmic power. America is now a force
in the world, speaking with authoritative accent, and wielding a
dominant influence such as ought to belong to her vast wealth,
prosperity, and importance."

Copyright, 1907. by Underwood & Underwood.
The Atlantic fleet starting on its journey round the world, December, 1907.

Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry.

At Auckland Rear-Admiral Evans, who had spent forty-eight years in the
navy, having reached the age limit of sixty-two years, was succeeded in
command by Rear-Admiral Sperry. Unusual honors were accorded the fleet
by Japan. Each American warship was escorted into the harbor of Yokohama
by a Japanese vessel of the same class and many other evidences of
friendship were manifest during their visit. The fleet then proceeded to
China, through the Suez Canal and the Strait of Gibraltar, and at the
end of one year and sixty-eight days, after covering 45,000 miles,
dropped anchor in Hampton Roads. The accomplishment of this feat,
without precedent in naval annals, still farther contributed to the
establishment of the prestige of the United States as a great world

In 1889 the government of the United States purchased from the Indians a
large irregular tract of land not then occupied by them and erected it
into a separate territory under the name of Oklahoma. When it was opened
for settlement, April 22, 1889, a horde of settlers who had been waiting
on the borders rushed in to take possession of the lands. Cities and
towns sprang up as if by magic. The loose system of government exercised
by the five civilized tribes became steadily more ineffective when the
Indian Territory was thus brought into contact with white settlers. By
1893 affairs had become so confused that Congress decided to take steps
toward the ultimate admission of the territory into the Union as a
State. A committee of the Senate reported that the system of government
exercised by the Indians cannot be continued, that it is not only
non-American but it is radically wrong, and a change is imperatively
demanded in the interest of the Indians and the whites alike, and such
change cannot be much longer delayed, and that there can be no
modification of the system. It cannot be reformed; it must be abandoned
and a better one substituted.

Gradually the five tribes--Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, and
Seminole--were shorn of their governmental powers. Lands were allotted
in severalty, certain coal, oil, and asphalt lands being reserved. A
public school system was established and maintained by general taxation.

In his message to Congress, 1905, President Roosevelt recommended the
immediate admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one State and
Arizona and New Mexico as another. A statehood bill embodying this
recommendation was passed by the House, but was amended in the Senate so
as to strike out the provision relative to the admission of New Mexico
and Arizona. Opposition to the admission of the last two territories as
one State came principally from the great mining companies of Arizona
supported by the railroad corporations. They were in practical control
of the territory with hundreds of millions of dollars in property. They
were fearful of the loss of control and an increase of taxation under
such a combination. Finally an act was passed by Congress, in 1906,
enabling the people of Oklahoma and Indian Territory to form a
constitution and State government and be admitted into the Union. The
enabling act provided that all male persons over the age of twenty-one
years who were citizens of the United States or who were members of any
Indian nation or tribe in said Oklahoma and Indian Territory, and who
had resided within the limits of said proposed State for at least six
months next preceding the election, should be entitled to vote for
delegate or serve as delegates in a constitutional convention. A number
of Indians were delegates in this convention. The constitution, which
was adopted by the voters, September 17, 1907, was greatly criticised on
account of its radicalism. The new State, the forty-seventh, was
formally proclaimed by the President in 1908. It has an area of 70,000
square miles. In 1900 the population was 800,000 which was increased to
1,500,000 by the date of admission. The wonderful climate and fertile
soil together with the energy of its population have continued to
attract thousands of immigrants each year.

The exclusion of Japanese students from the public schools of San
Francisco, 1906, seemed  for a time to augur grave results. One-half of
the ninety Japanese who were in attendance upon these schools were above
sixteen years of age and were taught in the classes with little
children. The order of the San Francisco school board excluding the
Japanese was in harmony with the California law which permitted local
school boards to segregate Mongolians in schools apart from those for
white children. But this order nullified our treaty with Japan which
provided that the subjects of that nation should be granted the same
personal rights when in this country that our own citizens enjoy.

President Roosevelt acted with promptness and decision. His attitude was
shown in his message to Congress, December, 1907, in which he said: "To
shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity . . . .
Throughout Japan Americans are well treated and any failure on the part
of Americans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and
consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our
civilization . . . . I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would
ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Russians, or
Italians .... In the matter now before me, affecting the Japanese,
everything that is in my power to do will be done, and all of the
forces, military and civil, of the United States which I may lawfully
employ will be so employed."

But the problem was not settled, for early in the year 1909
anti-Japanese resolutions were brought before the legislatures of
California, Nevada, Oregon, and two or three other Pacific States. The
bills before the legislature of California provided:

1. For the segregation of Japanese and other Orientals in residential
   quarters at the option of municipalities.

2. That aliens should not own land in California.

3. That aliens should not become directors in California corporations.

4. For separate schools for Japanese students.

On February 8, President Roosevelt sent a telegram to the Speaker of the
California assembly giving the Government's views on the pending bills.
"The policy agreed to by both governments," he said, "aims at mutuality
of obligation and behavior. In accordance with it the purpose is that
the Japanese shall come here exactly as Americans go to Japan, which is
in effect that travellers, students, persons engaged in international
business, men who sojourn for pleasure or study, and the like, shall
have the freest access from one country to the other, and shall be sure
of the best treatment, but that there shall be no settlement in mass by
the people of either country in the other." While there is nothing in
the Constitution or laws to prevent the President from urging a State
legislature to vote for or against certain pending bills, such a course
is unusual. It had become a national question, however, and the
President's energy in handling the problem is worthy of praise.

According to the census of 1900, there were over 700,000 children under
sixteen years of age at work in the mills, mines, factories, and
sweat-shops of the United States. Nearly all of the States had
child-labor laws, but they were ordinarily poorly enforced and no State
was wholly free from the blight of this child slavery. While fourteen
years was the minimum in most of the States, a few permitted the
employment of children of ten years of age. In the majority of cases
there was no legal closing hour after which children might not be

Cotton-mill operatives so small that in order to reach
their work they have to stand upon the machinery.

The spinning-room overseer and his flock in a Mississippi cotton-mill.

The subject was given national prominence through the Beveridge-Parsons
Bill introduced into the Senate, December, 1907, marking an epoch in the
history of federal legislation. This bill proposed to exclude from
interstate commerce all products of mines and factories which employ
children under the age of fourteen. The bill was not, however, brought
up for discussion. The leading arguments of its opponents were as
follows: (1) That the question was local only; (2) there was no reason
to believe that federal would be better than State administration; (3)
that it was limited in effect since it could not prevent children being
employed in the manufacture of goods to be sold within a State. A bill
passed both houses and was signed by the President, authorizing the
Secretary of Commerce and Labor "to investigate and report on the
industrial, social, moral, educational, and physical conditions of woman
and child workers of the United States, wherever employed, with special
reference to their age, hours of labor, term of employment, health,
illiteracy, sanitary and other conditions surrounding their occupation,
and the means employed for the protection of their health, persons, and
morals." An appropriation of $150,000 was made with which to carry on
this investigation. Among the demands of the National Child Labor
Committee have been a shorter day's work for children between the ages
of fourteen and sixteen, health certificates for factory employment in
dangerous trades, and the regulation of children in street trades.

Electric train, Long Island R. R.

The period of Mr. Roosevelt's administrations was notable on account of
advances made in various other directions. Electricity was applied to
new and larger uses. Power was transmitted to greater distances. Niagara
Falls was made to produce an electric current employed leagues away.
Electric railways, radiating from cities, converted farms and sand-lots
into suburban real estate quickly and easily accessible from the great
centres. Telephone service was extended far into country parts, and,
with the rural free delivery of mail, brought farmers into quick and
inexpensive communication with the outside world, robbing the farm of
what was once both its chief attraction and its greatest

Guglielmo Marconi and his wireless telegraph.

German experiments developed an electric surface car with a speed of two
miles a minute. Wireless telegraphy came into use. By means of high
masts rigged, with wires diverging to the earth somewhat like the frame
of a partly opened umbrella, it was found possible under favorable
atmospheric conditions to telegraph hundreds of miles through the air.
The most notable use of this invention was to communicate between ships
and the shore or between ships at sea, a particularly desirable facility
in fog, storm, or darkness, when other signals were useless.

Marconi Transatlantic Station at South Wellfleet, Cape Cod, Mass.

Electricity and the gasolene engine were applied to bicycles, vehicles,
and boats, often generating sufficient power to run a small factory.
Bicycles somewhat passed from vogue, but automobiles became fashionable,
partly for rapid transit, partly for work formerly consigned to heavy
teams. Auto-carriages capable of railway speed, varying indefinitely in
style and in cost, might be seen upon the smoother roads about cities
all the way from Maine to California. They exerted great influence in
inducing communities to macadamize roads, for which the passing of the
stage-coach and the spread of railroads had diminished the demand.

Courtesy of Scientific American.
The "Arrow" getting under way.

Effort with flying machines was incessant but only partially successful.
No air-ship had thus far been devised which could undertake a definite
voyage of length with any certainty of reaching its destination. The
best feat yet was that of the air-ship Arrow, which, October 25, 1904,
at St. Louis, made a ten-mile trip. On the other hand, the development
of boats able to carry life for hours beneath the surface of the sea
added a new form of attack and defence against the well-nigh
impenetrable sides and enormously powerful guns of modern naval ships.

About 1890 the use of the Australian ballot system became general, and
thus the purchase of votes became more difficult. But this reform did
not eliminate the evils of machine politics. State laws were extended to
the control of party affairs, with severer punishments for corrupt
practices, the control of lobbying, and the requirement of publicity for
campaign expenses. In a few States the primary election system was put
into operation. Public officers won popular approval in numerous States
and cities by their activity in revealing "graft" and by their fearless
enforcement of the law.

These reforms were made possible by the increase of independent voting
in State and city politics. Politicians must reckon, as never before,
with the demand of the average citizen for honesty in public service.
The influence of corporations in governmental affairs received a check,
and there came to be a growing demand for the more complete control of
public utilities, and for the public ownership of them in cities.

Courtesy of Scientific American
Baldwin's airship "Arrow" at a height of 600 feet over
the Exposition Palaces, St. Louis, October 25, 1904.

The prominence of the moral element in the business and political
reforms mentioned above characterizes this as an era of "awakened civic
conscience." Both moral and economic considerations may be seen in the
protest against the excessive use of alcoholic liquors that has resulted
in the prohibition of liquor selling in a number of States and parts of
States, especially in the South. Educationally, the period showed
increased attention to the industrial and practical aspects of school
work. Courses in manual training came to be regarded as necessary for
the complete development of mind and body. Physical education received
greater attention. The establishment of public libraries, aided by the
munificent gifts of Andrew Carnegie, was rapid.

Millions of dollars, also, were contributed to the cause of education
and research. Among the most notable of these gifts were those by Mr.
Carnegie for the establishment of the Carnegie Institution and the
Carnegie Foundation, and the contribution to the General Education Board
by John D. Rockefeller. In 1902 the Carnegie Institution at Washington
was established by a gift of $10,000,000 by Andrew Carnegie. This sum he
afterward increased to $25,000,000. The work of the institution is to
carry on scientific study and research. Material is being collected for
the economic history of the United States, and students of American
history have been aided by the catalogues showing the location of
documentary and other source material. While the head-quarters of the
Institution is in Washington, important departments are located
elsewhere throughout the country. There is a laboratory at Tucson,
Arizona, for the study of desert plant life; a biological laboratory at
Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island; a marine biological laboratory at
Tortugas, off the Florida coast, and an astronomical observatory at
Mount Wilson, California.

Atlanta, Ga.

Washington, D. C.

Pittsburgh, Pa.

May 6, 1905, the announcement was made of a gift of $10,000,000 for the
purpose of providing retiring pensions for the teachers of colleges,
universities, and technical schools in the United States, Canada, and
Newfoundland. In making the gift Mr. Carnegie wrote: "I hope this fund
may do much for the cause of higher education and to remove a source of
deep and constant anxiety to the poorest paid and yet one of the highest
of all professions." The fund was to be applied without regard to age,
sex, creed, or color. Sectarian institutions, so-called, or those which
require a majority of their trustees, officers, faculty, or students to
belong to a specified sect, or which impose any theological test
whatever, were excluded by the terms of the gift. Universities supported
by State taxation were at first excluded, but a supplementary gift by
Mr. Carnegie of $5,000,000, in 1908, extended the privileges of the
foundation to these universities.

