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Handy Literal Translations


THE

FIRST FOUR BOOKS

OF

XENOPHON'S ANABASIS

_Literally Translated_

_With Explanatory Notes_

BY

J. S. WATSON


ARTHUR HINDS & CO
4 COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK CITY




HANDY LITERAL TRANSLATIONS


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XENOPHON'S

ANABASIS,

OR

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.




BOOK I.--CHAPTER I.

     Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is
     accused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons
     him, but releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends
     him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of
     which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war on his
     brother.


1. Of Darius[1] and Parysatis were born two sons,[2] the elder
Artaxerxes,[3] and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, and
suspected that the end of his life was approaching, he was desirous that
both of his sons should attend him.

2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for from the
province of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed him
commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus.[4]

Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and
having also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks,[5] and Xenias of
Parrhasia,[6] their captain.

3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne,
Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother,
saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes was induced to give
credit to it, and had Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting him
to death; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his
province.

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, he
began to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to his
brother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis,
their mother, was well disposed towards Cyrus,[7] as she loved him
better than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers
from the king[8] came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had
inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch.[9] He
also paid such attention to the Barbarians[10] that were with him, that
they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined towards
himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, that
he might surprise the king as little prepared as possible.

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he had
in his towns, he sent orders to the commanders of them to procure
respectively as many Peloponnesians as they could, of the best class of
soldiers, on pretence that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those
towns. For the cities of Ionia had formerly been, under the government
of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the king, but had at
this time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 7. Tissaphernes,
discovering that the people of Miletus were forming a similar design,
[to go over to Cyrus,[11]] put some of them to death, and sent others
into banishment. Cyrus, receiving the exiles under his protection, and
assembling an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used
every exertion to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretext
for augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the king,
and requested that, as he was his brother, these cities should be given
to him rather than that Tissaphernes should govern them; and in this
application his mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion of
the plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at war with
Tissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops; so that he was not at
all concerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted
to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes had had.

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus opposite
Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian, happened to
be in exile. Cyrus, having met with him, was struck with admiration for
him, and made him a present of ten thousand darics.[12] Clearchus, on
receiving the gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and making
excursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians that are
situated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to the Greeks; so
that the towns on the Hellespont willingly contributed money for the
support of his men. This too was a force thus secretly maintained for
Cyrus.

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest-friend[13] of
Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at home, came to him,
and asked him for two thousand mercenary troops, and three months' pay
for them, representing that he would thus be enabled to overpower his
enemies. Cyrus granted him four thousand, and six months' pay, desiring
him not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus
another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in Thessaly.

11. He then requested Proxenus a Bœotian, who was also his
guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could procure, stating
that he intended to make war on the Pisidians, as they molested his
territories. He also desired Sophænetus of Stymphalus,[14] and Socrates,
an Achæan, both of them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as
many men as possible, pretending that he was going to war with
Tissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as he
wished.

[Footnote 1: Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from B. C. 423 to
B. C. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.]

[Footnote 2: Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of
Artax. c. i. 27.]

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his
reign B. C. 405.]

[Footnote 4: Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον.] In each of the provinces of the
Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed
for the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43.
Heeren, _Ideen_, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of
Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 5: Τῶν Ἑλλήνων ---- ὁπλίτας ---- τριακοσίους.] Three hundred
of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then
procure.]

[Footnote 6: A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.]

[Footnote 7: Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri]
favebat." _Schneider_. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat." _Kühner_.
Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.]

[Footnote 8: Ὅστις ---- τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως.] We must understand those who
are called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. iv. 6. _Zeune_.
They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a
report respecting the state of them to the king.]

[Footnote 9: Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ.] "He sent them all away
(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than
the king."]

[Footnote 10: By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were
about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of
their own nation.]

[Footnote 11: Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον.] These words are regarded as
spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krüger
and Kühner retain them, as added _explicationis causá_.]

[Footnote 12: The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to
have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful.
From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a
talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey's _Essay
on Anc. Weights and Money_, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15_s._, the value
of the daric will be 16_s._ 3_d._ The sum given to Clearchus will then
be £8125.]

[Footnote 13: Ξένος.] I have translated this word by _guest-friend_, a
convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time
ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by
which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.]

[Footnote 14: A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.]




CHAPTER II.

     Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into
     Phrygia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celænæ; the
     plain of Caystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay,
     which Cyrus discharges with money received from the queen of
     Cilicia. The town of Thymbrium; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters
     Cilicia, and is met at Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the
     country.


1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the country, he made it
his pretext for doing so that he wished to expel the Pisidians entirely
from the territory, and mustered, as if for the purpose of attacking
them, the whole of the troops, as well Barbarian as Greek, that were on
the spot.[15] He also sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing
whatever force was at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had
come to terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that
he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded for him the
mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all his men except such
as would be required to garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, the
army that was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him
on his expedition; promising them, that if he successfully accomplished
the objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he had
re-established them in their country. They cheerfully consented, as they
had confidence in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis.

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the troops from the
several towns, to the number of four thousand heavy-armed men. Thither
came also Proxenus, with heavy-armed men to the number of fifteen
hundred, and five hundred light-armed; Sophænetus the Stymphalian with a
thousand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achæan with five hundred; and Pasion
of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and the same number of
peltasts.[16] Both Pasion and Socrates were among those serving in the
army at Miletus.

4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing these
proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was necessary
to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible speed, to give
notice of the matter to the king, taking with him about five hundred
cavalry; 5. and the king, as soon as he heard from Tissaphernes of the
preparations of Cyrus, made arrangements to oppose him.

Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, commenced his
journey from Sardis,[17] and proceeded through Lydia, three days'
march,[18] a distance of twenty-two parasangs,[19] as far as the river
Mæander. The breadth of this river is two plethra,[20] and a bridge was
thrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the
stream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eight
parasangs, till he reached Colossæ, a populous city, wealthy and of
considerable magnitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon the
Thessalian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five
hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, Ænianes, and Olynthians.

7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twenty
parasangs, to Celænæ, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. Here
Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which he
was accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself
and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river
Mæander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs also
through the city of Celænæ. 8. There is also at Celænæ a palace of the
Great King,[21] situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under the
citadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into the
Mæander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is
said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musical
skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of the
stream rises: and on this account the river is called the Marsyas. 9.
Xerxes is said to have built both this palace and the citadel of
Celænæ, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture in
battle.

Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Clearchus, the
Lacedæmonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eight
hundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same
time Sosis[22] of Syracuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men,
and Sophænetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a review
of the Greeks in the park, and took their number; and they were in all
eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts.[23]
10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to
Peltæ, a well-peopled city, where he halted three days, during which
Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycæan Jove,[24] and
held public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were golden
strigiles.[25] Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence he
proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, a
populous city, the last on the side of Mysia.

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirty
parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he halted
five days; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to the
troops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them
off, giving them hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no
part of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while he
was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid him
a visit, and was said to have presented him with a large sum of money.
He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician
queen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and it was
reported that Cyrus had connexion with her.

13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, a
populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called the
fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at which Midas is said to have
captured the Satyr,[26] by mixing wine with the water.

14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriæum, a
well-peopled city, where he stayed three days. The Cilician queen is
said to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desire
therefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greek
as Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled,
and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each
captain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep;
Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and his men the
left; and the other captains occupied the centre. 16. First of all,
then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up in
troops and companies;[27] and afterwards the Greeks, riding by them in
his chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car.[28] They had all brazen
helmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had
ridden past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx,
and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders for
them to present arms,[29] and to advance with their whole phalanx. The
officers communicated these orders to their soldiers; and, when the
trumpeter gave the signal, they presented arms and advanced. Then, as
they proceeded with a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of
their own accord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the
Persians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest of the
Barbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and the people in the
market deserted their goods and took to their heels; while the Greeks
marched up to the tents with laughter. The Cilician queen, on beholding
the splendour and discipline of the army, was struck with admiration;
and Cyrus was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks
inspired the Barbarians.

19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of twenty
parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where he halted three
days. He then went forward through Lycaonia, five days' march, a
distance of thirty parasangs; and this country, as being that of an
enemy, he permitted the Greeks to ravage.

20. From hence Cyrus despatched the Cilician queen, by the shortest
road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which Menon had, and
Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the army, proceeded through
Cappadocia, four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to
Dana, a populous, large, and wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; in
the course of which he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a
wearer of the royal purple,[30] and a certain other person in power, one
of the provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against
him.

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the sole entrance
was a road broad enough only for a single carriage, very steep, and
impracticable for an army to pass, if any one opposed them. Syennesis,
besides, was said to be stationed on the heights, guarding the defile;
on which account Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a
messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the heights, on
receiving information that Menon's army was already in Cilicia within
the mountains, and hearing that Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging
to the Lacedæmonians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to
Cilicia. 22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any
opposition, and saw[31] the tents in which the Cilicians kept guard.
Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and
abounding with all kinds of trees, as well as vines. It also produced
great quantities of sesamum, panic, millet,[32] wheat, and barley. A
chain of hills, strong and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to
sea. 23. Descending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days'
march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and
opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, the king of
the Cilicians; and through the midst of the city runs a river, called
the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two plethra. 24. This city the
inhabitants, with Syennesis, had deserted for a strong-hold upon the
mountains, except those who kept shops.[33] Those also remained behind,
who lived near the sea at Soli and at Issi.

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five days
before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which skirt the plain,
two companies of Menon's troops had perished; some said that they had
been cut to pieces by the Cilicians, while committing some
depredations; others, that being left behind, and unable to find the
rest of the army or their road, they had been destroyed while wandering
about. They amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest of
Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their
comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace in it.
Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to come to him; but
Syennesis answered, that he had never yet put himself in the power of
one stronger than himself; nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus,
until his wife prevailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of
safety. 27. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a large
sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in return presented
him with such gifts as are held in estimation by a king, a horse with a
golden bit, a golden chain and bracelets, and a golden scimitar and
Persian robe. He also engaged that his country should no more be
plundered, and that he should receive back the captured slaves, if they
anywhere met with them.

[Footnote 15: Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα.]
There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα in
this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt
Pisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this
is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, who
give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum
[exercitum]," says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum
habebat." The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, which
Kühner pronounces unnecessary.]

[Footnote 16: The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield,
called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. They
were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see
his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.]

[Footnote 17: Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis,
because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes
from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey.
_Stanford_.]

[Footnote 18: Σταθμοός.] The word σταθμός means properly a _station_ or
_halting-place_ at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied,
but was generally about five parasangs.]

[Footnote 19: The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; see
ii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr.
Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles,
180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. _Travels in the
Track_, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march;
these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But
Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr.
Hussey, _Anc. Weights_, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2
yards.]

[Footnote 20: The _plethrum_ was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See
Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.]

[Footnote 21: The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek
writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the
number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the
successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.]

[Footnote 22: This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and
Kühner; most other editors have _Socrates_, which occurs in four
manuscripts; two have _Sosias_, and one _Sostes_.]

[Footnote 23: The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more
general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.]

[Footnote 24: Τὰ Λύκαια.] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned by
Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar,
Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89. _Schneider_.--Mount Lycæum was
sacred to both Jupiter and Pan. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 25: Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the
Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for
cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be
given by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krüger
follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women,
and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the
latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the
former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will
afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might
have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left
doubtful. The sense of _strigilis_ is supported by Suidas; see Sturz's
Lex. s. v.]

[Footnote 26: Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.]

[Footnote 27: Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] Ἰλη signifies properly a troop
of horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, which
Xenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men.]

[Footnote 28: Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης.] The _harmamaxa_ was a Persian carriage,
probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23;
Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.]

[Footnote 29: Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.] "To hold out the shield and the
spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an
adversary." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 30: Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον.] Æmilius Portus, on the authority
of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;"
an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes it
_purpuratus_; Larcher, _vexillarius_, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a
standard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus,
puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the
highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται."
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 31: Εἶδε.] This seems to be the reading of all the
manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner.
But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of," on the
suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for
Xenophon to say that Cyrus merely _saw_ the tents. Lion, however, not
unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at
which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight
of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.]

[Footnote 32: Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.] _Sesamum_ is a
leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble
hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη, _panicum_, is a
plant resembling millet. Κέγχρος, _milium_, millet, is far the best
known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet,
in bunches.]

[Footnote 33: Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense of _a
tavern_; sometimes in a more general sense, as _any kind of shop_. We
may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell,
with the hope of getting profit.]




CHAPTER III.

     Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the
     Greek soldiers, who, suspecting that they were led against the
     king, refuse to go farther, and offer violence to Clearchus, who
     endeavours to force them to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that
     the expedition is directed against Abrocomas, and promised an
     increase of pay, they agree to continue their march.


1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for the soldiers
refused to proceed farther, as they now began to suspect that they were
marching against the king, and said that they had not been hired for
this purpose. Clearchus, first of all, endeavoured to compel his
soldiers to proceed; but, as soon as he began to advance, they pelted
him and his baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this
occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At length, when
he saw that he should not be able to proceed by force, he called a
meeting of his soldiers; and at first, standing before them, he
continued for some time to shed tears, while they, looking on, were
struck with wonder, and remained silent. He then addressed them to this
effect:

3. "Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the present
occurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties of hospitality, and
honoured me, when I was an exile from my country, both with other marks
of esteem, and by presenting me with ten thousand darics. On receiving
this money, I did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in
luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war upon the
Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with your assistance, took
vengeance upon them by expelling them from the Chersonesus, when they
would have taken the country from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus
summoned me, I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had
need of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits that I
had received from him. 5. But since you are unwilling to accompany him
on this expedition, I am under the obligation, either, by deserting you,
to preserve the friendship of Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to
adhere to you. Whether I shall do right, I do not know; but I shall give
you the preference, and will undergo with you whatever may be necessary.
Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks into a country of
Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and adopted, in preference, the
friendship of the Barbarians.

6. "Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow me, I will go
with you, and submit to whatever may be destined for us. For I look upon
you to be at once my country, my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and
consider that with you I shall be respected, wherever I may be: but
that, if separated from you, I shall be unable either to afford
assistance to a friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured,
therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever you go."

7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under his own command
as the others, on hearing these assurances, applauded him for saying
that he would not march against the king; and more than two thousand of
the troops of Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and
baggage, went and encamped under Clearchus.

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent for
Clearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a messenger to Cyrus
without the knowledge of the soldiers, bade him be of good courage, as
these matters would be arranged to his satisfaction. He also desired
Cyrus to send for him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again
declined to go.[34] 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers,
and those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest that
wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect:

"It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with regard to us
is the same as ours with regard to him; for we are no longer his
soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is he any longer our
paymaster. 10. That he considers himself wronged by us, however, I am
well aware; so that, even when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to
him, principally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having
been in all respects false to him; and in addition, from being afraid,
that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengeance on me for the
matters in which he conceives that he has been injured. 11. This,
therefore, seems to me to be no time for us to sleep, or to neglect our
own safety; but, on the contrary, to consider what we must do under
these circumstances.[35] As long as we remain here, it seems necessary
to consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we determine upon
going at once, how we may depart with the greatest security, and how we
may obtain provisions; for without these, the general and the private
soldier are alike inefficient.[36] 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable
friend to those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to
those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both infantry and
cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike see and know; for we
seem to me to be encamped at no great distance from him. It is therefore
full time to say whatever any one thinks to be best." Having spoken
thus, he made a pause.

13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own accord, to
express what they thought; others, previously instructed by Clearchus,
to point out what difficulty there would be, either in remaining or
departing, without the consent of Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending
to be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that
they should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were
unwilling to conduct them back; that they should purchase provisions, as
there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage;
that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in
which they might sail home; and, if he should not grant them, that they
should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of
the country as were friendly towards them.[37] But if he would not even
allow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themselves in
warlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights,
in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, ("of whom," said he, "we
have many prisoners, and much money that we have taken,") may be the
first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; but
after him Clearchus spoke as follows:

15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake this command;
for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so; but be assured, that
whatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possible
deference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well as
any other man."

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him who
advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were not about to sail
back,[38] and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request a
guide of the very person "whose plans," said he, "we are frustrating.
And," he added, "if we should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign
us, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights
before we reach them? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant to
embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he should send us and
the galleys to the bottom together; I should also be afraid to follow
any guide that he may appoint, lest he should conduct us into places,
from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I
depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge; but
this is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities;
and my advice is, that certain persons, such as are fit for the task,
should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he
wishes to employ us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which
he before employed foreign troops,[39] that we too should follow him,
and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him.
19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and more
perilous than the former, that they should ask him, in that case, either
to induce us to accompany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our
persuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if we
accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zealous supporters,
and if we leave him, we shall depart in safety; that they then report to
us what answer he makes to this application; and that we, having heard
his reply, take measures in accordance with it."

20. These suggestions were approved; and, having chosen certain persons,
they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon by
the army. Cyrus answered, that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of
his, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; and
it was against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abrocomas
should be there, he said that he longed to take due vengeance on him;
but if he should retreat, "we will consider there," he added, "how to
proceed."

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to the
soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against the
king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for an
increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again
as they received before, that is to say, instead of a daric, three
half-darics a month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at least
publicly, that he was leading them against the king.

[Footnote 34: He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send
for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping
up appearances.]

[Footnote 35: Ἐκ τούτων.] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. e. in hac rerum
conditione." _Kühner_. Bornemann interprets simply _post hæc_.]

[Footnote 36: Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] "No profit (or
use) either of a general or private soldier."]

[Footnote 37: Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας.] The earlier editions have ὡς before
διὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission;
and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide
was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or
where he could procure them a friendly reception.]

[Footnote 38: Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.] About the
meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation
which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus
non esset," which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes," says
Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or
some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he
will return to his province."]

[Footnote 39: The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up
with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1.
2.]




CHAPTER IV.

     The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet
     then arrives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek
     captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good
     feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursue them, renders the other
     Greeks more willing to accompany him. He arrives at Thapsacus on
     the Euphrates, where he discloses the real object of his expedition
     to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by
     fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river.


1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to
the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three plethra. He then went
forward, one day's march, five parasangs, to the river Pyramus, the
breadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a
distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia,
situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place.

