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Title: The Annals of the Cakchiquels

Author: Daniel G. Brinton

Release Date: March 8, 2007 [EBook #20775]

Language: English

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Transcriber’s Note

A number of typographical errors have been maintained in the current version of this book. They are marked and the corrected text is shown in the popup. A list of these errors is found at the end of this book.

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Aboriginal American


No. VI.












1885, Philadelphia




Both for its historical and linguistic merits, the document which is presented in this volume is one of the most important in aboriginal American Literature. Written by a native who had grown to adult years before the whites penetrated to his ancestral home, himself a member of the ruling family of one of the most civilized nations of the continent and intimately acquainted with its traditions, his work displays the language in its pure original form, and also preserves the tribal history and a part of the mythology, as they were current before they were in the least affected by European influences.

The translation I offer is directly from the original text, and I am responsible for its errors; but I wish to acknowledge my constant obligations to the manuscript version of the late Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg), the distinguished Americanist. Without the assistance obtained from it, I should not have attempted the task; and though I differ frequently from his renderings, this is no more than he himself would have done, as in his later years he spoke of his version as in many passages faulty.

For the grammar of the language, I have depended on the anonymous grammar which I edited for the American Philosophical Society in 1884, [vi]copies of which, reprinted separately, can be obtained by any one who wishes to study the tongue thoroughly. For the significance of the words, my usual authorities are the lexicon of Varea, an anonymous dictionary of the 17th century, and the large and excellent Spanish-Cakchiquel work of Coto, all of which are in the library of the American Philosophical Society. They are all in MS., but the vocabulary I add may be supplemented with that of Ximenes, printed by the Abbé Brasseur, at Paris, in 1862, and between them most of the radicals will be found.

As my object in all the volumes of this series is to furnish materials for study, rather than to offer finished studies themselves, I have steadily resisted the strong temptation to expand the notes and introductory matter. They have been limited to what seemed essentially necessary to defining the nature of the work, discussing its date and authorship, and introducing the people to whom it refers.



Ethnologic Position of the Cakchiquels, 9
Culture of the Cakchiquels, 13
The Capital City of the Cakchiquels, 21
Computation of Time, 28
Personal and Family Names, 32
Tribal Subdivisions, 33
Terms of Affinity and Salutation, 34
Titles and Social Castes, 35
Religious Notions, 39
The Cakchiquel Language, 48
The Annals of Xahila, 53
Synopsis of the Annals, 60
Remarks on the Printed Text, 62
The Annals of the Cakchiquels, by a Member of the Xahila Family, 66-194
Notes, 195-200
Vocabulary, 209
Index of Proper Names, 229





Ethnologic Position of the Cakchiquels.

The Cakchiquels, whose traditions and early history are given in the present work from the pen of one of their own authors, were a nation of somewhat advanced culture, who occupied a portion of the area of the present State of Guatemala. Their territory is a table land about six thousand feet above the sea, seamed with numerous deep ravines, and supporting lofty mountains and active volcanoes. Though but fifteen degrees from the equator, its elevation assures it a temperate climate, while its soil is usually fertile and well watered.

They were one of a group of four closely related nations, adjacent in territory and speaking dialects so nearly alike as to be mutually intelligible. The remaining three were the Quiches, the Tzutuhils and the Akahals, who dwelt respectively to the west, the south and the east of the Cakchiquels.

These dialects are well marked members of the Maya linguistic stock, and differ from that language, as it is spoken[10] in its purity in Yucatan, more in phonetic modifications than in grammatical structure or lexical roots. Such, however, is the fixedness of this linguistic family in its peculiarities, that a most competent student of the Cakchiquel has named the period of two thousand years as the shortest required to explain the difference between this tongue and the Maya.10-1

About the same length of time was that assigned since the arrival of this nation in Guatemala, by the local historian, Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman, who wrote in the seventeenth century, from an examination of their most ancient traditions, written and verbal.10-2 Indeed, none of these affined tribes claimed to be autochthonous. All pointed to some distant land as the home of their ancestors, and religiously preserved the legends, more or less mythical, of their early wanderings until they had reached their present seats. How strong the mythical element in them is, becomes evident when we find in them the story of the first four brothers as their four primitive rulers and leaders, a myth which I have elsewhere shown prevailed extensively over the American continent, and is distinctly traceable to the adoration of the four cardinal points, and the winds from them.10-3

[11]These four brothers were noble youths, born of one mother, who sallied forth from Tulan, the golden city of the sun, and divided between them all the land from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the confines of Nicaragua, in other words, all the known world.11-1

The occurrence of the Aztec name of the City of Light, Tulan (properly, Tonatlan), in these accounts, as they were rehearsed by the early converted natives, naturally misled historians to adopt the notion that these divine culture heroes were “Toltecs,” and even in the modern writings of the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg), of M. Désiré Charnay, and others, this unreal people continue to be set forth as the civilizers of Central America.

No supposition could have less support. The whole alleged story of the Toltecs is merely an euhemerized myth, and they are as pure creations of the fancy as the giants and fairies of mediæval romance. They have no business in the pages of sober history.

The same blending of their most ancient legends with those borrowed from the Aztecs, recurs in the records of the pure Mayas of Yucatan. I have shown this, and explained it at considerable length in the first volume of this series, to which I will refer the reader who would examine the question in detail.11-2

[12]There is a slight admixture of Aztec words in Cakchiquel. The names of one or two of their months, of certain objects of barter, and of a few social institutions, are evidently loan-words from that tongue. There are also some proper names, both personal and geographical, which are clearly of Nahuatl derivation. But, putting all these together, they form but a very small fraction of the language, not more than we can readily understand they would necessarily have borrowed from a nation with whom, as was the case with the Aztecs, they were in constant commercial communication for centuries.12-1 The Pipils, their immediate neighbors to the South, cultivating the hot and fertile slope which descends from the central plateau to the Pacific Ocean, were an Aztec race of pure blood, speaking a dialect of Nahuatl, very little different from that heard in the schools of classic Tezcuco.12-2 But the grammatical structure and stem-words of the Cakchiquel remained absolutely uninfluenced by this association.

Later, when the Spanish occupation had brought with it[13] thousands of Nahuatl speaking followers, who supplied the interpreters for the conquerers, Nahuatl names became much more abundant, and were adopted by the natives in addressing the Spaniards. Thus the four nations, whom I have mentioned as the original possessors of the land, are, in the documents of the time, generally spoken of by such foreign titles. The Cakchiquels were referred to as Tecpan Quauhtemallan, the Quiches as Tecpan Utlatlan, the Tzutuhils as Tecpan Atitlan, and the Akahals as Tecpan Tezolotlan. In these names, all of them pure Nahuatl, the word Tecpan means the royal residence or capital; Quauhtemallan (Guatemala), “the place of the wood-pile;” Utlatlan, “the place of the giant cane;” Atitlan, “the place by the water;” Tezolotlan, “the place of the narrow stone,” or “narrowed by stones.”13-1

These fanciful names, derived from some trivial local characteristic, were not at all translations of the native tribal names. For in their own dialects, Quiche, ciche, means “many trees;” Tuztuhil, dzutuhil, “the flowery spot;” Akahal, “the honey-comb;” and Cakchiquel, a species of tree.

Culture of the Cakchiquels.

These four nations were on the same plane of culture, and this by no means a low one. They were agriculturists, cultivating for food beans, peppers, and especially maize. To the latter, indeed, they are charged with being fanatically[14] devoted. “If one looks closely at these Indians,” complains an old author, “he will find that everything they do and say has something to do with maize. A little more, and they would make a god of it. There is so much conjuring and fussing about their corn fields, that for them they will forget wives and children and any other pleasure, as if the only end and aim of life was to secure a crop of corn.”14-1

In their days of heathenism, all the labors of the field were directed by the observance of superstitious rites. For instance, the men, who always did a large share of the field work, refrained from approaching their wives for some days before planting the seed. Before weeding the patch, incense was burned at each of the four corners of the field, to the four gods of the winds and rains; and the first fruits were consecrated to holy uses.14-2 Their fields were large and extremely productive.14-3 In this connection it is worth noting, in passing, that precisely Guatemala is the habitat of the Euchlæna[15] luxurians, the wild grass from which, in the opinion of botanists, the Zea Mais is a variety developed by cultivation.

Cotton was largely cultivated, and the early writers speak with admiration of the skill with which the native women spun and wove it into graceful garments.15-1 As in Yucatan, bees were domesticated for their wax and honey, and a large variety of dye-stuffs, resins for incense, and wild fruits, were collected from the native forests.

Like the Mayas and Aztecs, they were a race of builders, skillful masons and stone-cutters, erecting large edifices, pyramids, temples, and defensive works, with solid walls of stone laid in a firm mortar.15-2 The sites of these cities were generally the summits of almost inaccessible crags, or on some narrow plain, protected on all sides by the steep and deep ravines—barrancas, as the Spaniards call them—which intersect the plateau in all directions, often plunging down to a depth of thousands of feet. So located and so constructed, it is no wonder that Captain Alvarado speaks of them as “thoroughly built and marvelously strong.”15-3

[16]In the construction of their buildings and the measurements of their land, these nations had developed quite an accurate series of lineal measures, taking as their unit certain average lengths of the human body, especially the upper extremity. In a study of this subject, published during the present year, I have set forth their various terms employed in this branch of knowledge, and compared their system with that in use among the Mayas and the Aztecs.16-1 It would appear that the Cakchiquels did not borrow from their neighbors, but developed independently the system of mensuration in vogue among them. This bears out what is asserted in the Annals of Xahila, that their “day-breaking,” or culture, was of spontaneous growth.

The art of picture writing was familiar to all these peoples. It was employed to preserve their national history, to arrange their calendar, and, doubtless, in the ordinary affairs of life.16-2 But I am not aware that any example or description of it has been preserved, which would enable us to decide the highly important question, whether their system was derived from that of the Mexicans or that of the Mayas, between which, as the antiquary need not be informed, there existed an almost radical difference.

The word for “to write,” is dzibah, which means, in its[17] primary sense, “to paint;” ahdzib, is “the scribe,” and was employed to designate the class of literati in the ancient dominion. Painted or written records were called dzibanic.

They had a literature beyond their history and calendars. It consisted of chants or poems, called bix, set orations and dramas.17-1 They were said or sung in connection with their ceremonial dances. These performances were of the utmost importance in their tribal life. They were associated with the solemn mysteries of their religion, and were in memory of some of the critical events in their real or mythical history. This will be obvious from the references to them in the pages of their Annals.

These chants and dances were accompanied by the monotonous beating of the native drum, tun, by the shrill sound of reed flutes, xul, by the tinkling of small metal bells, calakan, which they attached to their feet, and by rattles of small gourds or jars containing pebbles, known as zoch. Other musical instruments mentioned, are the chanal, the whistle (pito, Dicc. Anon.), and tzuy, the marimba, or something like it.

These nations were warlike, and were well provided with offensive and defensive weapons. The Spanish writers speak of them as skilled archers, rude antagonists, but not poisoning their weapons.17-2 Besides the bow and arrow, cha, they[18] used a lance, achcayupil,18-1 and especially the blow-pipe, pub, a potent weapon in the hands of an expert, the knowledge of which was widely extended over tropical America. Their arrow points were of stone, especially obsidian, bone and metal. Other weapons were the wooden war club, chaibalche; the sling, icaq; the hand-axe, iqah, etc.

For defense, they carried a species of buckler, pocob, and a round shield called çeteçic chee, “the circular wood.” Over the body they wore a heavy, quilted cotton doublet, the xakpota, which was an efficient protection.

They may all be said to have been in the “stone age,” as the weapons and utensils were mostly of stone. The obsidian, which was easily obtained in that country, offered an admirable resource for the manufacture of knives, arrow heads, awls, and the like. It was called chay abah, and, as we shall see on a later page, was surrounded with sacred associations.

The most esteemed precious stones were the cual, translated “diamond,” and the xit, which was the impure jade or green stone, so much the favorite with the nations of Mexico and Central America. It is frequently mentioned in the Annals of Xahila, among the articles of greatest value.

Engraving both on stone and wood, was a prized art. The word to express it was cotoh, and engraved articles are referred to as cotonic.

Although stone and wood were the principal materials on which they depended for their manufactures, they were well[19] acquainted with several metals. Gold and silver were classed under the general name puvak, and distinguished as white and yellow; iron and copper were both known as chich, and distinguished also by their color. The metals formed an important element of their riches, and are constantly referred to as part of the tribute paid to the rulers. They were worked into ornaments, and employed in a variety of decorative manners.

The form of government of the four nations of whom I am speaking approached that of a limited monarchy. There was a head chief, who may as well be called a king, deriving his position and power through his birth, whose authority was checked by a council of the most influential of his subjects. The details of this general scheme were not the same at all periods, nor in all the states; but its outlines differed little.

Among the Cakchiquels, who interest us at present, the regal power was equally divided between two families, the Zotzils and the Xahils; not that there were two kings at the same time, as some have supposed, but that the throne was occupied by a member of these families alternately, the head of the other being meanwhile heir-apparent.19-1 These chiefs were called the Ahpo-Zotzil and the Ahpo-Xahil; and their eldest sons were entitled Ahpop-camahay and Galel Xahil, respectively, terms which will shortly be explained.

[20]The ceremonial distinction established between the ruler and those nearest him in rank, was indicated by the number of canopies under which they sat. The ruler himself was shaded by three, of graded sizes, the uppermost being the largest. The heir-apparent was privileged to support two, and the third from the king but one. These canopies were elaborately worked in the beautiful feathers of the quetzal, and other brilliant birds, and bore the name of muh, literally “shade” or “shadow,” but which metaphorically came to mean royal dignity or state, and also protection, guardianship.20-1

The seat or throne on which he sat was called tem, chacat, and qalibal, and these words are frequently employed to designate the Supreme Power.

The ceremonies connected with the installation of a king or head chief, are described in an interesting passage of the Annals, Sec. 41: “He was bathed by the attendants in a large painted vessel; he was clad in flowing robes; a sacred girdle or fillet was tied upon him; he was painted with the holy colors, was anointed, and jewels were placed upon his person.” Such considerable solemnities point to the fact that these people were on a much higher plane of social life than[21] one where the possession of the leadership was merely an act of grasping by the strongest arm.

Of the four nations, the Quiches were the most numerous and powerful. At times they exercised a sovereignty over the others, and levied tribute from them. But at the period of Alvarado’s conquest, all four were independent States, engaged in constant hostilities against each other.

There is no means of forming an accurate estimate of their number. All early accounts agree that their territory was thickly populated, with numerous towns and cities.21-1 The contingent sent to Alvarado by the Cakchiquel king, to aid in the destruction of Quiche, was four thousand warriors in one body, according to Alvarado’s own statement, though Xahila puts it at four hundred. There are various reasons for believing that the native population was denser at the Conquest than at present; and now the total aboriginal population of the State of Guatemala, of pure or nearly pure blood, is about half a million souls.

The Capital City of the Cakchiquels.

The capital city of the Cakchiquels is referred to by Xahila as “Iximche on the Ratzamut.” It was situated on the lofty[22] plateau, almost on a line connecting Gumarcaah, the capital of the Quiches, with the modern city of Guatemala, about twelve leagues from the latter and eight from the former. Its name, Iximche, is that of a kind of tree (che=tree) called by the Spanish inhabitants ramon, apparently a species of Brosimium. Ratzamut, literally “the beak of the wild pigeon,” was the name given to the small and almost inaccessible plain, surrounded on all sides by deep ravines, on which Iximche was situated. Doubtless, it was derived from some fancied resemblance of the outline of the plain to the beak of this bird.

The capital was also called simply tinamit, the city (not Patinamit, as writers usually give it, as pa is not an article but a preposition, in or at); and by the Aztec allies of the conqueror Alvarado, Quauhtemallan, “place of the wood-pile,” for some reason unknown to us.22-1 The latter designation was afterwards extended to the province, and under the corrupt form Guatemala is now the accepted name of the State and its modern capital.

The famous captain, Pedro de Alvarado was the first European to visit Iximche. He entered it on April 13th, 1524 (old style). In his letter describing the occurrence, however, he says little or nothing about the size or appearance of the buildings.22-2

[23]Scarcely more satisfactory are the few words devoted to it by Captain Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who spent a night there the same year. He observes that “its buildings and residences were fine and rich, as might be expected of chiefs who ruled all the neighboring provinces.”23-1

When the revolt of the Cakchiquels took place, soon afterwards, Iximche was deserted, and was never again fully inhabited. The Spaniards ordered the natives to settle in other localities, the fortifications of their capital were demolished, and many of the stones carried away, to construct churches and houses in other localities.

The next account we have of it dates from the year 1695, when the historian and antiquary, Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman, wrote a detailed description of its ruins from personal inspection. The account of this enthusiastic author is the only one which supplies any approximate notion of what the city must have been in its flourishing period, and I therefore translate it, almost entire, from the recently published edition of his voluminous work, the Recordacion Florida.23-2 His chapter will throw light on several otherwise obscure passages in Xahila’s narrative.

Tecpan goathemala was a city of the ancient inhabitants, populous, wonderful and impregnable, from the character of its position, situated in this valley (of Chimaltenango), on an elevated and cool site. It lies eight leagues in a straight line[24] from New Guatemala. Around this ancient and dismantled town, now falling into utmost decay, extends a deep ravine, like a moat, plunging straight down to a depth of more than a hundred fathoms. This ravine, or moat, is three squares in width from one battlement or bank to the other, and they say that a good part of it was a work of hands, for the security and defense of the city. There is no other entrance than a very narrow causeway, which cuts the ravine at a point a little north of west. The whole area of the space where are these ancient ruins measures three miles from north to south and two from east to west, and its complete circumference is nine miles. In the heart and centre of this area was prominently erected that great city of Tecpan goathemala.

“The whole surface of the soil in this ancient city seems to have been artificially prepared, by means of a cement or mortar, laid by hand, to a depth of three-fourths of a yard. Close to the brink of the ravine there are the sumptuous ruins of a magnificent and stately edifice, in length a hundred measured paces, and in width the same, thus forming a perfect square, all of stone and mortar, the stone accurately cut with great skill, polished and nicely adjusted. In front of this building is a great square plaza, of much dignity and beauty; and on its northern side one can still recognize and admire the ruins of a palace which, even in its broken vestiges, reveals a real magnificence. This royal edifice also has in front of it some squares as large and spacious in their splendor as that which has already been mentioned. Surrounding this remarkable structure, are a vast number of foundations, which, according to tradition, and by what is obvious by examination, were the houses and dwellings of[25] nobles and of the great number of ahaguaes, besides those who gave their constant attention to the king. In this quarter or ward of the nobility, there are several wide and capacious streets, which, as the foundations indicate, ran from east to west.

“Through the middle of the site of the city, from north to south, runs a trench a fathom and a half in depth, and its battlements of stones laid in mortar rise more than half a fathom in height. This trench divided the city into two parts, leaving the residences of the chiefs and nobles on the eastern side; those of the common people to the west. The principal street runs from the entrance of the city to the chief square of the Temple, which is near the Palace; and from this main street others run east and west, north and south, branching off from the main street, having many dwellings upon them well arranged and located, and displaying the high cultivation of the ancient rulers.

“Another broad street runs close to the main street, from the trench mentioned, toward the east, for about a quarter of a league, ending at a small hill which overlooks the town, on whose summit is a circular wall, not unlike the curb of a well, about a full fathom in height. The floor within is paved with cement, as the city streets. In the centre is placed a socle or pedestal of a glittering substance, like glass, but of what composition is not known.

“This circular structure was the tribunal or consistory of the Cakchiquel Indians, where not only was public hearing given to causes, but also the sentences were carried out. Seated around this wall, the judges heard the pleas and pronounced sentences, in both civil and criminal causes. After[26] this public decision, however, there remained an appeal for its revocation or confirmation. Three messengers were chosen as deputies of the judges, and these went forth from the tribunal to a deep ravine, north of the Palace, to a small but neatly fitted up chapel or temple, where was located the oracle of the demon. This was a black and semi-transparent stone, of a finer grade than that called chay (obsidian). In its transparency, the demon revealed to them what should be their final decision. If it was that the sentence should be confirmed, the accused was immediately executed on the central pedestal mentioned, which also served as a place of torture. If, on the other hand, nothing could be seen in the transparency of the stone, the accused was forthwith discharged. This oracle was also consulted in all their military undertakings; and war was declared or not, as it seemed to dictate, as is stated both by Spaniards and the oldest natives. But in the early days of our occupation, when these facts came to the knowledge of the Reverend Bishop Don Francisco Marroquin, of glorious memory, he gave orders that this stone should be artistically squared, and he consecrated it and used it as an altar stone, and at this day it is so employed on the grand altar of the convent of San Francisco de Tecpan goathemala, and it is considered a jewel of unusual beauty and value. The size of the stone is a full half yard in each direction.

“The principal gate of this stronghold or citadel was upon the causeway mentioned; and they say it was closed with two doors set in the solid wall, the external one opening outward, the internal one inward, and both were of the stone called chay. Thus, one of these doors backed up against the[27] other, as we sometimes see double doors in our prisons. They were always guarded with double guards, one within, the other without, and these guards were changed every seven days. In the open country, on the other side of the ravine, there were a number of mounds, about a quarter of a league apart, extending for a considerable distance. On these, lookouts were constantly stationed, to give notice of the invasions of the Quiches or of the Sotojil king.”

The site of Iximche was visited in 1840 by the eminent American traveler, John L. Stephens. He states that its position, the steep and profound barranca, and the plain, “warrant the description given of it by Fuentes.” A century and a half had, however, almost erased the vestiges of human life. “The ground was covered with mounds of ruins. In one place we saw the foundations of two houses, one of them about one hundred and fifty feet long by fifty feet broad.”

Mr. Stephens was also fortunate enough to see and examine the mysterious divining stone, preserved in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. But a great disappointment awaited him. “This oracular slab is a piece of common slate, fourteen inches by ten, and about as thick as those used by boys at school, without characters of any kind upon it.”27-1

A few years after Mr. Stephens’ visit, the government of Guatemala appointed a commission to survey and examine these ruins. They completed their labors successfully, but[28] I have been unable to learn that the results were published, although they were written out and placed in the governmental archives.28-1

Computation of Time.

I propose, in a future work, to discuss the methods of reckoning time in use in Central America; but a brief explanation of that adopted by the Cakchiquels is essential to a comprehension of their Annals.

The Cakchiquels were probably acquainted with the length of the year as 365 days; there is even some evidence that they allowed an intercalary day every four years, by beginning the reckoning of the year one day earlier.

The beginning of their year is stated, by most authorities, to have been on the day corresponding to our January 31st or February 1st, old style (February 11th or 12th, new style).

The year was not divided into lunar months, as was the case with the hunting tribes, but in a manner similar to the highly artificial and complicated system that prevailed among the Mayas and Mexicans. This allotted to the solar year twenty months of eighteen days each, leaving a remainder of five days, which the Mexicans called nemontemi, insufficient; the Mayas n yail kin, days of pain or of peril, and the Cakchiquels tzapi qih, days of evil or days at fault; and which were not included in the count of the months.28-2

[29]Dates, however, were not assigned by a simple reference to days of the month, but by days of the week; these weeks being of thirteen days each, and including every day of the year. The week days were not named, but numbered only.

As will be noted in the Annals, more importance was attached to the day on which an occurrence took place than to the year. This is common with untrained minds. Every citizen of the United States knows that George Washington was born on the 22d of February; but it would puzzle a large portion of them to be asked the year of his birth.

Names of the Cakchiquel Months.

Name. Signification.
  1. Tacaxepual, Corn planting
  2. Nabey tumuzuz, First of winged ants.
  3. Rucan tumuzuz, Second of winged ants.
  4. Çibix, Smoky, or clouds.
  5. Uchum, Re-planting
  6. Nabey mam, First grandson.
  7. Rucab mam, Second grandson.
  8. Liqinqá, Soft to the hand.
  9. Nabey toq, First cacao harvest.
10. Rucab toq, Second cacao harvest
11. Nabey pach, First incubation.
12. Rucab pach, Second incubation.
13. Tziquin qih, Bird days.
14. Cakan, Red clouds.
15. Ibota, Mat rolling.
16. Katic, Drying up.
17. Itzcal qih, Bad road days.
18. Pariche, In the woods.

[30]To appreciate the bearing of these names, one must remember that this is a rural calendar, in which the months were designated with reference to farming and household incidents. Thus, the “winged ants” referred to, are a species that appear in March and April, shortly before the first of the rainy season; the fourth month is cloudy or misty, from the frequent rains; the first and second grandsons refer probably to the “suckers,” which must be plucked from the growing corn; in the eighth month the earth is moist, and must be kept, by tillage, “soft to the hand;” the others have obvious rural allusions, down to the last, when the natives went “in the woods” to gather fuel. The names appear to be all in the Cakchiquel dialect, except the first, Tacaxepual, the resemblance of which to the name of the second Mexican month, Tlacaxipehualiztli, is too striking to be a coincidence, and perhaps the seventeenth, Itzcal, which is very like the eighteenth of the Mexican calendar, Izcalli; but if borrowed from the latter, two Cakchiquel words, of similar sound but different meaning, have been substituted for the original by the familiar linguistic principle of otosis or paronomasia.

Names of the Cakchiquel Days.

Name. Name.
1. Imox, 11. Batz,
2. Iq, 12. Ee,
3. Aqbal, 13. Ah,
4. Kat, 14. Yiz,
5. Can, 15. Tziquin,
6. Camey, 16. Ahmac,
7. Queh, 17. Noh,
8. Kanel, 18. Tihax,
9. Toh, 19. Caok,
10. Tzii, 20. Hunahpu,

[31]The calendars in use were of two different kinds, the one called chol qih, literally “the valuer or appraiser of days,” which was employed exclusively for astrological and divining purposes, to decide on which were lucky and unlucky days; and may qih, “the revolution or recurrence of days,” which was for chronological purposes.31-1

It will be noticed that in Xahila’s Annals, every year ends on a day Ah, and that each such closing day is numerically three less than the day Ah terminating the preceding year. There are also obvious inconsistencies in his identification of native dates with the Christian calendar; but these, and the numerous difficult questions they suggest, would take me too far afield to enter upon in the present introductory paragraphs. The object of this volume is rather to furnish material for study than to undertake the study itself.

The brief description of their reckoning of time, given by Sanchez y Leon, may be quoted: “They divided the year into 18 months, and each month into 20 days; but they counted only by nights, which they mentioned as dawns (alboradas); the movements of the sun in the ecliptic governed their calendar; they began their year forty days before ours; they celebrated annually three great feasts, like Easters, at which periods both sexes assembled together at night, and indulged in drunkenness and wantonness.”31-2

I think in this extract the author should have said that they began their year 40 days later than ours, as this would bring his statement more into conformity with other writers.[32]

Personal and Family Names.

Among the Cakchiquels, each person bore two names; the first his individual name, the second that of his family or chinamitl. This word is pure Nahuatl, and means a place enclosed by a fence,32-1 and corresponds, therefore, to the Latin herctum, and the Saxon ton. As adopted by the Cakchiquels, it meant a household or family of one lineage and bearing one name, all of whom were really or theoretically descended from one ancestral household. To all such was applied the term aca, related or affined;32-2 and marriage within the chinamitl was not permitted. When a man of one chinamitl married into another, every male in the latter became his brother-in-law, baluc, or son-in-law, hi.32-3

Each chinamitl was presided over by a recognized leader, the “head of the house,” whose title was ahdzalam, “the keeper of the tablets,”32-4 probably the painted records on which the genealogy of the family and the duties of its members were inscribed.

The division of the early tribes into these numerous families was not ancient, dating, according to tradition, from about a century and a half before the Conquest.32-5

[33]The family name was sometimes derived from a locality, sometimes from a peculiarity, and at others from astrological motives.33-1

The personal name was always that of the day of birth, this being adopted for astrological reasons. There was a fixed opinion that the temperament and fortunes of the individual were controlled by the supposed character of his birthday, and its name and number were therefore prefixed to his family name. This explains the frequent occurrence in the Cakchiquel Annals of such strange appellatives as Belehe Queh, nine deer; Cay Batz, two monkey, etc.; these being, in fact, the days of the year on which the bearers were born. They should be read, “the 9th Queh,” “the 2d Batz,” etc.

Tribal Subdivisions.

The chinamitl appears to have been the sub-gens. Besides it, there are other words frequently recurring in the Annals referring to divisions of the community, hay, home or household; chob, sept or division; and amaq tribe or city.

The first of these, hay, appears to be a general term applied to a community, without necessarily implying relationship. An Indian, asked where he is from, will answer in ah-hay vae, “I am of this place,” referring to his village. Yet it is evident that in early times, all of one village were considered to be related. The word hay, moroever, does not signify a house as an edifice. In that sense the proper term is ochoch.

[34]The frequent references by Xahila to the seven tribes, or rather the seven cities, vuk amaq, and the thirteen divisions or provinces, oxlahuh chob, are not explained in the course of the narrative. These numbers retained sacred associations, as they were adopted later to assign the days of worship of their divinity (see Sec. 44). Brasseur is of opinion that the thirteen divisions refer to the Pokomams,34-1 but that such a subdivision obtained among the Cakchiquels as well, is evident from many parts of their Annals. The same division also prevailed, from remote times, among the Quiches,34-2 and hence was probably in use among all these tribes. It may have had some superstitious connection with the thirteen days of their week. The chob may be regarded as the original gens of the tribe, and the similarity of this word to the radical syllable of the Nahuatl calp-ulli, may not be accidental. I have elsewhere spoken of the singular frequency with which we hear of seven ancestors, cities, caves, etc., in the most ancient legends of the American race.34-3

Terms of Affinity and Salutation.

In the Cakchiquel grammar which I edited, I have given a tolerably full list of the terms of consanguinity and affinity in the tongue (pp. 28, 29). But it is essential to the correct[35] understanding of the text in this volume, to recognize the fact that many such terms in Cakchiquel are, in the majority of cases, terms of salutation only, and do not express actual relationship.

Examples of this are the words tata, father, used by women to all adult males; and tee, mother, employed by both sexes in addressing adult women. In Xahila’s writings, we constantly find the words nimal, elder brother, and chaq, younger brother, inserted merely as friendly epithets. The term mama, grandfather, almost always means simply “ancestor,” or, indeed, any member of an anterior generation beyond the first degree. This word must not be confounded with mam (an error occurring repeatedly in Brasseur’s writings), as the latter means “grandchild;” and according to Father Coto, it may be applied by a grandparent of either sex to a grandchild of either sex.