In February, 1907, John D. Rockefeller increased the money at the
disposal of the General Education Board by a gift of $32,000,000. This
fund, which had been originally established by him, amounting to
$11,000,000, had been used chiefly for the improvement of education in
the South. Common schools were aided, high-schools established, and
instruction in agriculture fostered. The additional sum was to be
devoted to lending assistance to certain selected colleges, with the
stipulation that the college was to raise three times the amount of
money granted it by the Board.




In spite of the oft-repeated statement made by President Roosevelt that
he would not be a candidate for nomination on the Republican national
ticket in 1908, the party leaders seemed to fear a stampede in the
Chicago convention. Plans had been laid carefully by the party leaders
to prevent this possibility, and when William H. Taft, of Ohio, received
the nomination on the first ballot, delegates and spectators gave vent
to their feelings by prolonged applause. Out of a total of 980 ballots
cast Mr. Taft received 702. As Secretary of War in President Roosevelt's
cabinet he had been chosen by the President to succeed him, for it was
believed that through training and sympathy he was best fitted to carry
out the policies of the administration.

Other candidates for nomination had appeared during the summer and each
had a following of more or less strength. Senator La Follette, of
Wisconsin; Governor Hughes, of New York, and Speaker Cannon, of
Illinois, each received some support in the convention. Throughout the
land no surprise was occasioned, however, by the nomination of Mr. Taft.
Apparently the nomination of James S. Sherman, of New York, for the
office of Vice-President was the result of political expediency; he was
a good organization man; he had enjoyed considerable experience in
public affairs and had been a member of Congress for twenty years.
Moreover, the fact that he came from New York made it a wise move,
politically, to give him a place on the ticket.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
Joseph G. Cannon.

To outside observers the convention was a harmonious one, ready and
anxious to adopt and indorse the Roosevelt policies and to accord a most
hearty support to the candidate who best represented these policies. The
platform which was drawn up was a strong political document which not
only stated the Republican policies clearly but was also a piece of
campaign literature of some note from the stand-point of literary worth.

Photograph by C. M. Ball, Washington.
James S. Sherman, nominated for Vice-President.

Throughout the months preceding the assembling of the Democratic
convention, in Denver, there was some uncertainty as to who would
control it. Governor Folk, of Missouri, had been much in the public eye
through his war on graft and on account of his successful administration
of the gubernatorial office. Judge Gray, of Delaware, who had served his
State in the United States Senate and had acquired an enviable
reputation as a justice of the United States Circuit Court, was also a
strong candidate. Judson Harmon, of Ohio, Attorney-General under
President Cleveland, and Governor Johnson, of Minnesota, had numerous

When the voting began in the convention the result was not long in
doubt. William Jennings Bryan was for the third time accorded the honor
of leading the Democratic party. On the first ballot Mr. Bryan received
892-1/2 votes; Judge Gray, his chief opponent, received 59-1/2. The
cheers which followed the announcement of the vote showed that two
defeats had not dampened the loyalty of the Western Democrats. Mr. Kern,
of Indiana, was nominated by acclamation for the Vice-Presidency. The
committee on the formation of the platform seemed to have some
difficulty in determining the final form of some of the planks.

Both parties in their platforms favored tariff revision. The Republican
party declared for the protective system and reciprocity and promised a
special session of Congress to treat the whole tariff question. The
Democratic party adhered to the old principle of "tariff for revenue"
and pledged itself to return to that basis as soon as practicable.
Furthermore, it pledged itself to bring about immediately such
reductions as would put trust-controlled products upon the free list and
to lower the duties on the necessaries of life, particularly upon those
which were sold more cheaply abroad than at home. Lumber was to go on
the free list. Any deficiency in the revenues which might arise from
this policy was to be made up through the medium of an income tax.

Both platforms declared for reform in the currency laws, but neither one
advanced any plan for revision. The Democratic platform condemned as
criminal the large expenditures of the recent administration, but showed
some inconsistency by favoring such policies as a large navy, generous
pensions, large expenditures for the improvement of rivers and harbors
which would necessitate the expenditure of great sums.

The regulation of railways and corporations was demanded by both
parties. The difference between the demands lay in the means to be
employed. The Democratic platform declared for State control of this
question as well as that relating to the conservation of our natural
resources. The Republicans took the stand that both questions should be
solved by the Federal Government.

In treating the problem of the alien races the Republican document
referred to the negro race by name, demanded equal justice for all men,
and condemned the devices used by some States for disfranchising the
negro. Nothing was said concerning Chinese and Japanese immigration. The
Democratic platform was silent on the negro question and declared
against the admission of Orientals into our country.

Arbitration was favored by the Republicans, but was not mentioned in the
opposition platform. On the Philippine question there was a division.
The Republicans favored a gradual development of home-rule; the
Democrats for early independence under an American protectorate.

Three things in the Democratic platform are worthy of note: (I) The
demand for a federal law compelling publicity of campaign contributions;
(2) the election of senators by direct vote, and (3) the adoption of
such parliamentary rules as would make the House of Representatives a
deliberative body.

The Socialist convention, which assembled in Chicago, nominated Eugene
V. Debs for President and Ben Hanford for Vice-President.

Two tendencies of political thought were displayed in the Socialist
platform as framed by the committee. First, a tendency away from
individual ownership of productive property and the individual
administration of industry, and toward the collective ownership of
productive property and the collective administration of industry. This
was illustrated by the demands made for the collective ownership of all
railways, steamship lines, and other means of transportation, as well as
telephones, telegraphs, etc. It was further evidenced by the demand that
the public domain be made to include mines, quarries, oil wells,
water-power, reclaimed and reforested lands. The second tendency was
away from a form of government of checks and balances toward one by the
unrestrained majority. This was shown by the demands for the abolition
of (I) the Senate, (2) the veto power of the President, (3) the power of
the Supreme Court to pass on the constitutionality of legislation.

Industrial demands were made. There should be a more effective
inspection of workshops and factories; there should be no employment of
children under sixteen years of age; interstate transportation of the
products of child labor or convict labor should be forbidden; compulsory
insurance against unemployment, illness, accidents, old age, and death
should be adopted.

Among the political reforms demanded were inheritance and income taxes,
equal suffrage for men and women, the initiative and referendum,
proportional representation, and the right of recall. The Federal
Constitution was to be amended by majority vote. Judges were to be
elected for short terms.

The nominees of the Prohibition party were Eugene W. Chapin, of
Illinois, for President, and Aaron S. Watkins, of Ohio, for
Vice-President. In the platform framed there were the usual declarations
against the liquor traffic, but there were also planks demanding
reforms.  The election of senators by direct vote; the passage of
inheritance and income taxes; the establishment of postal savings banks;
the guaranty of bank deposits; the creation of a permanent tariff
commission; the conservation of natural resources; an equitable and
constitutional employers' liability act, and legislation basing suffrage
only upon intelligence and ability to read and write the English
language, were the chief planks. Beyond any doubt this platform--the
shortest of all--shows that the men who constructed it were not
dreamers. It is possible that the delegates may have been looked upon as
visionaries, for there were few among them who could be called
"practical politicians," but, as one writer of note has said, the
delegates were "typical of that class of society on which the nation
ever depends in a great crisis, the sort from which all moral movements
spring. . . ."

It has often been said that the excitement of presidential campaigns is
detrimental to the nation. This could hardly be said of the campaign of
1908. To produce political excitement there must be debatable questions
termed, by the politicians as "issues." Just what the issues were in the
campaign few people could determine. There were no issues which involved
foreign affairs. The Democratic party did not criticise the sending of
the fleet around the world, the administration's policy in Cuba, the
policy concerning the Panama Canal, nor even the policy pursued in the
Philippines. As regards military and naval matters, pensions to
veterans, the development of internal waterways, the conservation of
resources, etc., there were no issues simply because the people had
practically the same views about them. Consequently issues had to be
made, and, generally speaking, the Republican leaders appealed to the
people along the lines of the personal fitness of the candidates.

It was pointed out that President Roosevelt had indicated his Secretary
of War as the best man to carry out the policy inaugurated by the
administration of subduing and controlling influential law-breakers. The
chief officer of the government has vested in himself powers of wide
range--the appointment of the judiciary, the superintendence of the
administration of the business affairs of the nation, the guidance of
our international affairs. Therefore the President must be a keen judge
of men capable of distinguishing the honest, efficient servant of the
nation from the self-seeking politician; he must resist political
pressure; he must be national in his patriotism and breadth of vision;
he must know our foreign relations intimately, that the continuity of
policies may not be broken and the efficiency of our foreign service
weakened thereby. He must have the capacity to work long hours, with
skill, care, and rapidity. In short, the chief executive must be a man
who is fit mentally and physically.

William H. Taft on his trip, stumping for the nomination.

Some of these essential qualities the candidates of the two great
parties possessed in a high degree. They were honest and sincere; they
were familiar with the desires and needs of the various sections of the
nation; they were national in the breadth of their policies. But they
were different in temperament, equipment, and experience, and upon this
difference the Republican leaders made their appeal to the voters.

The Democratic nominee was essentially an orator--he swayed the masses
by his denunciation of the perils which threatened the nation through
the concentration of wealth which had gone on under the Republican rule.
His opponents admitted that a man of his stamp was invaluable to the
American people, but they contended that his place was in the editor's
chair, in the pulpit, or upon the lecture platform, not as the chief
executive of the nation. Furthermore, it was said that this great orator
had views on political, social, and economic questions which bordered on
the visionary, and that any man who had openly supported free silver,
anti-imperialism, or even the guaranty of bank deposits, could not be
safely trusted with the guidance of the nation's destinies.

The Republican candidate had none of the qualifications of an orator; he
was rather a teacher. He did not cater to the desires of his audience;
he struck at the abuses most prevalent in the section where he spoke. It
was his business to point out weaknesses; to find remedies for them; to
educate, not sway, his audiences. His mind was constructive; his
training had been along the lines of constructive political thought; he
had proven his ability by his organization of a civil government for the
Philippines and by his solution of the vexed question of Cuba. So it was
argued that the best test of his ability and guaranty of efficiency was
the work he had already done.

The campaign was lacking in life and enthusiasm simply because there
were no clearly defined issues. The candidates went through the usual
performances of "swinging around the political circuit." Mr. Taft was
accorded a warm welcome on his trip, for the people wished to get
acquainted with President Roosevelt's choice as much as to hear him
discuss the Republican policies. Mr. Bryan, who conducted a great
speaking campaign, confined his attention to advocating the bank
guaranty plan and to attacking the evils of private monopoly. Political
enthusiasm was at a low ebb. Few people took matters seriously and the
campaign was aptly characterized as the "Era of No Feeling."

The vote cast for presidential electors was primarily an expression of
popular confidence in the Roosevelt administration. For nearly half a
century the situation in the nation had been becoming more and more a
source of anxiety to the thinking men of the land. Our economic
development had taken place so rapidly that the great aggregations of
capital and the great corporations had gotten beyond control and had
shown dangerous tendencies toward lawlessness and political corruption.
The feeling that the great corporations were not only beyond the control
of law but even controlled the government in the interests of a few, led
to a belief that the government was passing out of the hands of the
people, and that the function of our republican government was being
arrested. The radical and the agitator were getting the ear of the
nation, for the faith of the nation was shaken. Then came President
Roosevelt to take up a task of greatest difficulty, and for nearly eight
years, amidst the applause of the plain people, he administered the
affairs of the nation firmly, honestly, and with efficiency. The
Republican convention in Chicago by its nomination of Mr. Taft had put
the stamp of its approval upon the Roosevelt administration, and turned
to appeal to the voters.

Copyright, 1908,  by Young & Carl, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Mr. Taft formally accepting the Republican nomination for the
Presidency, on the veranda of the residence of his brother, Mr. Charles
P. Taft, of Cincinnati, Ohio.

In round numbers Taft received 7,680,000 votes and Bryan 6,410,000. The
electoral vote stood 321 for the Republican candidate and 162 for the
Democratic candidate. Thirty States elected Republican presidential
electors; eighteen elected Democratic electors. With the exception of
Nebraska, Nevada, and Colorado, which together contributed sixteen
electoral votes, all the States carried by the Democratic nominee were
Southern States. The nation had approved the Roosevelt policy, but the
great popular vote for Mr. Bryan showed clearly the loyalty of millions
of voters. These men believed that their leader stood for the plain
people--for the unprivileged. There were many who had feared Mr. Bryan's
policies in 1896, who voted for him in 1908 because they believed that
twelve years of public life and the study of national problems had
changed and bettered his ideals.