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships from
Peloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras the
Lacedæmonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, had
conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twenty
other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletus
when it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him
on behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the
Lacedæmonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven
hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army of
Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek
mercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed
men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition
against the king.

4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates of
Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;[40] of the part within
them, towards Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the
charge; the part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king's
soldiers was reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river, called
Carsus, a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses
was three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for the
passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and above
were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It was
on account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that he
might disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the Gates,[41] who
might force a passage through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the
Syrian gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he had
under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attempt
this; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out of
Phœnicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as was
said, three hundred thousand men.

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to
Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phœnicians; this place
was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7.
Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and
Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board their
most valuable effects, sailed away; being actuated, as most thought, by
motives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain under
his command their soldiers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the
expectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against the
king. Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that Cyrus
would pursue them with ships of war; and some wished that they might be
taken, as having acted perfidiously; while others pitied their fate, if
they should be caught.

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, "Xenias and
Pasion have left us: but let them be well assured, that they have not
fled clandestinely; for I know which way they are gone; nor have they
escaped beyond my reach; for I have triremes that would overtake their
vessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shall
any one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of his
services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treat
his person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with the
consciousness that they have acted a worse part towards us than we
towards them. I have, indeed, their children and wives under guard at
Tralles; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive
them back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thus Cyrus
spoke; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined to
the expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus,
accompanied him with greater pleasure and alacrity.

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of
twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is a plethrum in breadth,
and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, and
allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, in
which they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been
given her for her girdle.[42]

10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty
parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum in
breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a
very large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasons
produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace.

11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen
parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in
breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, named
Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; and Cyrus sent for the
Greek captains, and told them, that his march was directed to Babylon,
against the Great King; and he desired them to make this announcement to
the soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him.

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated this information
to them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased with
their officers, and said that they had long known this, but concealed
it; and they refused to go, unless such a donative was granted them, as
had been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father,
and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyrus
when his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generals
reported to Cyrus; who in consequence promised to give every man five
minæ of silver,[43] when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full
pay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The
greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accompany
him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whether
they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon assembled his own troops apart
from the rest, and spoke as follows:

14. "If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, without incurring
either danger or toil, make yourselves honoured by Cyrus beyond the rest
of the army. What, then, would I have you do? Cyrus is at this moment
urgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king; I therefore
suggest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will answer Cyrus,
you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they should
determine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the cause
of it, by being the first to pass the river; and to you, as being most
forward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as
no one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should
determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; but
you, as having alone complied with his wishes, and as being most worthy
of his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts of
authority; and whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, as
the friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it."

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, and
crossed the river before the others had given their answer. And when
Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, and
despatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message: "I applaud your
conduct, my friends; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or
think me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being
filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; and to
Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnificent presents. After these
transactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followed
him; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above
the breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never,
except on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means of
boats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that Cyrus might not be
able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divine
interposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as the
future king.

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of
fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number of
villages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days,
and collected provisions.

[Footnote 40: Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη.] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and
as the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them,
Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ., which Kühner and others
approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη
"castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little
below, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to mean _walls_
attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that _at
each of the fortresses_, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he
appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each
of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards,
corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a
wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains
down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower."
_Ainsworth_, p. 59.]

[Footnote 41: "That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz.
in Syria." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 42: Εἰς ζώνην.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to
supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian
kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly
for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or
other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in
Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.]

[Footnote 43: Reckoning the talent at £243 15_s._, the mina (60 = a
talent) will be £4 1_s._ 3_d._, and five minæ £20 6_s._ 3_d._]




CHAPTER V.

     The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the
     right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts
     of burden perish; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank
     of the Euphrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon,
     which is quelled by Cyrus.


1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right,
five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-five
parasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as the
sea. It was covered with wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or
reed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no
trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds; the most
numerous were wild asses; there were also many ostriches, as well as
bustards and antelopes; and these animals the horsemen of the army
sometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would start
forward a considerable distance, and then stand still; (for they ran
much more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when the horse approached,
they did the same; and it was impossible to catch them, unless the
horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with a
succession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembled
venison, but was more tender. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in
catching; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from
the pursuit; for it far outstripped[44] them in its flight, using its
feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail.[45] The
bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; for they fly
but a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh was
very delicious.

4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, the
breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which
the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas.
Here they stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions.

5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, a
distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right,
and arrived at a place called the Gates.[46] In this march many of the
beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was neither grass, nor
any sort of tree, but the whole country was completely bare. The
inhabitants, who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took
them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which they bought
with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, and it was not possible
to buy any, except in the Lydian market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops,
where they purchased a capithe[47] of wheat-flour or barley-meal for
four sigli. The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a
half,[48] and the capithe contains two Attic chœnices. The soldiers
therefore lived entirely upon flesh.

7. There were some of these marches which he made extremely long,
whenever he wished to get to water or forage. On one occasion, when a
narrow and muddy road presented itself, almost impassable for the
waggons, Cyras halted on the spot with the most distinguished and
wealthy of his train, and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of
the Barbarian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But as
they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as if in anger,
the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in expediting the carriages.
Then might be seen a specimen of their ready obedience; for, throwing
off their purple cloaks, in the place where each happened to be
standing, they rushed forward, as one would run in a race for victory,
down an extremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which they
wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains about their necks
and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping with these equipments
straight into the mud, brought the waggons up quicker than any one would
have imagined.

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed throughout the
march, and made no delay, except where he halted in order to obtain a
supply of provisions, or for some other necessary purpose; thinking that
the quicker he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when he
engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, the more numerous
would be the force collected by the king. And an attentive observer
might see that the empire of the king was strong indeed in extent of
territory and number of inhabitants, but weak through the length of the
roads, and the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with
rapid movements.

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their course
through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, called Charmande;
from this place the soldiers purchased provisions, crossing the river on
rafts in the following manner. They filled the skins, which they had for
the coverings of their tents,[49] with dry hay, and then closed and
stitched them together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon
these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine made of
the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic[50] corn; for this was most
plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of Menon and those of
Clearchus falling into a dispute about something, Clearchus, judging a
soldier of Menon's to be in the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and
the man, coming to the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades
what had occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure and
resentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, Clearchus, after
going to the place where the river was crossed, and inspecting the
market there, was returning on horseback to his tent through Menon's
camp, with a few attendants. Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on
his way thither. One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving
wood, when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his axe at
him, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone at him, and another,
and afterwards several, a great uproar ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought
refuge in his own camp, and immediately called his men to arms, ordering
his heavy-armed troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields
against their knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the
horsemen that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, (and
most of these were Thracians,) bore down towards the troops of Menon, so
that they and Menon himself were struck with terror, and made a general
rush to their arms; while some stood still, not knowing how to act under
the circumstances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up behind the
rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following him, and immediately led
his troops into the middle space between them both, and drew them up
under arms, begging Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But
Clearchus was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning,
Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received; he
accordingly desired him to stand out from between them.

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the affair. He
then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and rode, with such of his
confidential officers as were with him, into the midst of the Greeks,
and addressed them thus: 16. "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other
Greeks who are here present, you know not what you are doing. For if you
engage in any contention with one another, be assured, that this very
day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; since, if our
affairs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see before you, will
prove more dangerous enemies to us than even those who are with the
king." 17. Clearchus, on hearing these remonstrances, recovered his
self-possession; and both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited
their arms in their respective encampments.

[Footnote 44: Απεσπᾶτο.] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are
various readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of
"drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads
ἀπέπτατο.]

[Footnote 45: It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as
to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of
Kühner.]

[Footnote 46: Επὶ Πύλας.] A strait or defile through which the road lay
from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the _Pylæ Babyloniæ_. It
is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus _sub voce_ Χαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p.
80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eight
miles north of Babylon.]

[Footnote 47: Καπίθη.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic
_chœnices_. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient
Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.]

[Footnote 48: The _siglus_ is regarded by some as the same with the
Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the
shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three
half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.]

[Footnote 49: Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather
to be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt the
latter, be right; viz. that στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round
the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii.
29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still
practised in Armenia both by men and women.]

[Footnote 50: See note on i. 2. 22.]




CHAPTER VI.

     Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian
     nobleman, a relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of
     cavalry, and lay an ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out,
     however, he is found to be in correspondence with the king, and is
     put to death.


1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung of horses
were observed, and the track was conjectured to be that of about two
thousand cavalry. These, as they went before, had burnt all the fodder,
and whatever else might have been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a
Persian, by birth connected with the king, and reckoned one of the
ablest of the Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom,
indeed, he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled to
him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a thousand horse,
he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the body of cavalry that
were burning all before them, or would take the greater number of them
prisoners, and hinder them from consuming everything in their way, and
prevent them from ever informing the king that they had seen the army of
Cyrus. Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous; and
desired him to take a certain number of men from each of the different
commanders.

3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, wrote a letter to
the king, saying that he would come to him with as many horse as he
could obtain; and he desired him to give directions to his own cavalry
to receive him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions
reminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity to him. This
letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he believed, he could depend, but
who, when he received it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading
the letter, caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent
seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and desired the
Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed men, who should arrange
themselves under arms around his tent. They did as he desired, and
brought with them about three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5.
Clearchus he called in to assist at the council, as that officer
appeared, both to himself and to the rest, to be held most in honour
among the Greeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, he
related to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted; for there
was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that Cyrus thus opened the
proceedings:

6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order that, on
consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes here before you,
whatever may be thought just before gods and men. In the first place,
then, my father appointed him to be subject to me. And when afterwards,
by the command, as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war
against me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up
arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from war with me; and
then I received from him, and gave him in return, the right-hand of
friendship. 7. And since that occurrence," he continued, "is there
anything in which I have wronged you?" Orontes replied that there was
not. Cyrus again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, as
you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go over to the
Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to my territories?"
Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And did you not then," continued
Cyrus, "when you had thus again proved your strength, come to the altar
of Diana, and say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by
entreaties, give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual
faith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What injury, then,"
continued Cyrus, "have you received from me, that you are now, for the
third time, discovered in traitorous designs against me?" Orontes saying
that he had received no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess,
then, that you have acted unjustly towards me?" "I am necessitated to
confess it," replied Orontes. Cyrus then again inquired, "And would you
yet become an enemy to my brother, and a faithful friend to me?" Orontes
answered, "Though I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear
so to you." 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, "Such are this
man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, O
Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to you." Clearchus
spoke thus: "I advise, that this man be put out of the way with all
despatch; that so it may be no longer necessary to be on our guard
against him, but that we may have leisure, as far as he is concerned, to
benefit those who are willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion,
Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of
Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising from
their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,[51] in token that he was to
suffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led him
away. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bow
before him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he was
being led to execution.

11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the most
confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers,[52] no one from that time ever
beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, from
certain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures were
made; but no burial-place of him was ever seen.

[Footnote 51: This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as
is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of
the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.]

[Footnote 52: Σκηπτούχων.] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus
the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58."
_Zeune_.]




CHAPTER VII.

     Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the
     Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He
     advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his
     brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less
     caution.


1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, a
distance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march,
he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, about
midnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come
up with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take the
command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left,
while he himself drew up his own troops.

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the Great
King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus,
assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with them
how he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with the
following exhortations: 3. "It is not, O Greeks, from any want of
Barbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is
because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of
Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that you
prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, and
for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I should
prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions many
times as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you
are advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The enemy's
numbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but if
you are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, in
other respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you are
true men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of
you, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their
fellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer
the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country."

5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence of
Cyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make many
promises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger;
but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;[53]
and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will,
you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise."

6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friends, the empire
that was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where men
cannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannot
live for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, the
friends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be
proper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So that
it is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to each
of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not
have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, I
will also give a golden crown."

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, were
much encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. The
captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent,
desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they should
be victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the minds
of all.

9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in the
battle personally, but take his station behind their line. About this
time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: "And do
you think, Cyrus, that your brother will come to battle with you?" "By
Jupiter," replied Cyrus, "if he be indeed the son of Darius and
Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of these
dominions without a struggle."

10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to be
ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and two thousand four hundred
peltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundred
thousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes.

11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundred
thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, six
thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawn
up in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four
commanders, or generals, or leaders,[54] each over three hundred
thousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and
Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at
the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas,
who was marching from Phœnicia, did not arrive till five days after
the battle.

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy who
deserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy as
were taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account.

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of three
parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in
order of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would give
him battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep
trench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms,[55] and the depth three.
15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve
parasangs, as far as the wall of Media.[56] Here are the canals which
are supplied from the river Tigris;[57] there are four of them, each a
plethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying corn
sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are
distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them.
Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the
trench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had
made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marching
against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got
within the trench.

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there were
to be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat.

18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him three
thousand darics,[58] because, on the eleventh day previous, while
sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for ten
days; when Cyrus exclaimed, "He will not then fight at all, if he does
not fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly,
I promise to give you ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid
him, the ten days having elapsed.

19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passage
of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had
given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus
proceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding
that, he pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a
small body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part of
the army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers'
arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden.

[Footnote 53: Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι.] This is the reading in all books and
manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect.
Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read
μεμνήσεσθαι?]

[Footnote 54: Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.] Weiske
considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider
and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine,
and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες.]

[Footnote 55: Ὀργυιαί.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See
Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.]

[Footnote 56: Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους.] As many of the best manuscripts have
Μηδείας, in this passage as well as in ii. 4. 12, ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8.
25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named
from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians
conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading
Μηδίας," continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from the
country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it
is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side
of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p.
180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that
the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called _Sidd Nimrud_, or
"the Wall of Nimrod."]

[Footnote 57: "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the
Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only
by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers."
_Kühner_. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight
that ---- it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction
of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at
certain seasons." _Ainsworth_, p. 89.]

[Footnote 58: See note on i. 1. 9.]




CHAPTER VIII.

     The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of
     Cyrus hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing,
     put to flight the troops opposed to them, and pursue them some
     distance. Cyrus, in the centre, directs his attack against the
     king, and is killed.


1. It was now about the time of full market,[59] and the station, where
he intended to halt, was not far off, when Pategyas, a Persian, one of
Cyrus's confidential adherents, made his appearance, riding at his
utmost speed, with his horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to
all whom he met, both in Persian and Greek, "that the king was
approaching with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately
great confusion ensued; for the Greeks and all the rest imagined that he
would fall upon them suddenly, before they could form their ranks; 3.
and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put on his breastplate, and,
mounting his horse, took his javelin in his hand, and gave orders for
all the rest to arm themselves, and to take their stations each in his
own place. 4. They accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchus
occupying the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates,
Proxenus being next to him, and after him the other captains in
succession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the Greeks.

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlagonian cavalry were
stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian peltasts on the right; and on
the left was Ariæus, Cyrus's lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian
troops. 6. In the centre[60] was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred
cavalry, the men all armed with breastplates, defences for the thighs,
and helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for battle
with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other Persians
expose themselves in battle with their heads uncovered.][61]

7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had defensive
armour on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen had also Grecian
swords.

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. But when it
was afternoon,[62] there appeared a dust, like a white cloud, and not
long after, a sort of blackness, extending to a great distance over the
plain. Presently, as they approached nearer, brazen armour began to
flash, and the spears and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of
cavalry, in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line; (Tissaphernes
was said to have the command of them;) close by these were troops with
wicker shields; and next to them, heavy-armed soldiers with long wooden
shields reaching to their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) then
other cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to their nations,
each nation separately in a solid oblong.[63] 10. In front of their
line, at considerable intervals from each other, were stationed the
chariots called scythed chariots; they had scythes projecting obliquely
from the axletree, and others under the driver's seat, pointing to the
earth, for the purpose of cutting through whatever came in their way;
and the design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the
Greeks.

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling together the
Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the shout of the Barbarians,
he was in this respect deceived; for they now approached, not with a
shout, but with all possible silence, and quietly, with an even and slow
step. 12. Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter,
and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troops
against the enemy's centre, for that there was the king; "and if," said
he, "we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully
accomplished." 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collection of
troops in the centre of the enemy's line, and heard from Cyrus that the
king was beyond the left of the Greeks, (for so much the superior was
the king in numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line,
he was still beyond Cyrus's left,) nevertheless, he was unwilling to
draw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he should be hemmed
in on both sides; and in answer to Cyrus he said, "that he would take
care that all should go well."

14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace;
and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was gradually
forming from those who came up from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a
moderate distance from his army,[64] surveyed from thence both the
lines, looking as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15.
Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up to
meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; when Cyrus stopped
his horse, and told him, and desired him to tell everybody, that the
sacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favourable.[65] 16.
As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and
asked what noise that was. He answered,[66] "that it was the watchword,
passing now for the second time."[67] At which Cyrus wondered who had
given it, and asked what the word was. He replied that it was, "JUPITER
THE PRESERVER and VICTORY." 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a
good omen," said he, "and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to
his own station; and the two armies were now not more than three or four
stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the pæan, and began
to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. And as, while they proceeded,
some part of their body fluctuated out of line,[68] those who were thus
left behind began to run: and at the same time, they all raised just
such a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took
to a running pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spears
against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. But the
Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took to
flight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling out
to each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots,
abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the
enemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. The
Greeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let them pass;
some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen in
a race-course; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nor
did any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except
that, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with
an arrow.

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pursuing those of
the enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasure
at the sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, was
not, however, led away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band of
six hundred cavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order around
him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for he well knew
that he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 22. All the commanders
of the Barbarians, indeed, lead[69] their troops to battle occupying the
centre of their own men; thinking that they will thus be most secure, if
they have the strength of their force on either side of them, and that
if they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in
half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupied
the centre of his own army, was nevertheless beyond Cyrus's left wing.
But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn up
before him, he began to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries.
24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the
rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging with
his six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front of
the king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said to
have killed with his own hand Artagerses, their commander.

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred became
dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a very few remaining with
him, chiefly those who were called "partakers of his table."