Titles and Social Castes.

There are a number of terms of frequent recurrence in Xahila’s text, expressing the different offices in the government, rank in social life and castes of the population, which offer peculiar difficulty to the translator, because we have no corresponding expressions in European tongues; while to retain them in the version, renders it less intelligible, and even somewhat repulsive to the reader. I have thought it best, generally, to give these terms an approximate English rendering in my translation, while in the present section I submit them to a critical examination.

The ordinary term for chief or ruler, in both the Cakchiquel and Maya dialects, is ahau. Probably this is a compound[36] of ah, a common prefix in these tongues, originally signifying person, and hence, when attached to a verb, conveying the notion of one accustomed to exercise the action indicated; to a noun of place, a resident there; and to a common noun, a worker in or owner of the article; and u, a collar, especially an ornamental collar, here intended as a badge of authority. Ahau is, therefore, “the wearer of the collar;” and by this distinction equivalent to chief, ruler, captain, lord, king, or emperor, by all which words it is rendered in the lexicons. It is not a special title, but a general term.

Scarcely less frequent is the term ahpop. This is a compound of the same prefix ah, with the word pop, which means a mat. To sit upon such a mat was a privilege of nobility, and of such dignitaries as were entitled to be present at the national council; ahpop, therefore, may be considered as equivalent to the German title Rath, counsellor, and appears to have been used much in the same conventional manner. In the Cakchiquel lexicons, popoh is “to hold a council;” popol, a council; popoltzih, “to speak in council,” etc. All these are derived from the word pop, mat; from the mats on which the councillors sat during their deliberations.

Personages of the highest rank, of the “blood royal,” combined these titles. They were ahau ahpop, “lords of the council.” Uniting the latter title to the family names of the ruling house, the chief ruler was known as Ahpo’ Zotzil, and the second in rank and heir-apparent, as Ahpo’ Xahil. The oldest son of the former bore the title Ahpop-camahay, which is translated by the best authorities “messenger of the council,” and ordinarily was applied to an official who communicated the decisions of the councils of one village to that[37] of another.37-1 Another title, mentioned by Xahila, is ahpop-achi, the last word means man, vir.

A third article, which distinguished the higher classes, was the seat or stool on which they sat during solemn ceremonies. This was called qaalibal, an instrumental noun from the verb qal, to be visible or prominent, persons so seated being elevated above, and thus distinguished from others, from this the verbal form, qalel, was derived, meaning “he who is prominent,” etc., or, more freely, “illustrious,” “distinguished.”37-2 The title ahpop qalel meant, therefore, originally “he who is entitled to a mat and a stool,” that is, in the council chamber of his town.

Another official connected with the council was the orator appointed to bring before it the business of the day. His title was ah uchan, from ucheex, to speak, and it is translated by Spanish writers, the “rhetorician, orator.”37-3 A similar personage, the ah tzih vinak, “the man of words,”37-4 was in[38] attendance on the king, and, apparently, was the official mouth-piece of the royal will. Still a third, known as the lol-may, which apparently means “silence-breaker,” was, according to the dictionaries, “an envoy dispatched by the rulers to transact business or to collect tributes.”38-1

Very nearly or quite the same organization prevailed in the courts of Quiche and Atitlan. The chiefs of the latter province forwarded, in 1571, a petition to Philip II, in which they gave some interesting particulars of their former government. They say: “The supreme ruler was called Atziquinihai, and the chiefs who shared the authority with him, Amac Tzutuhil. These latter were sovereigns, and acknowledged no superiors.... The sovereign, or king, did not recognize any authority above himself. The persons or officers who attended at his court were called Lolmay, Atzivinac, Galel, Ah-uchan. They were factors, auditors and treasurers. Our titles correspond to yours.”38-2

The name here applied to the ruler of the Tzutuhils, Atziquinahay, recurs in Xahila’s Annals. It was his family name, and in its proper form, Ah dziquin-i-hay, means “he who is a member of the bird family;”38-3 the bird being the totemic symbol of the ruling house.

[39]While the nobles were distinguished by titles such as these, the mass of the people were divided into well defined classes or castes. The warriors were called ah-labal, from labal, war; and they were distinguished from the general male population, who were known as achi, men, viri. These were independent freemen, engaged in peaceful avocations, but, of course, ready to take up arms on occasion. They were broadly distinguished from the tributaries, called ah-patan; the latter word meaning tax or tribute; and still more sharply from the slaves, known as vinakitz, “mean men,” or by the still more significant word mun, hungry (Guzman, Compendio). The less cultivated tribes speaking other tongues, adjoining the Cakchiquels, were promiscuously stigmatized with the name chicop, brutes or beasts.

A well developed system of tribute seems to have prevailed, and it is often referred to by Xahila. The articles delivered to the collectors were gold, silver, plain and worked, feathers, cacao, engraved stones, and what appear as singular, garlands (cubul) and songs, painted apparently on skins or paper.

Religious Notions.

The deities worshiped by these nations, the meaning and origin of their titles, and the myths connected with them, have been the subject of an examination by me in an earlier work.39-1 Here, therefore, it will be needless to repeat what I have there said, further than to add a few remarks explanatory of the Cakchiquel religion in particular.

According to the Popol Vuh, “the chief god of the Cak[40]chiquels was Chamalcan, and his image was a bat.”40-1 Brasseur endeavored to trace this to a Nahuatl etymology,40-2 but there is little doubt it refers, as do so many of the Cakchiquel proper names, to their calendar. Can is the fifth day of their week, and its sign was a serpent;40-3 chamal is a slightly abbreviated form of chaomal, which the lexicons translate “beauty” and “fruitfulness,” connected with chaomar, to yield abundantly. He was the serpent god of fruitfulness, and by this type suggests relations to the lightning and the showers. The bat, Zotz, was the totem of the Zotzils, the ruling family of the Cakchiquels; and from the extract quoted, they seem to have set it up as the image of Chamalcan.

The generic term for their divinities, employed by Xahila, and also frequently in the Popol Vuh, is cabuyl, which I have elsewhere derived from the Maya chab, to create, to form. It is closely allied to the epithets applied in both works to the Deity, dzakol, the maker, especially he who makes something from earth or clay; bitol, the former, or fashioner; caholom, the begetter of sons; alom, the bearer of children; these latter words intimating the bi-sexual nature of the principal divinity, as we also find in the Aztec mythology and elsewhere. The name caxtoc, the liar, from the verb caxtocoh, to lie, also frequently used by Xahila with reference to the[41] chief god of his nation in its heathendom, may possibly have arisen after their conversion to Christianity; but from the coincidence that the Algonkin tribes constantly applied such seemingly opprobrious terms to their principal deity, it may have arisen from a similar cycle of myths as did theirs.41-1

There are references in Xahila’s Annals to the Quiche deities, Exbalanquen, Cabrakan, Hunahpu, and Tohil, but they do not seem to have occupied any prominent place in Cakchiquel mythology. Several minor gods are named, as Belehe Toh, nine Toh, and Hun Tihax, one Tihax; these appellations are taken from the calendar.

Father Pantaleon de Guzman furnishes the names of various inferior deities, which serve to throw light on the Cakchiquel religion. Four of these appear to be gods of diseases, Ahal puh, Ahal teqob, Ahal xic, and Ahál qanya; at least three of these second words are also the designations of maladies, and ahal is probably a mistake of the copyist for ahau, lord. As the gods of the abode of the dead, he names Tatan bak and Tatan holom, Father Bones and Father Skull.

Another series of appellations which Guzman gives as of Cakchiquel gods, show distinctly the influence of Nahuatl doctrines. There are Mictan ahauh, lord of Mictlan, this being the name of the abode of darkness, in Aztec mythology; Caueztan ahauh, probably Coatlan, lord of the abode of serpents; Tzitzimil, the tzitzimime of the Aztecs; and Colele,[42] probably colotl, the scorpion, or tecolotl, the owl, which latter, under the name tucur, is also mentioned by Xahila.42-1

Father Coto refers to some of their deities of the woods and streams. One of these, the Man of the Woods, is famous throughout Yucatan and most of Central America. The Spaniards call him Salonge, the Mayas Che Vinic, and the Cakchiquels ru vinakil chee; both these latter meaning “the woods man.” What gives this phantom especial interest in this connection is, that Father Coto identifies the woodsman with the Zakicoxol, the white fire maker, encountered by the Cakchiquels in Xahila’s narrative (Sec. 21).42-2 I have narrated the curious folk-lore about the woodsman in another publication, and need not repeat it here.42-3 His second name, the White Fire Maker, perhaps refers to the “light wood” or phosphorescence about damp and decaying trees.

To the water-sprites, the Undines of their native streams, they gave the name xulu, water-flies, or ru vinakil ya, the water people.

As their household gods, they formed little idols of the ashes from the funeral pyres of their great men, kneading them with clay. To these they gave the name vinak, men or beings (Coto).

[43]Representations of these divinities were carved in wood and stone, and the words chee abah, “wood and stone,” usually mean, when they appear together in Xahila’s narrative, “idols or images in wood and stone.”

The Stone God, indeed, is a prominent figure in their mythology, as it was in their daily life. This was the sacred Chay Abah, the Obsidian Stone, which was the oracle of their nation, and which revealed the will of the gods on all important civil and military questions. To this day, their relatives, the Mayas of Yucatan, attach implicit faith to the revelations of the zaztun, the divining stone kept by their sorcerers, and if it decrees the death of any one, they will despatch him with their machetes, without the slightest hesitation.43-1 The belief was cherished by the rulers and priests, as they alone possessed the power to gaze on the polished surface of the sacred block of obsidian, and read thereupon the invisible decrees of divinity. (See above, p. 25).

As the stone came from the earth, it was said to have been derived from the under world, from Xibalbay, literally the unseen or invisible place, the populous realm in Quiche myth, visited and conquered by their culture hero, Xbalanque. Hence in Cakchiquel tale, the Chay Abah represented the principle of life, as well as the source of knowledge.43-2

The Cakchiquel Annals do not pretend to deal with[44] mythology, but from various references and fragments inserted as history, it is plain that they shared the same sacred legends as the Quiches, which were, in all probability, under slightly different forms, the common property of the Maya race. They all indicate loans from the Aztec mythology. In the Cakchiquel Annals, as in the Popol Vuh and the Maya Chronicles, we hear of the city of the sun god, Tulan or Tonatlan, as the place of their origin, of the land Zuiva and of the Nonoalcos, names belonging to the oldest cycles of myths in the religion of the Aztecs. In the first volume of this series I have discussed their appearance in the legends of Central America,44-1 and need not refer to them here more than to say that those who have founded on these names theories of the derivation of the Maya tribes or their ruling families from the Toltecs, a purely imaginary people, have perpetrated the common error of mistaking myth for history. It is this error that renders valueless much that the Abbé Brasseur, M. Charnay and others of the French school, have written on this subject.

Xahila gives an interesting description of some of their ancient rites (Sec. 44). Their sacred days were the 7th and 13th of each week. White resin was burned as incense, and green branches with the bark of evergreen trees were brought to the temple, and burned before the idol, together with a small animal, which he calls a cat, “as the image of night;” but our domestic cat was unknown to them, and what animal was originally meant by the word mez, I do not know.

He mentions that the priests and nobles drew blood with[45] the spines of the gourd tree and maguey, and elsewhere (Sec. 37) refers to the sacrifice of infants at a certain festival. The word for the sacrificial letting of blood was dzohb, which, by some of the missionaries, was claimed as the root of the word cabuil, deity.

Human sacrifice was undoubtedly frequent, although the reverse has been asserted by various historians.45-1 Father Varea gives some curious particulars. The victim was immolated by fire, the proper word being catoh, to burn, and then cut in pieces and eaten. When it was, as usual, a male captive, the genital organs were given to one of the old women who were prophetesses, to be eaten by her, as a reward for her supplications for their future success in battle.45-2 The cutting in pieces of Tolcom, in the narrative of Xahila, has reference to such a festival.

Sanchez y Leon states that the most usual sacrifice was a child. The heart was taken out, and the blood was sprinkled toward the four cardinal points as an act of adoration to the four winds, copal being burned at the same time, as an incense.45-3

A leading feature in their ceremonial worship was the sacred dance, or, as the Spanish writers call it, el baile. The native name for it is xahoh, and it is repeatedly referred to in the Annals. The legendary origin of some of these dances,[46] indeed, constitute a marked feature in its narratives. They are mentioned by the missionaries as the favorite pastime of the Indians; and as it was impossible to do away with them altogether, they contented themselves with suppressing their most objectionable features, drunkenness and debauchery, and changed them, at least in name, from ceremonies in honor of some heathen god, to some saint in the Roman calendar. In some of these, vast numbers of assistants took part, as is mentioned by Xahila (Sec. 32).

Magic and divination held a very important place in Cakchiquel superstition, as the numerous words bearing upon them testify. The form of belief common to them and their neighbors, has received the name Nagualism, from the Maya root na, meaning to use the senses. I have traced its derivation and extension elsewhere,46-1 and in this connection will only observe that the narrative of Xahila, in repeated passages, proves how deeply it was rooted in the Cakchiquel mind. The expression ru puz ru naval, should generally be rendered “his magic power, his sorcery,” though it has a number of allied significations. Naval as a noun means magician, naval chee, naval abah, the spirit of the tree, of the stone, or the divinity embodied in the idols of these substances.

Another root from which a series of such words were derived, was hal, to change. The power of changing or metamorphosing themselves into tigers, serpents, birds, globes of fire, etc., was claimed by the sorcerers, and is several times mentioned in the following texts. Hence the sorcerer was called haleb, the power he possessed to effect such transformations halibal, the change effected halibeh, etc.

[47]Their remarkable subjection to these superstitions is illustrated by the word lab, which means both to divine the future and to make war, because, says Ximenez, “they practiced divination in order to decide whether they should make war or not.”47-1

These auguries were derived frequently from the flight and call of birds (as in the Annals, Secs. 13, 14, etc.), but also from other sources. The diviner who foretold by grains of maize, bore the title malol ixim, the anointer or consecrator of maize (Dicc. Anon).

The priesthood was represented by two high priests, elected for life by the ruler and council. The one who had especial custody of religious affairs wore a flowing robe, a circlet or diadem on his head ornamented with feathers, and carried in his hand a rod, or wand. On solemn occasions he publicly sacrificed blood from his ears, tongue, and genital organ.

His associate was the custodian and interpreter of the sacred books, their calendars and myths, and decided on lucky and unlucky days, omens and prognostics.

In addition to these, there were certain old men, of austere life, who dwelt in the temples, and wore their hair in plaited strands around their heads (trenzado en circulo), who were consulted on ordinary occasions as diviners.47-2

The funeral rites of the Cakchiquels have been related at considerable length by Fuentes, from original documents in[48] the Pokoman dialect.48-1 The body was laid in state for two days, after which it was placed in a large jar and interred, a mound being erected over the remains. On the mound a statue of the deceased was placed, and the spot was regarded as sacred. Father Coto gives somewhat the same account, adding that these mounds were constructed either of stone or of the adjacent soil, and were called cakhay or cubucak.48-2 He positively asserts that human sacrifices accompanied the interments of chiefs, which is denied by Fuentes, except among the Quiches. These companions for the deceased chief on his journey to the land of souls, were burned on his funeral pyre. A large store of charcoal was buried with the corpse, as that was supposed to be an article of which he would have special use on his way. Sanchez y Leon mentions that the high priest was buried in his house, clothed and seated upon his chair. The funeral ceremonies, in his case, lasted fifteen days.48-3

The Cakchiquel Language.

The Cakchiquel tongue was reduced to writing by the Spanish missionaries, and therefore, in this work, as in all the MSS, the following letters are used with their Spanish values,—a, b, c, ch, ç, e, i, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, t, y.

The following are not employed:—

d, f, g, j, s, ñ, z.

The following are introduced, but with sounds differing from the Spanish:—

h. This is always a decided rough breathing or forcible[49] expiration, like the Spanish j, or the strong English h; except when it follows c or c, when it is pronounced as in the Spanish, cha, che, etc.

k. This has never the sound of c, but is a rough palatal, the mouth being opened, and the tongue placed midway, between the upper and lower walls of the oral cavity, while the sound is forcibly expelled.

v. This letter, whether as a consonant (v) or a vowel (u), is pronounced separately, except when it is doubled, as in vuh (uuh), book or paper, when the double vowel is very closely akin to the English w.

x. In Cakchiquel and its associated dialects, this letter represents the sound of sh in the English words she, shove, etc.

Besides the above, there are five sounds occurring in the Cakchiquel, Quiche and Tzutuhil, for which five special characters were invented, or rather adopted, by the early missionary Francisco de la Parra, who died in Guatemala, in 1560. They are the following:—

dz  dzh  c  q  tz

The origin and phonetic value of these, as given by the grammarian Torresano, are as follows:49-1

q This is called the tresillo, from its shape, it being an old form of the figure three, reversed, thus, reversed 3. It is the only true guttural in the language, being pronounced forcibly from the throat, with a trilling sound (castañeteando).

c From its shape this is called the cuatrillo, Parra having[50] adopted for it an old form of the figure 4. It is a trilled palatal, between a hard c and k.

dz The name applied to this is, the cuatrillo con coma, or the 4 with a comma. It is pronounced somewhat like the c with the cedilla, ç, only more quickly and with greater force—ds or dz.

tz This resembles the “4 with a comma,” but is described as softer, the tongue being brought into contact with the teeth, exactly as tz in German.

dzh A compound sound produced by combining the cuatrillo with a forcible aspirate, is represented by this sign.

Naturally, no description in words can convey a correct notion of these sounds. To learn them, one must hear them spoken by those to the manner-born.

Dr. Otto Stoll, who recently made a careful study of the Cakchiquel when in Guatemala, says of Parra’s characters:—

“The four new signs added to the European alphabet, by some of the old writers on Cakchiquel (Parra, Flores), viz: q, c, dz, ch, are but phonetic modifications of four corresponding signs of the common alphabet. So we get four pairs of sounds, namely:—

c and c;
k and q
ch and ch
tz and dz

forming two series of consonants, the former of which represents the common letters, and the latter their respective “cut letters,” which may be described as being pronounced with a shorter and more explosive sound than the corresponding[51] common letter, and separated by a short pause from the preceding or following vowel.”51-1

The late Dr. Berendt illustrated the phonetic value of such “cut” letters, by the example of two English words where the same letter terminates one word and begins the next, and each is clearly but rapidly pronounced, thus, the q is pronounced like two gutteral ks in “break kettle;” the c like the two cs in “magic candle,” etc.

There would appear to have been other “cut” letters in the old dialects of Cakchiquel, as in Guzman we find the pp and thth, as in the Maya, but later writers dropped them.

I may dispense with a discussion of the literature of the Cakchiquel language, having treated that subject so lately as last year, in the introduction to the Grammar of the Cakchiquel, which I then translated and edited for the American Philosophical Society. As will be seen by reference to that work, it is quite extensive, and much of it has been preserved. I have examined seven dictionaries of the tongue, all quite comprehensive; manuscript copies of all are in the United States. None of these, however, has been published; and we must look forward to the dictionary now preparing by Dr. Stoll, of Zurich, as probably the first to see the light.

The Maya race, in nearly all its branches, showed its intellectual superiority by the eagerness with which it turned to literary pursuits, as soon as some of its members had learned the alphabet. I have brought forward some striking testimony[52] to this in Yucatan,52-1 and there is even more in Central America. The old historians frequently refer to the histories of their own nations, written out by members of the Quiche, Cakchiquel, Pokomam and Tzendal tribes. Vasquez, Fuentes and Juarros quote them frequently, and with respect. They were composed in the aboriginal tongues, for the benefit of their fellow townsmen, and as they were never printed, most of them became lost, much to the regret of antiquaries.

Of those preserved, the Popol Vuh or National Book of the Quiches, and the Annals of the Cakchiquels, the latter published for the first time in this volume, are the most important known.

The former, the “Sacred Book” of the Quiches, a document of the highest merits, and which will certainly increase in importance as it is studied, was printed at Paris in 1861, with a translation into French by the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg). He made use only of the types of the Latin alphabet; and both in this respect and in the fidelity of his translation, he has left much to be desired in the presentation of the work.

The recent publication of the Grammar also relieves me from the necessity of saying much about the structure of the Cakchiquel language. Those who wish to acquaint themselves with it, and follow the translation given in this volume by comparing the original text, will need to procure all the information contained in the Grammar. It will be sufficient to say here that the tongue is one built up with admirable regularity on radicals of one or two syllables. The perfection and logical sequence of its verbal forms have excited the[53] wonder and applause of some of the most eminent linguists, and are considered by them to testify to remarkable native powers of mind.53-1

The Annals of Xahila.

The MS. from which I print the Annals of the Cakchiquels, is a folio of 48 leaves, closely written on both sides in a very clear and regular hand, with indigo ink. It is incomplete, the last page closing in the middle of a sentence.

What is known of the history of this manuscript, is told us by Don Juan Gavarrete, who, for many years, was almost the only native of Guatemala interested in the early history of his country. He tells us in his introduction to his translation of it, soon to be mentioned, that in 1844 he was commissioned to arrange the archives of the Convent of San Francisco of Guatemala, by order of the Archbishop Don Francisco Garcia Pelaez. Among the MSS. of the archives he found these sheets, written entirely in Cakchiquel, except a few marginal glosses in Spanish, in a later hand, and in ordinary ink. The document was submitted to several persons acquainted with the Cakchiquel language, who gave[54] a general statement of its contents, but not a literal and complete translation.54-1

When, in 1855, the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg) visited Guatemala, Señor Gavarrete showed him this MS., and the Abbé borrowed it for the purpose of making a full version, doubtless availing himself of the partial translations previously furnished. His version completed, he left a copy of it with Señor Gavarrete, and brought the original with him to Europe.54-2 It remained in his possession until his death at Nice, when, along with the rest of the Abbé’s library, it passed into the hands of M. Alphonse Pinart. This eminent ethnologist learning my desire to include it in the present series of publications, was obliging enough to offer me the opportunity of studying it.

Previous to its discovery in Guatemala, in 1844, we have no record of it whatsoever, and must turn to the document itself for information.

The title given it by Brasseur, and adopted by Gavarrete, Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan, was purely factitious, and, moreover, is misleading. It was, indeed, written at the town of Tzolola or Atitlan, on the lake of that name, the chief city of[55] the Tzutuhils; but its authors were Cakchiquels; its chief theme is the history of their tribe, and it is only by the accident of their removal to Atitlan, years after the Conquest, that its composition occurred there. I have, therefore, adopted for it, or at least that portion of it which I print, the much more appropriate name, The Annals of the Cakchiquels.

I say “for that portion of it,” because I print but 48 out of the 96 pages of the original. These contain, however, all that is of general interest; all that pertains to the ancient history of the nation. The remainder is made up of an uninteresting record of village and family incidents, and of a catalogue of births, baptisms and marriages. The beginning of the text as printed in this volume, starts abruptly in the MS. after seventeen pages of such trivialities, and has no separate title or heading.

The caption of the first page of the MS. explains the purpose of this miscellaneous collection of family documents. That caption is


Vae memoria chire chaoh.

The word memoria is the Spanish for a record, memoir or brief, and the Cakchiquel chaoh, originally contention, revolt, was, after the Conquest, the technical term for a legal process or lawsuit. These papers, therefore, form part of the record in one of those interminable legal cases in which the[56] Spanish law delighted. The plaintiffs in the case seem to have been the Xahila family, who brought the action to recover some of their ancient possessions or privileges, as one of the two ruling families of the Cakchiquel nation; and in order to establish this point, they filed in their plea the full history of their tribe and genealogy of their family, so far as was known to them by tradition or written record. It belongs to the class of legal instruments, called in Spanish law Titulos, family titles. A number of such, setting forth the descent and rights of the native princes in Central America, are in existence, as the Titulo de Totonicapan, etc.

The date of the present rescript is not accurately fixed. As it includes the years 1619-20, it must have been later than those dates. From the character of the paper and writing, I should place it somewhere between 1620 and 1650.

In his Advertencia to his translation of it, Señor Gavarrete asserts that the document is in the handwriting of one of the native authors. This is not my opinion. It is in the small, regular, perfectly legible hand of a professional scribe, a notarial clerk, no doubt, thoroughly at home in the Cakchiquel language, and trained in the phonetic characters, introduced with such success by Father Parra, as I have already mentioned. The centre lines and catch-words are in large, clear letters, so as to attract the eye of the barrister, as

Vae memoria chire vinak chij.


Vae memoria qanavinakil.

[57]The document is made up of the depositions and statements of a number of members of the Xahila family, but that around which the chief interest centres, and that which alone is printed in this volume, is the history of his nation as written out by one of them who had already reached adult years, at the epoch of the first arrival of the Spaniards, in 1524. Unfortunately, his simple-hearted modesty led him to make few personal allusions, and we can glean little information about his own history. The writer first names himself, in the year 1582, where he speaks of “me, Francisco Ernantez Arana.”57-1 The greater part of the manuscript, however, was composed many years before this. Its author says that his grandfather, the king Hun Yg, and his father, Balam, both died in 1521, and his own marriage took place in 1522. As it was the custom of his nation to marry young, he was probably, at the time, not over 15 years of age.57-2

That Francisco Ernantez was not the author of the first part of the document seems evident. Under the year 1560 occurs the following entry:—

“Twenty days before the Feast of the Nativity my mother died; soon after, my late father was carried off (xchaptah) while they were burying my mother; my father took medicine but once before we buried him. The pest continued to rage for seven days after Easter; my mother, my father, my brother and my sister died this year.[58]

It could not, of course, be the son of Balam, who died in 1521, who wrote this.

Under 1563 the writer mentions:—

“At this time my second son Raphael was born, at the close of the fourth year of the fourth cycle after the revolt.”

The last entry which contains the characteristic words ixnucahol, “you my children,” occurs in the year 1559, and is the last given in my translation. My belief is that the document I give was written by the father of Francisco Ernantez Xahila. The latter continued it from 1560 to 1583, when it was taken up by Francisco Diaz, and later by other members of the Xahila family.

The Abbé Brasseur was of the opinion that these Annals carry the record of the nation back to the beginning of the eleventh century, at least. A close examination of the account shows that this is not the case. Gagavitz, the earliest ruler of the nation, can easily be traced as the ancestor in the eighth remove, of the author. The genealogy is as follows:—

1. Gagavitz, “he who came from Tulan.”

2. His son, Cay Noh, who succeeded him.

3. Citan Qatu, son of Cay Noh, who also ruled.

4. His son, Citan Tihax Cablah, who does not seem to have enjoyed the leadership. It was regained by

5. His son, Vukubatz, by the aid of the Quiche king, Quikab.

6. Oxlahuh Tzii, eldest son of Vukubatz, died A. D., 1509.

7. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hun Yg, who died, together[59] with his eldest son Balam, the father of the author, in the year 1521.

Allowing to these seven who outlived their parents an average survival of twenty years, we are carried back to about the year 1380, as that on which the migration, headed by Gagavitz, began its wanderings, little more, therefore, than the length of two lives as protracted as that of the author himself. This result is that generally obtained by a careful scrutiny of American traditions. They very rarely are so far-reaching as has usually been supposed. Anything spoken of as more than three or four generations distant, may safely be assumed as belonging to myth, and not to history.

It was the expressed intention of the Abbé Brasseur to edit the original text with his translation, but this he did not live to accomplish. He incorporated numerous extracts from it in his Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amerique Centrale, and added a few paragraphs in the original at the end of the first volume of that work; but these did not give much idea of the document as a whole.

When, with the aid of the previous partial translations and the assistance of some intelligent natives, he had completed a version into French, of that portion composed by the first two writers he gave a copy of it to Don Juan Gavarrete. This antiquary translated it into Spanish, and published it serially, in the Boletin de la Sociedad Economica de Guatemala, beginning with No. 29, September, 1873, and continuing to No. 43. Copies of this publication are, however, so scarce that I have been unable to learn of a complete file, even in Guatemala. The dissolution of the Sociedad Economica by order of the late President Barrios, scattered the copies in its own archives.[60]

Synopsis of the Annals of Xahila.

The work opens with a statement that the writer intends to record the ancient traditions of his tribe, as handed down from their early heroes, Gagavitz and Zactecauh. He begins with a brief genealogical table of the four sub-tribes of the Cakchiquels (Secs. 1-3), and then relates their notions of the creation of man at one of the mythical cities of Tulan, in the distant west (4, 5). Having been subjected to onerous burdens in Tulan, they determine to leave it, and are advised to go by their oracles (6-14).

They cross the sea, proceeding toward the east, and arrive at a land inhabited by the Nonoualcats, an Aztec people (15-17). Their first action is formally to choose Gagavitz and Zactecauh as their joint rulers (18-19), and under their leadership they proceed to attack the Nonoualcats. After a severe conflict the Cakchiquels are defeated, and are obliged to seek safety in further wanderings. At length they reach localities in Guatemala (20). At this point an episode is introduced of their encounter with the spirit of the forests, Zakiqoxol (21, 22).

They meet with various nations, some speaking a totally different language; others, as the Mams and Pokomams, dialects of their own. With the last mentioned they have serious conflicts (23-29). During one of their journeys, Zactecauh is killed by falling down a ravine (30). An episode here relates the traditional origin of one of their festivals, that in honor of Gagxanul, “the uncoverer of the fire” (31, 32).

Their first arrival at Lake Atitlan is noted (33), and the war that they waged with the Ikomags (34). Here an episode[61] describes the traditional origin of the festival of Tolgom (35-37). A peaceful division of the lake with the Tzutuhils is effected, and marriages take place between the tribes (38).

The Cakchiquels, Quiches and Akahals now settle permanently in their towns, and develop their civilization (39, 40). They meet with numerous hardships, as well as internal dissensions, the chief Baqahol at one time obtaining the leadership. They succeed in establishing, however, family life and a fixed religious worship, though in almost constant war with their neighbors (41-46).

Gagavitz, “he who came from Tulan,” dies, and is followed by Cay Noh and Cay Batz (47). These acknowledge the supremacy of Tepeuh, the king of the Quiches, and are sent out by him to collect tribute from the various tribes. They are seduced and robbed by the Tzutuhils, and conceal themselves in a cave, out of fear of Tepeuh. He forgives them, however, and they continue in power until their death (49-59).

After this, a period of strife follows, and the names of four successive rulers are mentioned, but none of the occurrences of their reigns (60-66).