Some Republican writers professed to believe that the popular vote
indicated that a majority of people adhered to the policy of protection.
To others it appeared that the voters were willing to accept the
protective policy with a promise for honest tariff revision in order to
obtain a continuation of the Roosevelt policies.

The popular vote is interesting mainly for what it showed concerning the
changed strength of the small parties, During the period 1904 to 1908
the drift had evidently been away from them. The Socialist vote was
nearly as large in 1908 as in 1904, which was a consolation to
Socialists, for they had held the ground gained by the heavy vote in
1904. The Prohibition vote fell off about ten per cent from that polled
in 1904 and the Independence party polled only 82,000 votes.

In the House of Representatives the Sixty-first Congress had 219
Republicans and 172 Democrats; the Senate 60 Republicans and 32




On March 4, 1909, the date of the inaugural ceremonies, Washington was
visited by a heavy snow-storm, and Mr. Taft, departing from the custom
of delivering his inaugural address at the east end of the Capitol,
spoke in the Senate chamber. Many trains bearing visitors to Washington,
from various parts of' the country, were blockaded, This condition
served to emphasize the call, many times made, for the transfer of the
date of these services to April 30, the day on which President
Washington took the oath of office.

President Taft's inaugural address was wise and temperate and
satisfactory to the country at large. He asserted that the most
important feature of his administration would be the maintenance and
enforcement of the reforms inaugurated by President Roosevelt. He
justified appropriations, as his predecessor had done, for maintaining a
suitable army and navy; advocated the conservation of our natural
resources, the establishment of postal savings banks, and direct lines
of steamers between North and South America.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
President William H. Taft and Governor Hughes
on the reviewing stand at the inauguration, March 4,1909.

The cabinet was made up of men largely gathered from private life, a
majority of them being comparatively unknown to the public. Philander C.
Knox was United States senator from Pennsylvania when he was appointed
Secretary of State. He had served as Attorney-General in President
McKinley's cabinet. Franklin MacVeagh, of Illinois, who was made
Secretary of the Treasury, had been prominent as a merchant in Chicago
and active in public affairs. Mr. MacVeagh and Jacob M. Dickinson, who
became Secretary of War, were both members of the Democratic party. By
inviting Democrats to become members of his political family, President
Taft desired to give recognition to the fact that he had been elected by
Democratic votes and had received substantial support in parts of the
South. Mr. Dickinson was also from Chicago. The Secretary of the Navy,
George von L. Meyer, of Massachusetts, had served as ambassador to
Russia, and later as Postmaster-General during Mr. Roosevelt's
administration. Frank H. Hitchcock, of Ohio, who was made
Postmaster-General, had served as First Assistant Postmaster-General.
George W. Wickersham, an attorney of good standing in New York City, was
appointed Attorney-General. Richard A. Ballinger, of Seattle, who had
been Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1907-1909, was appointed
Secretary of the Interior. James Wilson, of Iowa, who had served as
Secretary of Agriculture since 1897, was continued in that office.
Charles Nagel, a noted lawyer of St. Louis, was made Secretary of
Commerce and Labor.

Copyright, 1909, by Brown Bros., N. Y. Reading from left to right:
President Taft, Franklin MacVeagh, Sec'y of the Treasury. George W.
Wickersham, Attorney-General. George von L. Meyer, Sec'y of the Navy,
Philander C. Knox, Sec'y of State, James Wilson, Sec'y of Agriculture.
Charles Nagel, Sec'y of Commerce and Labor( above). Jacob M. Dickinson,
Sec'y of War (below). Frank H. Hitchcock, postmaster-General. Richard A.
Ballinger, Sec'y of the Interior. President Taft and Cabinet, 1909.

With the beginning of the new administration the President's salary was
increased to $75,000 a year; that of the Vice-President to $12,000; and
members of the cabinet to $12,000.

From June 1 to October 15 there was held at Seattle the
Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition. The rapid growth of Seattle has been
due in no small degree to the fostering of trade with Alaska. The
exhibits served to demonstrate the wisdom of the purchase of the
territory, which at that time was characterized as Seward's "folly."
Alaska has for some years been recognized as a country of wealth and
opportunity. The gold output each year is more than three times the sum
paid Russia for the territory. About one-fifth of the gold produced in
the United States comes from Alaskan mines. Products amounting to
$33,500,000 were shipped to the States from Alaska during the year 1907,
and the return trade for that year amounted to $19,500,000. The value of
the fishery products is five-sevenths as great as the output of the gold
mines. Alaskan coal-fields are estimated to be even richer than her gold
deposits. Other productions of the territory are silver, tin, lead,
quicksilver, graphite, marble, lumber, grains, vegetables, and fruits.

The purpose of the exposition was declared to be "to exploit the
resources and potentialities of the Alaskan and Yukon territories; to
make known and foster the vast importance of the trade of the Pacific
Ocean and of the countries bordering thereon, and to demonstrate the
marvellous progress of Western America." The energy and determination of
the men of the new Northwest was well shown in the preparation made for
the exposition. No financial assistance was asked from the federal
government. The necessary $10,000,000 were contributed almost entirely
in Seattle and the State of Washington. One million dollars were
expended by Seattle, as a preparatory step, on her municipal

The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, Seattle.
The Palace of Fine Arts.

The site of the exposition was the campus of the State University,
between Lakes Washington and Union. From the grounds, notable for their
natural beauty, were visible in the distance Mount Rainier, the loftiest
peak in the United States, the snow-covered Olympics to the west, and
the Cascade range to the east.

Three permanent buildings were erected by the State of Washington with
the understanding that they were afterward to be used by the university.
Most of the structures followed the French Renaissance design. In the
forestry building, which was 320 feet long and 140 feet broad, and built
of logs in the rough, there were displayed the timber resources of
Alaska and the Northwest. An out-door farm illustrated the agricultural
resources of the region. The Japanese exhibit was second only in
interest to that of Alaska. The exposition served to demonstrate, as it
was intended to do, the possibilities for the investment of capital in
the Northwest and the opportunities for those seeking new homes.

The Hudson-Fulton Celebration.
The Clermont proceeding up the Hudson River under her own steam.

Beginning with September 25 and continuing throughout the first week of
October, there was a notable celebration in New York City, and in other
cities on the Hudson, commemorative of the discovery of that river by
Henry Hudson three centuries before and the trip up the river by Robert
Fulton's steamboat in 1807. The leading feature of the pageant was the
assembling in the harbor of the largest fleet of international character
ever brought together at one time, and the cruise up the Hudson as far
as Newburg of eighty war vessels selected from the navies of the United
States, Great Britain, Germany, France, and other powers. These huge
vessels were in striking contrast to the two small ones which were given
the place of honor in the pageant, the replicas of the Half  Moon and
the Clermont. The land parades were likewise spectacular in their

In October, 1909, Commander Robert E. Peary and Dr. Frederick A. Cook,
two American travellers, returned to the United States, both making
claims to having discovered the north pole. The accomplishment of this
task, which had baffled so many arctic explorers, was hailed as a
triumph throughout the civilized world. Ardent supporters of each of
these men began to champion the right of their favorite to the great
honor. It was shown that Commander Peary had for twenty-three years been
engaged in arctic exploration. His first voyage was made to Greenland in
1886, and in his numerous expeditions to the frozen north since that
time he had secured much scientific data relating to the glaciology,
geology, and ethnology of those regions.

Commander Peary's ship, The Roosevelt.

When Commander Peary left the Roosevelt, the ship which bore him as far
north as navigation permitted, on February 22, 1909, his expedition
consisted of 8 white men, 59 Eskimos, 140 dogs, and 23 sledges, with the
necessary equipment for arctic travel. Upon returning to the United
States after overcoming the many dangers incident to such exploration,
he submitted his records to the National Geographical Society. A
committee of that body, after passing upon these documents, declared
unanimously that it was their opinion that Peary had reached the north
pole, April 6, 1909. This report further commended him for his
organization and management of this expedition and for his contributions
to scientific knowledge.

Before his return to America, Dr. Cook had been hailed as the discoverer
of the north pole by European scientists, especially those of Denmark,
who accepted his story of the accomplishment of this task in April,
1908, one year earlier than the date of Peary's discovery. Many honors
were conferred upon him when he reached Copenhagen, September 4, 1909.
He was met by the Crown Prince of Denmark and the American minister, and
by explorers, professors, and scientists from various European
countries. He was greatly honored also upon his return to New York City.

Commander Robert E. Peary, and three
of his Eskimo dogs, on The Roosevelt.

Commander Peary declared that the claims made by Dr. Cook were without
foundation. His decision was based on the evidence given by two Eskimos
who had accompanied Dr. Cook, and who asserted that the party went only
a two days' journey north from Cape Hubbard and were never beyond the
land ice. Further evidence of deception by Dr. Cook was set forth by
Edward M. Barrill, who had accompanied him on his ascent of Mount
McKinley in 1906. This guide declared that Dr. Cook had not reached the
summit of that mountain as claimed, but that the records had been
falsified. Later, a commission was appointed by the University of
Copenhagen to examine the notes and memoranda submitted to them by Dr.
Cook. After a careful examination of these documents, the commission
reported that they found no evidence sufficient to warrant the belief
that Dr. Cook actually reached the north pole.

Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.
Dr. F. A. Cook on his arrival in
New York, September 21, 1909.

By vote of Congress, June 20, 1910, the territories of Arizona and New
Mexico were granted permission to form State constitutions. The
constitutions which were framed in their conventions and passed by
majorities of the people contained some unusual provisions. The Arizona
constitution included the initiative, referendum, and recall of all
elective officers, including judges. The New Mexico constitution
contains a referendum clause, but the clause providing for initiative
was rejected.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
President Taft signing the proclamation making
Arizona the forty-eighth State of the Union,
at the White House, February 14, 1912.

The constitution of Arizona was attacked in Congress and opposed by
President Taft on account of the provision for the recall of judges. The
chief objection to the constitution of New Mexico was the unsatisfactory
method provided for its amendment. This constitution, however, was
approved by President Taft and by the House of Representatives, but the
Senate failed to take any action. In August, 1911, the President vetoed
a joint resolution to admit the territories of New Mexico and Arizona as
States into the Union. He stated his attitude as follows: "The
resolution admits both territories to statehood with their constitutions
on condition that at the time of the election of State officers New
Mexico shall submit to its electors an amendment to its new constitution
altering and modifying its provisions for future amendments, and on the
further condition that Arizona shall submit to its electors at the time
of the election of its State officers a proposed amendment to its
constitution by which judicial officers shall be excepted from the
section permitting a recall of all elective officers. If I sign this
joint resolution, I do not see how I can escape responsibility for the
judicial recall of the Arizona constitution. The joint resolution admits
Arizona with the judicial recall, but requires the submission of the
question of its wisdom to the voters. In other words, the resolution
approves the admission of Arizona with the judicial recall, unless the
voters themselves repudiate it. . . . This provision of the Arizona
constitution in its application to county and State judges seems to me
pernicious in its effect, so destructive of independence in the
judiciary, so likely to subject the rights of the individual to the
possible tyranny of a popular majority, and therefore to be so injurious
to the cause of free government that I must disapprove a constitution
containing it."

Photograph, Copyright, by Clinedinst. Washington.
President Taft signing the proclamation making New Mexico a State,
January 6, 1912.

January 6, 1912, New Mexico, having complied with all conditions, was
formally admitted into the Union as the forty-seventh State.

Arizona, having an area of  113,000 square miles, was organized as a
territory in 1863 and appeared in the federal census reports for the
first time in 1870 with a population of 9,658. From 1870 to 1890 its
growth in population was rapid, increasing a little more than four times
during the decade 1870-1880 and doubling during the succeeding ten
years. The population in 1900 was 122,931 and in 1910 it was 204,354.
During the last decade, therefore, the increase in population has been
66.2 per cent, while the percentage of increase in the United States as
a whole has been only 21 per cent. According to the thirteenth census,
Arizona contained eight cities with an aggregate population of 58,414.
The largest cities were Tucson, with a population of 13,193, and Phoenix
with 11,134.