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the close
guard around him; when he immediately lost his self-command, and
exclaiming, "I see the man," rushed upon him, struck him on the breast,
and wounded him through the breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician,
relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in
the act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under the
eye; and how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thus
fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their respective followers in defence
of each,) Ctesias relates; for he was with him; on the other side, Cyrus
himself was killed, and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon
his body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his
sceptre-bearers,[70] when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from
his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 29. and some
say, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus;
but others relate, that he drew his scimitar, and killed himself upon
the body; for he had a golden scimitar by his side, and also wore a
chain and bracelets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the
Persians; since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity
to him.

[Footnote 59: Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν.] The time from the tenth hour till
noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ,
ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 60: The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the
text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison
of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have
thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect. 22,
23.]

[Footnote 61: The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is
said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads,
Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an
interpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground that
they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general
custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which
Lion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well with
the present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see the
words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they
break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them
in brackets.]

[Footnote 62: Δείλη.] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division
of the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείλη
οψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the
evening." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 63: Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων.] "In an oblong full of men,"
i. e. the men being close together.]

[Footnote 64: Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι.] "Satis longinquo à suis
intervallo."--_Weiske_.]

[Footnote 65: Τὰ ἱερὰ ---- καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά.] The ἱερὰ are omens from
the entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the
appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is
the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted
by Kühner. Compare ii, 1. 9.]

[Footnote 66: Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of
some manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf
prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to
Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right
to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it.
Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equally
interpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being
understood.]

[Footnote 67: Δεύτερον.] The watchword seems to have been passed from
the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity
of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it
twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed
only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸ
δεύτερον. _Krüger_ de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kühner observes that the
article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "_the_ second
time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word
δεύτερον implies that _a second watchword_, another given out for the
occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no
ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krüger
thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.]

[Footnote 68: Ἐξεκύμαινε.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving
of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the
treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.]

[Footnote 69: Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors have
ἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present,
notwithstanding the following optative.]

[Footnote 70: See c. 6, sect. 11.]




CHAPTER IX.

     The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except
     Ariæus, who takes to flight.


1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the
elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed by
all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the first
place, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his education
with his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them
all in everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are
educated at the gates of the king;[71] where they may learn many a
lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing disgraceful. 4.
Here the boys see some honoured by the king, and others disgraced, and
hear of them; so that in their very childhood they learn to govern and
to obey.

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty
among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his
elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next, he
was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a
superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and
most assiduous in practising, the warlike exercises of archery, and
hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond
of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On
one occasion, he did not shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but,
in grappling with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received some
wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but at last killed
her. The person who first came to his assistance, he made a happy man in
the eyes of many.

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great
Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the
troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon
showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a
promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 8.
Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as well as
individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had been
his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty with him,
he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore,
he waged war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord,
chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except the
Milesians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the cause
of the exiles; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and declared in
words, that he would never desert them, since he had once become a
friend to them, not even though they should grow still fewer in number,
and be in a worse condition than they were.

11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he showed himself
anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a
wish of his, that "he desired to live long enough to outdo both those
who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital
that he should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our
days were so great a number of people desirous of committing the
disposal of their property, their cities, and their own persons.

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the
criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men inflicted
punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be seen, along the
most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; so
that in Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or
Barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whithersoever he
pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his convenience.

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid
distinguished honour. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;
and, marching in person into these countries, he made those, whom he saw
voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the
territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in other
ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of men,
while the cowardly were deemed fit[72] only to be their slaves. There
were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed
themselves to danger, wherever they thought that Cyrus would become
aware of their exertions.

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display
that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who
sought to profit by injustice. 17. Accordingly, while in many other
respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise
possessed an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that
generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service,
but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, would be more
profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 18. Besides, if any one
executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered his
diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking, the best
qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.

19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard
to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and
securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a
person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that
men laboured with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and
made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did not
appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavour to
bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.

20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed to him, and
considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might wish
to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most successful in
attaching them to him. 21. For, on the very same account on which he
thought that he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have
co-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an efficient
assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of them desirous
of effecting.

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other
single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing
amongst his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what
he perceived each most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of
articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutrement, or
merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark, that
he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he thought
friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could have. 24.
That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits,
is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that he
should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious desire to
oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 25. Frequently,
when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavour, he would send
half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with a message to
this effect: "Cyrus has not for some time met with pleasanter wine than
this; and he has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will
drink it to-day, with those whom you love best." 26. He would often,
too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and other such
things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, "Cyrus has been
delighted with these, and therefore wishes you also to taste of them."

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many
attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some,
he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender to
the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his
friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to see him, he
would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with them,
that he might show whom he held in honour; so that, from what I have
heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater number
of persons, either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following
is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, though only a
subject, (except that Orontes attempted to do so; but he soon found the
person whom he believed faithful to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to
himself,) while many came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became
enemies to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved by
the king; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved themselves brave
soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain from him more adequate rewards
for their services than from the king.

30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great proof, as
well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he could accurately
distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well disposed, and constant in
their attachment. 31. For when he was killed, all his friends, and the
partakers of his table who were with him, fell fighting in his defence,
except Ariæus, who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on the
left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he took
to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.

[Footnote 71: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] For "at the king's palace."
"The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the
modern Constantinople, _the Porte_. Agreeably to the customs of other
despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of
their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of
access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies,
guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access
could be obtained to the monarch." _Heeren, Researches, &c._ vol. i. p
403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3, _seqq._ Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.]

[Footnote 72: Ἀξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors,
read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι.]




CHAPTER X.

     The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues
     Ariæus, plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the
     victorious Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had
     seized, and return to their camp.


1. The head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. The king, and the
troops that were with him, engaging in pursuit, fell upon the camp of
Cyrus; when the soldiers of Ariæus no longer stood their ground, but
fled through their camp to the station whence they had last started;
which was said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his
followers seized upon many other things, and also captured the Phocæan
woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accomplished and
beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of Miletus, being taken by
some of the king's soldiers, fled for refuge, without her outer garment,
to the party of Greeks,[73] who were stationed under arms to guard the
baggage, and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several of
the pillagers; and some of their own number also fell; yet they did not
flee, but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property and
people that were in their quarters.

4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now distant from each other
about thirty stadia, the Greeks pursuing those that had been opposed to
them, as if they had conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering,
as if they were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that the
king with his troops was amongst their baggage; and the king, on the
other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the Greeks had routed that
part of his line which had been opposed to them, and were gone forward
in pursuit, the king, on his part, collected his forces, and formed
them in line again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him
Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with him whether
they should send a detachment to the camp, or proceed, all of them
together, to relieve it. 6. In the mean time, the king was observed
again approaching them, as it seemed, in their rear. The Greeks,
wheeling round, prepared to receive him, in the belief that he would
attack them on that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troops
that way, but led them off by the same route by which he had before
passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him both those who
had deserted to the Greeks during the engagement, and Tissaphernes with
the troops under his command.

7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the engagement, but
had charged through the Greek peltasts, close to the banks of the river.
In breaking through, however, he killed not a single man, for the
Greeks, opening their ranks, struck his men with their swords, and
hurled their javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis had the command
of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an able captain. 8.
Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came off with disadvantage, did
not turn back again, but, proceeding onwards to the Grecian camp, met
the king there; and thence they now returned together, with their forces
united in battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of the
Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on that wing,
and, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them off; they therefore
thought it advisable to draw back this wing,[74] and to put the river in
their rear. 10. While they were planning this manœuvre, the king,
having passed beyond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the
same form in which he had at first come to battle; and when the Greeks
saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sang
the pæan, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before.
11. The Barbarians, on the other hand, did not await their onset, but
fled sooner[75] than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a
certain village,[76] where they halted; 12. for above the village was a
hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and though
there were no longer any infantry[77] there, the height was filled with
cavalry; so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said,
that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,[78] with
expanded wings.[79]

13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding thither, the
cavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, but some in one
direction and some in another; and thus the hill was gradually thinned
of cavalry, till at last they were all gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did
not march up the hill, but, stationing his force at its foot, sent
Lycius the Syracusan and another up the hill, and ordered them, after
taking a view from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the
other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having made his
observations, brought word that the enemy were fleeing with
precipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun set.

16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some rest; and
at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself nowhere made his
appearance, and that no one else came to them from him; for they did not
know that he was killed, but conjectured that he was either gone in
pursuit of the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17.
They then deliberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch
their baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was resolved to
return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 18. Such was
the conclusion of this day.

They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and drink was
with it, plundered and wasted; the waggons, too, full of barley-meal and
wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, if ever a great scarcity
of provisions should fall upon the army, he might distribute them
amongst the Grecian troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were four
hundred in number,) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19.
Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless; and they had also
been without dinner; for before the army had halted for dinner, the king
made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensuing night.

[Footnote 73: Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have
wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode
of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of
versus, "towards," comparing iv. 3. 26; ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, on
the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood:
ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he
acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can
nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν
Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ
τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.]

[Footnote 74: Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to
understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not
very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense
that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by _explicare_, "to
open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to
περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their
line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole,
the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.]

[Footnote 75: Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the
Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.]

[Footnote 76: Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have
been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought.
Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with _Imséy'ab_, a place 36 miles
north of Babylon.]

[Footnote 77: The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were
left.]

[Footnote 78: Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's
text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to
be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident
into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it.
Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη:
and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός.
In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been
a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being
taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner
gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ
ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of _a shield_, supposed that the
eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield
would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of
it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense of _a spear_, unusual in Xenophon, is
not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly
admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.]

[Footnote 79: Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to
signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's
Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub _Signa
Militaria_.]




BOOK II.


CHAPTER I.

     The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus
     resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus,
     who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia.
     Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.


1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his
expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up
the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how
the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that
they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has
been related in the preceding book.

2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their
surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how
they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to
them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming
themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with
Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun
was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who
was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the
son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having
fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they
started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks
that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he
should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.

4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on
learning it from them,[80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus
spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more,
carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over the
king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if
you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we
promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the
royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5.
Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them
Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon
himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of
friendship and hospitality.

6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was;
and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could,
from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and
asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where
the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the
arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had
compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker
shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there
were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their
contents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the
meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.

7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,[82] when some heralds
arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except
one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and
was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the
arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These
persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the
Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and
slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the
gates of the king,[83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favour
from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them
with no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the
part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do
you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most
honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the
attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had
been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice.
10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they
would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said
Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror
that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as
conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and
take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion,
let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in
this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers
himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now
that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon
yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his
dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead
such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it
would be impossible for you to destroy."

12. After him, Theopompus,[84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we
have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our
valour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour;
but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of
our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the
only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we
will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him
speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher,
young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that
you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove
victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that
certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that
they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great
service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that
whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an
expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.

15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet
given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, O
Clearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you have
to say." 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus,
and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we
also are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such
circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to
the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods,
such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and such
as will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, that
Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliver
up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and such
counsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will
necessarily be reported in Greece."

18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire that
the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them
not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to
conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke,
contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand
hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by
continuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up
your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the
king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in
which it is possible." 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is your
advice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion,
that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable
friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but
that if we must make war against him, we should make war better if we
retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said,
"This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also to
inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be
considered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance or
retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this
point also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or
whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus
replied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is
the same as that of the king." "And what is that?" said Phalinus.
Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat or
advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war that
I shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if we
stay; and if we retreat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do,
he gave no intimation.

[Footnote 80: Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word,
as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.]

[Footnote 81: Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood
ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should
properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without
owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered
by the enemy.]

[Footnote 82: Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] See i. 8. 1.]

[Footnote 83: See i. 9. 3.]

[Footnote 84: Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others
have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the
learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we
follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is
genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers
only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears
from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments
that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit.
p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon,
conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin
Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus
may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those
words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have
thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere
to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was,
however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.
_Kühner_.]




CHAPTER II.

     The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take
     counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night
     following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which
     Clearchus allays.


1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, from
their interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon had
remained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that there
were many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure
that he should be king; but," he adds, "if you wish to return with him,
he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he says
that he will set out by himself early in the morning." 2. Clearchus
rejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to
him; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think
most for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what he
intended to do.

3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled the
generals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offered
a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of
the victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause that
they were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the king
the river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without
vessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain
here; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to the
friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We must
accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on
what he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to
rest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time,
place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow him
who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and the
heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after
listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; and
thenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having
elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such
qualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were
comparatively inexperienced.

6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in
Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five
hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty
stadia;[85] and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was
said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.

7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to
the king, with about forty horse that he commanded, and nearly three
hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest,
in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the first
halting-place,[86] to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and the
generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under
arms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, and
Ariæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to
betray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians took
another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These
oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,[87] a boar, and a ram,
over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance,
into the blood.

10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said:
"Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what
is your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return the
way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better
way." 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, we
should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions;
and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither,
we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or,
if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in our
passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we
shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches
as long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possible
distance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days'
journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; since
he will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerous
army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will probably
experience a scarcity of provisions." "Such," he concluded, "is my
opinion."

13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing else
than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight.[88] But
fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they began
their march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive about
sunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in this
expectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they
thought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of
the Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places in
the ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had been
wounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were with
him. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been
sent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, but
baggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that the
king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from some
villages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troops
against the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in
want of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out of
his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in a
direct line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset,
in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses had
been carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in
advance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who
followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they
chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that
even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed the
nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case,
became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a single
beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. The
king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the
Grecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the following
day.

19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeks
themselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp as
usually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this,
Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have with
him, the best[89] herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim,
that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information of
the person who turned the ass among the arms,[90] shall receive a reward
of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclamation being made, the
soldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and their
generals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for the
Greeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which they
had been when the battle took place.

[Footnote 85: As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84
days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks
that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be
understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is
inclined to think the passage an interpolation.]

[Footnote 86: Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned in
i. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day
when the battle took place.]

[Footnote 87: Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to
have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os.,
where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that
animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of
Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P.
iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."]

[Footnote 88: Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that
it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so
that he cannot be overtaken. _Kühner_ ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ
vel apertâ." _Weiske_.]

[Footnote 89: Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or
clearness of his voice.]

[Footnote 90: The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the
men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to
draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their
apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having
been adopted by Iphicrates.]




CHAPTER III.

     The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions
     during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to
     them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is
     answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king
     engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes,
     and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through
     which they should pass.


1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach of
the Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent to
them on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, he
now, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds,
upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders.
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened then
to be inspecting the several divisions, told the guards to desire the
heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arranged
the army in such a manner as to present on every side the fair
appearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to
be seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having
about him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told the
other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, he
asked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiate
a truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf of
the king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus
answered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for
we have no breakfast;[91] and there is no one who will dare to talk to
the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast."

6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned;
from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whom
a commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere
near. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said was
reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truce
should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they might
procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king would
grant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on their
way thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest as
well.[92] The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to say
is communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, Clearchus,
directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; and
they proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after the
provisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said,
"I too am of that opinion. I will not, however, announce our
determination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be
uneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet,"
said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our own
soldiers." When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived,
he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desired
them to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were.

10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to conclude
the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he brought
up himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that they
could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of the
palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it
might be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holding
his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any of
those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would select
a fit object for punishment,[93] and give him a beating, and would lend
his assistance himself,[94] leaping into the midst, so that all were
ashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only
had been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they saw
Clearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13.
Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditches
were not always so full of water; (for it was not the season for
irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the water
upon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeks
to be many difficulties in the march.

14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from which
the guides signified that they might procure provisions. In these
villages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and
an acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the dates
themselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for the
use of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters,
were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was not
unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and preserved as
sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt to
cause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted the
cabbage[95] from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them were
agreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarity
of its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache.
The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon withered
throughout.

17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrived
from the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, and
three other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generals
of the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke
by an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O
Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived you
fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of good
fortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow me
to conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a service
would be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or
from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my request
to the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me this
favour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyrus
was marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him the
intelligence, had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone,
of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary,
charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp,
whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together with
these who are now present with me, and who are his most faithful
servants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army.
20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time
desired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took the
field against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in order
that it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can from
the king."

21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their
answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a
body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out,
was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well
aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both
take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards
saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, to
desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23.
As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with
the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the
king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed
homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of
the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury;
while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting
him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes,
having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and
bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in
force; and we will provide a market for you."

25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to
be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned
after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the
Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become
the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26.
In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promises
that we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendly
to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece,
affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we
do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to
take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the
other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you will
march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking
a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity
of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will
procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were assented
to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the
king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the
Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this,
Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as
I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the
necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to
Greece, and returning myself to my province."

[Footnote 91: Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, a
meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it
"dinner."]

[Footnote 92: I have translated this passage as I think that the drift
of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and
thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some
critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions
are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to
refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι
the messengers from the Greeks.]

[Footnote 93: Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι, _pœnæ idoneum, pœnû
dignum_. Kühner.]

[Footnote 94: Προσελάμβανε.] _Manum operi admovebat._ Kühner.]

[Footnote 95: Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla
earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii.
4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is
generally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in
reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last
tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years
before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner.
t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of
Du Petit Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_,
Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm;
it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future
leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the
actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It
forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and
wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate
to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it
was taken withered." _Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus_, p.
118.]




CHAPTER IV.

     The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and
     resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march
     under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and
     cross the Tigris.


1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near each
other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the course
of which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and other
relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave
them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances[97] from
the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their
expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2.
On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began to
pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered
most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to
Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are
we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in
order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon
the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay,
because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, it
is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is
digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered
impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we
should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are
have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him
at nought."

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been
considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go
away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary
to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be
no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions;
and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the
moment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that not
a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will
then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to
cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is
impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it
should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the
enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were
victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if
we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7.
With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages,
I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear,
and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the gods, and
render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said
much besides to the same effect.

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the
view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also
brought[98] with him the king's daughter, whom he had received in
marriage.[99] 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march,
Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of
buying provisions; Ariæus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus,
marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common
with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men,
began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they
always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each
other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if
they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustful
feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or
collecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they came
to blows with each other;[100] and this was an additional source of
animosity between them.