The narrative is resumed when Qikab, king of the Quiches, orders the Cakchiquels to settle at the town of Chiavar. He appoints, as their rulers, the warriors Huntoh and Vukubatz. A revolt agains Qikab, headed by his two sons, results in his defeat and death (67-81). During this revolt, a contest between the Cakchiquels takes place, the close of which finds the latter established in their final stronghold, the famous fortress of “Iximche on the Ratzamut” (82-85).

At the death of Huntoh and Vukubatz, they are succeeded[62] by Lahuh Ah and Oxlahuh Tzii, who carry on various wars, and especially defeat the Quiches in a general engagement, which is vividly described (86-93). They also conquer the Akahals, killing their king Ichal, and the Tzutuhils, with their king Caoke (94-98).

During their reign, a sanguinary insurrection occurred in Iximche, of such importance that the author adopts its date as the era from which to reckon all subsequent events (99-104). This date corresponded to the year 1496, A. D.(?)

The following years are marked by a series of unimportant wars, the outbreak of a destructive pestilence, and finally, in 1524, twenty-eight years after the Insurrection, by the arrival of the Spanish forces under Alvarado (105-144).

The later pages are taken up with an account of the struggles between the natives and the whites, until the latter had finally established their supremacy.

Remarks on the Printed Text.

In printing the MS. of Xahila, I have encountered certain difficulties which have been only partially surmounted. As the Cakchiquel, though a written, is not a printed tongue, there has no rule been established as to the separation of verbs and their pronominal subjects, of nouns and their possessive pronouns, of the elements of compound particles, of tense and mode signs, etc. In the MSS. the utmost laxity prevails in these respects, and they seem not to have been settled points in the orthography of the tongue. The frequent elisions and euphonic alterations observable in these compounds, prove that to the native mind they bore the value of a single word, as we are aware they did from a study of the structure of this[63] class of languages. I have, therefore, felt myself free to exercise in the printed page nearly the same freedom which I find in the MS. At first, this will prove somewhat puzzling to the student of the original, but in a little while he will come to recognize the radical from its augment without difficulty.

Another trouble has been the punctuation. In the original this consists principally of dashes and commas, often quite capriciously distributed. Here also, I have been lax in reducing the text to the requirements of modern standards, and have left much latitude to the reader to arrange it for himself.

Capital letters are not often used in the original to distinguish proper names, and as the text has been set up from a close copy of the first text, some irregularities in this respect also must be anticipated.

The paragraphs numbered in the text are distinctly marked in the original, but are not numbered there. The numerals have been added for convenience of reference.

10-1 Dr. Otto Stoll, Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala, p. 157 (Zurich, 1884), on the phonetic laws which have controlled the divergence of the two tongues, Cakchiquel and Maya. See the same writer in his “Supplementary Remarks on a Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language,” translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, for 1885.

10-2 Recordacion Florida, Discurso Historial, Natural, Material, Militar y Politico del Reino de Goathemala. Lib. II, Chap. I.

10-3 Myths of the New World, p. 181; American Hero-Myths, pp. 44, 73, 80, 162, etc.

11-1 “Cuatro generosos mancebos, nobles hermanos,” says Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, Lib. I, Cap. II. The story of the four brothers who settled Guatemala is repeated by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, Lib. XI, Cap. XVII, and other writers.

11-2 The Maya Chronicles, 109-122 (Library of Aboriginal American Literature, Vol. I). For the evidence of the wholly mythical character of the Toltecs, and of their “King,” Quetzalcoatl, see my American Hero-Myths, Chapter III. (Philadelphia, 1882).

Sanchez y Leon, quoting apparently some ancient Cakchiquel refrain, gives as the former name of their royal race, ru tzutuh Tulan, the Flower of Tulan, which wondrous city he would place in Western Asia. Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 2.

12-1 Herrera observes of the natives of Guatemala, that the Nahuatl tongue was understood among them, though not in use between themselves. “Corre entre ellos la lengua Mexicana, aunque la tienen particular.” Historia de las Indias Occidentales, Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, Cap. VIII.

12-2 I have in my possession the only grammar of this dialect probably ever written: Arte de la Lengua Vulgar Mexicana de Guatemala, MS., in a handwriting of the eighteenth century, without name of author.

13-1 The four names are given in this form in the Requête de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d’ Atitlan à Philippe II, 1571, in Ternaux-Compans, Recueil des Pièces relatives a la Conquête du Mexique, p. 419. The spelling of the last is there Tecocitlan. For their analysis, see Prof. Baschmann, Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, p. 719.

14-1 “Si bien se advierte, todo cuanto hacian y decian, era en orden al maiz, que poco faltó para tenerlo por Dios, y era, y es, tanto el encanto y embelezo que tienen con las milpas que por ellas olvidan hijos y muger y otro cualquiera deleite, como si fuera la milpa su ultimo fin y bienaventuranza.” Chronica de la S. Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guattemala, Cap. VII. MS. of the seventeenth century, generally known as the Cronica Franciscana.

14-2 See Francisco Ximenez, Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de Guatemala, p. 191. (Ed. Scherzer, London and Vienna, 1857).

14-3 Their first conqueror, the truculent Captain Pedro de Alvarado, speaks of the muy grandes tierras de panes, the immense corn fields he saw on all sides. Relacion hecha per Pedro de Alvarado á Hernando Cortéz, in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, Tom. XXII, p. 459.

15-1 “Hay mucho algodon, é son las mugeres buenas hilanderas é haçen gentiles telas dello.” Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV. “De la fertilidad de la tierra é gobernacion de Guatimala.”

15-2 “Son muy dados á edificar, y en lo que hoy vemos erigido de los antiguos, reconocemos ser máquinas soberbias.” Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, Lib. II, Cap. I.

15-3 “Esta ciudad es bien obrada y fuerte á maravilla.” Relacion de Pedro de Alvarado, in Bib. de Autores Españoles, Tom. XXII, p. 459. So Herrera wrote from his authorities: “En Utlatan (i. e., the city of Gumarcaah, capital of the Quiches), havia muchos, i mui grandes templos de sus dioses, de maravillosos edificios.” Historia de las Indias Occidentales, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XIX.

16-1 The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America, by D. G. Brinton, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, and separately.

16-2 “En la Provincia de Utlatan, junto á Guatemala, se averiguò por las Pinturas, que los Naturales tenian de sus antiguedades, demas de ochocientos años, etc.” Herrera, Historia de las Indias Occidentales, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XVIII.

17-1 “Son amigos de hacer colloquios y decir coplas en sus bailes.” Thomas Coto, Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel. MS. sub voce, Poesia.

17-2 “Son flecheros y no tienen hierba.” Oviedo, Historia General de Indias, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV.

18-1 This word is doubtful, as I do not find it in the dictionaries, and judge of its meaning from its derivation and context. See the Vocabulary. Sanchez y Leon speaks of the “very long lances pointed with flint,” used by these people. Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 27.

19-1 The statement of Gavarrete, in his notes to Sanchez y Leon, Historia de Guatemala, p. 3, that the Xahils and Zotzils were two branches of the ruling family, the one residing at Iximche, the other at Solola, rests on a misapprehension, as will be seen from the Annals published in this volume.

20-1 It is interesting in this connection to observe how widespread was the symbolic significance of the canopy, or sun shade, as a mark of dignity. The student of Shakspeare will recall the lines in his 125th sonnet—

“Were it aught to me I bore the canopy,
With my extern the outward honouring;”

while the ethnologist may consult Richard Andree’s suggestive essay, Der Schirm als Würdezeichen, in his Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, p. 250 (Stuttgart, 1878).

21-1 Alvarado writes “La tierra es muy poblada de pueblos muy recios.” Relacion, etc., ubi suprá, p. 459. The following extract is quoted from Las Casas, Historia Apologetica, MS., by Mr. Squier, in his notes to Palacio:—

“En el Reyno de Guatemala, en la parte que va por la Sierra, estaban ciudades de caba muy grandes, con maravillosos edificios de cal y canto, de los cuales yo vi muchos; y otros pueblos sin numero de aquellas sierras.”

Sanchez y Leon states that there were, in all, thirty independent native states in the former confines of Guatemala. Historia de Guatemala, p. 1.

22-1 On the derivation of Guatemala, see Buschmann, Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, p. 719. That this is probably a translation of the Cakchiquel Molomic chee, which has the same meaning, and is a place-name mentioned in the Annals, I shall show on a later page.

22-2 See the Otra Relacion hecha por Pedro de Albarado à Hernando Cortes, printed in the Bibliotheca de Autores Españoles, Tom. XXII, p. 460.

23-1 Bernal Diaz, Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva España, Cap. CXCIII.

23-2 Historia de Guatemala, ô Recordacion Florida, Lib. XV, Cap. V. The Recordacion was first printed at Madrid, 1882-83, edited by Don Justo Zaragoza, as one of the numbers of the Biblioteca de los Americanistas.

27-1 Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan, Vol. II, Chap. IX. I am inclined to believe that the original stone, evidently supposed to be of great value, had been stolen, and this piece of slate substituted. It was sewed up in a bag, which makes the supposition probable, as it offered facility to conceal the theft.

28-1 They are referred to by the Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, in these words: “Los planos y vistas tomadas por el comisionado y el informe que las acompaña, muestran vestijios de adoratorios, fortificaciones y trazas de edificios, calles y plazas ajustadas à dimensiones y con elecion de materias en su estructura.”—Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala. Por Don Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez, Tom. I, p. 15, (Guatemala, 1851).

28-2 The names applied to these intercalary days are analyzed differently by various authorities. For the etymology given of nemontemi, I have followed M. Remi Simeon, in his notes to Dr. Jourdanet’s translation of Sahagun’s Historia de Nueva España; the Cakchiquel tzapi is undoubtedly from tzap, fault, evil, crime.

31-1 May is allied to the verb meho, to go somewhere and return again. Hence may came to mean a cycle of years, months or days.

31-2 Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 28.

32-1Chinamitl, seto o cerca de cañas,” from chinantia, to build a fence, to enclose.—Molina, Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana.

32-2 Torresano, in his Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS., gives this word as ca, which indicates its probable derivation from the verb cae, to join together, to unite, “those united by a common tie.”

32-3 Coto, Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS., sub voce, Cuñado.

32-4 Coto, u. s., s. v. Alguaçil. The word dzalam is now applied to the canvas or tablets on which are painted the saints in the churches. It also means a box or chest.—Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon.

32-5 See Brasseur, Hist. du Mexique et l’ Am. Cent., Tom. II, pp. 489-90.

33-1 “Tienen tambien renombres de sus chinamitales ò parcialidades que tambien son de signos vel nombres señalados, como Xahila, etc.”—Coto, Vocabulario, MS., s. v. Renombre.

34-1 Hist. du Mexique, Tom. II, p. 84.

34-2 Their names are given in the Titulos de la Casa de Ixcuin Nehaib, p. 3. They are called “pueblos principales, cabezas de calpules.” The Nahuatl word, calpulli, here used, meant the kinsfolk actual and adopted, settled together. They were the gentes of the tribe. See Ad. F. Bandelièr, On the Social Organization and Mode of Government of the Ancient Mexicans, for a full explanation of their nature and powers.

34-3 The Lenâpé and their Legends, p. 139.

37-1 Father Coto, in his MS., Vocabulario Cakchiquel, gives the rendering “mandadero,” and states that one was elected each year by the principals of each chinamitl, to convey messages. He adds: “Usan mucho de este nombre en el Pueblo Atitlan.”

37-2 Compare my edition of the Cakchiquel Grammar, p. 58. Brasseur translates this title erroneously, “decorated with a bracelet.”—Hist. des Nations Civilisées, etc., Tome. II, p. 515.

37-3 “El retorico, platico.” Pantaleon de Guzman gives the fuller form, naol ah uchan, which means “he who knows, the master of speech.”—Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel, MS.

37-4 Usually written by ellipsis, atzih vinak. Brasseur translates it “distributor of presents,” but it appears to be from tzih, word, speech. The vocabularies are, as usual, very unsatisfactory. “Atzijh vinak, Principal deste nombre.”—Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon.

38-1 Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon, MS., sub voce.

38-2 Requète de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d’Atitlan à Philippe II, in Ternaux-Compans, Recueil de Pièces relatives à la Conquête du Mexique, p. 418.

38-3 Not “of the bird’s nest,” “ceux du nid de l’oiseau,” as Brasseur translates it (Hist. du Mexique, Tome. II, p. 89), nor “casa de la águila,” house of the eagle, as it is rendered by Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, Tom. I, p. 21. dziquin is the generic term for bird.

39-1 The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America, in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1881.

40-1 “Chamalcan u bi qui gabauil Cakchequeleb, xa Zotz u vachibal.”—Popol Vuh, p. 224.

40-2 Hist. des Nations Civ. du Mexique, Tom. II, p. 173.

40-3 “El quinto Cam, esto es; amarillo, pero su significado es culebra.”—Ximenez, Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 215. There are two errors in this extract. The name is not Cam, but Can, and it does not mean yellow, which is qan.

41-1 I have suggested an explanation of this strange term to apply to the highest and most beneficent of their divinities, in a short article in the American Antiquarian, 1885, “The Chief God of the Algonkins in his Character as a Cheat and a Liar.”

42-1 Pantaleon de Guzman, Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel, MS. On the rôle of the Tzitzimime in Aztec mythology see my American Hero-Myths, p. 78.

42-2 “Al duende que anda en los montes llaman ru vinakil chee vel çakicoxol.”—Coto, Vocabulario, MS., s. v. Monte. Zak, white; cox, to make fire. Brasseur’s translation, “Le blanc abime de feu,” is indefensible.

42-3 See a paper entitled “The Folk Lore of Yucatan,” contributed by me to the Folk-Lore Journal, Vol. I, 1883.

43-1 For an interesting note on the zaztun, see Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan, p. XXIV (folio, Merida, 1865).

43-2 For the derivation of Xibalbay, and for the myths referred to in the text, see my article, before referred to, The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, pp. 27, 28.

44-1 The Maya Chronicles, pp. 110, 111. Vol. I of the Library of Aboriginal American Literature.

45-1 Brasseur, Juarros, Fuentes y Guzman, etc.

45-2 Thomas Coto, Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS., 1651. Sub voce, Sacrificar hombres, quoting Varea.

45-3 “Sacandole el corazon y asperjando, con la sangre de la victima á los cuatro vientos cardinales.”—Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 26.

46-1 The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, pp. 21, 22.

47-1Labah, agorar y guerrear, porque agoraban si la hacian ô no.”—Ximenez, Vocabulario de las Tres Lenguas, sub voce.

47-2 These particulars are from the work of Jose Sanchez y Leon, Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, pp. 26, 27.

48-1 Recordacion Florida, Lib. IX, Cap. VII.

48-2 Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS. (1651).

48-3 Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 27.

49-1 Fr. Estevan Torresano, Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS., in my possession.

51-1 Supplementary Remarks to the Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language, edited by D. G. Brinton.—Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1885.

52-1 See The Maya Chronicles, p. 67, and note.

53-1 “Die bewundernswürdige Feinheit und consequente Logik in der Ausbildung des Maya Zeitwortes setzt eine Kultur voraus, die sicherlich weit ueber die Zeiträume hinaus zurückreicht, welche man bis jetzt geneight war, der Amerikanischen Civilization zuzuschreiben.”—Otto Stoll, Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala, s. 148 (Zurich, 1884). Compare the remarks of Wilhelm von Humboldt on the Maya conjugation, in his essay on the American verb, as published in my Philosophic Grammar of the American Languages, as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt, pp. 35-39 (Philada., 1885).

54-1 Gavarrete’s words are, “Pasó por manos de muchos personas versadas en los idiomas indigenos sin que pudiese obtenerse una traduccion integra y exacta de su testo, habiendo sido bastante, sin embargo, lo que de su sentido pudo percibirse, para venir en conocimiento de su grande importancia historica.”—Boletin de la Sociedad Economica.

54-2 The Abbé says that Gavarrete gave him the original (Bibliothêque Mexico-Guatemalienne, p. 14). But that gentleman does not take to himself credit for such liberality. He writes “El testo original quedó sin embargo en su poder,” etc. Ubi suprá.

57-1 As the slight aspirate, the Spanish h, does not exist in the Cakchiquel alphabet, nor yet the letter d,the baptismal name “Hernandez,” takes the form “Ernantez.”

57-2 “Se casan muy niños,” says Sanchez y Leon, speaking of the natives.—Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala, p. 24.