Arizona produces more copper than any other State in the Union. Of the
total copper ore mined in the United States (1909) 27.7 per cent was
from Arizona. There are also good mines of gold and silver. Coal-mining,
marble-quarrying, lumbering, raising cattle, sheep, and ostriches are
also important industries in Arizona. Through the efforts of the
Reclamation service in completing the Roosevelt Dam and a dam at Parker,
and by the use of pumps, it is estimated that 1,000,000 acres of fertile
land will become available for cultivation. Other large areas are also
susceptible of irrigation.

In 1850 the territory of New Mexico was organized and in 1863 it was
reduced to its present limits with an area of 122,000 square miles. The
population of New Mexico in 1900 was 195,310 and in 1910 was 327,301 an
increase of 67.6 per cent. Albuquerque, with a population of 11,020, and
Rosewell with 6,172 were the two largest cities. Like Arizona, New
Mexico possesses great wealth in mines and forests, but the foundation
for her future industrial progress lies in her farms. In 1910 New Mexico
possessed 500,000 acres of irrigated land. It was estimated that
3,000,000 acres more were amenable to artificial watering and the
government is expending millions of dollars on projects which will
fertilize vast areas of this land.

During the year 1911 the world was astounded at the unparalleled
exhibitions of the possibilities of the aeroplane. The dream of
centuries had been realized, and American genius was responsible for the
achievement. In 1896, a model machine which had been constructed under
the direction of Professor Langley, secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution, driven by a one horse-power steam-engine, made three
flights of a mile each near Washington. Congress appropriated $50,000
for the construction of a complete machine, but after two unsuccessful
attempts to fly, with an operator, the project was abandoned.

Wilbur Wright and his brother Orville, bicycle manufacturers of Dayton,
Ohio, did not share in the general ridicule which followed this failure,
and after three years of experimentation demonstrated that the
principles upon which Professor Langley had constructed his machine
were, in the main, sound. The first successful flight of a few seconds
by one of their machines weighing 750 pounds was made in 1903. Two years
afterward a flight of 24 miles was made at the rate of 38 miles an hour.
Other successful experiments followed, and the claim of the Wrights to
be considered the inventors of the first successful man-carrying flying
machine was established. French inventors at about the same time were
carrying on successful experiments with machines similarly constructed.
September 16, 1908, Wilbur Wright, at Le Mans, France, demonstrated that
his machine could remain in the air for over an hour and at the same
time fly across country at a high speed. In that year, also, Orville
Wright, in a government test at Fort Myer, Virginia, not only made
flights lasting over an hour, but carried a companion with him. During
July, 1909, a French aviator, Bleriot, flew across the English Channel,
a distance of 32 miles. That year, also, Orville Wright ascended to the
height of 1,600 feet; with a passenger, made a record flight of 1 hour,
12 minutes and 36 seconds; and flew across country with a companion for
10 miles at the rate of 42 miles an hour. Thus it was shown that a
machine had at last been constructed which would not only fly, but would
remain in the air at the will of its pilot and subject to his guidance.

From a photograph by H. H. Morris.
Charles K. Hamilton racing an automobile on the beach at Galveston, Texas.

Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.
Wilbur and Orville Wright, and the late King Edward of England.


In the aviation meet at Los Angeles, January 10, 1910, Louis Paulhan, a
Frenchman, established the record of 4,000 feet for height and Glenn H.
Curtiss with a passenger set a new world's record of 55 miles.

Shortly afterward Curtiss demonstrated for the first time that it was
possible for an aeroplane, especially constructed, to rise from the
surface of water, make a flight in the air, return to the
starting-point, and again alight on the water.

The great possibilities as well as the dangers connected with aviation
were brought out in the meet at Chicago during August, 1911, where two
aviators lost their lives. C. P. Rodgers, in a Wright machine, remained
in the air twenty-six and one-half hours out of the possible thirty-one
and one-half hours. Lincoln Beachey set a new world's record by
ascending 11,642 feet. This record was again surpassed within a month by
Ronald G. Garros, a French aviator, who ascended 13,943 feet.

Wilbur Wright in his aeroplane at Pau, France, with King Alfonso of Spain.

Harry K. Atwood flew from St. Louis to Chicago in one day, a distance of
315 miles. He continued his flight to New York, and in eleven days
reached that city. He had travelled 1,265 miles in the actual flying
time of 28 hours. C. P. Rodgers eclipsed all records for long-distance
aeroplane flying by crossing the continent from Sheepshead Bay, New
York, to Pasadena, Cal., a distance of 4,231 miles. He accomplished this
feat in the total time of 49 days, September 17 to November 5, 1911. His
actual flying time was 82 hours.

Harry K. Atwood with Lieut. Fickle flying over Governor's Island, N. Y.,
after completing his flight from St. Louis to New York.

These flights served to demonstrate that the permanent triumphs of
aeronautics are to be won by steadiness and efficiency and not by

Among the significant legislation of the Sixty-second Congress, the
passing of the "publicity law," August, 1911, is deserving of especial
commendation. The Democratic platform, 1908, demanded publicity of
campaign contributions, and Mr. Bryan announced that no funds would be
received from corporations. According to a New York statute, all
campaign receipts and expenditures must be filed. The Republican
campaign committee agreed to apply this law in the presidential contest.

According to the federal Publicity law no candidate for member of the
House of Representatives may spend more than $5,000 in his campaign for
nomination or election, and no candidate for United States senator may
spend, legally, more than $10,000 in his campaign. Candidates are
prohibited from making promises of office or other promises in order to
obtain votes, and no candidate for senator may aid in the election of
members of the legislature that is to fill a senatorial vacancy. At the
time, two United States senators were under indictment for the purchase
of their seats, and one of them acknowledged that he had expended nearly
$100,000 in his primary campaign.

In partial fulfilment of the declaration that his policy was to bring
about legislation for the benefit of the whole country, President Taft
in his message to Congress, December, 1911, asked that the appointment
of local federal officers throughout the country should be placed under
the classified service. "I wish," he wrote, "to renew again my
recommendation that all the local officers throughout the country,
including collectors of internal revenue, collectors of customs,
postmasters of all four classes, immigration commissioners, and marshals
should be by law carried into the classified service, the necessity for
confirmation by the Senate be removed, and the President and the others,
whose time is now taken up in distributing this patronage, under the
custom that has prevailed since the beginning of the Government in
accordance with the recommendation of the senators and congressmen of
the majority party, should be relieved from this burden. I am confident
that such a change would greatly reduce the cost of administering the
government and that it would add greatly to its efficiency. It would
take away the power to use the patronage of the government for political

President Taft took an advance position also in his advocacy of the
substitution of the appeal to reason for the appeal to force in the
settlement of all international difficulties. The treaties of
arbitration which were agreed upon during the summer of 1911 between
Secretary Knox and the representatives of Great Britain and France
illustrate the general type of treaty which the President hoped would be
negotiated with other nations. Heretofore, the treaties to which the
United States has been a party have accepted as suitable for arbitration
all questions save those which concerned "vital interests and national
honor." It was a great step forward, therefore, when the agreement was
reached between the powers that all disputes that are justiciable and
cannot be settled by diplomacy are to be submitted to arbitration.

In case of a difference on whether the dispute were justiciable or not,
it was to be submitted to a commission of inquiry for decision. If the
commission found it was justiciable the question in dispute must be
submitted to arbitration. Should the commission find it was not
justiciable there would still exist the possibility of war. But either
nation has the power to delay the findings a year during which time
diplomatic action may be resumed. The arguments against the ratification
of these facts in the Senate were based on the plea that they provided
for compulsory arbitration and thus tended to deprive the Senate of its
constitutional prerogative. The wording was so greatly modified in the
Senate that the form of treaty which was finally ratified differed but
little from the arbitration treaties of 1908.




After many years of urging on the part of statisticians and public men,
Congress, in 1902, passed a bill which was signed by the President
providing for a permanent census bureau connected with the Department of
Commerce and Labor. This bureau, as shown in the taking of the
thirteenth census, serves to promote both efficiency and economy in the
collection of statistics associated with the census work. Heretofore the
Director of the Census had enormous patronage at his disposal which he
farmed out among congressmen and other political leaders.

E. Dana Durand, a trained statistician of wide experience, was appointed
Director of the Census. He announced that so far as possible the 65,000
enumerators would be selected under civil service rules and for
supervisors of the census he selected men on the basis of their special
fitness for the work. President Taft was in complete agreement with this
programme and insisted that local enumerators were to be appointed for
the purpose of getting the work properly done and not to assist any
would-be dispensers of local patronage.

On April 15 the enumerators began their work of gathering statistics.
The usual inquiries were made on population, mortality, agriculture,
manufactures, etc. Prior to April 15, an advance schedule was sent to
practically every farmer in the country, and he was asked to fill it out
before the coming of the enumerator. Similarly, in the cities, the
enumerators distributed advance population schedules which the head of
the family was requested to fill out before the official visit of the
enumerator. In taking the thirteenth census, greater attention was given
than ever before to perfecting the schedules and weighing each question
with regard to its precise significance and scientific value. To that
end a group of trained investigators, familiar with the various topics
which the census would cover, spent several months on a preliminary
study of the character of these questions. In addition to the
nationality of each person as determined by the mother tongue of the
foreign-born inhabitants, additional inquiries were made relative to the
industry in which each person was employed and whether the person was
out of work on April 15.

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.
E. Dana Durand, Director of the Census.

Population schedules in the cities and large towns were required to be
completed within two weeks and in the rural districts within thirty
days. The enormous labor of tabulating and classifying these answers was
then begun by the 3,500 clerks in the Census Office at Washington. Much
of this labor was performed by machines each capable of making 25,000
tabulations a day. Results of the first tabulation of the population in
the cities were made known about June 1 and the count of the principal
cities was completed by April 15. During September the population of the
entire country was made known. Within two years the leading facts in the
census were compiled and published as special bulletins. The entire cost
of the census was about $13,000,000.

The total population of the United States, including our territorial
possessions and dependencies, was found to be about 101,000,000, thus
for the first time passing the hundred million mark. The population of
the United States proper was 91,972,266; of Alaska, 64,356; Porto Rico,
1,118,012; Hawaii, 191,909; Guam and Samoa, 15,100; the Philippine
Islands about 7,700,000. These numbers indicate an increase in the
population of continental United States of 21 per cent in the decade, or
a slightly larger growth than the 20.7 per cent made during the
preceding ten years.

One of the striking facts brought out in the census is the absolute
decline in the percentage of population compared with the previous
decade in a number of the States of the East, South, and Middle West,
and an increase of this percentage in the other States, especially among
those of the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Coast. The percentage of
total increase of population in Alabama was 16.9 and the increase,
according to the twelfth census, was 20.8; in Illinois, 16.9 as against
26 for the preceding census; Indiana, 7.3 against 14.8; Kentucky, 6.6
against 15.5; Massachusetts, 20 against 25.3; Minnesota, 18.5 against
33.7; Texas, 27.8 against 36.4; Montana, 54.5 against 70. Iowa showed an
actual loss of three-tenths per cent of her inhabitants, while according
to the preceding census there was a gain of 16.7 per cent in that State.
In the following States the gains in percentages were as follows: North
Dakota, 80.8 against 67.1 for 1900; South Dakota, 45.4 and 15.2; Kansas,
15 and 3; Nebraska, 11.8 and 0.3; Colorado, 48 and 30.6; Oklahoma,
109.7; Utah, 34.9 and 31.3; Nevada, 93.4 and 10.6; Idaho, 101.3 and
82.7; Washington, 120.4 and 45; Oregon, 62.7 and 30.2, and California,
60.1 and 22.4.

In numerical advance, New York, Pennsylvania, California, Texas, and
Illinois led. The increase in New York was nearly 2,000,000, in
Pennsylvania over 1,000,000, and in the other three States nearly
900,000 each.

Another notable fact brought out by the thirteenth census was that the
growth of the cities was greater than during the preceding ten years.
The rate of growth of the medium-sized cities was more rapid than that
of the large cities. This was not the case during the preceding decade.
Of the total population of continental United States, 46.3 per cent were
urban. That is, 42,623,383 of the inhabitants resided in cities and
towns having a population of 2,500 or more. The same territory in 1900
and 1890, similarly classified as urban, contained 40.5 and 36.1 per
cent, respectively, of the total population of the country. In all but
two States, Montana and Wyoming, the urban population has increased
faster than the rural population. The increase, since 1900, in the
population living in urban territory was 11,035,841 or 34.9 per cent,
while the increase in population living in rural territory during the
same period was 4,941,850 or 11.1 per cent. For the United States as a
whole, therefore, the rate of increase for the population of urban areas
was three times that for the population living in rural territory. In
the States of the east north-central division, including Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, the urban gain was 31.2 per cent, but
there was a decrease in rural population of 0.2 per cent. The urban
increase of Illinois was 31.2 per cent, but the rural territory of the
State showed a loss of 7.5 per cent. The rural loss in Indiana was 5.5
per cent, and in Ohio 1.3 per cent. Michigan's rural gain was 2 per cent
and Wisconsin's 5.7. per cent. There were fourteen States in which more
than one-half of the population in 1910 were living in urban territory.
Among these States were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut
with nine-tenths of their population urban; Illinois with 62 per cent,
and Ohio with 56 per cent.