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media,[101]
as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built
of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a
hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs;
and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in
two days' march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals,
the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of
seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and from
one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first
of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive
drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic[102] fields. They
then arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populous
city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen
stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close
to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of
trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were
no longer in sight.

15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front
of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and
inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But
he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariæus, Menon's intimate
friend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek," the man
said, "Ariæus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are
interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to
beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there
is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also
advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as
Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order
that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in
between the river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they
conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. When
Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.

19. But a young man,[103] one of those who were present, after
reflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designs
of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not
consistent; for," said he, "if they attack us, they must certainly
either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why
should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many
bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20.
but if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge
is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of
their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able
to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After
listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was
the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He
replied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there were
several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately
concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand
object, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces[104] the
bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences,
the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and might
procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay
between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to
cultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any
that might be inclined to annoy the king.

23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a
guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on
any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those
who were stationed on guard there reported.

24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed
of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of
the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to
attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false.
However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some
others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they
saw they were, he immediately rode away.

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of
twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth,
and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis;
near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was
leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention of
assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt,
took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. Clearchus marched his
men two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as the
van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout
the whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army
seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.

27. Hence they proceeded through Media,[105] six days' march through a
desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the
villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which
Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to
plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great
quantity of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced
in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty
parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first
day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large
and opulent city, called Cænæ, whence the Barbarians brought over, on
rafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.

[Footnote 96: During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king,
and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of
which Cyrus had been Satrap. _Diod. Sic._ xiv. 26. See sect. 8.]

[Footnote 97: Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the
commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις
τᾶυτα. _Poppo._ So it is said in Latin _dextram ferre_. See Breitenbach
on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4]

[Footnote 98: Ἦγε.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this
verb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes
both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them,
Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus.
Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of
Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married
to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.]

[Footnote 99: Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literally _for_ or _upon
marriage_. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in
order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the
marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at
Babylon.]

[Footnote 100: Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that
they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them,
may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin
translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators
generally.]

[Footnote 101: See i. 7. 15.]

[Footnote 102: i. 2. 22.]

[Footnote 103: Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but
this is mere conjecture.]

[Footnote 104: Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of
Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες. _Kühner_.--The stratagem of
Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the
departure of Xerxes from Greece.]

[Footnote 105: i. 7. 15.]




CHAPTER V

     After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours
     to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks
     by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that
     he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five
     other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being
     informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill
     feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into
     the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are
     massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale.
     Ariæus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but
     is answered with defiance.


1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which
was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same
suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2.
Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and,
if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before
open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to
say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once
requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "I
am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-hands
pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other:
nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were
enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But
since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any
attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such
intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference
with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one
another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being
in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through
mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered,
inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished
anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such
misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I
have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just
ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the
oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to each
other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of
having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the gods
I know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape,[106] or
into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any
stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods;
and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments
respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose
keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human
advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we
at present possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy,
every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; but
without you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothing
of it,) every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude of
men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full
of extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill
you, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain our
benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your most
powerful avenger?[107] For my own part, of how many and how great
expectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you any
injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should
be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most
able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you
are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus,
while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the
king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Such
being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?

"But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopes
that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the
Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be
able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware
also that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such
nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your
tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most
of all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to
chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again,
among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a
friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if
any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality,
deal with them[108] as a master, as we should serve you not for the
sake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feel
towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these
things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that
I would most gladly hear the name[109] of him who is so persuasive a
speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you."

Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I am
delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, with
these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you
would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be
convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or
me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we
appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry,
or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do
you injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem
to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon
you? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them are
friendly to us,[110] you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so
many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by
pre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so many
rivers, at which we might parcel you out[111] as many at a time as we
might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not
cross at all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposing
that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove
its power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could set
famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the
brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so
many means of waging war with you, and none of them attended with
danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode,
the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one that
is disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to men
who are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the
coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek
to effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach of
faith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so
inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting
your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured, that
the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks,
and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that
very body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted
only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars
in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated,
but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is
permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet
perhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright
which is on the heart."[112]

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with
sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny
to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship
between us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then," said
Tissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in
a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that you
are forming plots against me and my army." 26. "I will bring them all,"
said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I
hear reports respecting you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes,
behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him,
and made him his guest at supper.

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly
showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing
with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that
those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that
whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged
calumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to the
Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he
knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with
Ariæus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order
that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might
secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the
whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome
rivals to be removed out of his way.

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the
captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no
confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with
great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals
and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them,
to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of
marketing.[113]

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, the
generals, who were Proxenus the Bœotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias
the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, and Socrates the Achæan, were
invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long
after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those
without massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbarian
cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman,
that they met.

33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry from the camp,
were filled with astonishment, and wondered what they could be doing,
till Nicarchus an Arcadian came fleeing thither, wounded in the belly
and holding his intestines in his hands, and related all that had
occurred. 34. The Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state
of general consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately
march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, but only Ariæus
and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been Cyrus's most confidential
friends; and the interpreter of the Greeks said, that he saw with them,
and recognised, the brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equipped
with corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance on
them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for whatever general
or captain of the Greeks might be there, to come out to them, that they
might deliver a message from the king. 37. There accordingly went forth
to them, with much caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophænetus the
Stymphalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon the
Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for Cheirisophus, he
happened to be absent at some village looking for provisions.

38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariæus said to them:
"Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found guilty of perjury, and of
violating the truce, has received his just punishment, and is dead;
Proxenus and Menon, as having denounced his treachery, are in great
honour; but the king demands of you your arms; for he says that they are
his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject." 39. To this the Greeks
answered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them,) "O Ariæus, most
wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many as were the friends of
Cyrus, have you no regard either for gods or men, that, after having
sworn that you would consider our friends and enemies to be likewise
yours, you have thus,[114] after treacherously deserting us in concert
with Tissaphernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human
beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alliance, and,
abandoning us who are left, have come against us in conjunction with our
enemies?" 40. Ariæus replied, "Clearchus had been previously detected in
treacherous designs against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who
accompany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "Clearchus, then, if he
infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is deservedly punished;
for it is just that those who violate their oaths should suffer death;
but as for Proxenus and Menon, as they are your benefactors and our
generals, send them hither; for it is clear that, being friends to both
parties, they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and for
us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among themselves for some
time, departed without making any answer to this proposal.

[Footnote 106: Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is
Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους
οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the
best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that
the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them.
Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.]

[Footnote 107: Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator
or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to
attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.;
Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.]

[Footnote 108: Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes
sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that
particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο.
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 109: There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of
the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι,
τις.]

[Footnote 110: Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's
text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less
satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner
adhere.]

[Footnote 111: Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;
iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.]

[Footnote 112: Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ ---- ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is,
"but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly
spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be
able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it
understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks,
aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by
Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131:
δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ----' καθαρῶς δὲ
αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος.
_Kühner_. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost.
xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the
Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower;
and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and
flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub." _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 113: Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed." _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 114: Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as
equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong
rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have
conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript
ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others.
Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author,
forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes
that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind
the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that
those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read
οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, _so rashly, so unjustifiably_.
From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung.
_Kühner_.]




CHAPTER VI.

     The characters of the five generals that were put to death.


1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken up to the
king, and put to death by being beheaded.

One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who were
acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well qualified for war,
and extremely fond of military enterprise. 2. For as long as the
Lacedæmonians were at war with the Athenians, he remained in the service
of his country; but when the peace took place, having induced his
government to believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on the
Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, with the
Ephori, he sailed from home to make war upon the Thracians that lie
above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. 3. But when the Ephori, after he
was gone, having for some reason changed their mind, took measures to
oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer paid
obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the Hellespont, 4. and
was in consequence condemned to death, for disobedience, by the chief
magistrates at Sparta. Being then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and by
what methods he conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told in
another place. Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics; 5. and he,
on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but having
collected an army with the money, made war upon the Thracians, and
conquered them in battle, and from that time plundered and laid waste
their country, and continued this warfare till Cyrus had need of his
army; when he went to him, for the purpose of again making war in
concert with him.

6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one fond of war,
who, when he might have lived in peace without disgrace or loss, chose
war in preference; when he might have spent his time in idleness,
voluntarily underwent toil for the sake of military adventure; and when
he might have enjoyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in
warfare, to diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to
spend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of
gallantry, or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of war.
7. He appears also to have been qualified for military undertakings, as
he liked perilous adventure, was ready to march day and night against
the enemy, and was possessed of great presence of mind in circumstances
of difficulty, as those who were with him on all such occasions were
universally ready to acknowledge.

8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as great a
degree as was consistent with his temper; for he was excelled by no one
in ability to contrive how an army might have provisions, and to procure
them; and he was equally fitted to impress on all around him the
necessity of obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity; for he
was of a stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punished
violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally repented of
what he had done. He punished too on principle, for he thought that
there could be no efficiency in an army undisciplined by chastisement.
10. He is also reported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear his
commander more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or
abstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesitation
against foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers
were willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader; for
they said, that the sternness in his countenance then assumed an
appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it seemed
undauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared indicative of
safety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, and
were at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they deserted him
in great numbers; for he had nothing attractive in him, but was always
forbidding and repulsive, so that the soldiers felt towards him as boys
towards their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one who
followed him out of friendship and attachment to his person; though such
as followed him from being appointed to the service by their country, or
from being compelled by want or other necessity, he found extremely
submissive to him. 14. And when they began under his command to gain
victories over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that
concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their perfect
confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread of
punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of discipline. 15.
Such was his character as a commander. But he was said to have been by
no means willing to be commanded by others. When he was put to death, he
was about fifty years of age.

16. Proxenus the Bœotian, from his earliest youth, felt a desire to
become a man capable of great undertakings; and through this desire paid
Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 17. When he had passed some time
with him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honoured with
the friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for their
favours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and
expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and
abundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for these things, he
at the same time plainly showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any of
them by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by just
and honourable means, or otherwise not at all.

19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-disposed men, but
incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear for
him; he stood even more in awe of those under his command, than they of
him; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by
his soldiers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He
thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command,
to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender.
Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honourable and virtuous
character, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formed
designs upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old
when he was put to death.

21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desire
for riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay,
and desirous of honours that he might obtain greater perquisites; and he
wished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wrong
he might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he desired, he
thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, and
deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly.
23. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whom
he professed to be a friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischief
against them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with
his associates as if ridiculing all of them.[115] 24. He formed no
designs on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it difficult to
take what belonged to such as were on their guard against him,) but
looked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was to
invade the unguarded property of friends.

25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he feared as men
well armed; but sought to practise on those who were pious and observant
of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As another might take a pride in religion,
and truth, and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive,
in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who
was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world.
He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose friendship he
wished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chief
place in their favour. 27. The soldiers he tried to render obedient to
him by being an accomplice in their dishonesty. He expected to be
honoured and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will to
inflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it
as a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his services, he
did not work his destruction.

28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if I
were to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those which
every one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained,
at the hands of Aristippus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. He
was also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian,
as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet a
beardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had arrived at
manhood.

29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because they had served
with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was not
put to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, he
died under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and
the other commanders, who were beheaded (which appears to be the
speediest kind of death); but after living a year in torture, like a
malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end.

30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achæan were also put to death.
These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed for
their conduct towards their friends. They were both about five and
thirty years of age.

[Footnote 115: Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for
τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο. _Kühner_.]




BOOK III.


CHAPTER I.

     Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus's
     expedition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of
     the division that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take
     measures for their safety. Apollonides deprived of his captaincy. A
     general meeting of the surviving generals and captains, at which
     Xenophon persuades them to choose new commanders in the room of
     those that they had lost. Xenophon is one of those elected.


1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, until
the time of the battle, and what occurred after Cyrus was dead, when the
Greeks set out to return with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has
been related in the preceding part of the work.

2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains and
soldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were in
great perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king's
residence;[116] that there were around them, on all sides, many hostile
nations and cities; that no one would any longer secure them
opportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant from
Greece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guide
them on the way; that impassable rivers would intercept them in the
midst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrus
had deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having no
cavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated
their enemies, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if they
were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive;--3. reflecting, I
say, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of them
tasted food for that evening,[117] few kindled fires, and many did not
come to the place of arms[118] during the night, but lay down to rest
where they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and
longing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whom
they never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went to
their resting-places.

4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athenian, who
accompanied it neither in the character of general, nor captain, nor
common soldier, but it had happened that Proxenus, an old guest-friend
of his, had sent for him from home, giving him a promise that, if he
came, he would recommend him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom he
considered, he said, as a greater object of regard than his own country.
5. Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, as
to the propriety of making the journey; and Socrates, fearing that if he
attached himself to Cyrus it might prove a ground for accusation against
him with his country, because Cyrus was thought to have zealously
assisted the Lacedæmonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon to
go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedition. 6.
Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired of Apollo to which
of the gods he should sacrifice and pray, in order most honourably and
successfully to perform the journey which he contemplated, and, after
prosperously accomplishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him
that "he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for him to
sacrifice."[119] 7. When he returned, he repeated the oracle to
Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not asking Apollo in the
first place, whether it were better for him to go or stay at home;
whereas, having settled with himself that he would go, he only asked how
he might best go; "but since you have," said he, "put the question thus,
you must do what the god has directed." 8. Xenophon, therefore, having
sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, set sail, and found
Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting out on their march up the
country, and was presented to Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should
remain with them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon
as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. The
expedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 10. Xenophon
accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus deceived, but not by
Proxenus; for he did not know that the movement was against the king,
nor did any other of the Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived in
Cilicia, however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was against
the king that their force was directed; but, though they were afraid of
the length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, yet the greater
part of them, out of respect[120] both for one another and for Cyrus,
continued to follow him; of which number was Xenophon.

11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed as well as
the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having at length got a little
sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt
seemed to him to fall upon his father's house, and the house in
consequence became all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he
immediately awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect
favourable, (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to
behold a great light from Jupiter,) but in another respect he was
alarmed, (because the dream appeared to him to be from Jupiter who was a
king, and the fire to blaze all around him,) lest he should be unable to
escape from the king's territories, but should be hemmed in on all sides
by inextricable difficulties.

13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may conjecture
from the occurrences that happened after the dream. What immediately
followed was this. As soon as he awoke, the thought that first occurred
to him was, "Why do I lie here? The night is passing away. With daylight
it is probable that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fall
into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from being put
to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most grievous sufferings
among our comrades, and enduring every severity of torture ourselves?
14. Yet no one concerts measures, or takes thought, for our defence, but
we lie still, as if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city,
then, do I expect a leader to undertake our defence? What age am I
waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never be older, if I
give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. After these reflections he
arose, and called together, in the first place, the captains that were
under Proxenus.

When they were assembled, he said, "For my part, captains, I cannot
sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie still any longer,
when I consider in what circumstances we are placed; 16. for it is plain
that the enemy did not openly manifest hostility towards us, until they
thought that they had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our side
no one takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with them.
17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power of the king, what
may we not expect to suffer from a man who cut off the head and hand of
his own brother by the same mother and father, even after he was dead,
and fixed them upon a stake? What may not we, I say, expect to suffer,
who have no relative[121] to take our part, and who have marched against
him to make him a subject instead of a monarch, and to put him to death
if it should lie in our power? 18. Will he not proceed to every
extremity, that by reducing us to the last degree of ignominious
suffering, he may inspire all men with a dread of ever taking the field
against him? We must however try every expedient not to fall into his
hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, to
consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the king and his
people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how extensive and valuable
a country they possessed, how great an abundance of provisions, how many
slaves and cattle, and how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20.
while, on the other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our own
soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, unless we
bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer money to buy, and that
our oaths restrained us from getting provisions otherwise than by
buying, I sometimes, on taking all these circumstances into
consideration, feared the continuance of peace more than I now fear war.
21. But since they have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and
our mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the advantages
which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between us, for whichsoever of
us shall prove the better men; and the gods are the judges of the
contest, who, as is just, will be on our side; 22. since the enemy have
offended them by perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to
tempt us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard to
our oaths; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the combat with
much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We have bodies,
moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold and heat and toil; and
we have, with the help of the gods, more resolute minds; while the
enemy, if the gods, as before, grant us success, will be found more
obnoxious to wounds and death[122] than we are. 24. But possibly others
of you entertain the same thoughts; let us not, then, in the name of
heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, but let us
be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their valour. Prove
yourselves the bravest of the captains, and more worthy to lead than
those who are now leaders. 25. As for me, if you wish to take the start
in the course, I am willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be a
leader, I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myself
sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm."

26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing his observations,
all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, who
resembled a Bœotian in his manner of speaking; this man said that
"whoever asserted they could gain safety by any other means than by
obtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" and
at the same time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them.
27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, "O most wonderful of men! you
neither understand what you see, nor remember what you hear. Yet you
were on the same spot with those here present, when the king, after
Cyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to
demand that we should deliver up our arms; 28. and when we, refusing to
deliver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and encamped over
against him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for a
truce, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce? 29.
But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to confer
with the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and
relying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are
they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatly
longing for death? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say that
those who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us to
go again to try persuasion? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we
should no longer admit this man into the same service with ourselves,
but take from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make
use of him in that capacity; for he disgraces both his own country and
all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of such a character." 31.
Here Agasias of Stymphalus, proceeding to speak, said, "But this man,
assuredly, has nothing to do either with Bœotia or with Greece at
all, for I have observed that he has both his ears bored, like a
Lydian." Such indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him.

32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the troops,
called up the general wherever there was a general surviving, and the
lieutenant-general[123] where the general was dead, and the captain
wherever there was a captain surviving. 33. When they were all come
together, they sat down before the place where the arms were piled;[124]
and the generals and captains assembled were about a hundred in all. The
time when the meeting took place was about midnight.