[66]Cross [67]Cross
Ka tata ka mama, heri xeboço vinak oher mahaniok ti laqabex vae huyu taqah; ca ruyon ok umul dziquin coh, que cha, ha ok ki xquilaqabeh huyu taqah he ca ka tata ka mama, yx nucahol, pa Tulan.
1. Here I am going to write a few of the sayings of our earliest fathers and ancestors, those who begot men of old, before the hills and plains here were inhabited; then only rabbits and birds were here, they say, when they took possession of the hills and plains, they, our fathers and ancestors from Tulan, oh my children.
2. Xtinudzibah ca quitzih ri ki he nabey ka tata ka mama qaqavitz rubi, Çactecauh ru bi hunchic, he coh quitzih que cha ca chaka palouh xoh pevi, pa Tulan ru bi huyu, xoh alax xoh caholax vi pe ruma ka tee, ka tata, yxkacahol, quecha ri oher tata mama, qaqavitz, Çactecauh qui bi, ri ki xepe pa Tulan he cay chi achij heri xoh boço, oh Xahila. 2. And I shall write the sayings of our earliest fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz the name of one, Zactecauh the name of the other; and these are the sayings they spake as we came from the other side of the sea, from the land of Tulan, where we were brought forth and begotten by our mothers and our fathers, oh my children, as said of old the fathers, the ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh by name, the two heroes who came from Tulan and begot us, the Xahila.
3. Vaca quibi ru hay ru chinamitee qekacuch, Bacahola, Cibakihay. 1. catun chutiah qui bi xeboço Bacahola. 1. Tzanat ququchom quibi xeboço qekacuchij; Daqui ahauh chahom ahauh xeboço Cibakihayi, xaoh cahi chi chinamit ok xohpe pa Tulan, ri oh Cakchiquel vinak, yxkacahol, quecha.​—​ca xcamar ca vave ri Caveki Totomay Xurcah qui bi xeboço.​—​Xavi ca xcamar vave ri Ahquehayi, Loch, Xet, quibi, xeboço;​—​xavi ca xcam ri ahPak, Telom, coxahil, cobakil quibi xeboço; quere navipe ri Ikomaqi, xavi ca xcamar; heca cah chob ri ca xecamar vave he amaq. 3. These are the names of the houses and clans of Gekaquch, Bagahola and Cibakihay. 1. Qatun and Qhutiah by name, begat Bagahola. 2. Tzanat and Guguchom by name, begat those of Gekaquch. 3. The chief Daqui and the chief Ghahom begat those of Cibakihay. Thus we were four clans when we came from Tulan, we, the Cakchiquel people, as we are told, oh my children. Those of Cavek, Totomay and Xurcah by name, also married and begat; also those of Quehay, Loch and Xet by name, married and begat; those of Pak, Telom, Qoxahil and Qobakil by name, also married and begat; and also those of Ykomag married; and these four divisions which thus married are the tribes so-called.
[68]4. He ca coh quitzih ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh xe re caki ru xe quitzih vae quecha cari qaqavitz Çactecauh: Cahi xpe vi vinak pa Tulan; chi relebal qih, hun Tullan: hun chi ca chi Xibalbay, hun ca chu kahibal qih chi ri ca xoh pevi chukahibal qih, hun chi vi ca chi cabovil. Quereca cahi vi Tullan ri yxkacahol, quecha; chu kahibal ca qih xoh pa vi Tullan, chaca palouh; caco viri Tullan chirica xohalax vi ul xoh caholax vipe ruma ruma ka tee ka tata quecha. [69]4. These are the sayings of Gagavitz and Zactecauh, and these are the very words which Gagavitz and Zactecauh spoke: “Four men came from Tulan; at the sunrise is one Tullan, and one is at Xibalbay, and one is at the sunset; and we came from this one at the sunset; and one is where is God. Therefore there are four Tulans, they say, oh our sons; from the sunsetting we came, from Tullan, from beyond the sea; and it was at Tullan that arriving we were brought forth, coming we were produced, by our mothers and our fathers, as they say.
5. Tan ca talax ri chay abah, ruma raxa Xibalbay qana Xibalbay, tancati dzak vinak ruma dzakol bitol; tzukul richin ri chay abah ok xdzak ri vinak pan pokon ca xutzin vinak, xtiho chee, xtiho ca xaki ruyon uleuh xrah oc; mani ca xchao, mani xbiyin, mani ca ru quiquel ru tiohil xux, quecha e nabey ka tata ka mama, yxnucahol; mani ca xcanay rixoc, carunah ca xcanay rixoc: xae chay chi chicop etamayon co vi ri echa pam Paxil ru bi huyu covi hari chicop Utiuh, Koch qui bi. Xaca pa rachak xcanay vi, tok xcamiçax ca ri chicop utiuh xpochel chupam ri yxim tan ca tibe canox yoqbal richin ruma chicop tiuh tiuh rubi, ca chupam palouh xpe vi ruma tiuh tiuh ru quiquel tixli cumatz xoc xyoqbex richin ri yxim: xdzakbex richin ru tiohil vinak ruma dzakol bitol ca ha ki etamayom ri dzakol bitol alom caholom he xe dzako vinak dzak que cha xutzin ca vinak dzak, oxlahuh achij, cahlahuh ca ixok xux; xcohe ruvi, cate ca ok xechao xebiyin, xcohe qui quiquel qui tiohil. Xeculucu xin ca he ca cay ri xhayil hun xux. Quereca xlaqo vi vinak ri quecha oher vinak, yxkacahol; xemealan xecaholan ca ri he nabey vinak. Quereca ru banic vinak rij, quere navipe rubanic chay abah ri[70] dzapal ca ruchi ri Tullan, xoh pe vi xahun chi çodz dzapibal ru chij ri Tullan xoh alax vi ul xoh caholax vipe, xya vipe ri kikan chi qekum chi aqa, yx kacahol; xecha can ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh, yxnucahol, xaca mani xquimeztah ru tzihoxic. He ciyaley chi e ka mama; coh quitzih oher takchibal ca quichin vae. 5. “And now is brought forth the Obsidian Stone by the precious Xibalbay, the glorious Xibalbay, and man is made by the Maker, the Creator; the Obsidian Stone was his sustainer, when man was made in misery, and when man was formed; he was fed with wood, he was fed with leaves; he wished only the earth; he could not speak, he could not walk; he had no blood, he had no flesh; so say our fathers, our ancestors, oh you my sons. Nothing was found to feed him; at length something was found to feed him. Two brutes knew that there was food in the place called Paxil, where these brutes were, the Coyote and the Crow by name. Even in the refuse of maize it was found, when the brute Coyote was killed as he was separating his maize, and was searching for bread to knead, (killed) by the brute Tiuh Tiuh by name; and the blood of the serpent and the tapir was brought from within the sea by means of Tiuh Tiuh, with which the maize was to be kneaded; the flesh of man was formed of it by the Maker, the Creator; and well did they, the Maker and the Creator, know him who was born, him who was begotten; they made man as he was made, they formed man as they made him, so they tell. There were thirteen men, fourteen women; they talked, they walked, they had blood, they had flesh. They married, and one had two wives. Therefore the race copulated, this race of old, as they tell, oh our sons. They brought forth daughters, they brought forth sons, those first men. Thus men were made, and thus the Obsidian Stone was made, for the enclosure of Tullan; thus we[71] came to where the Zotzils were at the gates of Tullan; arriving we were born, coming we were produced, coming we gave the tribute, in the darkness, in the night, oh our sons.” Thus spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh, oh my sons, and what they said has not been forgotten. They are our great ancestors; these are the words with which they encouraged us of old.
6. Tok xoh pixabax ca pe ruma ka tee ka tata oxlahu chob ca vukamaq oxlahu chob ca ahlabal ok xohpe pa Tullan chi qekum chi aqa ok xya pe ri kikan, tok xucam rikan vuk amaq ahlabal, xoh chole na chu xocou ca Tullan xcohe viri vuk amaq: chirikiqa ca Tullan xcohe viri xcholevi ahlabal. Nabey na xucam rikan vuk amaq, cate ca xucam chic rikan ahlabal. Xaca ruyon xit puak ququraxon cubul chactit rucin ca dzibanic cotonic, qui yanic xul, bix, chol qih, may qih, pek cacouh, xa ruyon qinomal xrikah pe pa Tullan aca ri ahlabal xa ruyon cha pocob xa çeteçic chee xa qiom ah rikan ok xpe pa Tulla. 6. Then we were ordered to come by our mothers and fathers, we the thirteen divisions and the seven tribes, the thirteen divisions of warriors; and we came to Tulan in the darkness and the night, and coming gave our tribute; they took tribute from the warriors of the seven tribes; they were drawn up in order on the left of Tulan where were the people of the seven tribes; on the right-hand of Tulan were arranged the warriors. First the tribute was taken from the seven tribes, next the tribute was taken from the warriors. But it was only jade and silver, and green feathers worked and sewed together, together with articles painted and articles sculptured, and for gifts, flutes, songs, astrological calendars and reckoning calendars, fine and common cacao; only such riches were paid in Tulan, and the only riches the warriors bore from Tulan were their bows, their bucklers and their rounded shields.
7. Tok xpixa ca ka tee ka tata xcha: ca ohix ca, yxnucahol, yxnumeal, ree yvikan ree ca y tzukuh yqohee; xucheex cari chay abah: ohix ca ti vi la y huyubal y taqahal ca chila ca chaka palouh coh vi y huyubal y taqahal, yxnucahol, ca chila ca tiça vi ruvach. Ree yvikan mixuyael, y qinomal y vahauarem, xeucheex ca ri oxlahu chob vukamaq, oxlahu chob ahlabal, ok xyape ri michbal quichin ri chee abah, xqui kahpe pa Tullan Xibalbay ca xyaope ri chee abah, chikichin que cha ri he nabey ka tata ka mama, ri qaqavitz Çactecauh: he ki xe ykan pe, he navipe ki co quitzih. 7. Then to our mothers and fathers it was commanded and said: “You, my sons, you, my daughters, these are your burdens which you shall sustain and maintain.” So spoke the Obsidian Stone. “There are your hills and plains; there, beyond the ocean, are your hills and plains, oh you my sons, there it is that you shall lift up your faces. These are the burdens which I shall give you, your riches, your majesty;” thus it was said to the thirteen divisions, the seven tribes, to the thirteen divisions of warriors, and then was given them the wood and stone which deceive; as they descended from Tulan and Xibalbay, were given to them the wood and stone (idols), as related those our first fathers and ancestors Gagavitz and Zactecauh. These, in truth, were their burdens, and these were their very words.
[72]8. Vuk amaq ca nabey xpeul pa Tullan, que cha, ca xambey xohpe oh ahlabal ru camom chi ca rikan ronohel vuk amaq ahlabal tok xhak ca ru chi Tullan. [73]8. They say that the seven tribes arrived first at Tulan, and we the warriors followed, having taken up the tributes of all the seven tribes when the gate of Tulan was opened.
9. Ha ca dzutuhile ri nabey vuk amaq ok xpe pa Tulan xeciz nape ri vuk amaq cateca ok xoh pe oh ahlabal, que cha.​—​Xcha ca pe ri ka tee ka tata, ok xoh pixabax pe: ohix ca, yx numeal, yx nucahol, xtinyael y qinomal yvahauarem, xtinyael y qaqal, y tepeval, yxmuh, yxcaqalibal; harumari xti vikah ree, çeteçic chee, qiomah chaa, pocob, cucum, çahcab. Vueta ca mixivikah xit, puak, quq raxom, vueta ca xtivikah dzibanic, cotonic, chol qih, may qih, xul, bix, bix yeqetah rumal, xavica yvichin ree mixrikah vuk amaq chila ti cam vi; yx quixi chi nan, yx quix çao ruvach; mani cahauarem mix nuyael, hacari xtivikah; kitzih nim ruqih; mani quix yeqetah vi; haca quix nimar vi, ree çeteçic chee qiomah, mani quix var, quix chacatah vi, yx numeal, yx nucahol, xtinyael yvahauarem, yx oxlahuh chi ahpopo tihunamah; ca ycha, ypocob, yvahauarem, y qaqal, ytepeval, y muh, y qalibal, ree ca y nabey ale; xucheex ri Qeche vinak ok xpeul oxlahu chob chi ahlabal pa Tullan. Ha ca nabey xpe Qeche vinak; xaca cholloh tacaxepeval rikan ceche vinak: ok xpeul rachbilam hetak ca ru hay ru chinamit ru qaramaq ri hutak chob chi ahlabal tok xpeul pa Tullan ok xciz ca pe ronohel. 9. The Tzutuhils were the first of the seven tribes who finished coming to Tulan, and then we the warriors came, as they say. Then it was said to our fathers and mothers, then we were commanded: “Oh, you, you my daughters, you my sons, I shall give you your riches, your majesty, I shall give you your distinction, your sovereignty, your canopy, your royal throne; because you have carried the rounded shield as your riches, the bow, the buckler, the feathers, the war paint. If you have paid as tribute jade, silver, feather stuffs, if you have paid articles painted, articles sculptured, astrological calendars, reckoning calendars, flute songs, songs hated of you because the seven tribes paid this tribute, yet you shall in turn take it, you shall receive more than others, you shall lift up your face. I shall not give you their sovereignty, of which you have borne the burden; truly their fortune is great; do not hate them; also do you be great, with wealth of rounded shields. Sleep not, sit not, my daughters, my sons, I will give you the power, to you the seven rulers, in equal shares, and your bows, your bucklers, your majesty, your power, your sovereignty, your canopy, your royal seat; these are your first treasures.” Thus it was spoken to the Quiche men, when the thirteen divisions of warriors arrived at Tulan. And first came the Quiche men; they acquitted themselves of their tribute in the first month; then arrived their companions one after another, by their families, their clans, their tribes, their divisions, in sequence, and the warriors, until the whole of them had finished arriving in Tulan.
10. Xpe Rabinale, xpe Çodzil vinak​—​xpe Tukuchee​—​xpe Tuhalahay​—​Vuchabahay​—​Ahchumilahay​—​xpe chic Lamaqi​—​Cumatz​—​xpe chic Akahal vinak.​—​Ah[74] Tucuru xquiz, yape ronohel ri. Tok xpe chi cari oxlahuh chi ahlabal ri oh Bacah Pokoh, Bacah Xahil: hun xnabeyah, hunca x xambeyah chikichin ri oh ru nabey Bacah, Bacah Pok ca nabey xpe, oh ca xambey xoh pe ri oh Bacah Xahil, que cha ri e ka tata, ka mama, yxkacahol. Xmier ok ca ti pe vuk amaq xmier ok ca ti tiquer rupetic ahlabal.​—​Tok xohpe ca oh Cakchequel vinak, kitzih vi chi xambey chic xoh peul pa Tullan, mani hunchic co can ok xoh pe, que cha ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh, xoh pixabax chi pe: He ree ahay a chinamit he, que ucheex cari qekacuch, Bacahol, Cibakihay. Ree ca yvahpop he, hun ahpop, hun ca ahpocamahay, chiquichin ree xeucheex ca ri qekacuch, Bacahol, Cibakihay. Yx ca quixalan, quixcaholan, quichin yxquixculu, yvahpop, xeucheex. Quereca he tee, he nam vi ri. Haca nabey, haca nabey xpe ri Cibakihay ok xpe cari Bacahol, xpe chi ca qekacuch nabey xepe chinamit. 10. Those of Rabinal came, the Zotzil men came, the Tukuchee came, the Tuhalahay, the Vuchabahay, the Ahqhumilahay, the Lamagi came, the Cumatz, the men[75] of Akahal came, the Tucuru ended it; and thus all are given. After that came thirteen warriors, we the Bacah Pokoh, and the Bacah Xahil; one of us went first, and one followed after; the first Bacah was Bacah Pok, who went first, and we followed after, we the Bacah Xahil, as was said by our first fathers, our ancestors, oh you our sons. Already the seven villages had come, and some time after began the coming of the warriors.—Then we came, we the Cakchiquel men. Truly, we were the last, as we arrived at Tulan, and there was not another remaining when we came, as said Gagavitz and Zactecauh; we were ordered to come thus: “These are your houses, these your clans;” they said to Gekaquch, Baqahol, and Cibakihay: “These are your head chiefs, even one head chief, and one official messenger;” thus they said to Gekaquch, Baqahol, and Cibakihay. “Bring forth daughters, bring forth sons, marry one another, ye rulers,” said they. Therefore those were mothers and ancestors. But the first, the first came the Cibakihay, then came the Baqahol, and then came the Gekaquch, the first clans.
11. cateca ok xoh pe oh ahpop tok xoh pixabax chica pe ruma katee ka tata: ohix ca, yxnumeal, yxnucahol, mixebe a hay a chinamit. Maqui xaquere xcat xambeyah, atchipil al; kitzih nim a qih tux re ca a tzuku hee xucheex pe ri chee abah Belehe Toh ru bi; ri abah Huntihax chi ca ru bi hunchic, huhunti vikah xoh ucheex pe, quecha. 11. Thus, therefore, came we, the rulers, and then we were ordered by our mothers and fathers: “Go, my daughters, go, my sons, your houses, your clans, have departed. Not thus shalt thou always follow, thou, the youngest son; truly, great shall be thy fortune, and thou shalt be maintained, as is said by the idols called, the one, Belehe Toh, the other Hun Tihax, to whom we say each pays tribute,” as is related.
12. Re ca ti voqueçah e cha, pocob, achcayupil, cucum, çahcab rach yaic caperi qavonon, qaçital, xoqol, qekal, hab, çuc, moyeuh, ok xoh pixabax pe ree: kitzih nim xtivikah; mani quix var vi, quix chacatah vi, mani quix yeqetah vi, yxnucahol, ha quix qaqar quix tepevar vi, hati cohe vi y vux la ree çeteçic chee qiomah, cha,[76] pocob. Vuetah mixi vikah ree xit, puak, ququraxom, bix yeqetah, ruma xavi ca y vichin tux, yxquix i chi nan, quix çao ru vach: ri xit, puak, ququraxom, dzibanic, cotonic, ronohel ri mix rikah vuk amaq, ca chila ca xtiçavi ru vach chi huyubal, ti vulaah ronohel, ti ça ca ru vach ri y cha, y pocob, hun nabeyal hunca chipilal chivichin, yx oxlahuh chi ahlabal, yxca oxlahuh chi ahaua, chi yx ahpop ti hunamah y cha y pocob mixnuyael. Cani ca tibe y ça ru vach ree y vikan y cha y pocob; cohun labal chila chi relebal qih, Çuyva rubi; chi ri ca tibe y tihavi y cha y pocob ree mixnuyael, vhix ca, yxnucahol; xohucheex cape okxoh pe pa Tullan, xmier ok ca tipe vuk amaq ahlabal; ok xohpe ul pa Tullan, kitzih ca ti xibin ok xoh pe kachpetic ca ri qavonon qaçital, çuc, moyeuh, xoqol, qekal, hab; ok xohpe ul pa Tullan. 12. Then they put on their bows, their shields, their lances, their feathers, and their paint, given (as a defence) against the bugs, the dirt, the boding owls, the blackness, the rain, the fogs, the clouds; then we were commanded: “Great shall be your burden; sleep not, sit not, be not cast down, you, my sons; you shall be rich, you shall be powerful; let your rounded shields be your riches, your bows, your bucklers. If you have given as tribute jade, silver, feather work, hated songs, on that account they[77] shall be given you; you shall receive more than others; you shall lift up your face; for jade, silver, painted articles, engraved articles, all the seven nations have paid as tribute; but there, in those hills you shall lift up your faces, there is a refuge for all of you, there you shall lift up your faces, your bows, your bucklers. One shall be your first chief, and one his junior, of you the thirteen warriors, you the thirteen princes, you the thirteen equal chiefs, to whom I shall give the bows and bucklers. Soon you shall lift up your face and have your burden, your bows and bucklers; there is war there toward the east, at the place called Zuyva; there you shall go, there is the place for your bucklers which I shall give you, you indeed, you my sons.” So it was spoken to us when we came to Tullan, before the warriors of the seven villages; and when we arrived at Tullan, truly our coming was terrifying, with our accompaniments against the bugs, the dirt, the clouds, the fogs, the mud, the darkness, the rain, when we entered Tulan.
13. Canica chiri xtiquer vipe ri labalinic; xoq pe hun chicop chahalcivan ru bi chu chi Tullan, ok xohelpe pa Tullan; quix cam, quix çach, yn ylab, xcha ri chicop chi kichin; mani ca xkoqueçah? Xax avoqebal vi ri tux, xoh cha can chire ri chicop, quecha. 13. And soon the divination began with them. A bird called “the guard of the ravine,” began to complain within the gate of Tulan, as we were going forth from Tulan. “You shall die, you shall be lost, I am your portent,” said this brute to us. “Do you not believe me? Truly your state shall be a sad one.” Thus spake to us this brute, as is related.
14. Ok xoq chi ca hun chicop Tucur ru bi chacal pe chuvi caka chee, xchao pe chi ri: Yn ylab; xcha: Mani at kalab, xacoh tavaho, xucheex can tucur. Xavi ca e coh qui çamahel ri xeyaope ri chee abah chikichin, quecha ka tata, ka mama oher. Ok xoq chi ca pe hun chicop chicah canixt ru bi, xavi cha chic: Yn ylab, quixcam; xoh cha chire ri chicop, mani tabijh xaat retal çaqih tux. Nabey cat oq oktel çaqih, haok titan a hab, catoq; xoh cha can chire. 14. Then another bird called “the owl,” seated on a red tree, complained and said thus: “I am your portent,” he said. “You are not our portent, although you would like to be,” we answered this owl. Such were the messengers who gave them their idols, said our fathers, our ancestors of old. Then another bird called the parroquet complained in the sky, and said: “I am your portent; ye shall die.” But we said to the brute, “Do not speak thus; you are but the sign of spring. You wail first when it is spring; when the rain ceases, you wail.” Thus we spoke to him.
[78]15. Ok xoh ul ca chu chi palouh. Xaca ecoh chi ri xaca e mulan conohel amaq ahlabal chi palouh; ok xekil xatak ciçinak quicux. Mani tan ti qui covibeh pe, mani tucheex ycovem pe chuvi palouh, xecha ca ri conohel ahlabal vuk amaq chikichin; chinak koh u cheen, chinak tikicovibeh, at kachaq, xa at chic at koyobem, xecha conohel. Xoh cha ca chique: Yx quixbe, chijl, yx kanabeyal; chinak tik icovibeh, oh an vae, konohel xoh cha, cateca xe cha chic conohel: ta hoyevah kavach, atkachaq, xa vipe koteqe vave chu chiya palouh, mahatikil ka huyubal ka taqahal. Xape cani xkovar, xko chacatah oh cay chial, oh ru vi oh ru holom oh runabey ahlabal vuk amaq, at nu chaq, vueta xko yco cani tikadzet ru vach kikan mix yape rumal ka tee ka tata, at nuchaq. Xcha cari. Xeboço cechevinak, chikichin quecha ri dza mama qaqavitz, Çactecauh; xoh cha ca chique: katiha na, yx ka nimal; maxa vi pe xkocohe xkoteqe vave chuchij palouh, maqui pe mahatikil ka huyubal coh ca tucheex xtidzet, yxahlabal, yx vuk amaq, xkahico vacami, xoh cha. Cani ca xe quicot conohel. [79]15. Then we arrived at the sea coast. There were gathered together the warriors of all the seven villages at the sea. A great number perished, devoured by sorrow. “There is no means of passing, nor is it told of any one who has passed the sea,” said all the warriors of the seven villages. “Who can, who will find means to pass the sea? In thee alone, my brother, in thee alone have we hope,” said they all. We said to them, “You may go on; you may be first. Who will find the means of crossing, while we are here?” All of us spoke thus, and then all of them said: “Have pity on us, our brother, since we are all stretched on the shore of the ocean without seeing our hills and plains. As soon as we were asleep, we were conquered, we the two oldest sons, we the chiefs and guides of the warriors of the seven villages, oh my brother. Would that we had passed, and could see the burdens given us by our mothers and fathers, oh my brother!” So they spoke. At that time the Quiche nation had increased. Our ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh, said: “We said to them, ‘we suffer also, our brother, we do not live stretched out on the shore of the ocean, where we cannot see our mountains where they are, as you say, oh you warriors, you people of the seven villages. We shall pass over at once. Thus we spoke; and soon all of them rejoiced.’”
16. Xaca hun chi caka chee ka chamey ok xoh pe xico kacamape chu chi Tullan, quereca ka binaam vi Cakchiquel vinak ri, yxkacahol, quecha can ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh. Xaca ru xe ka chamey xutoqbeh oc çanayi chupam palouh; canica xcok pi tah palouh ruma çanayi, haxi catzin viri cakachee xkacampe chu chii Tullan. Xa chuvi cholo chic çanayi xoh ico vipe; haok xqahar can ru xe palouh ru vi palouh. Cani ca xequicot conohel, ok xcidzet çanayi chupam palouh, cani ca xepixaban quij, ca chi la ko oyobem vi ki, chuvi nabey huyu, chiri komolo viki, xe cha, xavica xere ka cholanem ok xohpe pa Tullan. 16. Now there was a red tree, our staff, which we had taken in passing from the gate of Tulan, and therefore we are called the Cakchiquel people, oh our sons, said Gagavitz and Zactecauh. The root of this, our staff, was pushed into the sand of the sea, and soon the sea was separated from the sand, and for this the red tree served which we brought from Tulan. Soon the sand was as a line, and we passed out; it became wide above the sea and below the sea. Then all rejoiced, when they saw sand in the sea, and many counseled together. “There indeed is our hope, we must gather together on these first lands,” they said; “here only can we arrange ourselves since leaving Tulan.”
[80]17. Xebokotah ca pe xey cope chuvi çanayi xavica que re xambey xohpe chic chi palouh, xohel cape chuchij ya. Xe ca cani xu xibih ri vuk amaq ronohel; quere xubijh ahlabal ronohel, ok xe cha ca ri vuk amaq: Xere an kikan ree mixidzet; mica xka çaruvach yvukin, yxahaua, yx ahlabal, maqui xkobe yvucin relebal qih, xati ka canoh can ka huyubal ka taqahal, xere kikan ree mixidzet quq, raxom, cubul, xe cha ri vuk amaq xe pixa: Utzan, xeucheex, ca vuk amaq xutzin ca qui poponic. Ok xepe ca chuvi huyu Deoçacvancu; xpe ca ronohel xeul chica chuvi hunchic huyu, Meahauh rubi. Chiri xemolo chivri quij, xeel chi ca chiri chuvi Meahauh, xeapon chic chuvi huyu Valval Xucxuc ru bi xeuxlan chivi; xemolo chi na quij xeel chi ri xe apon chica chuvi huyu Tapcu Oloman ru bi. [81]17. They rushed forth and passed across the sand, and following one another we came to the shore of the sea, and we arrived at the edge of the water. Then all the seven villages began to fear, and all the warriors spoke, and then the seven tribes spoke: “Do you not see our burdens? Yet it is not long since we lifted up our faces with you, ye rulers, ye warriors; did we not come from the sun rising with you, that we might seek our hills and valleys? Have you not seen the burden, the green feathers, the garlands?” So spake the seven tribes, and commanded and said, “It is well,” and the seven tribes took counsel what to do. Afterwards they went on to the place Deoçacvancu; and then they all went on to another place called Meahauh. There many gathered together; having thus arrived at Meahauh, they thence departed for the place called Valval Xucxuc, and there they rested. There many gathered together, and departing they arrived at the place called Tapcu Oloman.
18. Xemolo chica qui conohel chi ri xoh popon chi vi ca chi ri, que cha ca ri ka tata ka mama qaqavitz, Çactecauh, ca chiri ca xoh vi ko viel ki, chi ri navipe xkaquir vi kikan. Xcha ca ri ahlabal ronohel: Chinak ti kaban xere kavach vae oh ah chay, oh ah cam, oh çaol ru vach kikan, at kachaq kanimal, xecha ca chikichin. Xoh chaca chique: Mian xnakahar kalabal xaka vika kij, xaka cauh kij, ko cucumah, kaquira kikan. coh na vipe kikan, xpage ruma ka tee, ka tata, ko cucumah, yn yn etamayom. Xoh cha chique, ok xkaquir ca kikan, ohoh co kikan, ri cucum, çahcab, cha, pocob, achcayupil. 18. Then all gathered together there, and we took counsel there, said our fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh; and it was after we had arrived there that we first unloosed our burdens. All the warriors said: “Whom shall we make to be our head, we the masters of arms, the masters of booty, the assignors of tribute, oh thou, our younger brother, and thou, our older brother?” So said they to us. Then we said to them: “It is but a little while that we looked to make war, and already we are prepared, our standards are ready, our burdens are loosed; they are the burdens which were given us by our mothers and fathers; here are our standards; I, I am the Sage.” Thus we spoke when we unloosed our burden, our loads of maize, our standards, our paints, bows, shields, and double-headed lances.
19. Xkacut ca vi koh ri chiquivach conohel, oh nabey xoh vikokij, chi cha, chi pocob, chi achcayupil, chi cucum, chi çahcab, xvikan ca ronohel, xoh cha ca chiquichin: Coan chivichin, yx kachaq, yxkanimal, kitzih[82] vi chitan qal ahlabal xtikoquibeh, xtikatih vi ka chaa, ka pocob. Xahala chic xatakobe, ti cama kabey, xoh cha chique. Maqui xcaho camoh bey, xecha, ta cama ka bey, at kachaq, at etamayom, xecha chike. Oh ca xoh camo bey xoh cha chica chique. Xavi vave komolo chivikij, xoh be ca ok xkacul vachih ca hu chob labal, Ah Nonovalcat, Ah Xulpiti qui bi. He coh chuchi palouh, pa hucu e coh vi. 19. Thus we showed ourselves before the face of all; first we adorned ourselves with our bows, our shields, our two-headed lances, our feathers, our paints; we put them all on, and we said to them, “On with you, you our younger brothers, you our elder brothers, truly this[83] war is certain, we must enter upon it, we must test our bows, our shields. It makes little difference which way we go; choose ye the road,” said we to them. “It is not for us to choose the road,” said they. “Choose thou the road, thou our younger brother, thou our teacher,” said they to us. Then we chose the road, and we told it to them. All of us then gathered together, and soon we met face to face a party of warriors, called those of Nonovalcat and those of Xulpit. They were on the border of the ocean; they were there in their boats.