MEDIAN POINT 1880 TO 1910.
[Transcriber's Note: Location is within a few miles of latitude 39
degrees. The longitude is approximately: 1790, 76.2; 1800, 77.0; 1810,
77.6; 1820, 78.6; 1830, 79.3; 1840, 80.4; 1850, 81.3; 1860, 82.8; 1870
83.7; 1880, 84.7; 1890, 85.5; 1900, 85.8; 1910, 86.5 ]

The rapid growth of our industrial and manufacturing interests during
the past quarter of a century is shown by the fact that 22 per cent of
the people of the country are massed in cities of 100,000 inhabitants
and over. In the three largest cities alone--New York, Chicago, and
Philadelphia--there are almost one-tenth the population of the whole
country. There were five cities with populations between 500,000 and
1,000,000; eleven between 250,000 and 500,000; 31 between 100,000 and
250,000; 59 between 50,000 and 100,000; 120 between 25,000 and 50,000;
374 between 10,000 and 20,000; 629 between 5,000 and 10,000, and 1,173
between 2,500 and 5,000.

The thirteenth census revealed but slight change in the location of the
centre of population. In computing its position, no account of the
population of Alaska and of our insular possessions was taken into
consideration. It had moved west about 39 miles and northward
seven-tenths of a mile and was located at Bloomington in southern
Indiana. The westward movement from 1900 to 1910 was nearly three times
as great as from 1890 to 1900, but was less than that for any decade
between 1840 and 1890. This advance of the centre of population toward
the West was due to the increase in the population of the Pacific Coast
States. The large increase in the population of New York, Pennsylvania,
Illinois, and other States north of the thirty-ninth parallel served as
a balance to the increase in Texas, Oklahoma, and southern California.

During the past fifteen years there has been a steady migration from the
rural portions of the United States to the western provinces of Canada,
not less than 650,000 immigrants having crossed the border within that
period. Most of them have become naturalized Canadians. It has been
estimated that these immigrants took with them, on an average, $1,000.

According to the congressional reapportionment act following the twelfth
census, there were to be 386 members in the House of Representatives or
one representative to 194,182 of the population. The House of
Representatives actually contained 391 members after the admission of
Oklahoma. By the census of 1910, several States were entitled to
additional members, but in order that no State should be reduced in the
number of its representatives, the House of Representatives passed a
bill providing for an increase of 42 members. The new ratio of
representation would then be one representative to 211,877
inhabitants. Effort was made to prevent this increase, for it was argued
that the House had already become unwieldy, requiring great effort on
the part of members to make themselves heard. The bill failed to pass
the Senate at the regular session, but subsequently, at the special
session, it became a law. Party lines were closely drawn in the Senate,
for, on account of this increase, the Republicans would probably gain 32
new congressmen and the Democrats only 10. By this reapportionment the
northeastern part of the country and the extreme western and
southwestern portions gained in their representation. New York gained
six representatives; Pennsylvania, four; California and Oklahoma, three
each; Illinois, Massachusetts, Washington, and Texas each gained two,
and sixteen other States each gained one.

The number of farms, according to the thirteenth census, were 6,340,357
or an increase of about 10 per cent over the number reported in 1900.
There was an increase of 63,000,000 acres devoted to farming during the
decade. About 60 per cent of the farms of the country were operated by
their owners and two-thirds of these farms were free from mortgages. Two
million three hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty-four
farms were worked by tenants and 57,398 were in charge of managers. The
tenant system was shown to be far more common in the South than at the
North or West. In the south central group of States, which includes a
large part of the cotton area, the tenants numbered 1,024,265 and the
owners 949,036. In the south Atlantic States there were 591,478 owners
and 118,678 tenants; in north Central States, 1,563,386 owners and
644,493 tenants, and in the Western States, 309,057 owners and 52,164

Our foreign commerce for the year 1910 amounted in the aggregate to
about $3,500,000,000, or over $1,250,000,000 more than in 1900. Our
exports were valued at $2,000,000,000.




From time to time it has been charged that "government by the people"
has become fiction in our country. Little had been done to remedy this
condition until the opening of the last decade. Trouble then came for
the supporters of the regular political order, manifesting itself in
conventions and legislatures. Laws abolishing nominations by the
convention method were passed in some States; and publicity of campaign
expenses was insisted upon in others. The movement was widespread and
arose from various causes, but generally tended toward a single end--a
government according to popular will. The Western States have been the
centre of the more radical movement.

The Senate has always been considered as the stronghold of the most
conservative element in our country and has often been accused of being
the stronghold of privilege. It is interesting to note the success of
the progressive or insurgent movement in this body.

Copyright by Harris & Ewing,
Robert M. La Follette.

The first progressive, Robert M. La Follette, of Wisconsin, appeared in
the United States Senate in 1905. He had done much, as governor, to gain
the confidence of the people of his own State, and he was sent to
Washington to carry his fight for reform into the national legislature.
Here his reception was not cordial. He was looked upon as a radical,
possibly a visionary reformer, but not exceedingly dangerous, for he was
alone. He stood alone until the election of 1908, when nine more
progressives took their seats; in 1910 the number jumped to sixteen.
Here a change came which probably caused the conservatives in the Senate
some worry. The tariff of 1909 had been passed by a Republican Congress.
The results of the elections of 1910 made it appear that the people were
not convinced that this act was an honest redemption of the Republican
campaign promises, for in the Senate which assembled in April, 1911,
there were twenty-nine thorough-going progressives and five other
members who were more progressive than conservative in their views. They
represented twenty-five States. Six of the thirty-four came from the
South; three came from the East, and the remaining twenty-five from the
West. Of the conservatives only eighteen came from the West.

The same changes may be found in the House of Representatives. These
changes are not so important as the change which must come in the
sentiment of the federal judiciary. From 1901 to 1909 the Executive was
in the control of the progressives and the President was able to get
some important laws passed by a reactionary Congress, but in some
instances the courts annulled these laws.

The appointment of justices of the district courts of the United States
is to a degree influenced by the senators in the district in which the
appointment is to be made. When these senators are conservative it is
natural that the candidates recommended by them should be conservative
and should entertain no legal theories interfering with the exalted
position of property rights. Should the various States be represented by
progressives, different recommendations will naturally follow and
probably an interpretation of the Constitution which will accord a new
standing to personal rights.

In the early part of 1911 the movement crystallized into a regular
political organization which called itself The National Progressive
Republican League, with the following platform:

(1) direct primaries; (2) popular election of delegates to the national
convention; (3) election of senators by direct vote of the people; (4)
initiative, referendum, and recall; (5) an effective corrupt practices

These points were not new; most of them are incorporated into the body
of law of the State of Oregon. Most progressive Democrats as well as
Republicans seem willing to support these principles. In almost every
State the movement for the direct primaries has met studied opposition.
The "practical politician" or the professional politician seems to hate
to see the old convention system of nominations go. There are many who
object to the election of senators by direct vote, claiming that the
people are not capable of choosing wisely in such cases. The direct
election of delegates to the national conventions is no more than the
prerogative now exercised by the voter when he casts his vote for the
presidential electors. To his mind it means that he is voting for the
candidates themselves. In the vote for delegates to the conventions the
voter is accorded the right to express his preference for men to be
candidates. The corrupt practices plank deserves commendation. It cannot
be made too strong, for every attempt to do away with the irregular,
vicious methods used is a step toward good government.

The plank which arouses the greatest opposition is that which
incorporates the initiative, referendum, and recall. All three are
devices to make the machinery of popular government more directly
respondent to the popular will. The "initiative" is a process by which
laws are proposed on the petition of a certain specified number of
voters for action either by the legislature or by the direct vote of the
people through a referendum. The "referendum" allows a popular vote upon
acts passed by the legislature--that is, a bill passed by the
legislature may not become a law unless sanctioned by a popular vote, if
a vote is called for by a specified number of voters. The "recall" gives
the voters an opportunity to relieve a man of his office if by a regular
vote it is demonstrated that such an officer has not performed the
duties of his office to the satisfaction of his constituents. These
expedients are still in the experimental stage, and it is doubtful
whether they are so fraught with danger as their opponents seem to
believe or so efficacious as their adherents insist. Much of their
success depends upon the cases to which they are applied and upon the
popular interest displayed. The Oregon experiments apparently have been
very successful.

The question of the "recall" is a serious one. In some
municipalities--Los Angeles, for example--it has operated well. How it
will work in the national government, where it will affect the
judiciary, is a problem. The veto of the Statehood Bill (Arizona and New
Mexico) on account of the presence of the "recall" for judges in the
constitution of Arizona shows that President Taft is a stout opponent.
It seems well that any such step should be taken with extreme caution.

The progressive senators were active in their opposition to the
Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill of 1909. For a period of twelve years there
had been no tariff legislation. The great industrial changes which went
on during that time made a revision of the Dingley Tariff imperative.
Although there has been a constant demand for revision, the tariff
played no part in the campaigns of 1900 and 1904. The demand has become
insistent, however, during recent years, and may be attributed in part
to the increased cost of living. This demand, made chiefly by the
wage-earners and salaried men, has been seconded from another quarter.
The attitude of foreign nations toward our goods has made it
increasingly difficult for American manufacturers to dispose of their
surplus. Wages have risen; the price of raw material is higher, and both
affect the manufacturer. Foreign nations have refused to accept our high
tariffs without retaliation, and this has made the manufacturer insist
that Congress revise the objectionable Dingley act.

The agitation took definite form during the session of 1907-8 when the
National Manufacturers' Association undertook to secure legislation
designed to create a tariff commission composed of experts whose
business it should be to ascertain the facts concerning the condition of
manufacturers and the necessity of a new tariff. Pursuant to this the
Beveridge Tariff Commission Bill was introduced into the Senate, but the
leaders of both houses--Cannon, Aldrich, Payne, and others--said bluntly
that it was bad politics to take the question up just before a
presidential campaign, and nothing was done. The demand grew more
insistent, and the wary leaders learned in time that it would be good
politics at least to declare for tariff revision, and this was done by
Chairman Payne of the Ways and Means committee of the House. Just when
the revision would come was not stated--some time after election,
provided the nation would return the Republicans to power.

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.
Albert J. Beveridge. Senator from Indiana.

When the session closed Chairman Payne set on foot a series of
investigations ostensibly to gain information to be used in the coming
revision. It is possible that this was also an attempt to end the
criticism aimed at the leaders who had opposed the appointment of a
commission. Both the Democratic and Republican platforms of 1908
promised tariff revision, but of course in different ways. The
Republican leaders said the policy of the party would be to fix the
duties at a point which would not only offset the higher cost of
production in this country, but would also guarantee to the
manufacturers a fair profit. The election put the conservatives of the
Republican party in control of all branches of the government, and when
the principal committees of both houses of Congress fell under the
control of men fully committed to the dogma of protection, the chance
for a revision downward seemed slight. A special session was called soon
after President Taft's inauguration, and the Payne Bill, which it was
claimed aimed to decrease duties and increase the revenue, passed the
House by a vote of 217 to 161.

The Finance Committee of the Senate, to which the bill was referred when
it reached the Senate, instead of reporting it, reported a substitute
measure--the Aldrich Bill. This the House refused to accept and the
usual conference committee was organized, out of which committee came
the compromise Payne-Aldrich Bill, destined to become law through the
President's signature, August 5, 1909.

The debate in the Senate was a noteworthy one. The progressive senators
of the Middle West, led by Dolliver, of Iowa, and La Follette, of
Wisconsin, fought the measure sturdily, but with little success.
"Jokers" slipped in here and there, and more than one critic has charged
that the Senate was less solicitous for the rights of the consumers than
for the rights of the "interests."