34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the captains that
had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, as follows: "It has
seemed proper to us, O generals and captains, on contemplating the
present state of our affairs, to meet together ourselves, and to call
upon you to join us, that we may determine, if we can, on some plan for
our benefit. But do you, Xenophon, first represent to the assembly what
you have already observed to us." 35. Xenophon accordingly said, "We are
all aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made prisoners of as many
of us as they could; and it is evident that they are forming designs
against the rest of us, that they may put us to death if they can. But
on our parts I think that every means should be adopted in order that we
may not fall into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can
accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured, then, that you,
who have now met together in such numbers, have upon you a most
important responsibility;[125] for all the soldiers look to you, and, if
they see you dispirited, they will themselves lose courage, but if both
you yourselves appear well prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others
to be equally prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive
to imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should show some
superiority over them; for you are their generals, their officers, and
their captains, and, when there was peace, you enjoyed advantages over
them in fortune and honour; and now, in consequence, when war arises,
you ought to prove yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to
take the lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be
necessary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think
that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that generals
and captains be chosen as soon as possible in the room of those whom we
have lost; for without commanders nothing honourable or advantageous can
be achieved, I may say in one word, anywhere, but least of all in the
field of battle. Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has
already proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have appointed as many
commanders as are requisite, I consider that if you were to assemble
and encourage the rest of the soldiers, you would act very suitably to
the occasion; 40. for you perhaps observe, as well as myself, how
dejectedly they have now come to the place of arms,[126] and how
dejectedly they go upon guard, so that, while they are in such a
condition, I know not for what service any one could employ them,
whether required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change the
direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely contemplate
what they are likely to suffer, but what they may be able to do, they
will become much more eager for action; 42. for you are certain that it
is neither numbers nor strength which gives the victory in war, but that
whichsoever side advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage,
their opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I have
also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in the field to
preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part perish wretchedly
and ignominiously, while I see that such as reflect that death is to all
men common and inevitable, and seek in battle only to fall with honour,
more frequently, from whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while
they live, with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these
facts, it behoves us, such are the circumstances in which we are placed,
both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to exhort others to be
so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he stopped.

After him Cheirisophus said, "Till the present moment, O Xenophon, I
knew nothing of you, except having heard that you were an Athenian, but
now I have to praise you both for what you say and what you do and could
wish that there were very many like you; for it would be a general good.
46. And now," he added, "let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, but
proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, and when you
have elected them, come to the centre of the camp, and bring those that
are chosen; and we will then call the rest of the soldiers together
there. And let Tolmides the herald," said he, "come with us." 47. As he
said this, he rose up, that the necessary measures might not be delayed,
but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly chosen
commanders, Timasion a Dardanian in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles an
Achæan in that of Socrates, Cleanor an Arcadian in that of Agias,
Philesius an Achæan in that of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that of
Proxenus.

[Footnote 116: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] See ii. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 117: Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν.] _Vespertino tempore_. Kühner]

[Footnote 118: Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα.] See note on ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 119: Θεοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.] _Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret,
sacra faceret._ Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was
established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an
expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer
sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp. sect. 8;
and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us,
even when special gods are meant. _Kühner_.--What gods they were, does
not appear.]

[Footnote 120: Δι' αἰσχύνην.] They had regard for their character in the
eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and
regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem
ungrateful. _Kühner_.--Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what
others may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. v.

    Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·
    Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·

"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men
who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A.
Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e. _a fear of just
blame_.]

[Footnote 121: Κηδεμών.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his
part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.]

[Footnote 122: Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον.] "More vulnerable and
mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of
the Persians.]

[Footnote 123: Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον.] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11,
concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge
the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he
should be killed.]

[Footnote 124: See ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 125: Καιρόν.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis
plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status
is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in his _Emend.
ad Suid._, gives _maximum momentum habetis_.]

[Footnote 126: See ii. 2. 20.]




CHAPTER II.

     The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of
     Cheirisophus, Cleanor, and Xenophon. The order of march is settled,
     and the duties of each commander appointed.


1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, they met in
the centre of the camp, and it was resolved to station sentinels at the
out-posts, and to call together the soldiers. When the rest of the
troops came up, Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian rose first, and spoke as
follows: 2. "Our present circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught
with difficulty, since we are deprived of such able generals, and
captains, and soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariæus, who were
formerly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. yet it behoves us to
extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, and not to
lose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, if we can, by an
honourable victory; but if we cannot do so, let us at least die with
honour, and never, while we live, put ourselves into the power of the
enemy; for I think that, in that case, we should endure such sufferings
as I wish that the gods may inflict on our adversaries."

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke thus: "You see,
soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the king; and you see also the
faithlessness of Tissaphernes, who, after telling us that he was a
neighbour of the Greeks, and would esteem it the highest privilege to
save us, and after having given us his right hand as a pledge, has
himself deceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected
even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but,
entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means,
inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariæus, too, whom we offered to
make king, to whom we gave and from whom we received pledges, that we
would not betray one another, even he, neither fearing the gods, nor
respecting the memory of Cyrus, though honoured by him in the highest
degree while he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies,
and endeavours to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on these men
may the gods take vengeance; for ourselves, it is incumbent upon us,
having this conduct before our eyes, not to be deceived again by them,
but, after fighting as bravely as we can, to bear with patience such
fortune as the gods may appoint us."

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself for war as
splendidly as he could, thinking that if the gods should grant them
victory, the finest equipment would be suitable to success, or that, if
it were appointed for him to die, it would be well for him to adorn
himself with his best armour,[127] and in that dress to meet his end. He
proceeded to speak thus: 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of the
Barbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are well aware
of it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms of friendship with
them, we must of necessity feel much distrust on that head, when we see
what our generals have suffered, who, in reliance on their faith, put
themselves into their hands; but if we propose to inflict on them
vengeance with our swords for what they have done, and, for the future,
to be at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of the
gods, many fair hopes of safety." 9. As he was uttering these words,
somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with one impulse paid
their adoration to the god;[128] and Xenophon continued, "Since,
soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, an omen from Jupiter the
Preserver has appeared, it seems to me that we should vow to that god to
offer sacrifices for our preservation on the spot where we first reach a
friendly country; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacrifice
to the other gods according to our ability. And to whomsoever this seems
reasonable, let him hold up his hand." All held up their hands; and they
then made their vows, and sang the pæan. When the ceremonies to the gods
were duly performed, he recommenced thus: 10. "I was saying that we had
many fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have observed our
oaths made to the gods; but the enemy have perjured themselves, and
broken the truce and their oaths. Such being the case, it is natural
that the gods should be unfavourable to our enemies, and should fight on
our side; the gods, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty
soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be in grievous
perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you of the dangers in which
our ancestors were, that you may feel conscious how much it becomes you
to be brave, and how the brave are preserved, even from the greatest
troubles, by the aid of the gods. For when the Persians, and those
united with them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from
the face of the earth,[129] the Athenians, by daring to oppose them,
gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to Diana, that whatever
number they should kill of the enemy, they would sacrifice to her
divinity the same number of goats, and not being able to find enough,
they resolved to sacrifice five hundred every year; and to this day they
still continue to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having
collected that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a second
time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the ancestors of
these Barbarians, both by land and sea; of which exploits the trophies
are still to be seen as memorials; the greatest of all memorials,
however, is the liberty of the states in which you were born and bred,
for you worship no man as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestors
are you sprung.

14. "Nor am I going to say that you dishonour them. It is not yet many
days since you arrayed yourselves in the field against the descendants
of those Barbarians, and defeated, with the help of the gods, a force
many times more numerous than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you
showed yourselves brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus; and now, when
the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more valiant
and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel greater
confidence against your adversaries; for even then, when you had made no
trial of them, and saw them in countless numbers before you, you yet
dared, with the spirit of your fathers, to advance upon them, and now,
when you have learned from experience of them, that, though many times
your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what reason have
you any longer to fear them? 17. And do not consider it any
disadvantage, that the troops of Cyrus, who were formerly arrayed on our
side, have now left us; for they are far more cowardly than those who
were defeated by you; at least[130] they deserted us to flee to them,
and those who are so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted
on the side of the enemy than in our own ranks.

18. "If, again, any of you are disheartened because we have no cavalry,
and the enemy have a great number, consider that ten thousand cavalry
are nothing more than ten thousand men; for no one ever perished in
battle of being bitten or kicked by a horse; it is the men that do
whatever is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a
surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, and
are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, taking our
steps upon the ground, shall strike such as approach us with far greater
force, and hit much more surely the mark at which we may aim. In one
point alone, indeed, have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer
for them to flee than for us.

20. "But if, though you have courage for battle, you are disquieted at
the thought that Tissaphernes will no longer guide you, and that the
king will no longer supply you with provisions, consider whether it is
better to have Tissaphernes for our guide, who is manifestly plotting
our destruction, or such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to
be our guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with regard
to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and persons. 21. And
as to provisions, whether is it better for us to purchase, in the
markets which they provide, small measures of food for large sums of
money, (no longer, indeed, having the money,) or, if we are successful
in the field, to take supplies for ourselves, adopting whatever measure
each of us may wish to use?

22. "Again, if you think, that this state of things will be better, but
imagine that the rivers will be impassable, and that you were greatly
misled when you came across them, reflect whether the Barbarians have
not acted most unwisely also in this respect.[131] For all rivers,
though they may be impassable at a distance from their sources, are easy
to be forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not even to
the knees. 23. But even if the rivers shall not afford us a
passage,[132] and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we still need not
be in despair; for we know that the Mysians, whom we should not call
more valiant than ourselves, have settled themselves, against the king's
will, in many rich and large cities in the king's territory; we know
that the Pisidians have acted similarly; and we have ourselves seen[133]
that the Lycaonians, having seized on the strongholds in the plains,
enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians; 24. and I should
recommend that we, for the present, should not let it be seen that we
are eager to start homewards, but should apparently make arrangements as
if we thought of settling somewhere in these parts; for I am sure that
the king would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many
hostages to send them out of the country safely, and even make roads for
them, though they should desire to depart in four-horse chariots; and
for ourselves, too, I am convinced that he would with thrice as much
pleasure do the same, if he saw us making dispositions to remain here.
25. But I am afraid that if we should once learn to live in idleness, to
revel in abundance, and to associate with the fair and stately wives and
daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the
lotus-eaters,[134] think no more of the road homewards. 26. It seems to
me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we should first of all
make an attempt to return to Greece, and to the members of our families,
and let our countrymen see that they live in voluntary poverty, since
they might see those, who are now living at home without due means of
subsistence, enriched on betaking themselves hither. But I need say no
more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all these
advantages fall to the conquerors.

27. "I must also suggest to you, however, in what manner we may proceed
on our way with the greatest safety, and how we may fight, if it should
be necessary to fight, to the greatest possible advantage. First of all,
then," he continued, "it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever
carriages we have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but
that we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for the army; and
then that we should burn our tents with them, for tents are troublesome
to carry, and of no service either for fighting or in getting
provisions. 28. I think also that we ought to rid ourselves of whatever
is superfluous in the rest of our baggage, reserving only what we have
for war, or for meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be
under arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are aware
that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the property of others;
and, if we are victorious, we ought to look upon the enemy as our
baggage-carriers.

29. "It only remains for me to mention a particular which I consider to
be of the greatest importance. You see that the enemy did not venture
openly to commence war against us, until they had seized our generals,
thinking that as long as we had commanders, and were obedient to them,
we should be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the
field, but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that we
should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is incumbent,
therefore, on our present commanders to be far more vigilant than our
former ones, and on those under command to be far more orderly, and
more obedient to their officers, at present than they were before. 31.
And if you were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be
disobedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him is to join with
his officer in punishing him, the enemy would by that means be most
effectually disappointed in their expectations, for, on the very day
that such resolution is passed, they will see before them ten thousand
Clearchuses instead of one, who will not allow a single soldier to play
the coward. 32. But it is now time for me to conclude my speech;[135]
for in an instant perhaps the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever,
therefore, thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his
sanction to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. But
if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than this,[136] let
him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give us his sentiments;
for the safety, which we all seek, is a general concern."

33. Cheirisophus then said, "Should there be need of any other measure
in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will be in our power to bring
it forward by and by; what he has now suggested we ought, I think, to
vote at once to be the best course that we can adopt; and to whomsoever
this seems proper, let him hold up his hand;" and they all held them up.
34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what appears to
me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid before you. It is
plain that we must march to some place from which we may get provisions;
and I hear that there are some good-looking villages not more than
twenty stadia distant; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy, (like
cowardly dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them if they
can, but flee from those who pursue them,) I should not wonder, I say,
if the enemy were to follow close upon us when we begin to march. 36. It
will, perhaps, be the safer way for us to march, therefore, forming a
hollow square of the heavy-armed troops, in order that the baggage and
the large number of camp-followers, may be in greater security within
it; and if it be now settled who is to lead the square, and regulate
the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and who to have
charge of the rear, we shall not have to consider of these things when
the enemy approach, but may at once act according to what has been
arranged. 37. If, then, any one else sees anything better to recommend,
let it be settled otherwise; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is
also a Lacedæmonian;[137] let two of the oldest generals take the
command on each of the flanks; and let Timasion and myself, the youngest
of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 38.
After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will consider, as
occasion may require, what may seem best to be done. If any one thinks
of any better plan than this, let him speak." As nobody made any
objection, he said, "Whosoever likes these proposals, let him hold up
his hand." The proposals were approved. 39. "And now," he added, "it
belongs to you to go and carry into execution what has been decided
upon; and whosoever of you wishes to see his friends and relations, let
him prove himself a man of valour, for by no other means can he succeed
in attaining that object; whoever of you desires to preserve his life,
let him strive to conquer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but
of the conquered to die; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him
endeavour to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victors
at once to save their own property and to seize on that of the
vanquished."

[Footnote 127: Τών καλλίστων ἐαυτὸν ἀξιώσαντα.] "Thinking himself worthy
of the most beautiful (equipments)."]

[Footnote 128: Τὸν θεόν.] Jupiter the Preserver. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 129: Αὔθις ἀφανιούντων.] Weiske, Schneider, and others omit
the αὔθις. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner preserve it, as it is found in
six manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, the
sense of _back again_, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens
disappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better left
out. An American editor has conjectured αὐτὰς.]

[Footnote 130: Γοῦν.] Some copies have οὖν. "The sense of γοῦν is this;
_ceteris rebus prætermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse_."
Kühner.]

[Footnote 131: Εἰ ἄρα, κ. τ. λ.] Krüger admonishes the reader that these
words must be taken negatively: _whether--not_.]

[Footnote 132: Διήσουσιν.] Eight manuscripts have διοίσουσιν, which
Bornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his
first edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Μήτε
διοίσουσιν is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present no
difference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at their
sources as at their mouths."]

[Footnote 133: Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν.] The Greeks had passed through a part of
Lycaonia in their march up the country, i. 2. 19; when, however, it is
not indicated that they saw much.]

[Footnote 134: The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters
are mentioned:

    The trees around them all their food produce,
    Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice,
    (Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes,
    Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts,
    Nor other home, nor other care intends,
    But quits his house, his country, and his friends. _Pope._
]

[Footnote 135: Περαίνειν.] Sc. τὸν λόγον. This is the sense in which
this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Æsch. Pers.
699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense
of _to execute, to proceed to action_.]

[Footnote 136: Εἰ δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἤ ταύτῃ.] Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν.
_Kühner_. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in this
way."]

[Footnote 137: Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι.] The καὶ, _also_, refers
to something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also a
Lacedæmonian." _Kühner_. The Lacedæmonians were then at the head of
Greece: comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12. _Zeune_.]




CHAPTER III.

     The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon
     shows that he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no
     further negotiations with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus,
     are harassed by Mithridates, and suffer from the want of slingers
     and cavalry. Volunteers are enrolled for these services.


1. When this speech was concluded, they rose up, and went off to burn
their carriages and tents; of their superfluous baggage they divided
among themselves such portions as any needed, and threw the rest into
the fire. Having done this, they went to breakfast. While they were at
their meal, Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen and
requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as follows: 2. "I
was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you yourselves know; I am now
well disposed towards you; and I am living here under great
apprehensions; if therefore I should find that you are concerting any
safe scheme for your deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing
with me all my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in
contemplation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and who is
willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, after consulting
together, resolved on returning the following answer; and Cheirisophus
delivered it: "It is our determination, if no one hinders us from
returning home, to proceed through the country with as little injury to
it as possible; but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way
against him as vigorously as we can." 4. Mithridates then endeavoured to
convince them how impracticable it was to escape without the king's
consent. But it was now concluded that he was insidiously sent; for one
of the followers of Tissaphernes was in attendance on him to insure his
fidelity.[138] 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals
to pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of no
intercourse by heralds;[139] for those that came tried to corrupt the
soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, Nicarchus an
Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about twenty men.

6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they marched on in
regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and camp-followers in the
centre. But before they had gone far, Mithridates made his appearance
again with about two hundred cavalry and about four hundred archers and
slingers, very light and active troops. 7. He advanced towards the
Greeks as a friend, but, when he came near, some of his men, both horse
and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and others used their
slings, and wounded some of our men. The rear of the Greeks indeed was
much harassed, and could do nothing in return; for the Cretan bowmen
shot to a less distance than the Persians, and had also, as being
lightly armed, sheltered themselves within the heavy troops; and the
javelin-men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon this
it seemed to Xenophon that it would be well to pursue them; and such of
the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened to be with him in the rear,
began to pursue, but could overtake in the pursuit not a single man of
the enemy; 9. for the Greeks had no cavalry,[140] nor could their
infantry, in a short distance, overtake the infantry of the enemy, who
took to flight when they were a long way off, since it was impossible
for the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of the
army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their retreat,
shooting backwards as they rode, and however far the Greeks advanced in
pursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat fighting. 11. Thus during
the whole day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia;
however, they arrived at the villages in the evening.