20. Kitzih ti xibin que chabin, quetzalo, hucumah ca xepax kumari, xetzalo chipe chakap pahucu; ok xe paxin Ah Nonovalcat, Ah Xulpiti, xecha chica conohel ahlabal: Chinak ti kicovibeh chuvi palouh, at kachaq, xecha. Xoh cha chica: chique hucu tikicovibeh mahatikil kalabal. Xavica pa qui hucu Ah Nonovalcat xohoc vi, ok xohbe relebal qih, hacaok xohoc apon. Kitzih tixibin chi tinamit, chi hay covi Ah Çuyva, chila relebal cih, xoh ocnaek ca apon tzamhay, quere bila xbe katoqo, ok xohoc apon, kitzih ti xibin ok xpeul chucohol hay, kitzih tibirbot, xpalah poklah ok xpeul, xtzalo cochoch, xtzalo ca quidzij, cac, xtzalo conohel cavah, xahuyeq, xacayek xkaban ohxoh paxin ki coh xbe chicah, coh xkapan uleuh, coh x xule xhote, chikichin konohel, haok xucut ru naval ru halebal. Ronohel ahlabal, huhunal, chica xeul chuvi huyu Tapcu Oloman, pam pokon chic xoh molokij, chiri xoh cucumah viel, xoh vikon viel, yx kacahol, que cha ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh. Tok xka cutubeh ca ki, ba xa colovi avi, xoh cha chi re Qeche vinak: Xaqui tohoh quihilil xibe chicah, xa chicah xbe nucolo vivi, xcha, quereca xubinaah vi Tohohil ri: xcha chica Çodzil vinak, xaxi cohe can chiri, xaxi colovi pa ru chij cakix, xcha;[84] quereca xubijnaah vi Cakix can ri. Xoh cha chica oh Cakchiquel vinak: xa nicah taqah xnucol vivi, xaxi kapon uleuh; quereca xubinaah vi Chitaqah ri, qucumatz tucheex hunchic, xa paya xucol viri. Xcha chica Tukuchee vinak, xaxi colovi ahcic chupam hun amaq, xcha: quereca xubinaah vi Ahcic amaqri. Xcha chic Akahal vinak: xaxincol vi chumpam akah, xcha; quereca xubinaah vi Akalahayri. Quereca xebinaah vi conohel vi ciy chi; maqui xtivoqueçah xecolo vi quij; maqui naek xaka meztam, chirelebal qih xbe oc vipe quibi conohel, caxtoc ca xoh paxin vi ul ki, que cha ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh. Xoh chaca oh ankatucu rupam ka huyubal, ka taqabal: Mixbe ka tiha ka cha ka pocob, vue bala co chivi kalabal, oh ca kacanoh ka huyubal ka taqahal, xoh cha ca. Ok xoh paxin kij chuvi huyu, ok xoh pe ca konohel hutak chob, chu bey xux, xa chi vi ha qui bey. Ok xetzolih chipe chuvi huyu Valval Xucxuc, xe ycocape chuvi huyu Memehuyu, Tacna huyu ru bi, xeul chic chuvi Çakiteuh, Çakicuva, ru bi. Xeel chipe chuvi Meahauh Cutam chah, ca chilaca xebe tzolih chivipe chuvi huyu Çakihuyu Tepacuman ru bi; Tok xico qui dzeta qui huyubal, qui taqahal; okxe ycope chuvi huyu Toqohil xçaker vi Qeche vinak. Xe ico chipe Pantzic, Paraxon xoh çaker vi, yxkacahol, que chaca ri henabey katata kamama qaqavitz Çactecauh. Hacari huyu taqah xeyco vi xemeho vi, maqui xticiz kaqahartiçah xananoh xkabijh, maquina xakameztam, kitzih vichi ciya huyu xoh ico vi, quecha ri oher katata kamama. 20. Truly it was fearful, the arrow-shooting and the fighting; but soon they were routed by us, and half the fighting was in the boats. When those of Nonovalcat and Xulpit had been routed, all the warriors spoke: “How shall we cross over the sea, our younger brother?” they asked. And we said to them: “We shall cross in the boats, while our battle is not yet known.” Then we entered into the boats of those of Nonovalcat; when we came from the east then we entered them. Truly, it was fearful in the town and houses of those of Zuyva, there in the east; for when we entered at the furthest house, they could not understand how we had entered. Truly, it was fearful there among the houses; truly, the noise was great, the dust was oppressive; fighting was going on in the houses, fighting with the dogs, the wasps, fighting with all. One attack, two attacks we made, and we ourselves were routed, as truly they were in the air, they were in the earth, they ascended and they descended, everywhere against us, and thus they showed their magic and their sorcery. All the warriors, each one by himself, returned to the place, Tapcu Oloman; we gathered together in sadness, there where we had put on our feathers, where we had adorned ourselves, oh you our children, as was related by Gagavitz and Zactecauh. When we asked each other where our salvation was, it was said to us by the Quiche men: “As it thundered and resounded in the sky, truly in the sky must our salvation be;” so they said, and therefore the name Tohohil was given to them. The Zotzil nation said that really[85] there was salvation in the mouth of an ara, and so the name Cakix was given to them. We, the Cakchiquels, we said: “Truly, in the middle of the valley lies our salvation, entering there into the earth.” Therefore the name was given, Chitagah. Another, who said salvation was in the water, was called Gucumatz. The Tukuche said salvation was in a town on high, so they were called Ahcicamag. The Akahals said, “We may be saved in a honeycomb,” therefore they were called Akalahay. Thus all received their names. Do not believe, however, that many were saved. Do not forget that all these names came from the east. But the Evil One scattered us abroad, said Gagavitz and Zactecauh. Thus we spoke when we turned about in our hills and valleys: “We lately took up our bows and shields, if anywhere there was war; let us now seek our hills and valleys.” Thus we spoke. Then we were scattered about in many places; then we all went forth, each division its own way, each family its own way. Then a return was made to the place Valval Xucxuc, and they passed on to the places called Meme and Tacna, and they arrived at the places called Zakiteuh and Zakiquva. They went on to Meahauh and Cutamchah, and there they turned about and came to the places called Zakihuyu and Tepacuman. Then it was they could see their own hills and vales; and they came to the place called Togohil, where the Quiche men made a beginning. As they returned to Pantzic and Paraxon, we made a beginning, oh you our children, as said our first fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh. Such were the hills and vales through which we passed and turned about. “Let not the praise due us for these our words cease, nor let it be forgotten that truly to you we gave the places we passed over.” Thus spoke of old our fathers and our ancestors.
21. Ree chica huyue xey covi chuvi Popo abah, xeka chuvi Qhopiytzel, pa nima coxom, xe nima chah, xeka chila mukulic ya molomic chee. Ok xilitah ca ri coxahil,[86] cobakil, rubij, Chiyol Chiabak ru bi huyu xilitah vi, xavi Bacah, xahun chi lol, ru halebal. Ok xilitah xcutux ca: chinak catux, xucheex. Xcha ca ri coxahil, cobakil: At ahauh, maqui quina camiçah, xa yn achaq animal, xa yn cachinak can ruma Bacah Pok, Bacah Xahil, xaquin ikan a tem a chacat, at ahauh, xecha. Xecha chica ri qaqavitz Çactecauh: Maquian at nu hay nu chinamit catux. Kitzih vi chi at nuchaq, nunimal, xucheex ca; xaca cha ri e chinamital, xeucheex, hecari Telom Cahibak quibi. Ok xel chica chiri Chiyol Chiabak, xeçolochic rucamul cakan xeico chucohol huyu boleh chiqaq chi Hunahpu, chirica xquicul vachih vi rucux huyu, chiqaq Çakicoxol rubi; kitzih ciy ru camiçam vi Cakicoxol, kitzih tixibin tivachin, xa eleqon, quecha. 21. These are the places over which they passed to Popoabah, whence they descended to Qhopiytzel, among the broken rocks, among the great trees; then they descended to Mukulicya (the hidden waters) and Molomic Chee (the stacked-up wood). There they met the Qoxahil[87] and the Qobakil, as they were named, at the places called Chiyol and Chiabak, there they met them, the only survivors of the Bacah, by their magic power. When they met them, they asked and said, “Who art thou?” Qoxahil and Qobakil answered: “O thou our lord, do not kill us; I am thy brother, thy elder brother. We two alone remain from the Bacah Pok and the Bacah Xahil. I am the servant of your throne, your sovereignty, O thou our lord.” So spoke they. Then spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh: “Thou art not of our house; thou art not of our tribe.” But later it was said by the tribes: “Truly thou art our brother, our elder.” They are those called Telom and Cakibak. When they went forth from Chiyol and Chiabak, twice they turned their steps and passed between the mountain ranges to the fire, to Hunahpu; and they met face to face in the spirit of the forest, the fire called Zakiqoxol. Truly, this Zakiqoxol kills many men. Truly, he is fearful, a robber, they say.
22. Chiri ca chucohol huyu, chi qaq ruchahim vi quibey, ok xeel apon, tok xuban ca ri Cakicoxol: Chinak ri mak alabon oh dzet, xecha ca. Ok xtak cari coxahil cobakil, xbe ru dzetalol ru halebal, xcha ca ok xul kitzih ti xibin ti vachin, xa naek hun maqui e ciy xcha, kadzeta na, chinak tux bay xibih yviho, xecha qaqavitz Çactecauh. Xucheex ca ok xdzet: chinak catux xcat ka camiçah, nak rumal tachahih bey, xucheex, xucheex ca. Xcha ca: Maqui quina camiçah, xavi vave yncovi, xa yn ru cux huyu. Xcha ok xcutux cari roqueçam; xataya chuvichin ri avoqueçam. Ok xuyape ri roqueçam, halizm xahpota quic, xahabi quic, ru camiçabal Çakicoxol. Xere xucolbeh pe ri, xel ca chiri xekah apon xehuyu. Tok xemich chica ruma chee ruma dziquin, quere tichao chee xcacaxah, xxuban chica pe dziquin. Xecha ca, ok xcacaxah: Chinak ri[88] ti kacaxah na, chinak tux, xecha. Xaca hari chee rutunum ri, hari ti ki dzidz, pa cechelah, haca ri balam dziquin xxuban, quereca xo vi can ru bi huyu ri chitabal. 22. Going on, they arrived in the middle of the woods at a fire built by one guarding the road, and it was made by Zakiqoxol. “Who are these boys whom we see?” said he. Then were sent forward the Qoxahil and the Qobakil, with their mysterious vision and magical power; they spoke when they arrived. One of them spoke, not many [at once], as it was truly terrible to look upon, and he said: “Let us see what kind of a hideous mole are you?” So said Gagavitz and Zactecauh. Thus they spoke when they saw him, and they said: “Who art thou? We shall kill thee. Why is it that thou guardest the road here?” So they said and spoke thus. Then he said: “Do not kill me; I, who am here, I am the heart of the forest.” Thus he spoke, and then asked that he might clothe himself. “They shall give to thee wherewith to clothe thyself” [said they]. Then they gave him wherewith to clothe himself, a change of garment, his blood-red cuirass, his blood-red shoes, the dying raiment of Zakiqoxol. By this means he saved himself, descending into the forest. Then there was a disturbance[89] among the trees, among the birds; one might hear the trees speak and the birds call. They said, when one listened: “What is this that we hear? Who is this?” said they. And the branches of the trees in the forest murmured, and the tigers and birds called one to another. Therefore that spot is called chitibal, “The Place of Disquiet.”
23. Xeel chica chiri, xahun xtika yukuba vi ru bixic huyu vae, Beleh chi qaq, Beleh chi Hunahpu, Xeçuh, Xetocoy Xeuh, Xeamatal chij, dzunun choy Xecucu huyu dzunun huyu, Xiliviztan, Çumpancu, Tecpalan, Tepuztan, xekah ca apon chol amaq, Çuquitan, kitzih ca yeuh que chao, xa chicop etamayom qui chabal; xachire chicop heri Loxpin, Qhupichin, qui bi, xkayot vi, xoh cha ca chique xoh apon: vaya vaya ela opa. Cani xe macamo ok xka chabeh ri quich bal chique ahcholamaq, xacani xqui xibih quij, xa utz quitzil xoh apon. 23. They departed thence. Once for all we shall mention the names of these various places: Belehchigag, Belehchi Hunahpu, Xecuh, Xetocoy, Xeuh, Xeamatal Chii, Tzunun Choy, Mount Xecucu, Mount Tzunun, Xiliviztan, Zunpancu, Tecpalan, Tepuztan. They then descended to Cholamag and Zuchitan. Truly, the language there was difficult, and the barbarians alone knew to speak their language. We inquired only of the barbarians, Loxpin and Chupichin, and we said to them when we arrived: “Vaya, vaya, ela, opa.” They were surprised when we spoke their language to those of Cholamag, and many of them were frightened, but we received only good words.
24. Xeapon chica chuvi huyu Memehuyu Tacnahuyu, rucamul cakan; maqui qalah quechao, quere xae mem. Kitzih naek e utzilah vinak. Xaka chal xoh micho, xoh yaloh chiri xketamah quichabal. Quecha ca chikichin: At auh, mixatul, kucin, xaoh achaq animal, xata vave cat cohe vi kucin, quecha, xrah hameztah ri kachabal, xax kabah chic kacux, ok xpeul cucin. 24. They went to the places, Meme and Tacna, for the second time. They could not speak well, hence the name Mem. Truly, they were good people. They spoke to mock us, and we remained to learn their language. They said to us: “Thou our lord, remain with us; we are thy elder and younger brother; abide with us,” said they. They wished us to forget our speech, but our heart was as a stone when we arrived with them.
25. Ree chica chakap rubi huyue, xel chivi Çakiteuh Çakiqua, nicah Çubinal, nicah Chacachil, dzulahauh, xba cah, nicah Nimxor, nicah Moinal, nicah Carchah; xe ico ca pe rucin valil cahol dzunun cahol: xeel chic rucin Mevac, Nacxit, kitzih chinima ahauh, ha ki ca rikan ri que chapbex ahaua ahpop, ahpopcamahay. ha [90]roqueçam ri Orbal tzam ri tiquiyo ru bi ha ca ti Cinpual Taxuch. Kitzih loq chique ciz ycovinak pe ronohel ahlabal chiri xe ucheex conohel ruma ahauh Nacxit: Xati hotoba can ree vapal abah toc chuvi vochoch, tin ya ca chivichin ree vahauarem, tiquiyo Çinpuval Taxuch, xe ucheex conohel ahlabal, xax mani vi ca xquiho abah chique, xavi ca xe ucheex chic, cateca xehotobaan can ri vapal abah, quereca xciz ruya vipe rahauarem vach Nacxit vi xepoo chica chiri. 25. These were also a part of the names of the places: they went to Zakiteuh and Zakiqua, the midst of Tubinal, the midst of Chacachil, Tzulahauh which reaches to the sky, the midst of Nuüxor, the midst of Moinal, the midst of Carchah. They passed over with the sons of Valil and the sons of Tzunun. They went forth from Merac and Nacxit. Truly this one (Nacxit) was a great lord, and the vassals who aided him to seize the sovereignty[91] were themselves rulers and chieftains. He invested Orbaltzam, and said that his name should be Cinpual Taxuch. Truly he finished by making himself the most dear of all men to all the warriors by the words spoken to all by this lord Nacxit: “You have come to be the stone framework, the support of my house; I will give to you sovereignty, and give you Cinpuval Taxuch.” So said he to all the warriors. “I have not placed the stones of the others,” so said he to them. And thus they came to erect the stone framework. Therefore, Nacxit completed the appointment of a companion in the sovereignty, and they cried out aloud with joy.
26. Ok xilitah chicari Ah Mimpokom Ah Raxchich pa Çaktzuy rubi huyu, tantu çavi ruvach rikan ronohel Pokoma; tantiban xahoh, xman queh, xman dziquin, raal cakol queh, xuc: tzara xaxere rikan Ah Raxchich, Ah Minpokom ri, xa vuk amaq chinaht xdzet vi. Ok xtak ca el ri chicop Çakbim, xbe dzeto quichin, xetak chi navipe ri coxahil cobakil lol, ru halebal. Ok xpe ru dzeta, xe ucheex ca xebe: Oh ydzeto naktux ri quixapon nakah, vue kalabal, xeucheex el. Xe ul ca he Ah Mukchee, mani xqui cut quij, maqui xquina xebe dzet. Xpe ca retal ruma Çakbin ru caan Huntzuy tzara xul. Yn cheel xbe ydzeta, xeucheex, kitzih nima qaqal, nima xahoh tantiban, ciy ca chu cohlem, que cha xeul. Xe cha cari qaqavitz Çactecauh, chiquichin rachbiyil; quix vikon, vue kalabal, quecha. Xevi ko ca quij, chi cha, chi pocob, he cautal xe be xedzet ca ruma Pokoma. Xa cani ru xibih ri Pokoma, xeel canica xcam cokotaxic. 26. Then they met those of Mimpokom and Raxchich, at the place called Tzaktzuy. They met all the subjects of the Pokomams. They dance their ballet, but it is without deers, without birds, without pheasants, without the trappers and their nets. The subjects of Raxchich and Mimpokon gather together; but the seven nations look on at a distance. They sent out the brute Zakbim as a spy; and on our side were summoned the Qoxahil and the Qobakil, magicians, enchanters. On their departure, they were told: “Let us see who are approaching, and if we are to fight.” So it was said. Those of Mukchee arrived, but they were in no great number, nor had they come to spy out. The signal was given by Zakbin, while Huntzuy came into line. “Now I see them,” they said. “This is really a wonderful thing, a wonderful dance they are making; there are many under the trees.” So spoke they on arriving. Thus said Gagavitz and Zactecauh to their companions: “Let us take up our arms if we are to fight.” Immediately all took up their bows and shields, and thus arrayed showed themselves to the Pokomams. At once terror struck the Pokomams, and ours rushed forth to seize them in their disorder.
27. Ok xeilitah ca ri e cay Loch rubi hun, Xet rubi rucam, ca chila xeilitah vi xe Cucuhuyu dzununhuyu,[92] que cha ca ok xeilitah: Maqui koh acamiçah, at ahauh, xa kohikan a tem a chacat; xecha, halal oc quikan, xahuhun chi chabitun cucaam; xe tzolih chipe, xquitzak chi can hun ru tzuyil, qui tzara chiri xepax vi, quereca xubinah vi huyu Tzaktzuy, ri retal xcamvi Ahquehay, heri nabey qui tata qui mama xeboço Ahquehayi. Yncheel rucamic vue, quixcha, cohe rubi huyu. Xecam vi ri chakap chinamit, yxkacahol, quere can kitzih he nabey ka tata ka mama xoh boz vi xoh vinakir vi, oh Cakchiquel vinak. 27. Then they encountered the two, Loch and Xet by name; they encountered them there at the foot of the mountains Cucu and Tzunun. These said when they[93] were encountered, “Do not kill us, O thou our lord; we will be the servants of your throne, of your power.” So they said, and entered at once as vassals, each one carrying the bows and drums. Going on, a return was made, and they were hindered by some calabash vines, and were ensnared and scattered. Therefore, that place was called Tzaktzuy, and the Ahquehay took it as their sign, that is, those first fathers and ancestors who brought forth the Ahquehay. This is why they took it, it is said, and such is the name of the place. They chose a portion of the tribe, oh you my children, and truly thus it was that our first fathers and ancestors brought us forth and gave us existence—us, the Cakchiquel people.
28. Ok xeculu chi ca qui chuvi huyu Oronic Cakhay, xul chic ronohel vuk amaq ahlabal. Xcha cari qaqavitz, Çactecauh chirichin Qeche vinak: koh ico pa huyu konohel, ka chaca ru qih ronohel vuk amaq Tecpan, ka dzumah chiqui cux; at catahilan can quivach, cat pa e can chuvi Cakay, yn ca quinoc chupam huyu Cakay, yn quichaco quichin, ti dzumah chi qui cux, chupam huyu ba co vi ti chacatah, bacovi maqui ti chacatah; xe cha ca, ok xcam quitzih, xcoh pa Cakhay, ok xtiquer ricovic ronohel, chiri ca chupam huyu xdzumax vi chi qui cux. Ok xuna ca ri cul ya, cul chahom, maqui xico chupam huyu. Xcha: At ahau, xa tin ya queh cab chi vichin, yn ahqueh, yn ahcab quinux, maqui quin ico, xcha ri yuquite chahom. Quereca xrelahih vi queh cab, yuquite chahom ri. Xeel chi ca chiri xeyco chipe chuvi, Tunacodzih qahinak abah. Chirica xquitih vi qui chabi tun Loch Xet, xacodziham qui tun, quereca xubinaah vican huyu Tunacodzih ri. 28. Then they went forth to meet those at the place Oronic Cakhay, and all the warriors of the seven villages arrived. Then spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh to the Quiche men: “Let us all go to the place. Let us conquer the glory of all the seven villages of Tecpan, let us weaken their hearts; do thou count their faces, do thou stand here at the place Cakhay; I shall enter the place Cakhay; I shall conquer them; their heart shall be weakened; there, in the place, they shall be conquered, where they never before were conquered.” Thus they spake when they ordered the slaughter, when they were in Cakhay; then it began with all of them in the place, and their hearts were weakened. But on account of the defence with water, and the defence with cinders, they could not enter the place, and their hearts were weakened. Then it was said: “O thou lord, I will give thee the venison and the honey. I am the lord of the venison, the lord of the honey; but I have not passed because of the cinders,” it was said. Thus the venison and the honey were protected by means of the cinders. They went from there to Tunacotzih, “the sounding stone.” There Loch and Xet made trial of the bows and drums, and they beat their drums; therefore the name of that spot is Tunacotzih, “the Drum-beating.”
[94]29. Ok xilitah chi ca ri Cavek chiri xenima chah, Ximbal xuc rubi huyu. Ok xacaxax ca roqebal çak corovach xe nima chah, ru halebal ri cavek. Que cha ca ri qaqavitz Çactecauh: chinak tux ri, chinak chi kucheeh, quecha. Ok xcha ca ri Loch, Xet: co vikan, at ahval, ha ti koqueçah, xecha. Ox xquiz ca quikan; xa ca xuc, çakquiy, xabanbal xahab quikan, mani quikan xae ru ka xbachican quehay, dzumhay; quere quibinaam vi Ahquehayi ri. Ok xrip cari xuc chuvi chee, xcambex richin çakcorovach xe nima chah, ok xuya carij chupam xuc ri çak corovach, xcha ca ok xuya ri: At ahauh, maqui quin a camiçah. Chinak na ca catux, xucheex. Xchaca: Xa xoh çachcan ruma ahauh Qechee, xa oh achaq animal, oh Cavek, xakoticen atitil, aqana abah, xecha ca ri ok xquiya quij, qui tata qui mama Caveki. He cay chi achi Totunay ru bi hun, Xurcah ru bi hun chic, coh quikan Cavek Paoh ru bi, xeucheex ca ruma qaqavitz, at rucah nu chinamit catux, qekacuch, Bacahol, Cavek Cibakihay, qui xucheex, kitzih vi chi at nu chaq nu nimal. Xavi ca xu cheex chic Ahquehay, chirih nu chinamit cat ahilax vi, at rikan kadzak kibah catux, huruma ri mani rikan, xere vi ri xuc, xcambex Cavek, que ca xdzakat vi chinamit ri, que cha oher ka tata ka mama, yxkacahol, xa maqui hemezta ytzih ha e ahaua vi. [95]29. At this time they met the Cavek under the great pines, at the place called Ximbalxug. They heard the plaint of the doves beneath the great pines; the enchantment of the Cavek. Gagavitz and Zactecauh said: “Who art thou? What is that we hear?” Then said Loch and Xet: “They are our vassals, oh our lord, they obey us.” They began to show their burdens; bird nets, maguey, tools for making shoes, were their burdens—no other burdens, for their houses were of deer skins and hides; hence they were called Ahquehay. Then they carried the nets to the woods; they caught doves in them beneath the great pines, and they brought many of these doves caught in the nets, and said: “Oh our lord, do not slay us.” “Who art thou?” was asked. They answered: “We have been ruined by the Quiche men, we your brother, your kinsman, we the Cavek; they have diminished their regal dignity.” So spoke they, and gave many gifts, they the fathers and ancestors of the Cavek. There were two heroes, Totunay the name of one, Xurcah of the other, the vassals of Cavek Paoh; they were addressed by Gagavitz: “Thou art the fourth of our tribes, Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cavek, and Cibakihay.” Thus he addressed them: “Truly thou art my brother, my kinsman.” Thus he spoke to those of Ahquehay: “Thou art counted in my tribe, thy vassalage shows that thou art of our ancient home, no longer art thou a vassal nor carriest the net. The Caveks are received, and form part of our tribe.” So spoke of yore our fathers and ancestors, oh my children, and we must not forget the words of these rulers.
Qui chacbal ca ka mama, ok xcam. The Victory of Our Forefathers, After One Had Died.
30. Xeapon chica chuvi huyu chopi ytzel, xcha qaqavitz chire Çactecauh: koqax chuvi çivan.​—​Utzan, xcha. Ha ca nabey xqax ri qaqavitz, ok xrah ca xqax chic ri Çactecauh; maqui ca xqax, xtzak ka pa civan:[96] equreca xcam vi can hun ka mama rij, xhachatah qui vach, xahun chic xohboço, oh Xahila, ri qaqavitz. 30. Having arrived at the place, Qhopiytzel, Gagavitz said to Zactecauh: “Let us cross this ravine.” “Good,” said he. Gagavitz first crossed, and then Zactecauh wished to cross. But he did not cross, but fell into the ravine. Thus died one of our ancestors, and their pos[97]sessions were divided; but the other, that is, Gagavitz, brought us forth—us, the Xahila.
31. Xeapon chica chuvi huyu, Çakihuyu, Teyocuman, ru camul cakan; chiri ca xci dzet vi el ru qaqal huyu, qaq xanul ru bi, kitzih ti xibin ru qaqal tipe chupam huyu; toqol ruqaqal chinaht. Xmani vi tucheex roquebexic, xaca huna huyu qaqxanul coh ru qaqal; xmani vi tipe vi qaq, xaporinak chica ronohel ahlabal vuk amaq xe huyu, mani tanti cucheex, kitzih tan cok qui cux, mani tan tucheex ru camic ru qaqal, xa xeho chic ho oyobem, quecha ri ka mama ri qaqavitz, xeapon ca xe huyu, xecha ca conohel ahlabal: At kachaq, mixatul xa at chic at koyoben, chinak tu cheex ru camic kaqaq, mix katih tatiha ka qihil at kachaq, xecha conohel, xoh chaca chique: Nak tahoon tin canah nutihana, hari achih ru cux, maqui tu xibih rij, yn quinabeyah, xcha qaqavitz chiquichin, mani xahoon xa canih xquixibih qui. Kitzih ti xibin ru qaqal huyu; ok xraho ca ri hun Çakidzunun rubi. Yn quibe avucin, xcha ri Çakidzunun, xcha chire qaqavitz.​—​Tok xvikon ca xquicauh, xqui cha ca qui quicabichal: Maquina chi cha, chi pocob. Xa xet tule xa dzimah vi, xa bolol, raxah ru bi, hari çaqul tel chi ya; xquivikbeh quij, xoc pa qui vi, xoc chi qui kul, chi qui chuc, chi qui qa, chi cakan camiçabal richin qaq, quecha. Ha ca xka chupam qaq ri qaqavitz, ha ca Çakidzunun, xyaan can ru vi qaq, xa rax yxim xpuq ka pa ya xyabex ruvi qaq: kitzih ca tixibin ok xkah chupam huyu, ok xpax ru qaqal huyu, xtoqe rucibel chinaht, xoc qekum aqa. Xepax conohel ri e coh xe huyu, xqui xibih qui. Xbe yaloh pa huyu ri qaqavitz, xqui tzakah ru qih, xcam chi qui cux. coh xcamo qaq, coh mani xcamo chiquichin;[98] halatak oc ru bix qaq xkaul xe huyu; coh xilon, coh maqui xilon chique, ok xel ca pe chupam huyu. Kitzih ti xibin chic ru vach, ok xel pe pa huyu qaqxanul, xecha ca ronohel ahlabal vuk amaq: Kitzih tixibin ru puz ru naval, ru qaqal ru tepeval, xcam xkana, quecha. 31. They then arrived at the white hills called Teyocuman, coming there for the second time. There they saw the fire of the mountain called Gagxanul. Truly it was frightful to see the fire coming from the mountain, the fire shooting forth afar off. No one could say how it could be passed by, as the mountain Gagxanul was on fire for a whole year, after which fire did not come forth. When all the warriors of the seven villages had arrived at the foot of the mountain, no one spoke; truly, they grieved at heart, nor could one say how the fire could be captured. They could but go on hoping. When he arrived at the mountain they spoke to our ancestor, Gagavitz, and all the warriors said to him: “Thou our brother, thou hast arrived, thou in whom is our hope. Who will go down to the capture of this fire? Who will descend for us, who are seeking our fortune, oh thou our brother?” So said all; and we replied: “Who of you wishes that I shall try my fortune? He has a heart of a hero, that fears not. I will go first.” Thus spoke Gagavitz to them: “You must not fear so soon.” Truly, the fire of the mountain was terrible. Then there was one named Zakitzunun, who wished to go with him. “I will go with you,” said Zakitzunun, speaking to Gagavitz. Then they were armed and their ornaments put upon them. But the two said together: “There is no use of bows or shields.” They laid them aside; they took pointed instruments and dug a trench, and they placed by the water those banana trees called raxah. When these things were in order, they entered first with their heads, then with their necks, then with their arms, with their hands, with their feet, so as to destroy the fire, as they said. Then Gagavitz descended into the fire, while Zakitzunun conducted the water to the fire, and the green grass and maize mixed with the water flowed upon the fire. Truly, it was fearful when it descended into the mountain, when it scattered the fire of the mountain, when the smoke burst forth afar and darkness and night[99] entered on the scene. All who were at the foot of the mountain fled, as they were greatly frightened. Gagavitz remained in the mountain. The day drew to a close, and their courage died in their hearts. The fire was captured, but it was not captured for them. A few sparks of the fire descended from the mountain. It reached some, but it did not reach them. Then he came from within the mountain. Truly, his face was terrible when he came from within the mountain Gagxanul. All the warriors of the seven villages said: “Truly his power, his knowledge, his glory and his majesty are terrible. He died, and yet he has come down.” So said they.
32. catecaok xchocobax chuvi chacat, ok xkaul, kitzih xquininah, xe cha ca conohel: At kachaq, mix akaçah ru qaqal huyu, mi xaya ka qaq; yx cay chi al, hun nabey al, hun xambey al chivichin, yx ka vi, yxka holom, xecha conohel ahlabal vuk amaq, chirichin ri qaqavitz. Ok xcha ca chiquichin: Xpeul ru cux huyu nu teleche nu cana, yx nuchaq, nunimal. Ok xquir ca ri ru cux huyu, xacolocic qaq chi abah, hari abah çakchoq rubi, maqui raxa abah, oxlahuh ca coh co ru cin ri abah, haca rixdzul ru cux huyu qaqxanul; xa ca cha ri couh ru xahic rixdzul, ci ya chob, tuban maqui ahilam redzanibal. 32. Therefore, when he had arrived they seated him on the throne, and truly made much of him, and all said: “Oh our brother, you have conquered the fire of the mountain; you have reduced for us the fire. Ye are two heroes; one is the first hero, and one follows him. Ye are our heads, our chiefs.” So said all the warriors of the seven villages to Gagavitz. Then he said to them: “The heart of the mountain has come as my slave, my captive, oh you my brethren, my kinsmen.” When the heart of the mountain is opened, the fire separates from the stone, even the stone called Gak Chog. It is not a green stone, and there are thirteen others with it, and hence comes the dance called “the heart of the mountain Gagxanul.” They say this dance is executed violently, with many troops (of dancers), nor can one count those who join the noise.
33. Xepe chica chiri xeico chipe Çeçic Ynup rubi, xaceel chuvi choy; ri ynup maqui na tiquil, mani ruxe ri ynup, xatibilan chuvi ya. Quereca ru binaam vi Çeçic Ynup ri xey co chipe chuvi huyu, calalapacay ru bi; xax cal he ru xak pacay xquichacatih. Quereca xubinaah vi calalapacay ri, quecha ka mama. 33. They went from there and passed over to Cecic Ynup, as it is called, and they rowed on the lake. There was no ceiba tree rooted in the soil, nor did they go under a ceiba tree, but they went upon the water. Therefore, they called that place Cecic Ynup, “the buried Ceiba.” And they passed on to the place called Qalalapacay. There they twined the leaves of the anonas for the royal seat. Therefore, they called that place Qalalapacay, “anona garlands.” So say our ancestors.
[100]cambal richin Ykomaq vae. [101]The Conquest of the Ikomagi.
34. Ok xet chica chinaht ri Cakixahay cubulahay ru bi, rikam Ykomaqi, cani xcamar rokotaxic cuma, runah ca xilitah Chiqalibal rubi huyu; xuya vi ri hoye vi quivach, ok xilitah, xaxu qaba chic rij. Quereca xubinaah vi huyu, Chiqalibal ri. Xcha ca ok xu ya ri: Xa yn achaq animal, xa mixichacatah, xaquin ikan a tem, a chacat, yn huvi chi vinak co vikan. Xcha ri Ykomaqi, he ca rikan ri Cakixahay, cubulahay; quereca rucamic Ykomaq ri, xere ca xcolotah. Chic ri xeboço chic Çodzil vinak, qui tata qui mama ri Ahpoçodzil Qulavi çochoh, cula vi canti quibi; xaqui vinakil xeel chic mani chic quikan. 34. Then they saw at a distance those called the Cakixahay and the Qubulahay, subjects of the Ikomagi. They were captured after they had been routed by a surprise, when they were not far from a place called Chigalibal. They were pardoned when they arrived, and our warriors extended their hands to them. Hence that place was called Chigalibal. They said, in yielding: “I am your brother, your elder. You are the conquerors. We are the subjects of your throne and your power. I swear it before these who are my subjects.” Thus spoke the Ikomagi, and thus their subjects, the Cakixahay and the Qubulahay. Thus did Ikomag submit and save his life. With them the Zotzils brought forth those fathers and elders, the Ahpozotzils named Qulavi Zochoh and Qulavi Qanti. But only their families, not their vassals, proceeded therefrom.