Several schedules have come in for the most severe kind of criticism. In
the cotton schedule the increased rates laid upon certain classes of
cotton goods seem to have been imposed for the benefit of New England
manufacturers. These rates affect articles used by every person in the
United States. Most of these articles are manufactured from raw material
produced in America, and the cost of manufacturing the staple articles
is but slightly higher than in any of the important competing countries.
The average rate imposed by the Dingley Tariff, according to the Bureau
of Statistics, was 38 per cent on cotton cloth and similar rates on
other cotton goods. Since 1897 the "infant industries" have grown, and
some have in recent years declared dividends of 66 per cent per annum.
The Payne-Aldrich Bill increased the average rate on cotton goods from
44.84 per cent in the Dingley Tariff to 50.62 per cent. The increases
are not so much on the high-priced goods as on the cheaper grades.

In the case of the wool schedule the object of criticism has been the
discrimination against the carded woollen industry, which produces the
poor man's cloth, in favor of the worsted industry. This is due to the
imposition of a uniform duty of eleven cents per pound on raw, unwashed
wool, by which the cheaper woollens are taxed as high as 500 per cent,
and frequently amounts to less than 25 per cent on the finer grades.
Based on this system of duties is a graded scale in which the rates rise
in an inverse ratio with the value of the goods. Some duties have been
lowered, but the change has been slight. The schedule remains nearly the
same, but the burden has been shifted.

Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington.
Senator Nelson W. Aldrich.

There are reductions--more, numerically, than increases--but the
reductions are effectively modified by shifted classifications.

One thinker of note has termed the "maximum and minimum" clause as "the
highest practical joke of the whole bill." Little has been said of this
clause except in connection with the "minimum." It must be remembered
that there is also a "maximum," and it does not augur well for the
consumer. Suppose a foreign nation discriminates against our goods; we,
acting on the "maximum" theory, discriminate against theirs, and the
result is that the consumer pays the value of the article plus the
amount of the tariff of discrimination, since it has ever been true that
the limit in price is the top of the tariff wall.

A noteworthy feature of the bill is the provision for the formation of a
Tariff Board, composed of experts, who shall conduct investigations with
the view of evolving a scientific tariff. The board has little power
save that of advising the President in the application of the "maximum
and minimum" clause.

That the tariff has not been deemed an honest redemption of Republican
campaign pledges is shown by the recent elections. In the Sixty-first
Congress there were 219 Republicans in the House of Representatives and
172 Democrats; to the Sixty-second Congress there were returned 162
Republicans and 228 Democrats.

The Democrats at once began a revision of the tariff. Allied with the
progressives in the Senate, revisions of the wool and cotton schedules
were brought about. The Farmers' Free List Bill, which admitted free of
duty agricultural implements, sewing-machines, boots, shoes, fence wire,
and other things useful to farmers, was passed as an offset to the
Reciprocity Bill which was deemed by some to be disadvantageous to them.
The President vetoed all of these measures upon the ground that, since
the Tariff Board was to make its report within a very short time, it
would be wiser to defer action on the tariff until the report could be

The Reciprocity Bill, which met the approval of the President, provided
that our markets should be free to Canada's leading agricultural
products, live-stock, fish, lumber, etc. Print paper and wood pulp were
also to be admitted as soon as the Canadian provincial governments
should withdraw the restrictions upon the exportation of these products.
The duties on some other products--iron ore, for example--were to be
reduced. Canada was asked to admit free our agricultural products,
live-stock, etc., and to reduce the duties on coal, agricultural
implements, and some other manufactured goods. The September elections
in Canada, however, showed that the reciprocity treaty was not
acceptable, for the Conservative party, which was strongly opposed to
the plan, gained a decisive victory. The act as passed by Congress still
remains law in the United States, and stands as a constant invitation to
our Canadian neighbors to join us in developing commercial relations on
the western continent.

What effect will this Progressive movement have upon party organization?
As matters stand at present there are in reality four parties within the
bonds of the two old parties--(1) the Conservative Republicans of the
East; (2) the Conservative Democrats of the South; (3) the Progressive
Republicans of the West; (4) the Progressive Democrats of the West. Out
of this tangle it appears that either a new party will be formed by the
combination of the Progressives of both old parties, or this Progressive
movement must gain control of one or the other of these parties. Should
the former  happen, we may see the peculiar alliance of New England and
the South.

President Taft, it is maintained by many of his supporters, is himself a
Progressive, and they point to his attitude toward the great questions
of the hour. He urged, they say, reciprocity with Canada; called for
revision of the tariff in the light of facts and scientific tests;
proclaimed unlimited arbitration; advocated the conservation of our
natural resources, income taxation, extension of civil service reform,
employers' liability, and economy in the administration of governmental

In answer it is asserted that President Taft declared the Payne-Aldrich
tariff law to be the best ever passed upon the subject, and that his
advisers and supporters in all of the congressional contests over vital
measures were the senators and representatives known as reactionaries or


President Taft himself, a few months before the convening of the
Republican convention called to meet in Chicago, June 16, 1912, stated
his honesty of intention in the following words: "I am very grateful for
the honors the people have given me. I do not affect to deny the
satisfaction I should feel if, after casting up the totals pro and con
and striking a balance, they should decide that my first term had been
fruitful enough of good to warrant their enlisting me for another. Any
man would be proud of such a verdict. But I have not been willing, nor
shall I be, to purchase it at the sacrifice of my freedom to do my duty
as I see it. My happiness is not dependent on holding any office, and I
shall go back to private life with no heartburnings if the people,
after an unprejudiced review of my administration, conclude that some
one else can serve them to their greater advantage."

One thing is certain: the idea of government by the people has come into
our national politics to stay. It now controls one-third of the votes in
the Senate and has affected the laws of two-thirds of the States. The
end sought is good government responsible to popular rule. Through this
rule justice for all is sought; equality of opportunity in political and
industrial life; the safeguarding of the interests and well-being of
all; and through this rule an honest attempt is being made to establish
a government which will render the best service for the community,
guaranteeing to each individual all his rights, but no more than his




We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the
common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this
CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.


SECTION 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives.

SECT. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members
chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the
electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that
State in which he shall be chosen.

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the
several States which may be included within this Union, according to
their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a
term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all
other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years
after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within
every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law
direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every
thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative;
and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire
shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey
four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten,
North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the
Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other
officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

SECT. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six
years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first
election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes.
The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the
expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of
the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth
year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if
vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the
legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary
appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then
fill such vacancies.

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he
shall be chosen.

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President
pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall
exercise the office of President of the United States.

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When
sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the
President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall
preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two
thirds of the members present.

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to
removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office
of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party
convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial,
judgment and punishment, according to law.

SECT. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for
Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the
legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or
alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by
law appoint a different day.

SECT. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall
constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of
absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house
may provide.

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its
members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds,
expel a member.

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to
time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment
require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on
any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be
entered on the journal.

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other
place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

SECT. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a
compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out
of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases except
treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest
during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and
in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in
either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the
United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof
shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any
office under the United States shall be a member of either house during
his continuance in office.

SECT. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House
of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments
as on other bills.

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and
the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President
of the United States; if he approve he shall sign, it, but if not he
shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal,
and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds
of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together
with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered, and, if approved by two thirds of that house, It shall
become a law. But in all such cases the votes of  both houses shall be
determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and
against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house
respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within
ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him,
the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless
the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it
shall not be a law.

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a
question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the
United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved
by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of
the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and
limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

SECT. VIII. The Congress shall have power
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the
United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform
throughout the United States;

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several
States, and with the Indian tribes;

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on
the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and
fix the standard of weights and measures;

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and
current coin of the United States;

7. To establish post offices and post roads;

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for
limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their
respective writings and discoveries;

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high
seas and offences against the law of nations;

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules
concerning captures on land and water;

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that
use shall be for a longer term than two years;

13. To provide and maintain a navy;

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and
naval forces;

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the
United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of
the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress;

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of
particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of
government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all
places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,
dockyards, and other needful buildings;

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this
Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any
department or office thereof.

SECT. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the
States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited
by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight;
but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
dollars for each person.

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
require it.

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in
proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue
to the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound
to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of
appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from
time to time.

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: and no
person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without
the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office,
or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

SECT. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit
bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law
impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts
or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary
for executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and
imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use
of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject
to the revision and control of the Congress.

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of
tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any
agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or
engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as
will not admit of delay.


SECTION 1. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the
United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of
four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same
term, be elected as follows:

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress;
but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust
or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot
for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the
same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the
persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The
President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House
of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then
be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors
appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and
have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall
immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person
have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house
shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President
the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State
having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or
members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the
President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the
electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or
more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot
the Vice-President.]

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the
day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same
throughout the United States.

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United
States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be
eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be
eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of
thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United

5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death,
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said
office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress
may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or
inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what
officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act
accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a
compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the
following oath or affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I
will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,
and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution of the United States."

SECT. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and
navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states,
when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require
the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their
respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and
pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present
concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and
consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the
United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,
and which be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the
appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the
President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which
shall expire at the end of their next session.

SECT. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on
extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in
case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of
adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper;
he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take
care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the
officers of the United States. \

SECT. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the
United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and
conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.


SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in
one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time
to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and
inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and
shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation,
which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

SECT. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and
equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States,
and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority;--to all
cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;--to
all cases of admiralty jurisdiction;--to controversies to which the
United States shall be a party;--to controversies between two or more
States;--between a State and citizens of another State;--between
citizens of different States;--between citizens of the same State
claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or
the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court
shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as
to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the
Congress shall make.

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by
jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the
trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have

SECT. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in
levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them
aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the
testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in
open court.

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason,
but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or
forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted.


SECTION I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the
public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And
the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such
acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

SECT. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,
who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on
demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be
delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
be due.

SECT. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this
Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the
jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction
of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the
legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property
belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall
be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of
any particular State.

SECT. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union
a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against
invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive
(when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.


The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it
necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the
application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States,
shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case
shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this
Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the
several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one
or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year one
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first
and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that
no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage
in the Senate.


I. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United
States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be
made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law
of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby,
anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of
the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers,
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by
oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust
under the United States.


The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient
for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so
ratifying the same.

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the
seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-seven and of the Independence of the United States of
America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our

[Signed by]
Presidt and Deputy from Virginia.

John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King.

Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman.

Alexander Hamilton.

Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, Wm: Paterson, Jona: Dayton.

B Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, Geo. Clymer,
Tho. Fitz Simons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv Morris.

Geo: Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun, John Dickinson,
Richard Bassett, Jaco: Broom.

James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer, Danl Carroll.

John Blair, James Madison, Jr.

Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu Williamson.

J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney,
Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler.

William Few, Abr Baldwin.

William Jackson, Secretary.


ARTICLE I.--Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the
freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably
to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE II.--A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security
of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall
not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.--No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any
house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a
manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.--The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable
cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.--No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a
grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in
the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor
shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to
be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be
taken for public use without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.--In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district
shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the
nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses
against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his
favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

ARTICLE VII.--In suits at common law, where the value in controversy
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in
any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the
common law.

ARTICLE VIII.--Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive
fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

ARTICLE IX.--The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights,
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the

ARTICLE X.--The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people.

ARTICLE XI.--The judicial power of the United States shall not be
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or
prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another
State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State.

ARTICLE XII.--Section 1. The electors shall meet in their respective
States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with
themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as
President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as
Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted
for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of
the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify,
and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States,
directed to the President of the Senate;--the President of the Senate
shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open
all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;--the person
having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors
appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons
having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those
voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose
immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President,
the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State
having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or
members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives
shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve
upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the
Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other
constitutional disability of the President.

Section 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as
Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a
majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person
have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the
Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall
consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of
the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person
constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible
to that of Vice-President of the United States.

ARTICLE XIII.--Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly
convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to
their jurisdiction.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation.

ARTICLE XIV.--Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the
United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make
or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of
persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right
to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for President and
Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the
executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such
State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States,
or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other
crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the
proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress,
or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or
military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having
previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an
executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution
of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But
Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each house, remove such

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States,
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall
not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall
assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or
rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims
shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate
legislation the provisions of this article.

ARTICLE XV.--Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to
vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State
on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation.



Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States of New
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

ARTICLE 1.--The style of this Confederacy shall be, "The United States
of America."

ART. II.--Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence,
and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this
Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress

ART. III.--The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of
friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of
their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding
themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks
made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty,
trade, or any other pretense whatever.

ART. IV.--The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and
intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the
free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and
fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of
each State shall have free ingress and egress to and from any other
State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce
subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the
inhabitants thereof respectively; provided that such restrictions shall
not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into
any State to any other State of which the Owner is an inhabitant;
provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid
by any State on the property of the United States or either of them. If
any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high
misdemeanor in any State shall flee from justice and be found in any of
the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive
power of the States from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to
the State having jurisdiction of his offense. Full faith and credit
shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and
judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.

ART. V.--For the more convenient management of the general interests of
the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner
as the Legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on
the first Monday in November in every year with a power reserved to each
State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the
year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year.
No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more
than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate
for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any
person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the
United States for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any
salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its
own delegates in any meeting of the States and while they act as members
of the Committee of the States. In determining questions in the United
States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of
speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in
any court or place out of Congress; and the members of Congress shall be
protected in their persons from arrest and imprisonment during the time
of their going to and from, and attendance on, Congress, except for
treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

ART. VI.--No State, without the consent of the United States, in
Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy
from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with
any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding any office of
profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any
present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king,
prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States, in Congress
assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or
alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United
States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for
which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any
stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress
assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties
already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except
such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States, in
Congress assembled, for the defense of such State or its trade, nor
shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace,
except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States, in
Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts
necessary for the defense of such State; but every State shall always
keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and
accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use in
public stores a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper
quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United
States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by
enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being
formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is
so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States, in
Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any State grant
commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or
reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States,
in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and
the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under
such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in
Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which
case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so
long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in
Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise.

ART. VII.--When land forces are raised by any State for the common
defense, all officers of or under the rank of Colonel shall be appointed
by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall
be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all
vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the

ART. VIII.--All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be
incurred for the common defense, or general welfare, and allowed by the
United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to
the value of all land within each State, granted to, or surveyed for,
any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon
shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States, in
Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The
taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the
authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States,
within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled.

ART. IX.--The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole
and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in
the cases mentioned in the sixth Article; of sending and receiving
ambassadors; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no
treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the
respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and
duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from
prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or
commodities whatever; of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases,
what captures on land and water shall be legal, and in what manner
prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States
shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque and
reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for the trial of piracies
and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts for
receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures;
provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of
the said courts.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort
on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that
hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary,
jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always
be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the legislative or
executive authority, or lawful agent of any State in controversy with
another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in
question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by
order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other
State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the
parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint,
by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for
hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they cannot
agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United
States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately
strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be
reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more
than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of
Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so
drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear
and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the
judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination; and if
either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without
showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present,
shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three
persons out of each State, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in
behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence
of the Court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be
final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit
to the authority of such Court, or to appear or defend their claim or
cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or
judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment
or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to
Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the
parties concerned; provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in
judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of
the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be
tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question,
according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope
of reward." Provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory
for the benefit of the United States.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under
different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdictions, as they may
respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are
adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time
claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of
jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of
the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same
manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting
territorial jurisdiction between different States.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and
exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin
struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States;
fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United
States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians,
not members of any of the States; provided that the legislative right of
any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated;
establishing and regulating post offices from one State to another,
throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the
papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the
expenses of the said office; appointing all officers of the land forces
in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers;
appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all
officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for
the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and
directing their operations.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to
appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated
"A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each
State, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be
necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under
their direction; to appoint one of their number to preside; provided
that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than
one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of
money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to
appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses; to
borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States,
transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the
sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to
agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each
State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in
such State, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the
Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise
the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at
the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed,
armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the
time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled; but if the
United States, in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of
circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men, or
should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State
should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra
number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the
same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legislature of such
State shall judge that such extra number can not be safely spared out of
the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and
equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared,
and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to
the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States,
in Congress assembled.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war,
nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter
into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value
thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense
and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor
borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money,
nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or
the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander
in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same, nor
shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to
day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United
States, in Congress assembled.

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any
time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that
no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six
months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly,
except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military
operations as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays
of the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the
journal when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a
State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with
a transcript of the said journal except such parts as are above
excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States.

ART. X.--The Committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be
authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of
Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of
nine States, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them
with; provided that no power be delegated to the said Committee, for the
exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine
States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite.

ART. XI.--Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the
measures of the United States shall be admitted into, and entitled to
all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted
into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States.

ART. XII.--All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts
contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling
of the United States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall
be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for
payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public
faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

ART. XIII.--Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United
States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this
Confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this
Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union
shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be
made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress
of the United Stares, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of
every State.

AND WHEREAS it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline
the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress to
approve of, and to authorize us to ratify, the said Articles of
Confederation and perpetual Union, know ye, that we, the undersigned
delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that
purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our
respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and
every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all
and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further
solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents,
that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States, in
Congress assembled, on all questions which by the said Confederation are
submitted to them; and that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably
observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union
shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands
in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the
ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year
of the Independence of America.



THE following preamble and specifications, known as the Declaration of
Independence, accompanied the resolution of Richard Henry Lee, which was
adopted by Congress on the 2d day of July, 1776. This declaration was
agreed to on the 4th, and the transaction is thus recorded in the
Journal for that day:

"Agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a
committee of the whole, to take into their further consideration the
Declaration; and, after some time, the president resumed the chair, and
Mr. Harrison reported that the committee have agreed to a Declaration,
which they desired him to report. The Declaration being read, was agreed
to as follows:"


When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,
and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal
station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a
decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should
declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal;
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That,
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving
their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of
the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government,
laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in
such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and,
accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to
suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by
abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces
a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it
is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards
for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these
colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter
their former systems of government. The history of the present king of
Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over
these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

1. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary
for the public good.

2. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing
importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should
be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend
to them.

3. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large
districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of
representation in the Legislature--a right inestimable to them, and
formidable to tyrants only.

4. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records,
for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his

5. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with
manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.

6. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause
others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of
annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise;
the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of
invasions from without, and convulsions within.

7. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that
purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of  foreigners;
refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising
the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

8. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his
assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

9. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure on
their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

10. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of
officers, to harass our people and eat out their substance.

11. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the
consent of our Legislatures.

12. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior
to, the civil power.

13. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign
to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent
to their acts of pretended legislation;

14. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;

15. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States;

16.  For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

17.  For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

18.  For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of a trial by jury;

19. For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offenses;

20. For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring
province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging
its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument
for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.

21. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and
altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments.

22. For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

23. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his
protection, and waging war against us.

24. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and
destroyed the lives of our people.

25. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries
to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun
with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the
most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized

26. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high
seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of
their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

27. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages,
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all
ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in
the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We
have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to
extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of
the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have
appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured
them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations,
which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.
They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.
We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our
separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind--enemies in
war; in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in
general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the
authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and
declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to
the British crown, and that all political connection between them and
the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved, and
that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war,
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other
acts and things which independent Stales may of right do. And for the
support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of
Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and
signed by the following members:


Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton.

Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.

Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.

Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.

Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart,
Abraham Clark.

Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George
Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.

Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean.

Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.

George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison,
Thomas Nelson, Jun., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.

William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jun.,
Thomas Lynch, Jun., Arthur Middleton.

Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.



1 George Washington Virginia All Parties 1789-1797 John Adams
2 John Adams Mass Federalist 1797-1801 Thomas Jefferson
3 Thomas Jefferson Virginia Republican 1801-1809 Aaron Burr
George Clinton
4 James Madison Virginia Republican 1809-1817 George Clinton
Elbridge Gerry
5 James Monroe Virginia Republican 1817-1825 Daniel D. Tompkins
6 John Quincy Adams Mass Republican 1825-1829 John C. Calhoun
7 Andrew Jackson Tennessee Democratic 1829-1837 John C. Calhoun
Martin Van Buren
8 Martin Van Buren New York Democratic 1837-1841 Richard M. Johnson
9 William H. Harrison Ohio Whig 1841-1841 John Tyler
10 John Tyler Virginia (Whig) 1841-1845
11 James K. Polk Tennessee Democratic 1845-1849 George M. Dallas
12 Zachary Taylor Louisiana Whig 1849-1850 Millard Fillmore
13 Millard Fillmore New York Whig 1850-1853
14 Franklin Pierce New Hamp Democratic 1853-1857 William R. King
15 James Buchanan Penns Democratic 1857-1861 J. C. Breckenridge
16 Abraham Lincoln Illinois Republican 1861-1865 Hannibal Hamlin
Andrew Johnson
17 Andrew Johnson Tennessee (Republican) 1865-1869
18 Ulysses S. Grant Illinois  Republican 1869-1877 Schuyler Colfax
Henry Wilson
19 Rutherford B. Hayes Ohio Republican 1877-1881 William A. Wheeler
20 James A. Garfield Ohio Republican 1881-1881 Chester A. Arthur
21 Chester A. Arthur New York Republican 1881-1885
22 Grover Cleveland New York Democratic 1885-1889 Thomas A. Hendricks
23 Benjamin Harrison Indiana Republican 1889-1893 Levi P. Morton
24 Grover Cleveland New York Democratic 1893-1897 Adlai E. Stevenson
25 William McKinley Ohio Republican 1897-1901 Garret A. Hobart
Theodore Roosevelt
26 Theodore Roosevelt New York Republican 1901-1909 Charles W. Fairbanks
27 William H. Taft Ohio Republican 1909-1913 James S. Sherman


1. Delaware December 7, 1787
2. Pennsylvania December 12, 1787
3. New Jersey December 18, 1787
4. Georgia January 2, 1788
5. Connecticut January 9, 1788
6. Massachusetts February 6, 1788
7. Maryland April 28, 1788
8. South Carolina May 23, 1788
9. New Hampshire June 21, 1788
10. Virginia June 25, 1788
11. New York July 26, 1788
12. North Carolina November 21, 1789
13. Rhode Island May 29, 1790

14. Vermont March 4, 1791
15. Kentucky June 1, 1792
16. Tennessee June 1, 1796
17. Ohio November 29, 1802
18. Louisiana April 30, 1812
19. Indiana December 11, 1816
20. Mississippi December 10, 1817
21. Illinois December 3, 1818
22. Alabama December 14, 1819
23. Maine March 15, 1820
24. Missouri August 10, 1821
25. Arkansas June 15, 1836
26. Michigan January 26, 1837
27. Florida March 3, 1845
28. Texas December 29, 1845
29. Iowa December 28, 1846
30. Wisconsin May 29, 1848
31. California September 9, 1850
32. Minnesota May 11, 1858
33. Oregon February 14, 1859
34. Kansas January 29, 1861
35. West Virginia June 19, 1863
36. Nevada October 31, 1864
37. Nebraska March 1, 1867
38. Colorado August 1, 1876
39. North Dakota November 3, 1889
40. South Dakota November 3, 1889
41. Montana November 8, 1889
42. Washington November 11, 1889
43. Idaho July 3, 1890
44. Wyoming July 10, 1890
45. Utah January 4, 1896
46. Oklahoma 1908
47. New Mexico 1912
48. Arizona 1912


Continental United States
Area 1790 892,135
Louisiana Purchase 1803 827,987
Florida Purchase 1819 58,666
Treaty with Spain 1819 13,435
Texas 1845 389,166
Oregon 1846 286,541
Mexican Cession 1848 529,189
Gadsden Purchase 1853 29,670

Outlying Possessions
Alaska 1867 590,884
Hawaii 1898 6,449
Philippine Islands 1899 115,026
Porto Rico 1899 3,435
Guam 1899 210
Samoa 1900 77
Panama Canal Zone 1904 436


Texas 1 265,896
California 2 158,297
Montana 3 146,997
New Mexico 4 122,634
Arizona 5 113,956
Nevada 6 110,690
Colorado 7 103,948
Wyoming 8 97,914
Oregon 9 96,699
Utah 10 84,990
Minnesota 11 84,682
Idaho 12 83,888
Kansas 13 82,158
South Dakota 14 77,615
Nebraska 15 77,520
North Dakota 16 70,837
Oklahoma 17 70,057
Missouri 18 69,420
Washington 19 69,127
Georgia 20 59,265
Florida 21 58,666
Michigan 22 57,980
Illinois 23 56,665
Iowa 24 56,147
Wisconsin 25 56,066
Arkansas 26 53,335
North Carolina 27 52,426
Alabama 28 51,998
New York 29 49,204
Louisiana 30 48,506
Mississippi 31 46,865
Pennsylvania 32 45,126
Virginia 33 42,627
Tennessee 34 42,022
Ohio 35 41,040
Kentucky 36 40,598
Indiana 37 36,354
Maine 38 33,040
South Carolina 39 30,989
West Virginia 40 24,170
Maryland 41 12,327
Vermont 42 9,564
New Hampshire 43 9,341
Massachusetts 44 8,266
New Jersey 45 8,224
Connecticut 46 4,965
Delaware 47 2,370
Rhode Island 48 1,248
District of Columbia 49 70


1910 91,972,266 15,977,691 21.0
1900 75,994,575 13,046,861 20.7
1890 62,947,714 12,791,931 25.5
1880 50,155,783 11,597,412 30.1
1870 38,558,371 7,115,050 22.6
1860 31,443,321 8,251,445 35.6
1850 23,191,876 6,122,423 35.9
1840 17,069,453 4,203,433 32.7
1830 12,866,020 3,227,567 33.5
1820 9,638,453 2,398,572 33.1
1810 7,239,881 1,931,398 36.4
1800 5,308,483 1,379,269 35.1
1790 3,929,214


United States, proper 91,972,266
Alaska 64,356
Hawaii 191,909
Porto Rico 1,118,012
Persons in military and naval service 55,608
Philippine Islands [1903] 7,635,426
Guam 9,000
Samoa 6,100
Panama Zone 50,000
Total population of the United States 101,102,677

From Bulletin of the Thirteenth Census, 1910.