Here again there was much dejection; and Cheirisophus and the oldest of
the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing the enemy apart from the main
body, endangering himself, and yet being unable to hurt the assailants.
12. Xenophon, hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him
justly, and that the result bore testimony in their favour. "But," said
he, "I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw that we suffered
great damage while remaining at our posts, and were unable to retaliate.
13. But when we began to pursue," continued he, "the truth was as you
say; for we were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could
not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the gods,
therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in great force, but
only with a few troops, so that, whilst they did us no great harm, they
showed us of what we stand in need: 15. for at present the enemy shoot
their arrows and sling their stones such a distance, that neither can
the Cretans return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand
reach them; and when we pursue them, we cannot go after them any great
distance from the main body, and in a short space a foot-soldier, even
if ever so swift, cannot overtake another foot-soldier, starting at
bow-shot distance. 16. If therefore we would keep off the enemy, so that
they may be unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide
ourselves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some Rhodians in
our army, the greater number of whom, they say, understand the use of
the sling, while their weapon carries even double the distance of the
Persian sling, 17. which, as they sling with large stones, reach only a
short distance, while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18.
If then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money to each
of them[141] for them; and pay money also to any one who is willing to
plait more, and find some other privilege[142] for him who consents to
serve in the troop of slingers,[143] possibly some will offer themselves
who may be able to be of service to us. 19. I see also that there are
horses in the army, some in my possession, and some left by Clearchus,
besides many others taken from the enemy which are employed in carrying
the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put ordinary
baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for riders, they
will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 20. These suggestions
were approved; and that very night there came forward slingers to the
number of two hundred. The next day, as many as fifty horsemen and
horses were pronounced fit for service; leathern jackets[144] and
breastplates were furnished to them; and Lycius the son of Polystratus
an Athenian, was appointed their captain.

[Footnote 138: Πίστεως ἕνεκα.] To watch him, lest he should act
treacherously. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 139: Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον.] Properly _war in which there is no
use for heralds_, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that
ἀκήρυκτος will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ἀδιάλλακτος,
_implacable_, _irreconcilable_. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. _Sturz
Lex_. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending
heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them. _Kühner_. See Herod.
v. 81.]

[Footnote 140: Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had
consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or
Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had
gone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle.]

[Footnote 141: Τούτῳ μὲν.] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, the
singular τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting
examples of similar irregularity.]

[Footnote 142: Ἀτέλειαν.] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard
and keeping watch. _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 143: Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένω ἐθέλοντι.] "To him willing to be
a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the
reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kühner and some others
prefer ἐν τῷ τεταγμένῳ, "in the place appointed him."]

[Footnote 144: Σπολάδες.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf,
Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner prefer στολάδες, both in this passage
and in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had
the same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. See
Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has σπολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαθὺς, σκύτινος, ὁ
βύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and
Photius give similar interpretations.]




CHAPTER IV

     Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach
     the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes
     with a numerous force. They repel him, and alter their order of
     march. Traversing a mountainous part of the country, they are
     harassed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height,
     they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety.


1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the next, rising
earlier in the morning than usual; for they had a ravine formed by a
torrent to pass, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attack
them while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over,
however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him
a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four
thousand; for he had solicited and obtained that number from
Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver the
Greeks into his hands; for he had conceived a contempt for them,
because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small force
with him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them
great annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were distant about
eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also passed over it with his
force. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts and
heavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to the
horsemen to pursue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to
support them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and the
slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greeks
with the trumpet, and those who had been ordered immediately hastened to
charge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemy
however did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the
ravine. 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed,
and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. The
Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, in order that
the sight of them might be as horrible as possible to the enemy.

6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, advancing the
rest of the day without molestation, arrived at the river Tigris. 7.
Here was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which
the Medes had formerly inhabited. The breadth of its wall was five and
twenty feet, and the height of it a hundred; its circuit was two
parasangs. It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a
stone foundation,[145] the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the king
of the Persians,[146] at the time when the Persians wrested[147] the
empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take; a cloud,
however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,[148] till the people
deserted it,[149] and so it was taken. 9. Near the city was a stone
pyramid of the breadth[150] of one plethrum, and the height of two
plethra. Upon it[151] were many of the Barbarians who had fled from the
neighbouring villages.

10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large
unoccupied fortress,[152] situated near a city, the name of which was
Mespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The foundation of the wall
was of polished stone, full of shells,[153] the breadth fifty feet, and
the height fifty; 11. and on it was constructed a wall of bricks, fifty
feet broad, and a hundred high; the circumference of it was six
parasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge,
when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The
king of the Persians, on besieging this city, was unable to reduce it
either by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a
thunder-stroke,[154] deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus
it was taken.

13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of four
parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made his
appearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, the
force of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, the Barbarian
troops with which Cyrus went up, the troops with which the king's
brother came to assist him, and, besides these, all that the king
himself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14.
When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, and
brought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make a
charge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his men
to use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians, who were
dispersed among the ranks, began to use their slings, and the Scythian
archers[155] discharged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man, (for
it would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever so
desirous,) Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles,
and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the rest
of the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed; but
the Barbarians no longer harassed them with their usual skirmishing; for
the Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than the
Persians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians,
too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were of
service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, and
practised shooting by sending them far up into the air.[156] A great
number of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, so
that they could use it for their slings.

18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villages
and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in the
skirmish; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, and
collected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The
day after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes
followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeks
found that a square was a bad disposition for an army when the enemy
was behind them: for it must necessarily happen, that if the flanks of
the square close together from the road being narrow, or from hills or a
bridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out
of their places, and march with difficulty,[157] being at the same time
crowded together and thrown into confusion; so that when in such
disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanks
divide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must now
of necessity separate, and the space between the flanks be left empty;
and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart,
if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a bridge,
or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and the
enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them.[158] 21. The
generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of a
hundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well as
captains of fifty and captains of twenty-five.[159] These captains and
their companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closed
together, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and
then led on outside the flanks; 22. and whenever the sides of the square
opened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, by
companies; if rather wide, by fifties; if very wide, by
twenty-fives;[160] so that the centre was always full. 23. If, then, it
was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were not thrown into
confusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession;[161]
and if anything was needed in any part of the main body, these were at
hand. In this order they advanced four days' journey.

24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they observed a kind of
palace, and several villages round it. The way to this place, they
perceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, at
the foot of which the village was.[162] These hills the Greeks were glad
to see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25.
But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, and
were descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came upon
them, and from the eminence began, under the lash,[163] to hurl darts,
use their slings, and shoot arrows, on the ground below; 26. they
wounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and
shut them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers and
archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd that
had charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed,
attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily
armed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they
retreated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. The
same occurrences took place on the second hill; so that they thought it
proper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up a
body of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29.
When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked
them in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own
body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. Marching in
this manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills,
and others advancing abreast of them along the mountain, they arrived
at the villages, and appointed eight surgeons,[164] for there were many
wounded.

31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, and
because they found, at the same time, abundance of provisions,
wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of barley laid up for horses;
supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On the
fourth day they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes
overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where
they first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting; for there
were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded,
and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When however
they were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village,
attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage;
for they found a great difference[165] between sallying from their own
ground to repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on their
march.

34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire; for
the Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks than
sixty stadia, fearing lest the Greeks should attack them in the night.
35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage; as their
horses are tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they
may not run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden attack
takes place, the Persian has[166] to put the housings [167] on his
horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armour, to
mount; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst of
an alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks.

36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and were
passing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks,
in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage;
when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march; but, when it
grew late, they went off; for they did not think it expedient to march
and arrive at their camp[168] in the night. 37. When the Greeks observed
them evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped[169] and began
to march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus so
great a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear on
the following day or on the third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians,
having gone forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the
right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass; the brow of a
mountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon as
Cheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent for
Xenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and come
to the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he
saw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view,) but, riding up
alone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, "You may see;
for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, and
it is impossible to pass, unless we cut off those who are on it. But why
did you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not
think it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight.
"But it is high time," he continued, "to consider how some of us may
dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xenophon now noticed that the
summit of the mountain[170] was above their own army, and that there
was a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "It
is best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the
summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unable
to maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with the
army; I have a desire to go forward; or, if you prefer it, proceed on to
the mountain, and I will stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied
Cheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please." Xenophon,
observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested
Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was too
great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sent
with him the peltasts from the front; and he took those that were in the
middle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that
he had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to
follow Xenophon.

44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But the
enemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directing
their course towards the summit, hurried forward also themselves to
contend for the possession of the summit. 45. There was then great
shouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shouting
also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon,
riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, "Consider,
soldiers, that you are now contending for Greece; that after a brief
struggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, to
join our children and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out,
"We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are carried on a horse,
while I have hard work to carry my shield." 48. Xenophon, on hearing
this remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks,
took from him his shield, and marched on with it as fast as he was able.
He happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was
distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead on
gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49.
But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, and
reviled him, till they obliged him to resume his shield and march in his
place. Xenophon, remounting, led the way, as long as it was passable for
his horse, on horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his
horse behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start of
the enemy, and arrived first at the summit.

[Footnote 145: Κρηπὶς δ' ὑπῆν λιθίνη, κ. τ. λ.] The foundation appears
to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of
the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he
found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the
same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving
to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone."
_Travels in the Track_, p. 139.]

[Footnote 146: Cyrus the Great.]

[Footnote 147: Ἐλάμβανον.] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but
were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from
what is said here; whence it follows that λαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινος
may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly
deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the
Cyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a
marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 148: Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε.] This reading has
been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus or
Muretus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, except
two, one of which has the ν erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ.
Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii.
24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some
philosophers to be _a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing
over the disc_. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of the
manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets: _sol nubem sibi prætendens
se obscuravit_; than which no better explanation has been offered. That
we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text,
is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the
causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i.
74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of
a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so
irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν with
ἠφάνισε.]

[Footnote 149: Ἐξέλιπον.] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word
_animis defecerunt_. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it
_reliquerunt_ sc. _urbem_; an interpretation adopted by Porson,
Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors.]

[Footnote 150: Εὖρος.] We must understand the length of each side.]

[Footnote 151: Ἐπὶ ταύτης.] There might be steps on the outside on which
they might climb.]

[Footnote 152: Τεῖχος.] Now called _Yarumjah_, according to Ainsw.
Travels, p. 139.]

[Footnote 153: Κογχυλιάτον.] "It is a curious fact, that the common
building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and
indeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or
supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to
the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."'
_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 140.]

[Footnote 154: Ἐμβροντήτους ποιεῖ.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants
thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."]

[Footnote 155: Σκύθαι τοξόται.] As there is no mention of Scythians in
the whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that the
word Σκύθαι might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, who
was thinking of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he has
shown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13:
"Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ἱπποτοξόται, and by some
Σκύθαι." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 156: In order that they might fall with the greater weight.
_Bornemann_. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might
reach a greater distance.]

[Footnote 157: Πονήρως.] From πόνηρος, _difficult_, not from πονηρός,
_bad_. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658,
_seqq._ _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 158: Καὶ εὐεπίθετον ἧν ἐνταῦθα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have rendered
this phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks εὐεπίθετον
used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸ
πλαίσιον, or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better.]

[Footnote 159: Ἐνωμοτάρχας.] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of a
λόχος, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd.
v. 68.]

[Footnote 160: As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they
moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that
is, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by
fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, by
twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep.
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 161: Ἐν τῷ μέρει.] Each in his place; one after another in the
order which had been previously appointed.]

[Footnote 162: Ην ἡ κώμη.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before
Dindorf, read κώμη, _a village_, without the article. Dindorf has added
the article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposing
that _the particular village_ of which the Greeks had now caught sight
is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that _the village
in which the palace stood_ is intended. The passage seems to me
decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader
is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just
before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages.]

[Footnote 163: According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod,
vii. 21, 56, 223.]

[Footnote 164: This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army,
as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the
persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the
soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment
of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance
with the word _appointed_.]

[Footnote 165: Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον ---- ὁρμῶντες ----πορευόμενοι.] The
manuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same
as Dindorf's. Kühner prefers διέφερεν ----ὁρμῶντας ---- πορευομένους,
expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek.]

[Footnote 166: Δεῖ ---- Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ.] Most commentators concur in taking
this as an example of the rarer construction of δεῖ with the dative;
though it has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative after
ἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his
horse for him.]

[Footnote 167: Ἐπισάξαι.] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for
translating this word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version
"housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a
better word.]

[Footnote 168: Τὸ στρατόπεδον.] Apparently for the place where they
intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger,
"castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita."]

[Footnote 169: Ἀναζεύξαντες.] Ἀναζεύξαι, _castra movere_. Zeune.]

[Footnote 170: The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the
mountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37. _Kühner_.]




CHAPTER V.

     The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains
     overhang the river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy,
     the generals hold a consultation, and determine to march across the
     mountains.


1. The Barbarians, in consequence, turned their backs and fled every one
as he could, and the Greeks took possession of the top of the hill.
Tissaphernes and Ariæus turned aside, and went off in another direction.
Cheirisophus and his forces, going down into the plain, encamped in a
village abounding with acceptable supplies; and there were also in this
plain many other villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along
the river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy suddenly showed
themselves in the plain, and cut off some of the Greeks who were
dispersed over the ground foraging; for several herds of cattle had been
intercepted as they were being transported to the other side of the
river. 3. Here Tissaphernes and his party attempted to set fire to the
villages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, being
apprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have no place
whence to procure supplies.

4. Cheirisophus and his men now returned from giving succour;[171] and
Xenophon, when he came down, riding past the ranks, as the Greeks,
coming in from affording aid, met him, said, 5. "You see, Greeks, that
the enemy admit that the country is now ours, for whereas they
stipulated, when they made the truce, that we should not burn the king's
country, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs. But
wherever they leave supplies for themselves, thither also they shall see
us direct our march. 6. I think, however, Cheirisophus," continued he,
"that we ought to resist these burners, as if in defence of our own
territory." "I," replied Cheirisophus, "am of a different opinion;
rather let us burn also," said he, "and thus they will the sooner
cease."

7. When they returned to their quarters,[172] the soldiers busied
themselves about their provisions, but the generals and captains held a
council. There was now much perplexity; for on one side of them were
exceeding high mountains, and on the other a river of such depth, that,
when they sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8.
While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodian came to them, and said,
"I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, by four thousand
heavy-armed men at a time, if you will furnish me with what I require
for the purpose, and give me a talent as a remuneration." 9. Being asked
what he should require, he replied, "I shall want two thousand hides
made into bags; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, the
hides of which, being blown out,[173] would easily furnish the means of
crossing. 10. I shall want also the ropes which you use for the
baggage-cattle; joining, with these, the bags to one another, steadying
each bag by attaching stones to it, letting the stones down like anchors
into the water, extending the bags across the stream, and securing them
to both banks, I will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the
wood. 11. That you will not sink, you will at once see; for each skin
will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and earth will keep them
from slipping off." 12. The generals, on hearing this proposal, thought
the invention ingenious, but the execution of it impossible, for there
were numerous cavalry on the other side to hinder their passage, who, at
the commencement, would not have allowed the first that made the attempt
to effect their purposes.

13. The next day they retreated back towards Babylon, to some unburnt
villages, having first set fire to those which they abandoned; so that
the enemy did not come up to them, but watched them, and seemed to be
wondering which way the Greeks would turn themselves, and what they had
in their mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughts
to getting supplies; but the generals and captains held another council,
and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned them as to the whole
country around, what each part was. 15. They said that the parts toward
the south were on the road towards Babylon and Media, through which the
Greeks had come; that the road towards the east led to Susa and
Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and spring; that
the one across[174] the river, towards the west, led to Lydia and Ionia;
and that the other over the mountains, towards the north, led to the
Carduchi. 16. This people, they said, lived among the mountains, were
very warlike, and did not obey the king; that on one occasion, a royal
army of a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their
country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not one of
them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty with the satrap of
the plain, some of them had intercourse with the Carduchi, and some of
the Carduchi with them. 17. The generals, having heard these statements,
kept apart by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each
direction, not letting it be known which way they intended to go. It
appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make their way over the
mountains into the country of the Carduchi; for the prisoners said that
after passing through this they would come to Armenia, a large and rich
country, of which Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for them
to go whichever way they pleased.

18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacrifice, in order
that, when it should seem time, they might commence their march; for
they were afraid that the passage over the mountains might be
pre-occupied by the enemy; and they gave orders, that when the soldiers
had supped, they should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and
follow their leaders whenever the signal should be given.

[Footnote 171: Ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας.] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; for
he made no mention of this βοηθεία before. Cheirisophus and his men seem
to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder,
when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernes
attempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterwards he is rather
tautological; for the words ἡνίκα ----οἱ Ἕλληνες express no more than is
said in οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Χειρίσοφον ---- βοηθείας, except that they serve to
mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 172: Ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς.] The tents were burned, iii. 3. 1; and
Krüger therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalent
to τὸ στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation is
better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the _shelter of the
villages_ is meant.]

[Footnote 173: Ἅ ἀποδαρέντα καὶ φυσηθέντα.] "Which being skinned and
blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which he
ought to have said of their skins. _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 174: Διαβάντι.] The road "for one crossing" the river.]




BOOK IV.


CHAPTER I.

     The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchi, where they suffer
     greatly from the wind and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who
     harass them with frequent attacks on their march.


1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the time of the
battle, and what took place after the battle during the truce which the
king and the Greeks that went up with Cyrus concluded, and what
hostilities were committed against the Greeks after the king and
Tissaphernes had violated the truce, and while the Persian army was
pursuing them, have been related in the preceding part of the narrative.

2. When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable
from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along, its
banks, as the Carduchian mountains hung steep over the stream, it
appeared to the generals that they must march over those mountains, 3.
for they had heard from the prisoners that "if they could but cross the
Carduchian mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, the
sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing so, to make
a circuit round them." The sources of the Euphrates, too, they said were
not far from those of the Tigris; and such is the truth.[175]

4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they made in the
following manner, endeavouring at once to escape observation, and to
anticipate the enemy in getting possession of the heights. 5. When it
was about the last watch, and enough of the night was left to allow them
to cross the plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given
signal, and, marching onwards, reached the hills by break of day. 6.
Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having with him both his
own men and all the light-armed; while Xenophon brought up the rear with
the heavy-armed troops, having not a single light-armed soldier; for
there seemed to be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in
the rear as they were marching up the mountains. Cheirisophus indeed
mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived him; he then led
slowly forward; 7. and each portion of the army, as it passed the summit
in succession, followed him to the villages which lay in the windings
and recesses of the mountains.[176] 8. The Carduchi, in consequence,
quitting their dwellings, and taking with them their wives and children,
fled to the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks to
take; and the houses were furnished with great numbers of brazen
utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor did they pursue the
people, being inclined to spare them, if perchance the Carduchi, since
they were enemies to the king, might consent to allow them to pass
through their country as that of friends; 9, the provisions, however, as
many as fell in their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of
necessity to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would
neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other sign of
friendly feeling.