35. Ok xeapon chica chuvi huyu cakbadzulu, ok xilitah chica ri Tolcom rubi. Kitzih tixibin co vi, tinicnot huyu co vi ri cakbadzulu. Nabey ca xe ciz apon ronohel ahlabal, tanti qui xibih quij, maqui tan quetiquer chu camiçaxic. Tok xeapon, xecha ca ri ahlabal conohel: Mian xatul at kachaq, bila tux ree, kitzih ti xibin co vi, quecha. Xecha ca vi he ka mama qaqavitz; chinak na pe tux, yx ahlabal? xtica dzet an ru vach. Maquian ka labal, maqui cha, pocob, tikoqueçah, yx coh yx ka nimal, xecha, xetak conohel chu chapic Tolcom. Ok xe cha ca: Nak naca tucheex, at kachaq, mixkatih kitzih tixibin co vi, at cabe chiil, xecha conohel. Tok xpe ca rudzeta ri Tolcom, xapon kitzih ti xibin co vi tinicnot huyu co vi. Xcha ca chire Tolcom: Chinak catux? maat nuchaq nu nimal. Chinak catux? vacami xcat nucamiçah. Cani ca xa xibih rij, xcha ca: Yn ral chabak nicnic, xa vi vochoch vae yn[102] co vi, at ahauh, xcha. Catoho, bat tiquic, xucheex ca ri Tolcom. Ok xu ya rii, xchapatah, xpe ca ru chapon chic xul cucin, xeucheex ca ri ahlabal vuk amaq, ok xuya ri Tolcom: xtikaqahartiçah can vae huyu, yx quixçao ru vach nu telechee nu cana; xtikaquiyah, xtika catohih ru vi nu telechee, xtikedzabeh xtikacak, xtikaqahartiçah can rubi vae huyu cakbadzulu tucheex ruma vinak dzak, yx ahaua, xeucheex ca conohel ahlabal. 35. After this they arrived at the place Qakbatzulu, where they met the one named Tolgom. Truly, terror was there, and the place Qakbatzulu trembled. At first all the warriors began to arrive; but fear was upon them lest they should there meet death. When he (Gagavitz) reached there, all the warriors said: “Thou arrivest, our brother. What is this? Truly it is fearful.” So said they; and to them said our ancestor, Gagavitz: “Who are ye, oh warriors? Let us look at his face. Can we not fight? Have we not bows and shields to effect an entrance, oh you who are my brethren?” So he spoke, and he sent all the warriors to seize Tolgom. Then they said: “What speech is this, oh brother? Is it not said that a great terror is there? Go thou and see.” So said they all. Then he went forth to see Tolgom, and truly he arrived at the place of the terror and where the hill trembled. At once he cried to Tolgom: “Who art thou? Thou art neither my brother nor my elder. Who art thou? This very day I shall slay thee.” Instantly was Tolgom filled with fear, and he replied: “I am the son of the Mud that Quivers. This is my house[103] where I dwell, oh my lord.” So he said. “Go forth from here and live elsewhere,” was it answered to Tolgom. Then he submitted and was made prisoner, and his body was taken with him. Gagavitz said to the warriors and the seven towns when Tolgom gave himself up: “We have made this spot glorious. Show forth the face of my prisoner, my captive. We will adorn and sacrifice my captive. We will be friends with him and stand in front of him, and thus celebrate the name of this spot, Qakbatzulu, as it is called by a joking people, oh chieftains.” Such were the words addressed to all the warriors.
36. Quereca xquibijh vae: At kaçhaq, hun nabey al, hun ca chipil al chikichin, xtiketah qih çak chi popol vach oh oxlahuh chi ahlabal, xti ka ya a muh a qalibal, a tem, a chacat, avahavarem. He ree cay chi al Çodzil Tukuche que ucheex, xcat kachi quicohol Ahpoçodzil Ahpoxahil, qui xucheex xa chiri taban vi, at naek huvi chi ahlabal, la naek achaq animale, Bacah Pok, Bacah Xahil; qui xucheex naek xa hunam qaqal tepeval, at kachaq, xucheex ca; tok xelahibex ru vach, ok ru yaic ri Ahpoçodzil Ahpoxahil, maqui naek oh Çodzil Tukuche la naek, kachaq ka nimal lae Bacah Pok, oh ca Bacah Xahil, yxkacahol. Quecha ri e oher katata kamama: Oh huvi chi ahlabal xa ruma ri nim qui puz qui naval, he navipe hei kayom, ri cha pocob. Quereca xelahibex vi quivach, a nabey ka mama ri, ruma ri ciy xukaçah ru qih ralaxic. 36. Therefore, they spoke thus: “Our brother, one child is the first and another the second among us. Hereafter we shall make this appear before the council, we the thirteen warriors. We will give to thee thy canopy, thy royal seat, thy carpet, thy throne, with power. These shall be called the two children of the Zotzil Tukuches, but thou shalt be the first man among the Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils. They shall call thee forth to act; thou shalt be first among the warriors, thy brothers and thy elders, the Bacah Pok and the Bacah Xahils. They shall name thee equal to any in power and majesty, oh my brother.” Thus they said, and his head was lifted above the others, and he was given the power by the Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils, but not by us, the Zotzil Tukuches, nor by our brother and elder, the Bacah Pok and the Bacah Xahil, my children. Our fathers and ancestors said of old: “We have been chosen by the warriors in their great skill and wisdom; their bows and shields have created us.” It was thus that our ancestors were first exalted by overcoming the greatness and the birth of many.
37. Ok xtiquer ca ru camiçaxic ri Tolcom, xvikitah na, xoc na ru cauh, cate caok xrip ruqa chuvach chee lama xcak vi. Ok xtiquer ca xahoh ruma ronohel ahlabal, xavi Tolcom rubi bix. Xquixah ok xtiquer ca[104] rucakic; maqui ca hari chaa tel pa cam, xahari nahtik çimah chee xcakbex chuvi huyu cakbadzulu xcakvi xbe na qui chaa conohel. cate ok xbe ru cha ri kamama qaqavitz, cani xico chupam huyu hari Chee dzulu rubi, xucakbeh Tolcom: caha xcamiçan he cari conohel ahlabal, halatak oc qui cha, xoc chinaht xqui cak vi. Quere ri vinak ok xcam ciy ru quicel xel chirih che lama: ok xpeh ca xciz çipax chuvach ronohel vuk amaq ahlabal, xquiyax, xcatohix rucamic haok xqahar ri uchum, tico huhun huna, xati ban vaim ucaam, xa que chabin acuala xa tunay chic ru cexevach tiqui cak, bila ca tux ri Tolcom, quecha ka mama oher, yxkacahol. Quereca xkacam viki ri rucin Çodzil Tukuche ruma ca ru puz ru naval, ru qaqal, ru tepeval; xelahibex vi ru vach ka tata ka mama oh Cakchiquel vinak, mani chacat ahinak vi ru qih ralaxic e oher ka mama. 37. Then began the execution of Tolgom. He arrayed himself and entered suddenly. His arms were extended in front of a tree, to be shot with arrows. A dance was begun by all the warriors, while Tolgom began his song. They still danced, when they commenced to shoot their arrows. But not one of the arrows reached the cord; for[105] it was far to the tree where he was shot at, on the hill Qakbatzulu, where they shot at him and where all the arrows fell. At length the arrow of our ancestor Gagavitz was discharged. It passed rapidly over the place named Cheetzulu, and pierced Tolgom. All the warriors then slew him, some arrows piercing, him from near and others from afar. The man being thus killed, a great stream of blood came forth behind the tree. His body was cut in pieces and divided among all the seven towns. This gift and this sacrifice of his death were what founded the festival of (the month) Uchum. At that festival all were equal; there was eating and drinking; little children were killed by being shot with arrows, their heads being adorned with elder flowers, as his substitute, as if they were Tolgom, as say our fathers of yore, oh my children. In this manner we obtained power with the Zotzil Tukuches, by knowledge and occult science, by power and majesty; thus did our fathers and ancestors, we the Cakchiquels, lift our heads above others, nor our ancestors lower their glory and their birth.
38. Ok xepe chica chiri chu vi huyu cakbadzulu, xutzak ka chakap Tolcom chupam choy: ok xqahar can ri tzam tzakbal Tolcom. Ok xe cha ca koyco chupam ree choy, xaca ahilam xico xquixibih qui conohel ok xquituc rupam ree choy. Chiri xetzako vi quij pan pati payan chocol ru bi, quetabal quinaual; chila xe el vi beleh tulul, ha ri pa Chitulul. Ok xtiquer ca ri covic pa choy ronohel ahlabal, xavi xambey chic xbe ri qaqavitz, hun ca rana Chetehauh ru bi. Xcohe can chiri xetzako vi qui ha ri tzam cabouil Abah ru bi. Vacami tok xbe cari qaqavitz, kitzih tixibin ok xebe pa ya Çudzu cumatz xuhalibeh: canica xqekumar ru vi ya, canix pa e caqik, cakçut cum chuvi ya, xciz ca ru tuc[106] ru pam choy. coh xraho, xukaçah tah ru qih dzutuhile xraho: xu dzet ca ronohel vuk amaq tok xel ca apon chi ya, eco vi xcha ca chire xeboço Ahdziquinahayi: Mian xkatuc rupam ka choy ka palouh, at ka nimal, hucam a choy, hucaam ca a quzqum, avokok, a tap, a car, tux, xucheex; xuculuba ca: Utzan, at nuchaq, chakap a choy, chakap ca a quzqum, a vokok, a tap, a car, chakap ca a chupup, a raxah tux, xa xere mixaqaba vinak coh ti camiçan chupam chachux, xcha Ahdziquinahay chire. Xepe chic, xepaxin chic qui, xavi tzolih chipe, xrah yco ru cama rana; mani chica xcamom ruma nicah coon, mani chic rana xelpe, mani chic tuna. Xcha: ba xcha vi vana, nak mix camo? Kitzih ti be nu canoh ti vil na xchax be labal chic rucux. Xe vikon, kitzih tixibin ok xebe canoy rana: canica xuxibih ri amaq dzutuhile, xcha ca xapon: Nak mixcamo pe vana xachi culu labal chic nu cux? Xcha chire amaq dzutuhile cooni dzununaa. Canica ha xchao ri Ahdziquinahay chirichin: At ahauh, at nuchaq, nu nimal, xa vave tuban vi a vana, mixkahach ka choy, hucaam a choy, hucaam ca nu choy tux, xcha, he pokon xe runa ri ahlabal, xa cha xelah ri Ahdziquinahay. Xcha chi ca ri ka mama qaqavitz: Nak ruma tiqui cam pe vana utz ca xticohe can rucin nicah coon; xax ti vacaxah atzih, at nuchaq, qui ru chac pe ri nicah coon, coh ta xtinuban chire. Xcha chi xa e Ahdziquinahayi. Quereca ruhachic choy ri queçha ka mama, quere navipe kachaq kanimal vi ki ri rucin dzutuhile; coh chica maqui xtikoqueçah. Xeyco vi, xemeho vi e nabey ka tata ka mama ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh ca chi qekum ca chi aqa ok: ok xquiban ree, mehaok tiçaker, quecha, xaca[108] halachic matiçaker chiri. Xeapon chica chuvi huyu Pulchich, chiri ca xetak viel. 38. When they were on the hill Qakbatzulu, they threw a part of the body of Tolgom into the lake. Thus began the festival of “throwing the nose of Tolgom.” Then, it is said, there was heard a noise in the waters, and at its passage all were terrified when there were these movements in the waters of the lake. Many on these occasions assembled at the spot called “the common baths” (Payanchocol). They practiced many magic arts. Nine zapotes were found at the spot called Chitulul. At that time the warriors began their passage over the lake. Gagavitz followed them with his sister, named Chetehauh. They established themselves, and settled on the point called after the god Abah. A little while after the arrival of Gagavitz, truly a fearful thing took place when he entered the water, having changed himself into Zutzucumatz. It suddenly darkened on the water, a wind rose, and a white cloud rested on the surface, making a circuit of the water in the lake. They desired to remain there; but it was first necessary to reduce the power of the[107] Tzutuhils. All the seven nations looked about and then descended to the water. Those who were there then said to the children of the Ahtziquinahay: “We have scarcely made the circuit of this lake of ours, this sea, oh my brother. But let one-half of the lake be yours, and one-half of the fruits, of the wild geese, of the crabs, of the fish.” Thus he spoke, and the others took counsel: “It is well my brother, that the half of the lake be ours, and a half of thy fruits, of thy wild geese, of thy crabs, of thy fish, a half of thy acorns, and a half of thy bananas be ours, and of all living things you kill in or below the waters.” Thus did the Ahtziquinahay reply to them. Then they separated and went away, but soon returned, desiring to obtain wives, for none of them were married, owing to the absence of women; neither their mothers nor sisters having accompanied them. They said: “Where speaks my girl? Whom shall I take as wife? Truly, let us go forth and seek where there is said to be a war for hearts.” They put on their armor, and were really terrible when they went forth in search of women. The Tzutuhils were frightened, and to them the Cakchiquels said: “Whom shall I take for my woman? Who has declared war against my heart?” So they spoke to the Tzutuhil people, to the women of Tzununa. Thereupon the Ahtziquinahay spoke to them: “My lord, my brother, my elder, here indeed is thy maiden. You have divided with us the waters; half of the lake is thine, half is ours.” Thus he spoke, and his warriors were afflicted at his words, when the Ahtziquinahay spoke thus in conclusion. Then Gagavitz, our ancestor, said: “Who of you comes to take wives? It were well that you remain with the organs of women. But I hear thy words, oh my brother; their victory is by the organs of their women. Remaining, I shall do this.” Thus he spoke to the Ahtziquinahays. In this manner, say our elders, the lake was divided, and in this manner our brother and elder remained with the Tzutuhils. None other of ours remained. Our first fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh, passed on, and went back to the[109] darkness and the night. At that time their dawn had not yet come; but not long after they did this it began to shine. They went upon the mountain Pulchich, and thence they set out.
Qui çakeribal vae. This Is Their Day-Breaking.
39. Nabey, ca xepe qekaquch, Bacakol, Cibakihay, Cavek xetak pe. Quixnabeyah, yxnuhay nu chinamit, tibana apon, kadzak kibah, xa hala chic ma tiçaker, vhix, xeucheex, xepe ca xeul chiri pa çakeribal, Pantzic, Paraxone, Çinahihay, Paçibakul, Pacavek Quehil rubi huyu; xeçaker vi, xtiquer ca rubanic dzak cuma, culbal richin cahpop Nimahay rubi. Nabey quidzak he ca nabey xeul ri qekaqueh, Cibakihay, Cavek, xambey chic xul ri Bacahol, xtiquerinak dzak xul: xcha ca ok xul ri Bacahol chire qekaquch: Yn yn ahpop, quin a culu, xcha chi re qekaquch. Ok xul xrah ru hiquh, ah popol, xucheex ca cuma: Maqui atat kah pop, ma hatul kah pop, xecha chire. Tok xrelahih ca abah cuval, xcha: Tin ya chivichin ree cuval cah qa rakan, tuvic rakan, yn yvahpop, xcha. Maqui xahox chire. Tok xtiquer ca chubanic ru dzak, xutzin yantah rudzak xraho ahpopol tantu hiquh chire. Ok xtak cape chuluc balam yohol rudzak ruma qaqavitz, ytzel chic rucux qaqavitz Bacahol tan tiraho ahpopol. Quereca xul yoh vi ru dzak ri ruma chicop chuluc balam, tok xpe ca qaqavitz chuvi huyu Puhuhil, Paraxone xahun chi raxon ru halebal; tok xpeul, ok xul Pantzic Paraxone, çakerinak chic. 39. The first who went forth were Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cibakihay and Cavek, who came together. You were the first, oh my house, oh my tribe, to bring about our day-breaking, our ancient nation, some time before the dawn. “Go forth,” was said to them. Then they came to the place where their dawn was to be, to the mountains named Pantzic, Paraxone, Cinahihay, Pacibakul, and Pa Cavek and Quehil. There their dawn appeared, there they built houses, there took place the marriage of their chief named Nimahay. The first who built houses were those who came first, the Gekaquch, the Cibakihay and the Cavek. The last who arrived was Baqahol, and they had already commenced to build when he arrived. After he had come, Baqahol said to Gekaquch: “I, I am king, I received you.” So said he to Gekaquch. At his arrival he had ardently desired the leadership. The others answered him: “Thou! no, thou art not our king; we do not wish you to be our king.” So said they to him. Then he showed them a precious stone and said: “I will give you this precious stone carved with four feet, and hands and toes, if I am your chief.” So he said. But that suited them not. Then he began to build himself a stronghold, and in a little while the labor was completed, for he ardently desired power and coveted it. For this reason his constructions were destroyed by the Chuluc Balam sent by Gagavitz, because Gagavitz liked it not that Baqahol desired the leadership. Therefore the constructions were destroyed by the animals Chuluc Balam when Gagavitz came to the places called Puhuhil and Paraxone, each of which was clothed with changing green. After that he arrived on Pantzic and Paraxone, and on his arrival the day-breaking took place.
[110]40. Elenak chi pe qih, quecha e oher tata mama, xul ca chiri pa çakeribal, he ca banoninak chic rutee runam ri qekaquch, Cibakihay, Cavek, Ahquehay; maqui utz tuna chiri Bacahol, xuchih chi oc ri chi tee, chi nam ok xquicul cahpop; xqil ca el xucheex: maqui quina cul, at Bacahol, hari mixacha, yn ahpop cacha, mixavelahih acuval chiqui vach he tee e nam, ahpop Bacahol ma xa tucheex tava, maqui at nutee at nunam, xucheex, ca xax cha chic xuculuba: Mani chic xubijh, Yn atee yn anam. At vah pop, xa xcha chic, xa xu chih chic rij. [111]40. The sun had already risen, said our fathers and ancestors of old; the dawn had appeared, when were formed the families of Gekaquch, Cibakihay, Cavek and Ahquehay. Baqahol had not been well received, as he had forced the families to accept him as their ruler. When he forced them to this, they said: “I shall not go forth to meet you, Baqahol. Do you not come to say: ‘I am the chief, I say it?’ And do you not come to show your precious stone to the eyes of the families? Have you not called youself the Counselor Baqahol? And have you not called yourself the head of our house?” Thus they spoke; but those who were with him answered: “No one has said, ‘I am the head of your house.’” “Be thou our ruler,” they cried, and thus he succeeded.
41. Cani cax quetah cahpop chi ahauarem, xcukubax chuvi ru tem ru chacat, cani xatiniçax chupam atinibal çel, cucu; cani xya pa cul pan paz, pa cuçul, pa tach vi, xoc ca ru titil, ru qaha abah, ru xak, ru caka uleuh, xciz oc rahauarem vach, cuma ruhay ru chinamit, quecha y mama yxnucahol. Quereca tee nam vi chinamit ri huma ohoh ahpop; Xavi ca quere tantuban ronohel ahlabal chupam he ru çakeribal, xavi tantetax rahauarem ruma ru hay ru chinamit. Xamulumuxinak chic chupam ruçakeribal; oxchob ca chi amaq xçaker chiri, Çodzil vinak, Cakchiquel vinak, Tukuchee vinak; Ahkahal xahalatak ru cohol huyu, xe çaker viri oxchob chi amaq. Chuvi ca huyu Tohohil xçaker vi ceche vinak, chuvi ca huyu Çamaneb xçaker vi Rabinale; ahiri ca xrah çaker vi dzutuhile pa dzala; xa maha tutzin ru cak tok xçaker cuma ruchinamit. Maqui ca xmecho chic chiri pa dzala, xaxico chic chicah, chiri chuvi huyu chi celetat, çaktihaxic, xtzakovi el ri, cani xapon chila Xepoyom. Cani xe rucanah rahlabal ruchinamit, maqui xbanatah xuban,[112] cani tah cula xulaqabeh ru chi choy xraho; cani xemacamo ruchinamit ok xico chi cah ququcot, ru halebal, xati vi nin chic roqebal xico chi cah xe acaxah ru chinamit. Quereca xcohe vican cooni dzununaa, Tzololaa, Ahacheli, Vayça; rixcote can chi ya ru chinamit chakap ca xbe rucin. 41. Immediately they gave him, as their chief, the signs of royalty. They seated him on the seat and royal throne. They washed him in the bath, the painted vessel. They clothed him with the robe, the girdle and green ornaments. He received the colors, the yellow stone, the paint, the red earth, and thus he obtained the signs of royalty from the other families and tribes, as said our ancestors, oh my children. Thus was constituted the family by us the ahpop; all the warriors did likewise in the place of their dawn; thus was established the royalty by the families and tribes. They became more numerous in the place where their dawn had appeared. Three tribes of our nation had seen the dawn appear, the Zotzils, the Cakchiquels and the Tukuches. As to the Akahals they were but a little distance from the place when the dawn appeared to the three nations. At the spot called Tohohil the Quiches saw their dawn, and those of Rabinal saw it shine at the spot Zamaneb, and the Tzutuhils sought to see their dawn at Tzala. But their labors had not been completed by this tribe when the sun arose. They had not as yet finished drawing their lines in Tzala when it rose in the sky, precisely above the place Geletat. It continued to spread its light along its course, and at last set at the place called[113] Xepoyom. Immediately the warriors quit those places without finishing their labors, and they all agreed to go and dwell on the borders of the lake. At that time the tribes were filled with terror when the eagle with green plumage passed through the sky, Gucucot, the enchanter, and sadness covered the tribes like a shadow when they heard him pass in the sky. Thus he appeared to the women of Tzununa, of Tzolola, of Ahachel and of Vayza. He soared above the shore and half the people went with him.
Va ca ru pokonal quitzihe ok xecohe chiri. The Sufferings That They Endured During Their Sojourn Here.
42. Kitzih vi chi pokon ok ix ka laqabeh xohul chi ka huyubal, quecha e oher ka mama, yx nucahol; xmani vi tipe vi techaax ti cux ti vayx tucaax, mani navipe tipe vi ti quux ti chinax. Ronohel mani, xa ru hometal chee xoh caçevi, xa ca ti ka çek ru xe ka chamey ti cuker vi ka cux ruma. Ha ca ri ok xtiquer avanuhic, xahari qukutahinak vi chee catinak xya vika yhatz, xcohe vi halatak echa, ha navipe ri ka qu, xa rihlay, xa çakquiy xka chay xkaquuh. Haca ri ok xcohe halal echa, tico na ri chicop queh chicah titzak nape chicuy, cate tikatih halal vay, quecha oher vinak, mani navipe quixhayil ok xeul chiri. 42. Truly it was a time of suffering when we came to establish ourselves in our places, said our ancestors of old, oh my children. There was nothing to eat and there was no relish for what had been brought along, nor was there material for clothing. All was lacking; we lived on the bark of trees and we rested our hearts under the shadow of our lances. At that time the people began to prepare the soil for the planting of corn; the woods were cleared and the brush burned, to prepare for the planting. Thus we came to have a little to eat, and we worked in the bark of trees and the maguey. When there was still some food the vultures passed in the air. At first they took a bird; then they ate some of our food, say the people; but none of them remained when they came.
Qui cambal yxok vae. They Took Wives.
43. Tukuchee xpe vi ri xhayil ri ka mama qaqavitz, comakaa rubi nabey ka tit ri xoh boço, oh Xahila; ci xecule ca kitzih: ca chi nim qui xahan chire culubic; chi xatini cahar qui ni cahal toc, ba cat ru xe ki hatz; xahan ri ticiz oc ci quecha, xahan navipe camul tiban,[114] tixhaylax ha chac virih ruvach talqualax, quecha oher vinak. 43. The Tukuches having arrived and settled, our ancestor Gagavitz married Gomakaa, our first ancestress, who brought us forth—us, the Xahila. Many others also married; for there had been a stringent prohibition with regard to marriage; so that when they went in to bathe, their organs gave way and they spilled their seed. Many were thus prohibited, it is said, and the prohibition was made a second time, because they had carnal rela[115]tions both naturally and unnaturally, as the old traditions say.
44. Haca ri tok xtiquer rutzukic caxtoc, xahu vuk chi qih, xaca oxlahuh chi qih ti tzukbex ri, xa navipe rax qol rax ru vachah, rax hox, rax homet, xa ca ral chicop mez retal aqa ticat chuvach, xa ca hari chee holom ocox tiqui dzizbeh qui xiquin; maqui na nim ru vach ti tzukbex richin ri chay abah oher, quecha xaca xnimar ruvach tzukbal re caxtoc, xa xnimar na ruvach çak amaq. cate ok xoc ri nimak ru vach, quecha oher tata mama, ri qaqavitz, ca nakah ok ca que ul chiri Pantzic, Paraxone, Çimahihay, Paçibaqul, Pacavek quehil. 44. Then also they began to adore the Demon. On each seventh and thirteenth day an offering was made to him of fresh resin, and freshly gathered green branches and new bark; and also of a cat, the image of night, which were burned before him. To these were added thorns of the gourd tree with which they drew blood from their ears. They had not yet began the worship of the great idol of the ancient Chay Abah. It is said that the worship of the Demon increased with the face of our prosperity. Afterwards the principal idols were set up, as said of yore our father and ancestor Gagavitz, at the time they approached Pantzic, Paraxone, Cinahihay, Pacibaqul, Pacavek and Quehil.
45. Tok xcutun cahun quilabal Ahcupilcat, Ah Canalakam quibi, bala xpevi, ok xquiyal ca ruvach huyu, xoc vi balbaxin chee, xchaybex quichin Ah Cupilcat, xeoc na apon chiri labal quitakom ciy chubinem, tox xpe ca ri balbaxin chee chuvach huyu, xeyaar ca chi camic ri Ah Cupilcat, Ah Canalakam, ruma ka mama. Chiri ca xquiban vi pa ru çakeribal Bacahol; tok xqahar can ru bi huyu, Yalabey, Çimahihay, Motzoray tucheex; xa ca e cay xecaçe, quecha; hun ca xbe ceche ri Ahcupilcat, ha ki xtihbex choloh chiri. 45. At that time some of the natives of the places called Cupilcat and Canalakam, offered combat when they (the Cak.) had arrived before their city. Withdrawing from before the city (our men) entered a very dense woods where those of Cupilcat were destroyed. Others arrived at the spot to continue the battle, and some calling to others, they entered the dense woods, before their city, and then these men of Cupilcat and Canalakam were destroyed by our ancestor. There the family of Baqahol began its fame, and the name of the place became celebrated. Cimahihay and Motzoray, the only two said to have survived, abandoned the place; and another from Cupilcat came to Quiche and there met his death.
46. Xepe ca chiri Pantzic, Paraxone, xqui toloba can ri, xeul chic Pan che Chiqohom ru bi, ca chiri ca xquitih vi halal qui pokob, ka chunah rupam ree chee ci quecha chirichin chee, xa orocom rupam chee xqui chunah, xaca rachak chicop cot balam, xqui chunabeh rupam chee. Ok xlaqabex ca, xya chupam ri caxtoc,[116] Chay Abah, xaca chicop cel, cuyuch xulabalibeh rochoch ri caxtoc cuma: quereca xubinaah vi pan che Chiqohom ri xe yaloh ca chiri, xaca e cay xerucaholah ri qaqavitz, Caynoh rubi hun, Caybadz rubi hunchic, e cay chi achi. 46. Having abandoned Pantzic and Paraxone they arrived at the forest called Chiqohom, and there suffered some deprivations. But they made dwellings in the trees, each choosing a tree and whitewashing its interior with lime obtained from the excrements of eagles and tigers. When they were settled there, they set up the idols of the Demon and Chay Abah; and in the house[117] of the Demon were placed parroquets and parrots. Therefore they called that place Chiqohom. After having lived there awhile, Gagavitz begat two infants, the first named Caynoh, the second Caybatz, both boys.
47. Xcam ca ri ahauh qaqavitz, ri ki xpe pa Tulan, ki ca e chutik cahola ri ka mama Caynoh, Caybadz, ok xcam qui tata, xavi chiri xemuke vi can, chupam qui çakeribal Paraxone. 47. At that time the king Gagavitz died, the same who came from Tulan; his children, our ancestors, Caynoh and Caybatz, were still very young when their father died. They buried him in the same place where their dawn appeared, in Paraxone.
48. Bala ca xeye vi e cay chiachi, xeul chiri quecha ca ok xeul chiqui chin qekaquch, Bacahol, Cibakihay: Mixoh ul, yxkatee, yxkanam, oh vae oh qalel Xahil, ahuchan Xahil kohucheex, oh y qalel, oh yvahpop. ci quecha ok xeul, mani ca natal xepe vi vue pe he ret ri Çactecauh, ri xcam can chupam çivan chopiytzel; ci xe cha chic e ka tata e ka mama, yxnucahol. 48. Thus were the two boys left. Then Gekaquch, Baqahol and Cibakihay arriving, said to them: “We have come; we are your mothers and sisters; we are here, we the Galel Xahil and the Ahuchan Xahil, as we are called; we are your Galel; we are your Ahpop.” Thus many of them came and spoke, not remembering the sign of Zactecauh, who had died in the ravine of Qhopiytzel. Thus spoke many of our fathers and ancestors, oh my children.
49. ci nabey ca xqaqar Tepeuh, rahaual Cauke. Cuztum chixnal ru bi huyu; xban vi ti xibin ru naual ri Tepeuh, tibirbot huyu co vi, xpatanih ca ronohel amaq chuvach Tepeuh. 49. The first who ruled with glory was Tepeuh, the king of Cauke. Cuztum and Chixnal were the names of his strongholds. The magic power of Tepeuh inspired terror, he caused the mountain to tremble where he lived, and all the tribes paid tribute to Tepeuh.
50. He ca ri qalel Xahil ahucham Xahil xtakex quitzih ruma qekaquch Bacahol: ci xecha ri qalel Xahil ahuchan Xahil; Que be tah ru nabey ka patan ri Caynoh, Caybadz, oh coh oh yvahpop, ci xecha chique chinamit, ci xtakex ca quitzih ruma chinamit. 50. Now these Galel Xahil and Ahuchan Xahil caused these words to be carried by Gekaquch and Baquhol: “The Galel Xahil and Ahuchan Xahil say thus, ‘Let Caynoh and Caybatz go forth first as our tribute, for as for us, we are the rulers.’” So said they to the clans. And the boys were sent with the message for the clans.
[118]Qui benebal vae rucin Tepeuh. [119]Their Interview With Tepeuh.
51. Xebe ca ri ka mama Caynoh, Caybadz rucin Tepeuh, he huciçic xebe, xax quiyonih chicam ri qalel Xahil, Ahuchan Xahil; xeapon ca rucin Tepeuh. Chinak qui xux, xeucheex ruma Tepeuh oh ru cahol qaqavitz, ci xecha cari Caynoh, Caybadz; ci xmacamo ca Tepeuh, ok xracaxah quitzih, quereca xecaçe vi ri ruma Tepeuh he ta camel ok xebe rucin. 51. Our ancestors Caynoh and Caybatz came to Tepeuh. They entered alone while the Galel Xahil and Ahucham Xahil remained alone without, When they reached the presence of Tepeuh: “Who are you?” was said to them by Tepeuh. “We are the sons of Gagavitz,” replied Caynoh and Caybatz.” Tepeuh marveled greatly when he heard their words: therefore they were strengthened by Tepeuh as theywere humble before him.
52. Tok xetak ca chi camoh patan rumal Tepeuh, xe be camo ru patan amaq. Mani ca xe cam vi chuvi tak amaq chi camoh patan; kitzih chi ronohel tixibin qui puz qui naval ri Caynoh Caybadz; tihulhut que cohe vi chaqa quere ri qaq, tibirbot ca quere ri Cabrakan; qui quereca tu xibih vi ri amaq ri, ok que apon chuvi tak amaq, ronohel ca xya chique rumal amaq, qui cambal patan. Chila ca relebal qih, xpuvakix vi pe qui xet, puvak, badzbal qui xet xux, rumal amaq qui cambal patan; xnimax quitzih, quere xae ru cahol Tepeuh xux ruma ri xbanatah xqiban, kitzih eloq xeux ruma. 52. They were then sent by Tepeuh to collect the tribute, and they went forth to take the tribute from the tribes. No one of the many people died while they were taking the tribute. Truly all feared the magic power and wisdom of Caynoh and Caybatz. Where they were at night it shone like fire, and there was trembling as of an earthquake. Therefore all the people were in fear when they came among them, and they were given all things by the people when they came to take tribute. Quite to the far East they were paid what they demanded, precious metals and spun stuff as they demanded, by the tribes from whom they took tribute. Mighty were their words. Therefore by these actions they became the sons of Tepeuh, and by them truly they became illustrious.
Ri yabal quixhayl vae. They Are Given Women.
53. Xebe chica e camol patan chi Ahdziquinahay, ci xerihix ca chi caholal kamama. Chila ca chi Ahdziquinahay xbeya vipe quixhail, xaca quixet xrayix, puak badzbem quixet. Ok xe apon ci xchaca Ahdziquinahay: quekahiah ree ru çamahal Tepeuh, kitzih tixibin qui naval; kaya quixhayil, ka cama can qui xet; xecha, maqui ca xel qui chi ahaua chique Caynoh, Caybadz; xquixibih qui coh cuxla xquina xaca xbe eleqaxel[120] quixet chaqa, cuma quimeal ahaua; xa eleqal xbe çelel quixet tan quevar; ha ca quimeal ahaua hun Çuncunqanel Mayahauh, Puci ahauh xequicam ri Caynoh, Caybadz qui bi quixhail vae Bubadzo ru bi hun, Ycxiuh rubi hunchic. Mani chi ca quixet xquina ri ka mama xe macamo, ci xe cha ca: Mixoh y qalaba, at Ahdziquinahay, xtoyevar Tepeuh ckikih; Xecha:​—​Ba y xibih yvij, xtika ya yvix hayil, xquixkahiah, maquina ytzel xtikaban, quixbe bijx chire Tepeuh, xmaqui chivi xeucheex. Tok xya ca chiquichin ri quixhail, xebe ca bijx chire Tepeuh. Xax maqui chi vi xebe, xquixibih qui chuvach Tepeuh, cani xquevah qui chupam pec, xeyaloh chupam pec, chi e van ri xubinaah Pecparu pec, Caynoh tucheex. 53. At length they arrived to collect the tribute from the Ahtziquinahay, who are also descended from our ancestor. They came to where the Ahtziquinahay were with their women, and designating what they desired, they designated metals and spun stuff. When they came, the Ahtziquinahay said (among themselves): “Let us make these messengers of Tepeuh our sons-in-law. Truly their magic power is terrible. But we will give them women, and we will take back what they have designated.” So they said, and none of the chiefs went[121] forth to Caybatz and Caynoh. These were frightened, lest some should come during the night and the treasures they had collected be stolen by the daughters of the chiefs. And indeed, these did come secretly and stole the jar of treasures while (the brothers) slept. They were the daughters of the chiefs Zunçunqun, Ganel, Mayahauh and Puciahauh. Caynoh and Caybatz took them as wives; Bubatzo was the name of one, Icxiuh of the other. Our ancestors not seeing their treasure were filled with fear. They cried out: “You have indeed, ruined us, oh ye Ahtziquinahay! Tepeuh will be angered against us.” They answered: “Be not frightened. We shall give you wives; you shall be our sons-in-law; we will do you no evil; you will go speak to Tepeuh and nothing will be said to you.” Then wives were given to them, and they went to speak with Tepeuh. But they did not reach there, they feared to come before Tepeuh; so they hid themselves in a cavern, and they retired into the cavern. The place where they hid was called by Caynoh Pecparupec (a cave within a cave).