Year Per Cent of Increase

Alabama 2,138,093 1,828,697 1,513,401 16.9 20.8
Arizona 204,354 122,931 88,243 66.2 39.3
Arkansas 1,574,449 1,311,564 1,128,211 20.0 16.3
California 2,377,549 1,485,053 1,213,398 60.1 22.4
Colorado 799,024 539,700 413,249 48.0 30.6
Connecticut 1,114,756 908,420 746,258 22.7 21.7
Delaware 202,322 184,735 168,493 9.5 9.6
Dist. of Columbia 331,069 278,718 230,392 18.8 21.0
Florida 752,619 528,542 391,422 42.4 35.0
Georgia 2,609,121 2,216,331 1,837,353 17.7 20.6
Idaho 325,594 161,772 88,548 101.3 82.7
Illinois 5,638,591 4,821,550 3,826,352 16.9 26.0
Indiana 2,700,876 2,516.462 2,192,404 7.3 14.8
Iowa 2,224,771 2,231,853 1,912,297 -0.3 16.7
Kansas 1,690,949 1,470,495 1,428,108 15.0 3.0
Kentucky 2,289,905 2,147,174 1,858,635 6.6 15.5
Louisiana 1,656,388 1,381,625 1,118,588 19.9 23.5
Maine 742,371 694,466 661,086 6.9 5.0
Maryland 1,295,346 1,188,044 1,042,390 9.0 14.0
Massachusetts 3,366,416 2,805,346 2,238,947 20.0 25.3
Michigan 2,810,l73 2,420.982 2,093,890 16.1 15.6
Minnesota 2,075,708 1,751,394 1,310,283 18.5 33.7
Mississippi 1,797,114 1,551,270 1,289,600 15.8 20.3
Missouri 3,293,335 3,106,665 2,679,185 6.0 16.0
Montana 376,053 243,329 142,924 54.5 70.3
Nebraska 1,192,214 1,066,300 1,062,656 11.8 0.3
Nevada 81,875 42,335 47,355 93. -10.6
New Hampshire 430,572 411,588 376,530 4.6 9.3
New Jersey 2,537,167 1,883,669 1,444,933 34.7 30.4
New Mexico 327,301 195,310 160,282 67.6 21.9
New York 9,113,614 7,268,894 6,003,174 25.4 21.1
North Carolina 2,206,287 l,893,810 1,617,949 16.5 17.1
North Dakota 577,056 319,146 190,983 80.8 67.1
Ohio 4,767,121 4,157,545 3,672,329 14.7 13.2
Oklahoma 1,657,155 1,414,177 790,391 17.2 109.7
Oregon 672,765 413,536 317,704 62.7 30.2
Pennsylvania 7,665,111 6,302,115 5,258,113 21.6 19.9
Rhode Island 542,610 428,556 345,506 26.6 24.0
South Carolina 1,515,400 1,340,316 1,151,149 13.1 16.4
South Dakota 583,888 401,570 348,600 45.4 15.2
Tennessee 2,184,789 2,020,616 1,767,518 8.1 14.3
Texas 3,896,542 3,048,710 2,235,527 27.8 36.4
Utah 373,351 276,749 210,779 34.9 31.3
Vermont 355,956 343,641 332,422 3.6 3.4
Virginia 2,061,612 1,854,184 1,655,980 11.2 12.0
Washington 1,141,990 518,103 357,232 120.4 45.0
West Virginia 1,221,119 958,800 762,794 27.4 25.7
Wisconsin 2,333,860 2,069,042 1,693,330 12.8 22.2
Wyoming 145,965 92,531 62,555 57.7 47.9


1910 1900 1890 1880 1870 1860 1850 1840 1830 1820 1810 1800 1790 1780
212,877 194,182 173,901 151,.911 131,425
127,381 93,423 70,680 47,700 40,000 35,000 33,000
33,000 30,000
Total under
433 386 356 325 292 241 234 223 240 213 181 141 105 65
Assigned new
2 5 1 7 1 2 3 9 2 --- 5 1 1
Alabama 10 9 9 8 8 6 7 7 5 3

Arizona 1

Arkansas 7 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1

California 11 8 7 6 4 3 2 2

Colorado 4 3 2 1 1

Connecticut 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 6 7 7 7 5
Delaware 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1
Florida 4 3 2 2 2 1 1 1

Georgia 12 11 11 10 9 7 8 8 9 7 6 4 2 3
Idaho 2 1 1 1

Illinois 27 25 22 20 19 14 9 7 3 1 1

Indiana 13 13 13 13 13 11 11 10 7 3 1

Iowa 11 11 11 11 9 6 2 2

Kansas 8 8 8 7 3 1

Kentucky 11 11 11 11 10 9 10 10 13 12 10 6 2
Louisiana 8 7 6 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 1

Maine 4 4 4 4 5 5 6 7 8 7 7

Maryland 6 6 6 6 6 5 6 6 8 9 9 9 8 6
Massachusetts 16 14 13 12 11 10 11 10 12 13 13 17 14 8
Michigan 13 12 12 11 9 6 4 3 1

Minnesota 10 9 7 5 3 2 2

Mississippi 8 8 7 7 6 5 5 4 2 1 1

Missouri 16 16 15 14 13 9 7 5 2 1

Montana 2 1 1 1

Nebraska 6 6 6 3 1 1

Nevada 1 1 1 1 1 1

New Hampshire 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 5 6 6 5 4 3
New Jersey 12 10 8 7 7 5 5 5 6 6 6 6 5 4
New Mexico 1

New York 43 37 34 34 33 31 33 34 40 34 27 17 10 6
North Carolina 10 10 9 9 8 7 8 9 13 13 14 12 10 5
North Dakota 3 2 1 1

Ohio 22 21 21 21 20 19 21 21 19 14 6 1

Oklahoma 8 5

Oregon 3 2 2 1 1 1 1

Pennsylvania 36 32 30 28 27 24 25 24 28 26 23 18 13 8
Rhode Island 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1
South Carolina 7 7 7 7 5 4 6 7 9 9 9 8 6 5
South Dakota 3 2 2 2

Tennessee 10 10 10 10 10 8 10 11 13 9 6 3 1
Texas 18 16 13 11 6 4 2 2

Utah 2 1 1

Vermont 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 5 5 6 4 2
Virginia 10 10 10 10 9 11 13 15 21 22 23 22 19
Washington 5 3 2 1

West Virginia 6 5 4 4 3

Wisconsin 11 11 10 9 8 6 3 2

Wyoming 1 1 1 1


Per Cent
of places
Population Number
of places
Population Number
of places
Population 1910
Total population
62,947,714 100.0 100.0 100.0
Urban territory 2,405 42,623,383 1,894 30,797,185 1,510 22,720,223 46.3 40.6 36.1
1,000,000 or more 3 8,501,174 3 6,429,474 3 3,662,115 9.2 8.5 5.8
500,000 to 1,000,000 5 3,010,667 3 1,645,087 1 806,343 3.3 2.2 1.3
250,000 to 500,000 11 3,949,839 9 2,861,296 7 2,447,608 4.3 3.8 3.9
100,000 to 250,000 31 4,840,458 23 3,272,490 17 2,781,894 5.3 4.3 4.4
50,000 to 100,000 59 4,178,915 41 2,760,477 30 2,027,569 4.5 3.6 3.2
25,000 to 50,000 120 4,062,763 82 2,785,667 67 2,298,765 4.4 3.7 3.7
10,000 to 25,000 374 5,609,208 286 4,409,900 232 3,487,139 6.1 5.8 5.5
5,000 to 10,000 629 4,364,703 477 3,278,518 361 2,495,594 4.7 4.3 4.0
2,500 to 5,000 1,173 4,105,656 970 3,354,276 792 2,713,196 4.5 4.4 4.3

Rural territory
40,227,491 53.7 59.5 63.9
Incorporated towns
of less than 2,500
11,784 8,119,528 8,892 6,247,645 6,466 4,719,835 8.8 8.2 7.5
Other rural territory
35,507,656 44.8 51.3 56.4


City Population City Population City Population City Population
1 New York 4,766,883 New York 3,437,202 New York 1,515,301 New York 1,206,299
2 Chicago 2,185,283 Chicago 1,698,575 Chicago 1,099,850 Philadelphia 847,170
3 Philadelphia 1,549,008 Philadelphia 1,293,697 Philadelphia 1,046,964 Brooklyn 566,663
4 St. Louis 687,029 St. Louis 575,238 Brooklyn 806,343 Chicago 503,185
5 Boston 670,585 Boston 560,892 St. Louis 451,770 Boston 362,839
6 Cleveland 560,663 Baltimore 508,957 Boston 448,477 St. Louis 350,518
7 Baltimore 558,485 Cleveland 381,768 Baltimore 434,439 Baltimore 332,313
8 Pittsburgh 533,905 Buffalo 352,387 San Francisco 298,997 Cincinnati 255,139
9 Detroit 465,766 San Francisco 342,782 Cincinnati 296,908 San Francisco 233,959
10 Buffalo 423,715 Cincinnati 325,902 Cleveland 261,353 New Orleans 216,090
11 San Francisco 416,912 Pittsburgh 321,616 Buffalo 255,664 Washington 177,624
12 Milwaukee 373,857 New Orleans 287,104 New Orleans 242,039 Cleveland 160,146
13 Cincinnati 363,591 Detroit 285,704 Pittsburgh 
238,617 Pittsburgh 156,389
14 Newark 347,469 Milwaukee 285,315 Washington 230,392 Buffalo 155,134
15 New Orleans 339,075 Washington 278,718 Detroit 205,876 Newark 136,508
16 Washington 331,069 Newark 246,070 Milwaukee 204,468 Louisville 123,758
17 Los Angeles 319,198 Jersey City 206,433 Newark 181,830 Jersey City 120,722
18 Minneapolis 301,408 Louisville 204,731 Minneapolis 164,738 Detroit 116,340
19 Jersey City 267,779 Minneapolis 202,718 Jersey City 163,003 Milwaukee 115,587
20 Kansas City 248,381 Providence 175,597 Louisville 161,129 Providence 104,857
21 Seattle 237,194 Indianapolis 169,164 Omaha 140,452 Albany 90,758
22 Indianapolis 233,650 Kansas City 163,752 Rochester 133,896 Rochester 89,366
23 Providence 224,326 St. Paul 163,065 St. Paul 133,156 Allegheny 78,682
24 Louisville 223,928 Rochester 162,608 Kansas City 132,716 Indianapolis 75,056
25 Rochester 218,149 Denver 133,859 Providence 132,146 Richmond 63,600

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