10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from the hills into
the villages, being now overtaken by darkness, (for, as the way was
narrow, their ascent of the heights, and descent to the villages, had
lasted the entire day,) some of the Carduchi, collecting together,
attacked the hindmost, and killed and wounded some of them with stones
and arrows. They were but few; for the Greek troops had come on them
unawares; 11. but had they assembled in greater numbers, a great part of
the army would have been in danger of being destroyed. For this night,
accordingly, they took up their abode in the villages; and the Carduchi
lighted a number of fires around them on the hills, and observed the
positions of one another.[177] 12. As soon as it was day, the generals
and captains of the Greeks, meeting together, resolved, when they
should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as were most
necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and to dismiss all the
slaves in the army that had been recently captured; 13. for the cattle
and the slaves, being numerous, rendered their progress slow, and the
number of men in charge of them were unable to take part in any
encounter; and besides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessary
to procure and carry with them a double quantity of provisions. This
resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the troops should
act accordingly.

14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, the generals,
taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, took from the soldiers
whatever of the things mentioned they found had not been left behind;
and the men submitted to this, unless any of them, smitten with desire
of a handsome boy or woman, conveyed them past secretly.[178] Thus they
proceeded during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and
sometimes resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm arose;
but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they had not a
sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus continued to lead, and
Xenophon had charge of the rear. 16. The enemy pressed steadily upon
them, and, where the passes were narrow, came close up, and used their
bows and their slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing and
sometimes retreating, were compelled to march but slowly; and Xenophon,
when the enemy attacked them violently, had frequently to pass the word
for a halt. 17. Cheirisophus, at other times, when the order was passed,
halted, but on one occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and
passed the word to follow; so that it was manifest that there was
something extraordinary; but there was no time to go forward and
ascertain the cause of the haste; and the march of the rear-guard became
like a flight. 18. On this occasion a brave soldier, Cleonymus a
Lacedæmonian, met his death, being shot with an arrow in the side
through his shield and corslet;[179] and also Basias, an Arcadian, shot
right through the head.

19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xenophon immediately
proceeded, just as he was, to Cheirisophus, and blamed him for not
having halted, as the men had been compelled to flee and fight at the
same time. "Two honourable and brave soldiers," said he, "have now been
killed, and we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or bury
them." 20. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, "Cast your eyes upon
those mountains, and observe how impassable they all are. The only road
which you see is steep; and close upon it you may perceive a great
multitude of men, who, having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21.
For these reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to
try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was seized;
and the guides whom we have say that there is no other road." 22.
Xenophon rejoined, "I have two prisoners; for when the enemy molested
us, we placed an ambush, which enabled us to recover breath, and killed
some of them; and we were also anxious to take some alive for this very
purpose, that we might use them, as being well acquainted with the
country, for guides."

23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they inquired of
them separately whether they knew of any other road than that which was
open to their view. The one denied that he knew of any other, though
many threats were held out to him; and as he would give no useful
information, he was put to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor
said that the other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a
daughter there married to somebody, but stated that he himself would
lead them by a road that might be passed even by beasts of burden. 25.
Being then asked if there was any spot in it difficult to be passed, he
replied that there was one height, and that unless a party secured it
before-hand, it would be impossible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it
was thought proper to call together the captains, both of the peltasts
and of the heavy-armed men,[180] and to acquaint them with the prospect
of affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove himself a
man of valour, and engage to go on this service as a volunteer. 27. Of
the heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus,
both Arcadians, offered themselves; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, also
an Arcadian, disputed the honour with them, and said that he himself was
eager to go, taking with him volunteers from the whole army; "for I am
sure," said he, "that, many of the young men will follow if I take the
lead." 28. They then asked if any of the officers of the light-armed
troops were willing to join in the attempt; and Aristeas of Chios
presented himself, a man who had often proved himself of great value to
the army for similar services.

[Footnote 175: Καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτως ἔχον.] A most happy emendation of
Abreschius, Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτω στενόν.]

[Footnote 176: "Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan
without opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that
they were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses--left between the
hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the
time of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with
the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds." _Ainsworth, Travels in the
Track_, p. 153, 154.]

[Footnote 177: Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους.] The lighted fires served as signals,
by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another.
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 178: Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, κ. τ. λ.] "Except if any one
concealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome
ones"]

[Footnote 179: Τῆς σπολάδος.] See note on iii. 3. 20.]

[Footnote 180: Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.] H. e.
_Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturæ_. Kühner.
Πελταστὰς is to be taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν,
sect. 28.]




CHAPTER II.

     One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from
     which they dislodge the Carduchi. But they are still harassed, and
     the rear suffers severely.


1. It was now afternoon, and the generals[181] desired the party to take
some refreshment and set forward. Having bound the guide, they put him
into their hands, and arranged with them, that, if they should gain the
summit, they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give a
signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the height should
then charge the enemy in possession of the apparent egress,[182] and
those below should issue forth and come in a body to their assistance as
soon as they were able.

2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set out, being in
number about two thousand; and there was heavy rain at the time.
Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, led them towards the apparent egress,
in order that the enemy might turn their attention in that direction,
and that those who were going round might as much as possible escape
notice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which they had to
pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled down masses of
rock,[183] each big enough to load a waggon, with other stones greater
and smaller, which, striking in their descent against the rocks, were
hurled abroad in all directions;[184] and it was utterly impossible even
to approach the pass. 4. Some of the captains, when they could not
succeed in this part, made attempts in another, and continued their
efforts till darkness came on. When they thought that they might retire
unobserved, they went to get their supper; for the rear-guard had been
dinnerless that day. The enemy, however, being evidently in fear,
continued to roll down stones through the whole of the night, as it was
easy to conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the
guide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sitting
round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest to
flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were in
possession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not; for
there was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pass, at
which the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence to
that party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Here
they remained during the night.

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with
silence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came close
upon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of one
another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the
shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand
their charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a few of them were
killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the
party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marched
immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded
by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well
as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and these were
the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the
half of the rear-guard, went up by the same way as those who had the
guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the other
half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came
to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom
they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks.
The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest of
the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than
this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon
the hill in files,[185] not on every side, but leaving a way of escape
for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as
they were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shot
arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close
encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely.

The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight of
another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was
resolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehending
that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy,
recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing,
(for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were
marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains
Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son of
Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he
himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which
they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a
third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the
whole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was
surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up,
the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so that
all were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position from
fear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that
having observed from the eminence what had passed behind, they all went
off with the intention of attacking the rear.

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and
ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rear
might join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance,
to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture
Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the
Greeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and
Amphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and
joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this
success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon
began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce,
and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they
would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages.
To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on,
and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from
that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a
stand; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join
the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,[186] they came
forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the
top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled down
stones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's shield-bearer
deserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian
from Lusia,[187] a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on
holding his shield before them both; and the rest went to join those who
were already drawn up.

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their
quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of
provisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under
ground, which were plastered over.[188] 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus
now made an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies
they should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites for
the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at
the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a
guide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where
there was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstruct
their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon,
ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through the
opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground
than the obstructing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear,
Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the
enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of that
part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with
effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the
Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were
nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of
us;[189] for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows and
slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three
cubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string,
whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot[190]
against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through
shields and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them
as javelins, fixing thongs to them.[191] In these parts the Cretans were
of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them.

[Footnote 181: Xenophon and Cheirisophus. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 182: Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν.] Xenophon calls the passage to the
top of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks,
to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. _Kühner_ ad
c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.]

[Footnote 183: Ὁλοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying
properly _a round stone fit for rolling_, or _a stone that has been made
round by rolling_, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an
adjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be from
ὅλος and τρέχω, _totus teres atque rotundus_. Liddell and Scott derive
it from εἴλω, _volvo_. See Theocr. xxii. 49.]

[Footnote 184: Διεσφενδονῶντο.] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about as
if hurled by a sling."]

[Footnote 185: Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις.] Each λόχος or company marching in
file or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number
of soldiers of which it consisted. _Sturz_. This is the interpretation
adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχος
always meant _single file_; the term seems to have included any form of
a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in
front.]

[Footnote 186: Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had
halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them.
See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.]

[Footnote 187: A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor.]

[Footnote 188: Ἐν λάκκοις κονιατοῖς.] The Athenians and other Greeks
used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square,
and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in
them; they called them λάκκοι. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by
Hutchinson. Spelman translates λάκκοι κονιατοί, "plastered cisterns," a
term which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by
Xenophon," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia,
and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient
villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially
between Semeïsát and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of
discussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to
clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have
become Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they
are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for
water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." _Travels in
the Track, &c._ p. 164.]

[Footnote 189: Ἐγγύθεν φεύγοντες.] "Fleeing from near," i. e. when they
were at no great distance before us.]

[Footnote 190: Τῷ ἀριστερῷ ποδὶ προσβαίνοντες.] All the manuscripts have
προσβαίνοντες: προσβαινοντες is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic.
iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does
not appear that anything is gained, as πρὸς τὸ κάτω του τόξου precedes.
Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very
clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of the
bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, (τῷ ποδὶ
τῷ ἀριστερῷ ἀντιβάντες,) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the
string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See
also Diod. Sic. l. c., where he speaks of the archery of the Æthiopians;
Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in Ἄραβες, cited by Weiske. Schneider and
Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of
_cross-bows_, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been
known in Xenophon's time.]

[Footnote 191: Ἐναγκυλῶντες.] "Fitting them with ἀγκύλαι." The ἀγκύλη is
generally supposed to be the same with the Latin _amentum_, a strap or
loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that
it might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article
_Ansa_ in Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. thinks, however that the two
were not the same.]




CHAPTER III.

     The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the
     Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the
     opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are
     encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a
     safe passage across the stream.


1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the
river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and
which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the
Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level
country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about
six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed
here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequently
reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days
that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly
fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had
endured from the king and Tissaphernes.[192] Having escaped from such
hardships, they gladly took repose.

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the river
a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them from
crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot
prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians,
Mardians, and Chaldæans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.[193]
The Chaldæans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms they
had long shields and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forces
were drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and the
only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of
art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making trial,
the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough
with large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to
carry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river
swept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads,
they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they
in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river.

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms
on the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hence
great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of
passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they
attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night,
they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had
a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off
him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked
securely[194] whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached,
he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be
well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and,
as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered
sacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon as
they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave
directions to the troops to take their breakfast.

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to
him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether
breakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even when
asleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11.
The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their
fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among
the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman,
and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bags
of clothes; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe
to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's
horse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in
their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim,
but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were
wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the
clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a
libation, and ordered the young men to join in it,[195] and to pray to
the gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete
what was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at once
conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same
account. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also.

14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get
their baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of the
generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to
the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and
suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that
Cheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army,
that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the
baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16.
When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young
men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to
the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of
the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; and
when they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted,
laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet
upon his head,[196] and laying aside his outer garments, took up his
arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the
captains to lead their troops in files,[197] some on his left hand, and
some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victims
over the river;[198] while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but
did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, all
the soldiers sung the pæan and raised a shout, and all the women (for
there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the
cry.

20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon,
taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back to
the ford[199] opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, making
a feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off the
cavalry that were on the bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus
and his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurrying
back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation to
gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came to
that passage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22.
Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and Æschines, who
commanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the
enemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the
rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,[200] but
to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when he
had crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way up
the high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion of
the enemy that were on the more elevated ground.[201] This party on the
heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned their
commanding position above the stream.

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side,
returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which was
crossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into the
plain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now
in possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had
proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggage
that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments and
drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks were
still in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards the
Carduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captains
to form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men,
bringing round each division in line[202] towards the left; and he
directed both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five
and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt
facing the river.

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the
camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed
to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time
certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own
side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon,
desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing
them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should
remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when
his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the
water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their
weapons by the thong,[203] and the archers with their arrows on the
string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance
far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling
should reach them and a shield should ring,[204] to raise the pæan and
rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take
to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] from
the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and
that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross
over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to
impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who
should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that
those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been
ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of
their baggage, and others of their mistresses,) began, in consequence,
to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The
Greeks then sang the pæan, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the
Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough
equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by
no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this
juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster,
and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over
the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving
this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with
their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were
on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The
troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by
their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of
Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.

[Footnote 192: Yet "the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in
effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have
escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies,
whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a
Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide
range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of
their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend
with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer,
and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from
the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco
hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the
Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they
must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things,
it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains
presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from
the attacks of the Persians." _Illustrations of the Exp. of Curas_, p.
173.]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is
nowhere else mentioned.]

[Footnote 194: Διαβαίνειν.] "Ingredi, pedem proferre." _Kühner_. His
fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs _apart_, and walk
_with stability_; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition διά.]

[Footnote 195: Ἐγχεῖν.] This passage is commonly taken thus: ἐκέλευε
τοῖς νεανίσκοις ἐγχεῖν, "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into
(the cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kühner,
however, makes it ἐκελευε (τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν) ἐγχεῖν τοῖς νεανίσκοις, he
ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the
young men. The former mode is the more simple, κελεύω being sometimes
found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.]

[Footnote 196: Στεφανωσάμενος.] According to the custom of the
Lacedæmonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedæm. 13. 8;
Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 197: Τοὺς λόχους ὀρθίους.] See iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 198: Ἐσφαγίζουτο εἰς τὸν ποταμόν.] Offering a sacrifice to the
gods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont
sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10,
cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to
flow into the river." _Poppo_.]

[Footnote 199: Τὸν πόρον.] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 200: Behind the enemy. _Kühner_. Or behind the cavalry that
were pursuing the enemy.]

[Footnote 201: Those mentioned in sect. 3.]

[Footnote 202: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] This disposition of a company was in
opposition to λόχοι ὄρθιοι (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect, 10. The
expression ἐπὶ φάλαγγος, says Kühner, properly means _for a phalanx_, or
_so that a phalanx_ (or _acies_) _might be formed_.]

[Footnote 203: Διηγκυλωμένους.] The verb διηγκυλοῦσθαι is rightly
interpreted by Hesychius τὸ ἐνεῖραι τοῦς δακτύλους τῇ ἀγκύλη (h. e.
amento) τοὺ ἀκοντίου. _Sturz_. The following ἐπιβεβλημένους must be
similarly explained.]

[Footnote 204: Ἀσπὶς ψοφῇ.] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it.
_Kühner_. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shields
on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but,
without doubt, erroneously.]

[Footnote 205: Or, _sound a charge_. The design of it was to precipitate
the enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32.]




CHAPTER IV.

     The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and
     arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the
     governor of the province, and discover his insincerity.


1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon,
they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly of
plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five
parasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of
the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which
they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace
for the satrap;[206] upon most of the houses there were towers[207], and
provisions were in great plenty.

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs,
until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they
advanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the river
Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty[208]; and there
were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called
Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an
intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present,
assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of
cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished to
speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he
had to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He
replied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditions
that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should
not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as
they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they
concluded a treaty upon these terms.

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen
parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops,
keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a
palace,[209] with several villages around it stored with abundance of
provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of
snow[210] in the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable
that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the
neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to
be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.[211] 9. Here they found
all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great
fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds.

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp,
brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fires
had been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe,
therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring the
whole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to
be clearing up.[212] 11. But as they were passing the night here, there
fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and the
men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, and
they were very reluctant to rise; for, as they lay, the snow that had
fallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off.
12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer
garment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking the
wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, and
lighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. for abundance of ointment was
found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum,[213] bitter almonds, and
turpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials also
an odoriferous unguënt was found.

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout the
villages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with great shouting
and delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire to
the houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having to
encamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they despatched in the
night Democrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the
hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires; they
selected him because he was thought on several former occasions to have
brought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was,
just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing. 16. Having gone,
he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that he
had taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, such
as the Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he said
that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazus
to get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and for
what purpose it was assembled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own
troops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians; and that
he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the
mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road.

19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and,
leaving a guard, with Sophænetus the Stymphalian as commander over those
who stayed behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man that
had been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed the
mountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to
discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed men, but ran
forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing the
noise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however were
killed, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of
Tiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups,
and some prisoners, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22.
When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place,
they resolved upon marching back as fast as possible to their own camp,
lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there.
Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they
returned to the camp the same day.

[Footnote 206: Orontes: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3, 4. He was the satrap, as
Krüger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of
Western Armenia, sect. 4.]

[Footnote 207: Τύρσεις.] Apparently intended for a sort of defences,
should the people be attacked by any of their neighbours. Compare v. 2.
5.]

[Footnote 208: Καλὸς μὲν, μέγας δ' οὔ.] I have, with Bornemann and
Poppo, restored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur.
Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given μέγας μὲν
οὔ, καλὸς δέ, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann
have followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order in
such phrases; as in iv. 8. 2; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting in
which the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. _Kühner_. As the
piece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention
need be paid to it.]

[Footnote 209: It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as
the one mentioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 210: See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in
the nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in his
expedition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army
suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon;
and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of his
men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort also
complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers were
so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour after
sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull., and Zonaras's Annals.)" _Spelman_.]

[Footnote 211: There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an
enemy during such deep snow.]

[Footnote 212: Διαιθριάζειν.] The commentators rightly interpret this
word disserenascere, "to clear up." _Kühner_; who, however, prefers
συναιθριάζειν, for which there is good manuscript authority. He
translates it, with Bornemann, _simul disserenascere_, "to clear up at
the same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the
other. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation _disserenascere_, and
would have both verbs to signify _sub dio agere_, "to bivouack in the
open air;" but the other sense appears preferable.]

[Footnote 213: See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is
mentioned, says Kühner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii.
4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119-121; Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed.
Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865.]




CHAPTER V.