Canobal quichin vae. The Search For Them.
54. Tok xe canox ca ruma chinamit: Oh e ka canoh kah pop, ba tan e co vi, xkaqalabaki, xkacaxah quitzih ree xa maqui paal qui tee qui tata, ci xechari qekaquch, Bacahol, Cavek, Cibakihay chique Caynoh, Caybadz. Tok xe canay ca pa pec, que cha ri canoy quichin xe apon: Oh canoy yvichin, yxkahpop, kitzih vi tan hoye ka vach, xecha. Canica xecha ri Caynoh, Caybadz; Mani ko be maqui pe coh yvahaual qalel ahuchan, chinak la ca tiraho chike? maqui pe oh camel xoh be rucin Tepeuh, mani ca kobe quecam; na ri xitakeh quitzih, kobe na ca hiquibax chi ree Tepeuh; cate kobe; xecha, xaca cani xutakeh chinamit; cani xbe çamahel hiquibaay quichin chire Tepeuh; cani xquicot Tepeuh tok xracaxah[122] qui tzihol, xquicot navipe Cakchequele, Çodzil Tukuchee, xquicot ca Ahdziquinahay; tok xe canay ka mama. 54. Then they were sought for by the tribe. “We seek our rulers. Where are they? We are truly afflicted; for we have heard their voices. Neither their mothers nor their fathers wish to leave them!” so spoke Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cavek and Cibakihay concerning Caynoh and Caybatz. At length they searched in the cavern, and those who had spoken met them coming: “We seek you, oh our rulers, and truly we are unhappy,” said they. Caynoh and Caybatz answered: “We shall not come if your rulers, the Galel and Ahucham, are not there. Who would be with us? Are we not humbled if we return before Tepeuh? We shall not come that they may kill us. Let them take these words, that we may go forth and be reconciled with Tepeuh. Then we will come.” So said they, and immediately it was carried to the people. A messenger was sent to report to Tepeuh.[123] When Tepeuh heard the report he rejoiced, and the Cakchiquels rejoiced, and the Zotzil Tukuches and the Ahtziquinahay rejoiced. Then they went forth to seek our ancestors.
Caponibal chic vae panche Chiqohom. The Arrival Again at the Woods Chigohom.
55. Xe apon ca chiri cachbilam chic quixhayil, quere bila xdzet qui vach xquicot ronohel amaq, tok xeapon chic. Cani ca xehidzax xecam ri qalel Xahil Ah ucham Xahil, ronohel tzih tok xecam. 55. Returning, they arrived together, where were their wives. Therefore all the tribes rejoiced on seeing their faces, when they returned. Immediately they caused to be hanged and executed the Galel Xahil and Ahucham Xahil, and all their fame perished with them.
56. Xeoc ca chi ahauarem, Ahpop Xahil xux ri Caynoh, Ahpop camahay xux ri Caybadz, e cay chi ahaua xeux humah tzih ok xeoc chi ahauarem. 56. Then they entered in possession of the royal power. Caynoh was made Ahpop Xahil, and Caybatz was made Ahpop Qamahay. Both were kings, and their words were as one, when they assumed the royal power.
57. Xe caholan xe mealan ca, ri Caynoh, Caybadz, e cahi xe ru caholah hun, e voo xe rucaholah hunchic, e belehe chi achi xe qui caholah ri Caynoh, Caybadz, xe re ca quitzih tixibin qui puz qui naval ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh, Caynoh, Caybadz. 57. Caynoh and Caybatz begat sons and daughters. The first had four sons and the second five sons, making nine sons begotten by Caynoh and Caybatz. Terrifying was the fame of the magic power and wisdom of Gagavitz, Zactecauh, Caynoh and Caybatz.
58. Ok xecha ca ri Caynoh, Caybadz: ti dzakattah ri kahauarem oh ru pixabam vi ka tata; que oc tah cay ka cahol chi ahauarem, xecha. Tok xoc ca hun ru cahol ahauh Caynoh ahuchan Xahil rahauarem xux, xoc chic hun rucahol ahauh Caybadz, qalel Xahil, rahauarem xux, quereca cahi vi kahaual ri oh Xahila, xdzakat cahauarem ka mama chiqui vach. 58. Then Caynoh and Caybatz spoke thus: “Strong is now our royal power; we hold the rulership from our fathers; let our two sons partake of our power.” So said they. Then a son of Caynoh was placed in possession of power and was made Ahuchan Xahil, and a son of Caybatz was placed on the throne and was made Galel Xahil. Thus we had four rulers, we the Xahila, and our royal power was established in the presence of our ancestors.
Xecam ca ri Caynoh Caybadz. Death of Caynoh and Caybatz.
59. Xe ca oquenak can qalel Xahil, ahuchan Xahil, tok xecam ahaua. Cani ca xoc chic quicexel; he caca qui cahol xeoc chi ahauarem, ahpop Xahil, ahuchan[124] Xahil xquikaleh ri e cay ru cahol rucahol ahauh Caybadz, Caynoh: xeoc chica cay ru cahol ahauh Ahpop camahay, Xahil qalel Xahil xquikaleh: xdzakat ca cahauarem chiqui vach he ru cahol Caynoh, Caybadz, he nabey ka mama xebano can ri ahauarem, yx nucahol, xahun ka tee tata xahun xohboço oh Xahila. 59. After the Galel Xahil and the Ahuchan Xahil had taken possession, the kings died. Immediately their posterity succeeded. Two by two they entered into power, and the two sons of the sons of Caynoh received homage[125] as Ahpop Xahil and Ahuchan Xahil; the two sons of the chief Caybatz took possession and received the homage of their subjects as Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Thus was the monarchy established during the time of the children of Caynoh and Caybatz. They were our first ancestors who established the royalty, O my children; but one mother only and one father only brought us forth, us, the Xahila.
60. He ca ki xeçutulakin, xeyamalakin ree; kitzih chiciy qui tinamit qui huyubal xux, tok xeciyar ca qui meal qui cahol, ri e belehe chi achi, ri xe qui caholah ahauh Caynoh, Caybadz: xa ca ki xcam ahauh Citan catu, tok xbiyin ahauarem chiqui vach he ka tata he ka mama; kitzih chie ciy ahaua xux, xax çolo cahauarem. 60. They received homage, they received presents; for the towns and places were beyond number which were theirs. Then multiplied the daughters and sons of the nine sons begotten by the kings Caynoh and Caybatz. When, however, the king Citan Qatu died, the royal power was split up among our fathers and ancestors; there were then many chiefs and the power was divided.
61. He ca ri qui cahol coxahil cobakil, quere navipe ri qui cahol ri qalel Xahil, Ahuchan Xahil, quereca ri ru cahol Ah Cupilcat, rihun xcace. Xe qui hach ka mama chiqui vach ke chinamital, xeux chirih ru cahol ahauh ahauh Caynoh, xeoc vi rie qui cahol coxahil cobakil, xavica chiri xeoc vi ru cahol ri Ahuchan Xahil ri xehidzax chirih ahpop, Ahuchan xeoc vi. 61. There were the sons of Qoxahil and Qobakil, and the children of the Galel Xahil and the Ahuchan Xahil, and the sons of Ahcupilcat, of whom our ancestors had spared life and granted a dwelling place. These made an opposition to the sons of the king Caynoh. The children of Qoxahil and Qobakil having begun to rule, the sons of the Ahuchan Xahil, who had been hanged, opposed the king, and began to rule as Ahuchan.
62. Xeoc chi ca chirih Ahpop camahay Xahil, qalel Xahil, ri ru cahol Ah Cupilcat, xavi ca chiri xeoc vi e ru cahol ri qalel Xahil ri bala xepe vi, ri xeyaoel Caynoh Caybadz, xe be rucin Tepeuh, xaca xecohe chi popol ri ykomaqi e huvi chi vinak re ca ru bi qui tinamite, ri nabey qui tinamit. 62. Against the Ahpop Qamahay Xahil was the Galel Xahil, son of Ahcupilcat; also the sons of the Galel Xahil who was with Caynoh and Caybatz and accompanied them to Tepeuh. They had lived in the sovereignty of the Ikomagi, a nation whose name is from their city, their principal city.
63. Xqui toloba ca ri ki xeçaker vi conohel xepe chiri Pantzic, Paraxone; yalabey Çimahihay, Panchee, Chiqohom, Chiavar, dzupi taqahi, nica ya cotox ul; re chica[126] ru bi ki xeçutulakin chivie, Çahcab tinamit, Pedze, Utzupa qinona, qalaah, Puzbal, Çalicahol, Nimçakahpec, Yut qum Calla, chuvi Xilom, Molinxot, Pa chalic bak, chuti tinamit, citan ca ticil Akahal vinak chuvi tinamit Ochal, cabouil çivan, tan ti qaqar ahauh Ychalcan Chicumcuvat, rahaual Akahal vinak. 63. At that time they abandoned the place where their dawn had appeared and they all returned to Pantzic and Paraxone; they left Cimahihay, Panche, Chiqohom, Chiavar, and Tzupitagahi, following the valleys of the river.[127] The names of the places that they received homage from in this journey are the towns Zahcah, Petze, Utzupa, Ginona, Galaah, Puzbal, Zaliqahol, Nimzakahpec, Yutcum, Calla, Chuvi Xilom, Molinxot, Pachalicbak, Chuti tinamit, where the Akahal nation had greatly increased, and where, in the towns of Ochal or Qabouil Civan, the king Ychalcan Chicumcuvat, chief of the Akahals, reigned with majesty.
64. Tok xe apon chica e ka mama chiri chuvi tinamit Ochal, xeloqox ca chiri ruma Akahal vinak, ca chiri xucam viri cahi chi amaq; mahaok ti pax Akahal vinak: ca ruqaam ok ri ronohel, xa ca ki rupaxic Akahal vinak. Ok xtole can ri tinamit Ochal, xa meqenalah huyu, xrokah taqah, ok xapon ral rucahol ahauh Ychalcan Xepakay; chuvi vi te xe ynup, xa maloh yc, xa chom, xa car xu raih. Xa naak ca ruyon vinak xapon chiri taqah, xacaxrah qui hidzah qui cahol ahauh, xa ruma cachihilal, xax rah yco qui qaqal chiqui vi qui tata, quere ca xerah cam vi cuma ahaua ri. Xa ca hun aqa xeel qui cahol, xcokotah vinak chila Panah Chiholom, Xepakay xe ynup: cani ca xquicot Akahal vinak, tok xeka apon ri qui cahol ahaua taqah. Quereca tok xhacho ri Akahal vinak ri, tok xtole ca can ri tinamit Ochal, rachpetic ca Akahal vinak ri ka mama, ok xlaqabex chic ri Çakicahol, Nim cakah pec. 64. Our ancestors then arrived at the town Ochal. They made themselves liked by the Akahals, and founded there four towns. The Akahal nation had not previously been divided; but at that time they all made a choice and chose to effect a division of the nation. It was at this time that they abandoned the town of Ochal, which was in the warm district, and sought the highland plain, when the sons of Ychalcan came to Xepakay Seated on the roots, under the shade of a ceiba tree, they ate chile, and had shellfish and fish, as they liked. Then the people of the place, coming above the plain, sought to hang the sons of the king for their temerity; for they aimed to surpass the greatness of their father, and for that reason the chiefs wished their death. But these princes, making a night attack, routed the people at Panah, at Chiholom and at Xepakay, under the ceiba tree. The Akahals rejoiced at the arrival of the princes on the plain. In consequence of this event, the Akahals separated, and they left the town of Ochal, and accompanied our ancestors, and established themselves at Zakiqahol and Nimcakahpec.
Vae xtinudzibah Here I shall write
65. Quibi ri e ka mama xe ahauar oher, ri ki xe çutulakin xe yamalakin, ri ciy qui tinamit xux, xaki ru camic ahauh Citan catu, tok xbiyin cahauarem ka mama chi qui vach. 65. The names of our ancestors who received the homage and presents of a great number of towns after the death of the king Citan Qatu when our ancestors publicly took the government.
66. Xahauar ahauh Citan catu, ru cahol ahauh Caynoh, xa vi coh ru puz ru naval ri. Ok xahauar chica ahauh[128] cotbalcan. Xahauar ca ahauh Alinam xahauar chica ahauh, Xttamer Çaquentol. Ok xoc chica ahauh chiyoc Queh ahquq. Haok xmolobax el ahauh qalel Xahil Xulu catu chire cechevinak, xax rah ru yac labal ahauh chiree xban vi pa qinona; xban tzaloh chuvach tinamit qinona; quereca xya vi el ahauh Xulu catu ri cuma ahaua chiyoc Queh, Ttah ttah Akbal, he tan que ahauar, xax mani chi vi qui covil ahaua kitzih hoye qui vack xux hoye navipe ru vach vinak xux cuma. 66. The chief Citan Qatu ruled, the son of the chief Caynoh, to whom were mystic power and wisdom. Then[129] ruled the chief Qotbalcan. The chief Alinam ruled. Next ruled the chief Xttamer Zaquentol. Then followed in power Qhiyoc Queh Ahgug. In his reign the chief and Galel Xahil Xulu Qatu gathered together the Quiche nation, desiring that war should be declared against those who were attacking Ginona, and were engaged against the town Ginona. For this reason the chief Xuluqatu was sent by the chiefs Chiyocqueh and Ttah ttah Akbal, who then reigned, to say that no mercy should be shown to the chiefs who commanded the forces of the enemy, but that the people should be spared.
67. Ok xcha ca ahauh cikab chique ahaua: Tilaqabeh chic y huyubal Chiavar, xeucheex ruma ahauh cikab. 67. Then the king Qikab said to the chiefs: “Go back again to your town at Chiavar.” Thus spoke the king Qikab.
Caponibal chic Chiavar vae. Their return to Chiavar.
68. Ru tzih ahauh cikab, tok xepon chic ka mama chuvi tinamit Chiavar dzupitaqah, xavi ca xlaqabex can ronohel huyu ruma vinak, quere navipe xbe cucin ahaua ok xquilaqabeh tinamit Chiavar, ru chi cikab. 68. It was by command of the king Qikab that our ancestors returned to the city of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. All the towns were occupied by the nation, therefore they came with the chiefs when these removed to Chiavar by order of Qikab.
69. Xahauar chica ahauh Xitayul Hax. Xlaqaben ok tinamit Chiavar ok xahauar Xitayul Hax. 69. The chief Xitayul Hax was then reigning. The town of Chiavar was peopled during the reign of Xitayul Hax.
70. Ok xoc chica ahauh Xiquitzal chi ahauarem, tan e coh chiri chuvi tinamit Chiavar cupitaqah; tan ca ti qaqar ahauh cikab chi ahauarem, chila chuvi tinamit qumarcaah chi Yzmachij, tan ti patanih ronohel amaq chu vach. 70. At that time also the chief Xiquitzal had power. They dwelt in the towns of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. The king Qikab ruled with majesty over all the kingdom at the towns Gumarcaah and Izmachi, and all the people paid him tribute.
71. Ruma ri tan tu cuch ri oxlahu chob chi ahlabal chiri qumarcaah, ca tahin ok tiqui hunamah ruvach qui cha, qui pocob, xqui kaçax chuti amaq nima amaq,[130] ronohel çivan tinamit, maquina xaruyon cechevinak; xuban oxlahu chob chi ahlabal xkaçan amaq, quere xqaqar vi ahauh cikab ri. 71. For him the thirteen divisions of warriors assembled at Gumarcaah, and they prepared their bows and shields. The tribes, great and small, and all the dwellers in the ravines were conquered, nor did it cost the Quiches[131] anything. The thirteen divisions of warriors conquered the towns, and thus was increased the glory of the king Qikab.
72. Maqui ca xe covin ree chakab ahaua he ka mama, ri mix kabijh can, xax qui meztah tzih, quere ri hoye vi ruvach Çodzil Tukuchee, ri xux, mani qui covil xhoyevatah ruvach vinak cuma, xqui chup qaqal tepeval. 72. But half of the chiefs would not listen to the words of our ancestors which had been spoken to them; they forgot the order which had been given to spare the Zotzil Tukuches, and not to show mercy to the chiefs, and thus they dimmed the royal power.
73. He ca tan que ahauar ri Rahamun, Xiquitzal; he ca tan que achihir ri ki e ka mama ri Huntoh, Vukubadz, quibi, tan he qaqalah achiha, he kitan que bano labal rucin ahauh cikab: ca coh ok ca ka mama Vukubadz chiri Boqoiya; chiri ca Xequiz chee tan coh vi Huntoh, qui mama nima abahi chiri tan que chahin vi el labal, tan ti tahin qaqalah labal chiri pan Ah Chiholom, tan ti qaqar ahauh Ychal Amullac, rahaual Akahal vinak. 73. Those who were then ruling were Rahamun and Xiquitzal, and among the warriors were our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz. They were famous warriors and made war under the orders of the king Qikab. At that time our ancestor Vukubatz was at Bogoiya and Huntoh was at Xequizche. These men of old, mighty rocks, had gone forth to war, to wage glorious war with those of Chiholom, where reigned the chief Ychal Amullac, ruler of the Akahals.
Haoc xeoc chi ahauarem vae. These Obtain The Royalty.
74. cateca ok xeahauar ri ka mama ri Huntoh Vukubadz, ca e ca ki xe camo qaqal tepeual; xeoc na chi ahauarem ca tan ok ti qaqar ahauh cikab, ca hoye ok ruvach Çodzil Tukuchee. 74. After these things our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz reigned, seizing the power and majesty. When they obtained the royalty, the king Qikab was still reigning, and he had mercy on the Zotzil Tukuches.
75. Haca ri ahauh Vukubadz ka mama, Citan Tihax Cablah rubi ru tata; rixcaholam e ru mam ahauh Citan catu, ri Tihax Cablah. Xa xbiyin cahauarem ka mama chiquivach, xa vi e ru mam ahauh Caynoh, ahauh Citan catu, quereca xoc vi chi ahauarem; ka mama ri cumal ahauh cikab, rucin ronohel ahaua nimak vinak humah chi ok xoc chi ahauarem ri ka mama Vukuadz, Huntoh quibi xae cay chi ahaua. 75. This chief, our ancestor, Vukubatz, had as father Citan Tihax Cablah, who was the son of the king Citan Qatu and Tihax Cablah. The latter let the power pass to our ancestor, and the king Caynoh and the king Citan Qatu thus obtained the power. Our ancestor, summoned by the king Qikab and by all the chiefs and leading men, from all parts, was placed in the royal power, and thus our ancestors Vukubatz and Huntoh were then the two kings.
[132]76. Xeoc na chi ahauarem ka mama cateca ok xqui laqabeh tinamit Chiavar dzupitaqah. Kitzih ca tan ti qaqar ahauh cikab, ok xe ahauar ri ka mama Huntoh Vukubadz, kitzih vi tixibin que achihir, maqui qui meztam tzih xavi xere qui cuxlaam, quitzih he nabey ka tata ka mama ri qaqavitz, Çactecauh, Caynoh, Cabadz, Citan catu. Kitzih vi ca coh chic qui puz qui naval ri ahauh Huntoh Vukubadz, ri ki xcamo qaqal tepeual; kitzih chi ci ya amaq tinamit, xqui haçah can rucin ahauh cikab, rucin ronohel ahlabal; tanti xibin ru qaqal ahauh chuvach ronohel vuk amaq, tanti hunamax labal rumal ronohel ahlabal; quere ca xqaqar vi ahauh cikab ri. Ronohel ca tinamit ree xqui haçah can, mahaok ti tiquer chaoh chirih ahauh cikab, ruma ceche vinak ok xban can:​—​ [133]76. When our ancestors had taken possession of the royalty, they settled the towns of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. Truly the king Qikab ruled with great glory when our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz reigned. Those warriors inspired terror, nor were their histories forgotten, and the fame was recalled of our first fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz, Zactecauh, Caynoh, Caybatz, and Citan Qatu. Truly there were magic power and wisdom in our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz; they assumed glory and majesty. Truly many were the cities and peoples who submitted to them, and over whom they had triumphed with the king Qikab and all the warriors. For this great monarch inspired terror throughout the seven nations, and his warriors carried war in all directions; and therefore great was the glory of the king Qikab. These are all the towns which they had conquered before the insurrection broke out which the Quiches made against their king Qikab:—
Rubi tinamit vae ronohel. The Names Of All The Towns.
77. Halic
Beleh Cuihay
Molomic Abah
77. Halic
Beleh Cuihay
Molomic Abah
[134]78. Ronohel ca tinamit ri xquikaçah can Huntoh, Vukubac; rucin ahauh cikab, ca laqabem ok tinamit Chiavar ok xquiban can ka mama. [135]78. All these towns were conquered by Huntoh and Vukubatz, and by the king Qikab, when our ancestors settled at Chiavar and made that town.
Ru tiqueric ca chaoh chirih cikab vae. Beginning Of The Revolt Against Qikab.
79. Tok xtiquer ca chaoh chirih ahauh cikab, ruma ceche vinak; xavi ru chinamital ahauh xyaco chaoh, xa xqiz ru chinamital ahauh chucohol nimak achij: tzukul richin maqui chi tah xhito ri alcahol xraho ceche vinak; xa xrah rambey akan ruma ceche vinak, xax maqui vi ca xraho ahauh. He pokon re runa ahauh ri nimak achij, maqui xe ruya ri hitol quij. Quereca xbe vi chiuh ahauh ri ruma ceche vinak, xax qui chup qui qaqal. 79. Then began a revolt against the king Qikab by the Quiche men; the family of the king was the cause of the contest. The family of the king perished with many of the people. The Quiches would not promise the homage as vassals which he asked of them. They wished that the roads should be free to the Quiche people, which the king would not grant. Therefore many of the people disliked the king and they would not pay him their dues. For this reason the Quiches turned against the king and his glory diminished.
80. He ca cay ru cahol ahauh tan que qaqar. Tatayac rubi hun, Ah Ytza rubi hunchic; Chituy, Quehnay qui bi cay chic, xavi e qui cahol ahaua: he ca xe rach qui chiih ceche vinak ri, xtiho naek ca chirichin ahauh cuma ru cahol xax maqui chi vi ca xeruya ri hitol qui; e pokon xeruna ri tzukul richin; quereca xbe vi chirih ahauh ri cuma ru cahol. Xax rucin vi ca ticako vi quivach chire qui tata, ri Tatayac Ah ytza, quibi, xax quihiquh rahauarem ahauh, xquirayih ca ru xit, ru puvak, ralabil ru vinak qui tata; tok xu popoh ca ru tzih ceche vinak chiquih nimak achij tzukul richin ahauh; xeciz cam conohel ru nabey tzukul richin ahauh. 80. The two sons of the king were already distinguished. Tatayac was the name of the one, Ah Itza the name of the other. Chituy and Quehnay were the two sons of these princes. These took the part of the Quiches, and the king was thus opposed to his own sons, who incited the people not to pay their dues, already irritated on account of their subjection; and thus it came that the king was against his own sons. Thus Tatayac and Ahitza were opposed to their father, for they coveted the royal power, and desired the precious stones, the metals, the slaves and people of their father. At this time there was a council of the Quiches against the warriors maintained by the king, and they began to put to death all those of the first rank in the royal service.
81. Vaca quibi cahaual nimak achije: Herech, Taqunun, Xhudzuy, Eventec, Açacot, Camachal qui bi. Kitzih ci yatak cal qui cahol, ri hutok chob, chi ahpopo. Mani chica xculuben ahauh cuma ok xecam, tok xoquebex ca cochoch ahpopo ruma achiha, xeciz cam ahpopo cuma [136]achiha. maqui ruchi ahauh; tan ca coh ahauh chuvi tinamit Panpetak; cani ca rachcamic ahauh xrah ux cuma achiha: rucin navipe qui chij rucahol ahauh xcoquebeh rochoch ahauh Panpetak; cani ca xelahpe ahauh cikab chique achiha. Quereca xtzolih vi achiha ri Xahil ah popo, xeyaar chi camic; cateca ok xelah ahauh chique achiha, xutzihobeh ru xit ru puvak; xu yaca cahauarem cah popol achiha, xuyacan qaqal tepeval chique achiha: ruyoq ru cux ahauh cikab chique rucahol ytzel xquiban ri Tatayac, Ah ytza quibi. Quereca xcam vi ahauarem qaqal, cuma achiha ri humah chi amaq, tok xya ri oxlahuh chi ahpop chi varabal, chu chij amaq, xa nimak achij ki ru xe chaoh, ok xchup qaqal ciche ki vi ru chi can ahauh cikab. Tok xcam qaqal chi amaq oher, yx ka cahol; cani ca xqil vinak alcahol, chu nimaxic ahauh ruma achiha, kitzih hoye ru vach ahauh xux, ca hunam chivi naek ca ru vach oxlahu chob chi ahlabal chiri, ok xvar chaoh chirih ahauh ruma ceche vinak, ca nakah ok ca tutzin chaoh, ok xtiquer chic chiquih ka mama. 81. These are the names of those of the royal service: Herech, Tagunun, Xhutzuy, Eventec, Azacot, Camachal. Then all the populace and the heads of the tribes assembled together. His people did not assemble around the king that they might not be killed, and the houses of the rulers were entered by the people and the rulers were[137] slain by the people; not by order of the king; for the king was then in the village of Panpetak. The populace there wished also to kill the king. But the orders of his sons prevailed in the royal house at Panpetak. The king Qikab humbled himself before the people. Therefore the people began again to kill those of the house of Xahil. Again the king humbled himself before the people, trying to appease them with his precious stones and metals. He gave up the power of the rulers to the people and divided with them his royal rights. The heart of the king Qikab was bruised by his sons Tatayac and Ah Itza, by that which they had done. Therefore the royal glory perished at the hands of the people of all the classes, and the thirteen divisions and the powers they held were given up, and the glory of the Quiches was extinguished in the revolt against the orders of the king Qikab. Then perished the ancient glory of the nation, O you my children; for since then the people acted, and the king is made such by the people. Truly they had then pity for the king, for the thirteen tribes having obtained the power, the contest of the Quiches was ended; but when it was near its end, it suddenly broke out anew among our fathers.
Ru xe chica chaoh vae. Another Revolt Follows.
82. Ok xtiquer chic chaoh chiquih ahaua Huntoh, Vukubadz, Chuluc, Xitamal Queh, cahi chi ahaua vae. Xaca yxok xyaco chic chaoh chivih Çodzil Tukuche, Nimapam Xcacauh rubi yxok, ki ru xe chic chaoh. Xa ah cay vay yxok xbe pa tinamit qumarcaah, xaca xrah kup ru vay yxok ruma hun achij qui cacal ahaua ciche: xa maqui xuya vay yxok chire cacal, xax hec ka achij chi chee rumal yxok. Canih xrah hidzatah achi xrah cam rumal yxok Nimapan Xcacauh. Quereca xyacatah vi chaoh ri rumal ceche vinak; xataca xcam ri yxok[138] xraho ceche vinak; xaca maqui xya ri yxok chire ceche vinak, chire ca achiha cuma ka mama Huntoh Vukubadz. Xe elahtah ahaua xraho ceche vinak. Quere ta ri xuban ahauh cikab xcaho achih: he qaq chic cani ca xupopoh rutzih ceche vinak xcha: Xape xtan tu cam qaqal tepeval chi Ahpoçodzil, chi Ahpoxahil, xa kamiçah, xax tanti qaqar chi Huntoh chi Vukubadz; xeucheex ca ri ka mama ruma achiha: ci xrah ca rutih chic ahauh cikab ru qilic ru camic Çodzil Tukuche. Mani xacaxan chic rutzih ahauh ruma ceche vinak: Kitzih chicoh ru cux ahauh chire Huntoh Vukubadz. Haruma ri kitzih chi nim ru naobal cikab ci naval ahauh. Maquina xaquere xqaqar ahauh, kitzih tixibin retamabal, ha ru cuxlaam ri xepe vi pa Tullan. He ca ri achiha, xa mani quetamabal, xae chu qabom. Quere bila xquil qaqal maqui xtakex chic rutzih ahauh cuma, quereca qui yon tanti quiban labal tiquina. 82. Then another revolt began against the four leaders—Huntoh, Vukubatz, Chuluc and Xitamal Queh. It was a woman who was the occasion of this revolt with the Zotzils Tukuches, a woman named Nimapam Xcacauh, and she caused the revolt. This woman had come to sell bread in the town of Gumarcah, and one of the guards of the Quiche prince had tried to take the bread from her by force; the woman had refused to give up the bread to the guard, and the man was driven away with a stick by the woman. Then they wished to take and kill the man on account of this woman, Nimapan Xcacauh. Therefore the contest was started by the Quiches; the Quiches wished that the woman should be killed. But[139] the woman was not surrendered to the Quiches by our ancestors Huntoh and Vucubatz. The Quiches, therefore, wished to humble these princes, and they wished to make the king Qikab do this. In anger the Quiches called a council and said: “Only the Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils have obtained the glory and the power; let us kill them, for only Huntoh and Vukubatz have glory.” Thus did the people speak to our ancestors. They wished to tempt the king Qikab to harass and slay the Zotzil Tukuches. But the king would not listen to the words of the Quiches. Truly the heart of the ruler was with Huntoh and Vukubatz. For truly great was the knowledge of Qikab and marvelous the power of this ruler. Not only was he a king in majesty, but also he overawed by his learning and the depth of his spirit, derived from Tullan. Therefore when the people saw his wisdom, they sought not to instruct him; they troubled not his majesty nor accepted the words of the king, but pursued alone the war which they had wished.
Qui pixababal ca qui ahaua vae. The Orders which were Given to the Rulers.
83. Cani ca xel pe ru çamahel ahauh takol ahaua, tok xhique rucamic Çodzil Tukuche, ruma ceche vinak. Tok xepixabam quij ahaua chaqa, xcha ca ri ahauh cikab chique ahauh Huntoh Vukubadz: Mani ru xe mani ru vi kalabal yvuquin, yxnucahol; mica xidzet mixban chuvichin: mixrayx valabil nu vinak nu xit nu pavak, quere chi ca xtiban chivichin. Co ca chivichin, yxnucahol, yxnuchaq nu nimal. Xere vi pixaban ri vae: Mixutzin malo. Machuvak chipe tiban qaqal tepeval vave, xere viri mixkaban yvuquin, chi toloba can tinamit chiquivach he chaol cunum cachak; maqui e acaxa ytzih, yxnucahol. co huyu tilaqabeh pan Yximchee chuvi Radzamut. Hay, tinamit tux, xa chiri ti ban vi bay vi coviçah chi pe[140] ronohel amaq. Ti toloba can ri Chiavar. Yx naek, achih, vuetah xti culubacan, maqui utz nu tzih ti takeh, xcha ahauh cikab chique ka mama. Tok xe pixaban quij ahaua, quereca xtakeh vi rutzih ahauh ri cuma ka mama. Mani xculelaan can ceche vinak. 83. Then the king sent his messenger to announce to the rulers that the Quiches had resolved on the death of the Zotzil Tukuches. At the same time he sent to the rulers that they should come during the night, and the king Qikab spoke in these terms to the rulers Huntoh and Vukubatz: “It is neither the beginning nor the end of this war made against us, O my children. It has been seen what they have done to me. They have robbed me of my slaves, my family, my treasures, my precious metals. They wish to do the same with you. Go forth, therefore, my children, my younger brothers, my elder brothers.” Then he gave his orders: “The lot is cast. Cease at once from the exercise of a power which you should share with me. Abandon this city to the revolted populace. Let your words no more be heard, my children. Go to where you can establish yourselves, to Ix[141]imche, on the Ratzamut. Build there houses and a city, and construct a road on which all the people may pass and rest. Abandon Chiavar. As for you, people, if you succeed, may my words come to you as a curse.” Thus spoke the king Qikab to our ancestors. Then the commands were given to the rulers, and the words of the king were sent to our ancestors. Nor did the Quiches oppose them.
Ha ca ok xe pe Chiavar vae. This is When they Went Forth from Chiavar.