     The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering
     greatly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length
     they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days.


1. The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as
possible, before the enemy's force should be re-assembled, and get
possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore,
they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;
and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had
intended to attack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three
days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteen
parasangs,[214] to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being wet
higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be far
off. 3. From hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow
and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's
march was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in their
faces, completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. 4. One
of the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the
wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered; when the vehemence of the
wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the snow
was a fathom;[215] so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves
perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burn
fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the place
of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood; those
therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit
the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn or
other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with each
other what they respectively had. In the places where the fires were
made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that reached
down to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to
measure the depth of the snow.

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day,
and many of the men contracted the _bulimia_.[216] Xenophon, who
commanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen
down with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of those
acquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with
_bulimia_, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he
went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he
gave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it among
those diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued
their march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew
dark, to a village, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some
women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The women
asked them who they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian
language, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. They
replied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it
was late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the
head man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as many of the
troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such as were unable
to get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way without
food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on that
occasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into a
body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were
unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them.
Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the effects of
the snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind.
13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if the
soldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet,
if they kept constantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and
if they took off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept
with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soles
were frozen about them; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoes
of raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinned
oxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were
left behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from
the snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;
and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain,
which was sending up vapour in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning
aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. 16.
Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried
to prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling
them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing them
in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to kill them,
as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He then thought it the best
course to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind,
lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and
the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about the booty
that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear-guard as were not
disabled, started up, and rushed towards them, while the tired men,
shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against their
shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snow
into the hollow, and no one of them afterwards made themselves heard
from any quarter.

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party
should come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but
before they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting by
the way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed
over them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army
was not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on
some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it
was that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army
was in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore,
stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters there
without fire or supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of
his men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to
proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from
the villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were
rejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp,
while they themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty
stadia, found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was
quartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to
lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly
remained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the
several villages that they had in sight, went to their respective
quarters with their men.

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence,
and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the
village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprised all the villagers,
and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen[217] colts
that were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter,
who had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt
hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses were
under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below;
there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the people
descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls,
with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the
walls.[218] 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables,
and barley-wine,[219] in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in
it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some
larger and some smaller, without joints; 27. and these, when any one was
thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck.[220] The liquor was very
strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to
those accustomed to it.

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and told
him to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprived
of his children, and that they would not go away without filling his
house with provisions in return for what they took, if he would but
prove himself the author of some service to the army till they should
reach another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good-will,
pointed out where some wine[221] was buried. This night, therefore, the
soldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of great
abundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children at
the same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the
head man and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed by a
village, he turned aside to visit those who were quartered in it, and
found them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves; nor would they
anywhere let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. and
they placed everywhere upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, and
fowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever any
person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him to
the large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like an
ox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted
nothing from them; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took
them with him.

33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting in
their quarters,[222] crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenian
boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they made
signs what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When
Cheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the
chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, what
country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him for
whom the horses were bred; and he said that they were a tribute for the
king, and added that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes,
and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went
away, conducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse that
he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sacrifice,
(for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun,) being
afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by the
journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them to
each of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country
were smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief
instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, and
other cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without such
bags they sunk up to their bellies.

[Footnote 214: Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance
too great for troops marching through deep snow. Πέντε occurs in one
manuscript, and Kühner has admitted it into his text.]

[Footnote 215: Ὀργυιά.] A great depth. We cannot suppose the snow to
have been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make any
remark.]

[Footnote 216: Ἐβουλιμίασαν.] Spelman quotes a description of the
βουλιμία or βούλιμος from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be "a
disease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use
of his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold,
his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems to
mean little more than a faintness from long fasting.]

[Footnote 217: That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by
Weiske, and shown at some length by Krüger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann,
in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατὸν, a hundred and seven.
Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to
the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. _Kühner_. Krüger, 1. c.,
suggests that Xenophon may have written Σ' _two hundred_, instead, of
ΙΖ', _seventeen_. In sect. 35 we find Xenophon taking some of these
horses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and
captains; so that the number must have been considerable.]

[Footnote 218: "This description of a village on the Armenian uplands
applies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by
wells is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed and
elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, and
entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold getting
in. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls
participate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof."
_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 178.]

[Footnote 219: Οἶνος κρίθινος.] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic.
i. 20, 34; iv. 2; Athenæus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23.
"The barley-wine I never met with." _Ainsw._ p. 178.]

[Footnote 220: The reeds were used, says Krüger, that none of the grains
of barley might be taken into the mouth.]

[Footnote 221: Xenophon seems to mean _grape-wine_, rather than to refer
to the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not
appear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not
made, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo
speaks of the οἶνος Μοναρίτης of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of
the Greek wines. _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 222: Σκηνοῦντας.] _Convivantes, epulantes_. Comp. v. 3. 9;
vii. 3. 15. _Kühner_. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets,
which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay.]




CHAPTER VI.

     The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on
     being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through
     the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two
     days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and
     Chalybes, whom, by skilful manœuvring, they dislodge.


1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide to
Cheirisophus. He left the chief[223] all the members of his family,
except his son, a youth just coming to mature age; him he gave in charge
to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conduct
them properly, he might return home with him. At the same time they
carried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke up
their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief conducted them through
the snow, walking at liberty. When he came to the end of the third day's
march, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to some
villages. He said that there were none in that part of the country.
Cheirisophus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. and in
consequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. This
affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only cause
of dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march.
Episthenes conceived an affection for the youth, and, taking him home,
found him extremely attached to him.

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, five
parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,[224] the breadth
of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, ten
parasangs; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain,
the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their
progress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the
height, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he
might not approach them while leading the army in a column. He
accordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, that
the whole force might be formed in line.[225]

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals and
captains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are in
possession of the pass over the mountains; and it is proper for us to
consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my
opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their
dinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in the mean time,
whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day or to-morrow." 9.
"It seems best to me," exclaimed Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon as
we have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste
the present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon us
will grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence is
increased, others will join them in greater numbers."

10. After him Xenophon said, "I am of opinion, that if it is necessary
to fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with the
greatest advantage; but that, if we propose to pass the mountains as
easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest
wounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we
see, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere
seem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it is
therefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved some
part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can,
beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us.
12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without
fighting than along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in the
night, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is
before them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough road is
easier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation than a
smooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Nor do
I think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, as
we can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a
distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We
seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this
point, to find the rest of the range still less guarded; for the enemy
will so much the more probably stay where they are. 14. But why should I
speak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedæmonians, O
Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class,[226]
practise stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a disgrace, but an
honour, to steal whatever the law does not forbid; 15. while, in order
that you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escape
discovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, you
are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of
your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes."
16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined Cheirisophus, "are
very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens
him that steals it; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed your
best men are thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time
for you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then
ready," exclaimed Xenophon, "to march with the rear-guard, as soon as we
have supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for our
light-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying in
ambush; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but
are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of
any part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle.
18. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, when
they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now
come down to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, "But
why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? Rather send others,
unless some volunteers present themselves." 20. Upon this Aristonymus of
Methydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios
and Nicomachus of Œta[227] with their light-armed; and they made an
arrangement, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should
light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went to
dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army ten
stadia towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved to
march against them on that quarter.

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, those
appointed for the service went forward and got possession of the hills;
the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the
heights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night. 23.
As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice,
marched forward along the road; while those who had gained the heights
advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at the
pass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But
before the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with one
another, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight.
25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain to
attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed at
a quick pace with the heavy-armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass,
however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of
them were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the
Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soon
as they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy,
they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of
villages stored with abundance of excellent provisions.

[Footnote 223: This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the
chief were the same person.]

[Footnote 224: Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but
a river of Armenia (Ἀράξης, now _Aras_) which runs into the Caspian. See
Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to have
confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230.
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 225: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος.] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 226: Τῶν ὁμοίων.] The ὅμοιοι at Sparta were all those who had
an equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state;
_qui pari inter se jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes æqualiter
patebant_. Cragius de Rep. Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex.
Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 8.
"A similar designation to that of ὁμότιμοι in the Cyropædia,"
_Schneider_. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5.]

[Footnote 227: A native of the country about Mount Œta in Thessaly.
There was also however a town of that name in the south of Thessaly:
Thucyd. iii. 92.]




CHAPTER VII.

     The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort,
     capturing a great number of cattle, on which they subsist while
     traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus,
     and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a
     town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches,
     from the top of which they see the Euxine.


1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the
country of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them; for the
Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all their
supplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had
no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great
number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came before
it, made it the object of an attack; and when the first division that
assailed it began to be tired, another succeeded, and then another; for
it was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was a
river about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts,
and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, "You come seasonably, for
we must take this place, as there are no provisions for the army, unless
we take it."

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered
them from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, "The only approach to
it is the one which you see; but when any of our men attempt to pass
along it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and
whoever is struck, is treated as you behold;" and he pointed, at the
same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken.
5. "But if they expend all their stones," rejoined Xenophon, "is there
anything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see, in front of us,
only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too,
through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you
see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of this about a
hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against which
if the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from the
flying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space is
not above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at
a running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer to
go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers."
"That," cried Xenophon, "would be the very thing we want, for thus they
will exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to
the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we
may, if we please, easily retreat."

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Parrhasia, one of the
captains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the
rear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remaining
out of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees,
not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9.
Agasias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were also
captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same time
standing behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for more than
one company to stand under them. 10. Callimachus then adopted the
following stratagem: he ran forward two or three paces from the tree
under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled,
hastily drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cartloads of
stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Callimachus was doing,
and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that he
himself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advance
alone, (neither calling to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to
Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any
other person,) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him
rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that moment
Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and after him Eurylochus of
Lusia, for all these sought distinction for valour, and were rivals to
one another; and thus, in mutual emulation, they got possession of the
place, for when they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from
above. 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the women,
flinging their children over the precipice, threw themselves after them;
and the men followed their example. Æneas of Stymphalus, a captain,
seeing one of them, who had on a rich garment, running to throw himself
over, caught hold of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged
him forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, and
were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number of
oxen, asses, and sheep.

15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fifty
parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. These were the most
warlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combat
with them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and,
instead of skirts,[228] thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves
and helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as a
Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom they
could master, and then, cutting off their heads, carried them away with
them. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. They
carried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length, having one
spike.[229] 17. They stayed in their villages till the Greeks had
passed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had
their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their
provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but
lived upon the cattle which they taken from the Taochi.

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the breadth of which
was four plethra. Hence they proceeded through the territory of the
Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a level
tract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted three
days, and collected provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four
days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city,
called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a
guide, to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. 20.
The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to a
place whence they should see the sea; if not, he would consent to be put
to death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of their
enemies, he exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it was
evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any good
will to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came to the mountain;[230]
and the name of it was Theches. When the men who were in the front had
mounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shout
proceeded from them; 22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it,
thought that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the rear,
too, the people from the country that they had burnt were following
them, and the rear-guard, by placing an ambuscade, had killed some, and
taken others prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made of
raw ox-hides with the hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and
drew nearer, and as those who came up from time to time kept running at
full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the cries
becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it appeared to
Xenophon that it must be something of very great moment. 24. Mounting
his horse, therefore, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he
hastened forward to give aid, when presently they heard the soldiers
shouting, "The sea, the sea!" and cheering on one another. They then all
began to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage-cattle
and horses were put to their speed; 25. and when they had all arrived at
the top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains,
with tears in their eyes. Suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it,
the soldiers brought stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they
laid a number of raw ox-hides,[231] staves, and shields taken from the
enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,[232] and exhorted
the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the Greeks sent away the guide,
giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a
Persian robe, and ten darics;[233] but he showed most desire for the
rings on their fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers.
Having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up their
quarters, and the road by which they were to proceed to the Macrones,
when the evening came on he departed, pursuing his way during the night.

[Footnote 228: Ἀντὶ τῶν πτερύγων.] That this is the true sense of this
word appears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4.]

[Footnote 229: Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12,
and no point at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground.
_Schneider_.]

[Footnote 230: The word ἱερόν, which precedes ὄρος in the older
editions, is enclosed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most
of the modern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something
seems to be wanting in connexion with ὄρος, for the guide (sect. 20)
says merely that he will bring them to α χωρίον, and on the fifth day
after it is said that they come to _the mountain_.]

[Footnote 231: They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort
of sacrifice to the gods. _Balfour_.]

[Footnote 232: In order, says Krüger, to render them useless, so that
they might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people.]

[Footnote 233: i. 1. 9.]




CHAPTER VIII.

     The Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones,
     and enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed
     their passage, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they
     perform whatever vows they had made, and celebrate games.


1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten
parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. On the first day they
came to a river which divides the territories of the Macrones from those
of the Scythini. 2. On their right they had an eminence extremely
difficult of access, and on their left another river,[234] into which
the boundary river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream
was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely
together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, cut
down,[235] being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible.
3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker shields, and spears, and
hair tunics, were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing-place;
they were animating one another, and throwing stones into the
river.[236] They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience.

4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon, saying that
he had been a slave at Athens, and adding that he knew the language of
these men. "I think, indeed," said he, "that this is my country, and, if
there is nothing to prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5.
"There is nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon; "so speak to them, and
first ascertain what people they are." When he asked them, they said
that they were the Macrones. "Inquire, then," said Xenophon, "why they
are drawn up to oppose us, and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied,
"Because you come against our country." The generals then told him to
acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do them injury, but
that we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war with
the king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if
the Greeks would give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks replied
that they were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones
accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, and the Greeks
gave them a Grecian one; for they said that such were their usual
pledges. Both parties called the gods to witness.

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately assisted them
in cutting away the trees, and made a passage for them, as if to bring
them over, mingling freely among the Greeks; they also gave such
facilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted them
through their country for three days, until they brought them to the
confines of the Colchians. 9. Here was a range of hills,[237] high, but
accessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in array. The
Greeks, at first, drew up against them in a line,[238] with the
intention of marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterwards
the generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they might
engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said it appeared to him
that they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to dispose
the troops in columns;[239] "for a line," pursued he, "will be broken at
once, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though in
others easy of access; and this disruption will immediately produce
despondency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, they
find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, the
enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the parts
that outreach us in any way they may think proper; and if we advance
only a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be broken
through by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies.
If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the
line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in columns, we
should keep them so far apart from each other as that the last companies
on each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies
will both outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the
bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the
ascent is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor
will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces,
when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to break
through a column as it advances; while, if any one of the companies be
hard pressed, the neighbouring one will support it; and if but one of
the companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will no
longer stand their ground." 14. This plan was approved, and they threw
the companies into columns. Xenophon, riding along from the right wing
to the left, said. "Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, are now
the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager
to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive."[240]

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had formed the
companies into columns, there were about eighty companies of heavy-armed
men, and each company consisted of about eighty men. The peltasts and
archers they divided into three bodies, each about six hundred men, one
of which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and
the third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired the soldiers to
make their vows[241] to the gods; and having made them, and sung the
pæan, they moved forward. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the peltasts
that they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on;
17. and the enemy, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to
receive them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left,
and left a great void in the centre of their line; 18. when the peltasts
in the Arcadian division, whom Æschines the Acarnanian commanded, seeing
them separate, ran forward in all haste, thinking that they were taking
to flight; and these were the first that reached the summit. The
Arcadian heavy-armed troop, of which Cleanor the Orchomenian was
captain, followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to
run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some one way
and some another.

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villages
containing abundance of provisions. 20. As to other things here, there
was nothing at which they were surprised; but the number of bee-hives
was extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost
their senses, vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of them
were able to stand upright; such as had eaten only a little were like
men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men,
and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay upon the
ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat;
and there was general dejection. The next day no one of them was found
dead; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had
lost them on the preceding day; and on the third and fourth days they
got up as if after having taken physic.[242]

22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and
arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Euxine
Sea; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians.
Here they stayed about thirty days, encamping in the villages of the
Colchians, 23. whence they made excursions and plundered the country of
Colchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for the Greeks in the
camp, and entertained them in the city; and made them presents of oxen,
barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf of
the neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and
from them too were brought presents of oxen.

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had
vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the
Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and whatever they
had vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games upon
the hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (who
had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for having
involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger,) to prepare
the course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice was
ended, they gave the hides[243] to Dracontius, and desired him to
conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius,
pointing to the place where they were standing, said, "This hill is an
excellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish."
"But how will they be able," said they, "to wrestle on ground so rough
and bushy?" "He that falls," said he, "will suffer the more." 27. Boys,
most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course,
and in the long course above sixty Cretans ran; while others were
matched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight;
for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there
was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; and they had to gallop down
the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar.
In the descent, many rolled down; but in the ascent, against the
exceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walking
pace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering
from the people.

[Footnote 234: A stream running into the Tchórúk-sú, according to
Ainsworth, Travels, p. 189.]

[Footnote 235: The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into
the stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross.
_Schneider_.]

[Footnote 236: They threw stones into the river that they might stand on
them, and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with
more effect. _Bornemann_.]

[Footnote 237: Kárá Kapán, or Kóhát Tágh, according to Ainsw. p. 190.]

[Footnote 238: Κατὰ φάλαγγα.] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 239: Λόχους ὀρθίους.] See on iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 240: Ὠμοὺς ---- κατάφαγεῖν.] "Eat up raw," without waiting to
cook them; a metaphorical expression for _to extirpate utterly and at
once_, taken from Homer, Il. v. 35: Ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πρίαμοιό τε
μαῖδας.]

[Footnote 241: See the payment of these vows in sect. 25.]

[Footnote 242: That there was honey in these parts with intoxicating
qualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions
two sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among
the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from the
herbs to which the bees resorted, the first came from the flower of a
plant called ægolethron, or goats'-bane; the other from a species of
rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of this
description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found that
the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253.
"This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. p.
826; Ælian, H. A. v. 42; Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 2." _Schneider_.]

[Footnote 243: Lion and Kühner have a notion that these skins were to be
given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is
said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honour
of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and δέρματα, hides. Krüger
doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present
to Dracontius.]




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