84. Ha chi oxlahuh yq, xtole can tinamit Chiavar, ok xebokotah pe kamama Chiavar, cupitaqah. Haca chi oxlahuh yq, xul xecat baya quij, hun Akbal ca xuxlan, vinak xecat baya quij, ha ca chi cay cat; xlaqabex tinamit chi Yximchee, chuvi Radzamut. ca pa celah ok ca ri pa tinamit chi Yximchee, ok xquilaqabeh ka mama Huntoh, Vukubadz, Chuluc, Xitamal Queh, he cahi chi ahaua, re rahaual Cakchiquel vinak. Canica xdzapitah xchapo ri labal rucin ceche vinak, cani navipe xban dzalam coxtun cuma kamaa; cani ca xquicot amaq ronohel, tok xlaqabex tinamit, ha rumal ri kitzih e qaqalah achih, ahauh Huntoh Vukubadz. Xae ki xebano labal rucin ahauh cikab; quere xquicot vi ahlabal vuk amaq rij. Mani chica xrucheeh ceche vinak, cani xucam rucovel ronohel amaq, cani ca xul ru camahel vuk amaq rucin Ahpoçodzil Ahpoxahil, xcha ronohel ahlabal: Vtz mixpe, nuchaq, nunimal Chiavar, co chirichin Ahpoçodzil, Ahpoxahil, kitzih utz mixul chiri chi Yximchee; xa ruyon achih chu cux chi Cavek chi ceche vinak, xa ruyon qaqal chu cux, ma xtuban chi navica labal ruyon chi cechevinak, xcha ru tzih ronohel vuk amaq, ok xul cucin ahaua. Canix ximo ri ru tzih ronohel ahlabal vuk amaq, tok laqabex tinamit chi Yximchee, xa xuyonih chi can ceche vinak, mani[142] chic xrachculchijh. Quereca tok xquilaqabeh tinamit chi Yximchee ka mama ri, yxnucahol, mani chi ca xutih labal ceche vinak chirih Cakchiquel vinak, xa xuya chi pe ru vach; he ka mama nabey xoc quiqa. Ok xtiho labal chirih ceche vinak cuma ka mama Huntoh Vukubadz, ca laqabem ok ronohel ree cizcab tinamit pa Chakihya pa Xivanul ka vinakil ca xpe chiri Xechibohoy Xechituh, xavi ca cani xulaqabeh can cechevinak ri, cani ca cachob xoquebex vi cechevinak cuma ka mama; ok xcam ri cizcab Xechituh cuma ahaua, ok xutoloba can cechevinak ri pa Chakihya pa Xivanul: cani xuxibih cechevinak ok xtiquer labal ok ixcam ri cizcab Xechituh cuma ahaua cani xeapon ceche vinak chi la yail Ah Xivanul ah Chakihya ri, ah San Gregorio ah Santo Thomas rubi vacami. 84. It was on the 13th day of the month Yg that they abandoned the town of Chiavar, when our ancestors were forced to leave Chiavar and Tzupitagah. On the 13th Yg they descended, burning many roads. On the 1st Akbal they halted, still burning the roads, which made twice that they burned them, after which they established the town of Iximche, on the Ratzamut; they founded the town of Iximche; then settled there our ancestors Huntoh, Vukubatz, Chuluc and Xitamal Queh, these four rulers, the sovereigns of the Cakchiquel people. As soon as they were settled, they placed themselves in readiness for war with the Quiches, and our ancestors built a stronghold. All the people rejoiced at the establishment of the city by these illustrious heroes, the rulers Huntoh and Vukubatz; for they had fought on the side of the king Qikab. Therefore all the warriors of the seven nations rejoiced. The Quiches could do nothing more, and soon all the cities recovered their power. Messengers of the seven nations came to the Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils, and all the warriors said: “You have done well to leave Chiavar, my brother, my elder; well done, Ahpozotzil and Ahpoxahil; you have done well to come here to Iximche. There was but one brave man with Cavek and the Quiches, there was but one royal heart with them; but hereafter he will not go to war with the Quiches.” Such was the speech of all the seven nations when they came to visit the rulers. All the warriors of the seven nations gave their words, when the[143] city of Iximche was founded, that they would separate from the Quiches and would not form an alliance with them. Therefore, my children, when our ancestors founded the city of Iximche, the war of the Quiches against the Cakchiquels had not begun. They had but gazed at each other. Our ancestors first took the sword in hand. When war was declared against the Quiches by our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz, the people of Qizqab had inhabited for a long time the towns of Chakihya and Xivanul, and our people were settled at Xechibohoy and at Xechituh. Soon after the Quiches were established, two of their strongholds were seized by our ancestors; Qizqab having been killed by our ancestors at Xechituh, the Quiches abandoned Chakihya and Xivanul. The Quiches were frightened at seeing the war begin with the death of Qizqab at Xechituh by the orders of the rulers. The Quiches then went down to the streams of those of Xivanul and of Chakihya, which are called at present San Gregorio and Santo Thomas.
85. Tok xqui hach ca ahaua Huntoh Vukubadz ri vuk amaq nimak achi xtzuku quichin heri Ah Popoya, Ah Pancaq, Ah Holom, Mixcu, Tamyac, ronohel Pokoma: Quereca taqah, Ah Ydziyule, Ah Xeabah, Ah Çakcuchabah, xa e cay chi ahaua xecamo ronohel xa Huntoh, Vukubadz: xepatanih vi vuk amaq nimak achij. He naek cahi ahaua mani qui covil ri e cay ahaua Chuluc Xitamal Queh quibi. Cani navipe xtakex qui qaqal ka mama ruma ronohel vuk amaq, ok xlaqabex tinamit chi Yximchee; quereca ru chupic qaqal ceche ri, quecha can ka tata ka mama, yxnucahol. 85. Then the rulers Huntoh and Vukubatz assigned to the chiefs of the seven nations all their tributaries, that is to say, the people of Popoya, Pancag, Holom, Mixco and Tamyac, all of whom were Pokomams; as for those on the plains, the subjects of Itziyule, Xeabah and Zakquchabah, the two rulers, Huntoh and Vukubatz, reserved these for themselves. The seven nations and the chiefs were subjected to a tribute. There were four rulers, but the two named Chuluc and Xitamal Queh were not important. Soon afterwards our ancestors were called majesties by all those of the seven nations, at the time that the city of Iximche was founded. Thus disappeared the glory of the Quiches, said our fathers and ancestors, O my children.
Qui camibal ahaua vae. How the Rulers Died.
86. Ha ca nabey ahauh Huntoh xcam, ok xcam chic ahauh Vukubadz. Ka mama ticil chican tinamit ok xecam ahaua. 86. The first who died was the ruler Huntoh; then the ruler Vukubatz died. Our ancestors had enlarged the city when they died.
[144]87. Tok xahauar chica ahauh Lahuh Ah rubi, nabey rucahol ahauh Huntoh. [145]87. Then began to reign the ruler Lahuh Ah, first of the sons of the ruler Huntoh.
88. Tok xahauar chica ri ahauh Oxlahuh dzij rubi, nabey ru cahol ahauh Vukubadz, he ca belehe chi achij xe ru caholah ri ahauh ka mama Cibakihay; Ximox ru bi rixhayil ahauh Vukubadz. Oxlahuh cij ca rubi ri nabey ru cahol, ahauh Cablahuh Badz ru bi rucam; Chopena Tohin ru bi, rox Chopena dziquin uca ru bi rucah, xetzak ca pa labal ri e cay ka mama; Chopena Tohin xbe tzak Tucuru Cakixala rubi huyu xtzakvi; Panatacat, ca xtzak vi Chopena dziquin uca; Chopena Queh rubi roo; Nima Ahin ru vakuk; Xavi Ahin rubi chic ruvak, Caok, catu quibi he cay chic, e ca qaqalah achiha ree ronohel ka mama. 88. At the same time reigned the ruler Oxlahuh Tzii, oldest son of the king Vukubatz. These are the nine rulers begotten by our ancestor, the chief Cibakihay:—Ximox was the name of the wife of Vukubatz; Oxlahuh Tzii was her eldest son; the chief Cablahuh Batz was the second; Chopena Tohin was the third; Chopena Tziquin Uqa was the fourth. These last two ancestors perished in battle. Chopena Tohin was slain at the place called Tukuru Cakixala, and Panatacat was the spot where fell Chopena Tziquin Uqa. Chopena Queh was the fifth; Nima Ahin was the sixth; Xavi Ahin was the name of the seventh, and Caok and Qatu were the two others. All these ancestors of ours were equally illustrious.
89. Ha ca ri ahauh ka mama Oxlahuh dzij, quere navipe ri Lahuhah, kitzih tixibin que achihir, tixibin ca quetamabal xa maqui meztah rutzih qui tata qui mama. Xavi xcuker chican rucux alcahol ok xeoc chi ahauarem; xaui xere chican qaqal tepeval xquiban chic ahaua; ciy chi navipe nimak labal xquiban xcam chica ahauh Lahuhah. Ok xoc chic ahauh Cablahuh Tihax rubi, nabey ru cahol ahauh Lahuhah, xavi ha ahauh Oxlahuh dzij tan tahauar ok xahauar chic Cablahuh Tihax: xavi xere qui qaqal ahaua xux chican, xaca ki ru camic cikab, ri naual ahauh chila cechee, ok xutih chic labal ceche vinak chirih Cakchequel vinak. Ha catan que ahauar ciche ri Tepepul, Yztayul quibi, tok xtzain chic ru cux ceche vinak chiri tinamit chi Yximchee. Ki ca tan nima vayhal tok xban xax ka nima teuh xcamiçan avan pan Uchum, xyaar avan ruma teuh, quereca xçach vi echa ri, que cha ri y mama,[146] yxnucahol. Ok xu cam ka ceche vinak, xaca hun achi, anom xel Cakxiquel xapon ceche ha, xaponiçan ru tzihol vayhal cichee, ci xcha achij: kitzih tan nima vayh, mani tuchih chic vinak ruma vaihal, ci xcha tok xapon cichee. ci quereca xhique vi ru camiçaxic Cakchiquel ri ruma ceche vinak camel chu cux. 89. These kings, our ancestors, Oxlahuh tzii, and Lahuh ah, truly they frightened by their bravery, they frightened by their knowledge, for they had not forgotten the words of their fathers and ancestors. The hearts of their subjects were calm when these princes assumed the power, and they exerted authority and control. They had made many and great wars when the king Lahuh ah died. Then came the king named Cablahuh Tihax, oldest son of the king Lahuh ah; but Oxlahuh tzii continued to reign, Cablahuh Tihax ruling jointly with him. In truth, the glory of these rulers was not fully established until after the death of Qikab, when the magician-ruler of Quiche and the Quiches recommenced the war with the Cakchiquels. At that time there ruled at Quiche Tepepul and Iztayul, and the Quiches regarded with jealousy the city of Iximche. At that time there occurred a great famine, brought about by great cold, which had destroyed the harvests in the month Uchum, and the harvests were lost through this cold. For this reason, say our ancestors, the food was all consumed. A fugitive Cakchiquel[147] informed the Quiches of this, bringing to the Quiches the news of this famine: and this man said: “Truly, it is a great famine, and the people cannot suffer the pains of this hunger.” So he said on arriving among the Quiches. Therefore the death of the Cakchiquels was decided on by the Quiches, and destruction was in their hearts.
Ru petebal vae. What Took Place.
90. Tok xpe ca xubok pe ri pa tinamit qumarcaah, xciz pe ronohel ahaua; xpe ca qui cabouil ri Tohohil; humah ca ronohel achiha xpeul; maqui ahilam chi vinak, maqui xa hu chuvy, ca chuvy xpe, xul ca chi amaq, chiri cucum ah vi ul xpopon vi ul chiri, ok xvikon ca chi cha, chi pocob, chi tooh, chi tunatiuh, quq, chi tunatiuh cubul, chi calvach puak abah, ca utal ok xpeul chiri. 90. Then took place the defeat at the town of Gumarcaah and the humiliation of all the princes. They brought out their god Tohohil and the people came in crowds; the multitude was innumerable; it was not merely in battalions of eight thousand and sixteen thousand men, but they came by villages and districts. They came in battle array, with their bows, their armor and their weapons, their brilliant plumes, their shining circlets, their head decorated with crowns of gold and precious stones; this was the manner of their coming.
91. Ha ca chi lahuh dzij, rucam ka ceche vinak chi Yximchee, ci mani ca ru tzihol cucin ka mama Oxlahuh dzij, ha Cablahuh Tihax, ok xpeul cechevinak, camicay richin Çodzil Tukuchee. Xaca anom achij xkaçan pe, rutzihol camic rucin ahaua; cabih tibin camic, mixcizpe ronohel ceche vinak, camiçay richin vinak tinamit, xtoquebex, kitzih tixibin mixpeul, maqui xa hu chuvy ca chuvy achiha, xcha ri achi anom ok xul Cakchiquel. Cani ca xepopon ahaua xecha: xaha rutaon, utz mixpe xti katih ki rucin ciche vinak, xecha ahaua. Cani ca xel camol bey, xel ca hu chob achiha ramonel chirih ceche vinak, xramatah vi xaca ruyon ah tinamit xculelaan, ri xkape pa nima bey chuvi huyu cat beya qui, xuculelaah ca ru culel Ah Tibacoy, Ah Raxakan,[148] xavi ca xu dzapihel ru bey Ah qaleah, Ah Paçaki uleuh, Ah qinoma. 91. It was on the day 10th Tzy that occurred the destruction of the Quiches at Iximche; but the news of it had not yet reached our ancestors, Oxlahu tzii and Cablahuh Tihax, when the Quiches came to destroy the Zotzil Tukuches. A fugitive came bearing to the chiefs the news that they were to be slain: “Day after to-morrow they will slay you. All the Quiche nation will come to slay and destroy the people of the city, which they will enter by force; truly their entry will be terrible, for they are many more than eight thousand or sixteen thousand men.” Thus spoke this fugitive when he arrived among the Cakchiquels. The chiefs immediately assembled in council and said: “Listen! It is a good thing that we are to measure ourselves against the Quiches.” Thus spoke the chiefs. Immediately they sent forth messengers. One division of the people formed and went forth to meet the Quiches, and the inhabitants alone went forth to battle. They went by the main road to the summit[149] of the mountain, burning everything on the way. They met in conflict the battalions from Tibaqoy and Raxakan, and closed the road to those of Galeah, of Pazaki uleuh and Ginoma.
92. Tok xucavuh ca ri achiha chi chaa, chi pocob, chi tooh xadzelavachim chic ok xkaul. 92. Then all the men took up their bows, their shields and various weapons, awaiting the arrival of the enemies.
Ru camibal ca ciche vinak. The Destruction of the Quiches.
93. Ki ca pacac ru xe cah xkah pe chuvi huyu, cani ca xboz cic yuyub, cani navipe xpae ru lakam, xqahan ca çubak, chabi tun, xivac. Kitzih ti xibin ok xka pe ceche vinak. hucumah xka pe chi cotoh, xmukutah yan ri cotoh, xka chipe xe huyu, ki na ca xul chu chi ya, celahay ya, xavi ca tzekel pe ahauh Tepepul Yztayul, xavi rachbilam pe ru cabouil. Tok xpe ca ul ri ramonel chirih, kitzih tixibin ok xpe ul, cani xqahan cic yuyuh, çubak, chabitun, xivac, xucut ru puz, ru naval achiha: cani ca xu cahmah cechevinak, mani chic xculelaan, cani xpaxin rij xyaar chi camic cechevinak, maqui ahilam xcam. Quereca xcace xtelecheex xquiya quij, ahaua Tepepul Yztayul xuya ri qui cabouil. Quereca ru qalel achij, rahpop achi ru mam ru cahol ahauh ahxit ahpuvak, ahdzib, ahcot, ronohel achiha, kitzih xyaar chicamic, mahilam maqui xahu chuvy, ca chuvy chi ceche vinak xu cam ka Cakchiquel, oher, quecha ka tata ka mama, yxnucahol; haca ahauh Oxlahuh dzij, Cablahuh Tihax he navipe Vooymox, Rokelbadzin xebano maquina xaquere xqaqar huyu chi Yximchee. 93. When the dawn appeared, they (the Quiches) descended from the hills, the cries and shouts of war broke forth, the banners were displayed; then were heard the drums, the trumpets and the conches of the combatants. Truly this descent of the Quiches was terrible. They advanced rapidly in rank, and one might see afar off their bands following one another, descending the mountain. They soon reached the banks of the river, the houses by the water. They were followed by the chiefs Tepepul and Iztayul, accompanying the god. Then it was that the battalions met. Truly the encounter was terrible. The cries and the shouts, the noise of the drums, the trumpets and the conches resounded, mingled with the enchantments of the heroes. The Quiches were routed in all directions, not one fought, they were put to flight and delivered over to death, and no one could count their slain. A great number of them were taken prisoners, together with the kings Tepepul and Iztayul, who delivered up their god. Thus the Galel-achi, the Ahpop-achi, the grandson and son of the chief jeweler, the treasurer, the secretary and the chief engraver and all the people were put to the sword. The Quiches who were then killed by the Cakchiquels were not counted by eight thousand or sixteen thousand; so said our fathers and ancestors, O my children. Such were the deeds of the kings Oxlahuh Tzy and Cablahuh Tihax, as also of Vooymox and Rokelbatzin. Thus, and not otherwise, did they make glorious the city of Iximche.
[150]Ru camibal chic ahauh Ychal vae (Amolac, Lahuh Noh, Chicumcuat). [151]The Death of the Chief Ychal (Amolac, Lahuh Noh, and Chicumcuat).
94. catan ru laqabem ok Akahal vinak ri chuvi tinamit chi Holom ququ huyu caxcan haca tan tahauar ri Ychal Amolac, xacaxbe boy chij xka ruma qui çamahel ahaua Oxlahuh dzij, Cablahuh Tihax, xucheex: Ti pe tah rachihilal ahauh vican nu mama, ka hunamah chic ka cha, ka pocob rucin, ha ri ceche vinak mixrah nu tih chic labal chirih nu civan nu tinamit, mi ca xnuban richin chi ceche vinak; ka tiha chi ca labal rucin, ti ciz pe ul rachihilal ahauh, xucheex tok xboy chiix Ychal. Cani ca xhique ru cux ahauh: Utzan chirichin Ahpoçodzil, Ahpoxahil, ticil vachihilal ticiz be ronohel vachihilal, yn ca nun quibe, tibe vetamahel huyu Cakchiquel, tibe kabanael labal cucin vicaq nu mam, cani xcha ahauh Ychal chique camahal. 94. Meanwhile the Akahals occupied the towns Holom, Guguhuyu and Qaxqan, having for king Ychal Amollac. Messengers were sent to him by the kings Oxlahuh tzii and Cablahuh Tikax, with the order that he should come down, and they said: “Let the bravery of the king be made manifest to our ancients, let us measure with him our bows and our shields. The Quiches wished to try their arms against our ravine and our city, and we have dealt with the Quiches. Let us now try this one in war; let the king come and show his valor.” Thus did they say and sent this word to Ychal. The heart of the king was soon resolved. “Let it be according to the desire of the Ahpozotzils and Ahpoxahils. I will increase my strength and I will go and show them all my valor. I will go alone; I will see what is the place of the Cakchiquels; I will go down to make war with the descendants of my grandfather.” Thus spoke the king Ychal to the messengers.
95. Cani ca xequicot ahaua tok xel pe ru tzihol ahauh Ychal, cani xquipopoh quitzih ahaua chirih Ychal: Utz mixpe cani ti ka chup ru vach maqui ti keleçah chic kivi caxtoc chi Ychal, xecha ahaua cani xhique ru camic cuma ka mama​—​Hunahpu dzian, Nimaçahay, Ahcicahuh, chooc Tacatic, dzimahi Piaculcan, Xumak Cham, xcak vachitah ruma ulamach puvaka, raponic xehuna cauh. 95. The chiefs rejoiced when the words of Ychal reached them, and the chiefs took counsel in words against Ychal: “It is well that he be hidden from the light, that we disobey not the Demon on account of Ychal.” Thus spoke the princes. Then his death was resolved upon by our ancestors​—​Hunahpu Tzian, Nimazahay, Ahciqahuh, Qhooc Tacatic, Tzimahi Piaculcan and Xumak Cham, who were envious of his person on account of the riches that he had, and the height to which he had raised his courage.
96. Tok xpe ca ul ahauh Ychal, tzatz rachihilal xpe naual ahauh ca ri Ychal, xcha can ru pixa chi rochoch: Vue quinul vue maqui chic quinul, vue yn camel; vae xquibe xcha can ahauh. Ok xpe ul cani xuna ahauh, ki ca tel pe çaklicahol ri ahauh; tok xuna, xcha: Tidzeta [152]na dzak, chun çakcab quixbanon quix vikon baka ki xbiçah ki chuvach Çodzil Tukuchee, xcha chique rachihilal. Quereca ok xtzolih chakap ru hay ru chinamit, tok relic chic ahauh lahuh Noh. 96. Then the king Ychal went forth, and a great number of distinguished warriors went with the king. He was profound in knowledge, and he left these words to his house: “Whether I return, or whether I do not return, my death is at hand.” The king departed, saying these words. When it was known that the king was on[153] the road, the people came to carry him on their shoulders. When he heard them he said: “Look to your walls; look to your lime and your war paint; be prepared and your arms at hand, that you appear not cast down before the Zotzil Tukuches.” Thus he spoke to his warriors, and they returned in midway to their houses and villages. The chief came on the day 10th Noh.
97. Xa ca celavachiym chic ok xul pa tinamit chi Yximchee, hiquilibem chic ru camic, banoninak chic achiha tok xul; pan pop ca xtakevi ok xul; xaki xrulibeh tok xcam ahauh rucin ronohel rachihilal: xchapol richin ri yacol cuci ya, tok xoc apon, xe yaar chicamic Akahal vinak. Quereca rucamic Ychal Amolac ri chi Yximchee. Vaca quibi rachihilale, ri xecam rucin, he nimak achiha: Çoroch, Hukahic, Tameltoh, Huvarahbix, Vailcahol, queucheex, he qaqalah tak achiha, ciy ca chubinem achiha xcam. Quereca rukahic tinamit chi Holom, ri ciy ca covi Akahal vinak chuvi tinamit, caxcan, Ralabal Yc, ququhuyu, Vukuçivan. Xavi cax ciz cam chic ri ronohel tinamit cuma ahaua Oxlahuh dziy, Cablahuh Tihax, xrah ca ru laqabeh chic, Xerahapit, ru kaxba chi chic Akahal vinak, ca chiri ca xtoqe vi ru camic. 97. His face was sorrowful as he entered the city of Iximche, where they were consulting of his death. It had been decided upon by the chiefs when he came. At his arrival he was called to the council, but no sooner was he entered than he was slain, and his brave companions with him. His cup bearer was seized as soon as he entered, and was slain, as of the Akahal nation. Thus perished Ychal Amolac at Iximche. These are the names of the warriors who perished with him, all distinguished men: Zoroch, Hukahic, Tameltoh, Huvurahbix, Vailgahol; thus they were called, these noble men, who went forth to die with him. Thus it came that the city of Holom was conquered, as also the towns of Qaxqan, Ralabalyq, Guguhuyu and Vukucivan, where dwelt many people of the Akahal nation. All the towns finished by yielding to the arms of the kings Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax. Desiring to repeople Xerahapit, the Akahal nation were transferred there, and there they bewailed their dead.
Ru camibal chic Caoke vae. The Death of Caoke.
98. Paraxtunya, Beleheqih rubi ahauh. Xax rachcul chijh ahauh Voo Caok, Ahdziquinahay; xa xuçolrih labal Caoke, labal ru cux. Cani xuban ru coxtun ru cotoh, qaqal chic xraho ahauh Belehe qih: tok xecha ca ahaua Oxlahuh dzij, Cablahuh Tihax, ok xaca xax ru tzihol qui çolbol labal: ki vi pe chi ytzel ru cux chi Ahdziquinahay chi Belehe qih, tan qui ru çol chuvih chi[154] nu vach, mi xucam qaqal chu cux chi Caoke utz ka bana labal rucin, xecha ahaua. Cani ca xhique ru camic Caoke, xbe achiha camiçay richin, kitzih ca achih Caoke, ru nah xcam, ca roxlah xka ru tinamit, xutih ru qih Caoke oxlahuh chiqih, xban tzaloh, ok xka tinamit Paraxtunya cuma ka mama Oxlahuh dzij, Cablahuh Tihax, xcaminak ok ca ronohel ri mixkabijh can. 98. At Paraxtunya, Belehe gih by name was chief. He had made an alliance with the chief Voocaok, the Ahtziquinahay. Caoke was inclined to war, and war was in his heart. Having built a stronghold with ditches, Belehe gih desired the supreme power. The kings Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax learning these preparations for war, said: “Truly there is an evil mind in the chiefs Ahtziquinahay and Belehe gih. They have turned war toward us, and the chief Caoke has already in his heart[155] assumed the supreme power. Let us give them war.” So said the chieftains, and from that time the death of Caoke was resolved upon. Warriors set out to slay him. But Caoke was brave, and, far from yielding, thirteen times he descended from his town and for thirteen days endeavored to save his life. Finally the town of Paraxtunya having been assaulted, it was captured by our ancestors Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax, who put to death all whom we have named.
Tok xban ca yuhuh chi Yximche. Then the Revolt Took Place at Iximche.
99. Vae xa vuleuh ri ru xe chaoh xtiquer Akahal vinak qui culel Tukuchee; xax cot cavex Akahal vinak cuma Tukuchee; cani ca xchapo ri xqaçin ri vinak tok xcot avex, tzam Chicib xban vi oher ruma vinak. 99. A question of land was the real cause of the struggle, when the Akahals strove with the Tukuches, because the harvests of the Akahals had been destroyed by the Tukuches. Those who beat the persons injuring the harvests were seized at the point of Chiqib, the place where this took place among those men of old.
100. Xaca qana vinakil quichin ahaua Cablahuh Tihax, Oxlahuh cij ruma Tukuchee, ruma Akahal vinak, haca tan cahaual Tukuchee ri Cay Hunahpu ru bi, atzih vinak Cavek, he navipe ri ahaua ciria Yyu, Toxcom Noh qui bi; xaca xret vachih ru qaqal ri ahauh Cay Hunahpu, xa ciy ral rucahol, xaca maqui xya Akahal vinak chi camic chirichin ruma Ahpopçodzil Ahpopxahil, camel tah Akahal vinak chu cux Cay Hunahpu; quereca xebe vi chirih ahauh Cablahuh Tihax, Oxlahuh dzij ruma Cay Hunahpu, xax rucin vi ca xcako ruvach chire Ahpopçodzil Ahpopxahil, xata ruyon xahauar xraho ahauh. Tok xnimatah ca chaoh cuma ahaua, ha ahauh Cay Hunahpu ki xahoon ru banic yuhuh, ha cari ahauh Cay Hunahpu kitzih labal rucux, xax maqui chivi xraho ahauh xelahibex ruvach cuma ahaua, Oxlahuh dzij, Cablahuh Tihax, xa nima tahinak chic ahauh, tok xelahibex ruvach, he maqui yuhuh cahoom ahaua alcahol, pokon[156] xquina; quereca kitzih xibin ri quichin ahaua xuna Cay Hunahpu xax maqui chivi xraho xqil. 100. The judges in this affair were the kings Cablahuh Tihax and Oxlahuh tzy, for the Tukuches; and for the Akahals, the Tukuche chief called Cay Hunahpu, the head chief Cavek, and the chiefs Qiriayu and Toxqomnoh. One could see in Cay Hunahpu the demeanor of supreme power, and he had many vassals; but the Ahpopzotzils and the Ahpopxahils refused to deliver up to him the Akahals to be slain. For already in his heart Cay Hunahpu had resolved to destroy the Akahals. For this reason there was a revolt against Cablahuh Tihax and Oxlahuh tzy, by the instigation of Cay Hunahpu; for this chief disliked the Ahpopzotzil and the Ahpopxahil, and would have liked to rule alone. Thus the revolt spread among the chiefs. The chief Cay Hunahpu desired the revolt; for this chief Cay Hunahpu had resolved in his heart the revolt, and he could not be satisfied until he had forced the kings Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax to humble themselves that he might become great. Then these princes did humble themselves, that there should not be a conflict between their people,[157] and they grieved deeply. Thus did Cay Hunahpu frighten these two kings; but he could not be satisfied without using violence.
101. Tok xchique ca qih xbanvi yuhuh ruma ahauh Cay Hunahpu, ha chi hulahuh Ah xban yuhuh: tok xuhuruh ca el rij Tukuchee pa tinamit chaka ya xbe ti ce vi el ronohel ca rachihilal Tukuchee, xoquiben tinamit; maqui ca xcaho rachihilal ahauh Cablahuh Tihax Oxlahuh dzij; xa hu chob achiha xchaqobem quitzih ahaua ah Xechipeken, rahpop achi Cinahitoh ru bi achi tan tachihir chiri Xechipeken. 101. The day of the revolt was appointed by this chief, Cay Hunahpu, and on this day, 11th Ah, the revolt broke out. Then the Tukuches were drawn out of the city, to the other side of the river, and all the Tukuche warriors went there also, that they might enter the city; but the warriors of the kings Cablahuh Tihax and Oxlahuh tzy opposed them. One division of warriors was enough to drive them off, encouraged by the words of the kings, a division from Xechipeken; and these of Xechipeken, with their ruler the counselor Cinahitoh, distinguished themselves by their bravery.
Ru camibal Tukuchee va kitzih xyaar chi camic. The Destruction of the Tukuches, who were, in fact, Massacred.
102. Ki ca ti pacatah ru xecah chi hulahuh Ah xboz pe Tukuchee chaka tinamit, cani xqahan ru çubak, ru chabi tun ahauh Cay Hunahpu, vikital chi tooh, chi tunatiuh quq, chi tunatiuh cubul, chi calvach puak abah. Ok xboz pe chaka ya, kitzih tixibin maqui ahilam chi Tukuchee, mani xahu chuvy, ca chuvy. Tok xtiquer ca tzaloh chuvach tinamit tzam qam, xculu vi ri labal haca Chucuybadzin camol yuhuh cuma Tukuchee; xaca e cahi chi yxoki xevik chi achcayupil qui cha xquicexevachibeh labal, hunelic rucahichal ral; qui cha xoc chuva ru pop Chucuybadzin ruma achiha: tixibin chi nima yuhuh xquiban ahaua oher; ha camol tzaloh cate xquicut chic qui tiohil yxoki chuvach pa Çodzil pa Xahil dzak xeel vi yxoki; kina xeel pe chiri tok xboz chica hu chob pa nima bey chi nima cotoh, ruyon ca achiha ri ah Tibacoy, ah Raxakan hucumah[158] ca xpaxel ri pa nima bey; xa cay xutzak can ri ok xpaxel, haca ri xka ul chaka tinamit xyaloh tzaloh, haca xramon ri rahpop achi Cinahitoh ah Xechipeken. 102. When the dawn appeared on the day 11th Ah, the Tukuches began on the opposite side from the city, and the drums and trumpets of the chief Cay Hunahpu were heard. Then the warriors armed, and displayed their brilliant feathers and shining banners, and gold and precious stones. Then it began on the other side of the river, and truly it was terrible for the number of the Tukuches, who could not be counted by eight thousands nor by sixteen thousands. The battle began before the city, at the end of the bridge where Chucuybatzin, placed at the head of the struggle by the Tukuches, had brought the fighting. There were four women who had armed themselves with lances and bows, and taken part in the battle, fully equal to four young men. The arrows launched by these heroines struck the very mat of Chucuybatzin. Truly it was a terrible revolt which the chiefs made of old. The chiefs of the battle afterwards set up the images of these women before the buildings of the Zotzils and the Xahils, whence these women had gone forth. As they departed, there suddenly appeared[159] a division in the high road near the deep trenches. It rapidly scattered the warriors of Tibaqoy and Raxakan on the high road. Only two of the men fell in this encounter, and he who led them beyond the city to prolong the combat was the same who had gained the previous victory, the counselor Cinahitoh of Xechipeken.
103. Tok xpe ca ramonel chirih Tukuchee, cani ca xucahmah mani chic xculelaan canih xpaxin rij, xyaar achiha, xyaar yxok aqual chi camic, xuyari ahauh Cay Hunahpu, xuya ca ri ahauh dziriniyu, Toxcom Noh, ronohel ca ru mam ahauh ru cahol ahauh. Canica xbe ceche ri Ah Tibacoy, Ah Raxakan, xbe ca dzutuhil chakap, xhito ca ri ronohel chucochol alcahol, xpaxin ri ronohel. Queraca tok xyaar Tukuchee ri oher, yxnucahol, heca ka maa Oxlahuhdzij, Cablahuh Tihax xebano, chi hulahuh Ah, ca xban xpax Tukuchee. 103. Then began a general attack on the Tukuches; they were cut to pieces at once; no one resisted; the rout was complete; men, women and children were given up to slaughter. The chief Cay Hunahpu was slain; the chiefs Tziriniyu and Toxqom Noh all perished, as well as their fathers and children. Immediately those of Tibaqoy and Raxakan retired, partly to Quiche, partly among the Tzutuhils. They mingled with their subjects and were thus dispersed. Such was the destruction of the Tukuches, in old times, O my children. It was our ancestors Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax who, on the day 11th Ah, undertook and accomplished the dispersion of the Tukuches.
104. Ru hulahu vinak ok ca tiban yuhuh, ok xrah cam chic Ah Tibacoy, ruma cechevinak, haok xbe tiqeel Tukuchee Chiavar, xyaar ceche vinak chi camic chiri, xtzak can Yaxon dzui ru bi, chi belehe Caok. 104. Thirty-one days after the revolt, as the Quiches desired to destroy those of Tibaqoy, these Tukuches removed to Chiavar and put to death the Quiches, who yielded in a battle at a place named Yaxontzui, on the day 9th Caok.
105. Ru vaklahu vinak, ok tiban yuhuh, xcam chic Cinahitoh, xax rah rumah ahauh atzih vinak Ahmoxnay, xa ruyon chi Chinahitoh xax rah yco ru qaqal chi qui vi ahaua, quereca xyaar vi Cinahitoh ri ciy chubinem achiha xcam pa tinamit chi hulahuh Can xban. 105. On the 36th day after the revolt Cinahitoh perished, because he coveted the position of the orator Ahmoxnay. Cinahitoh wished to exercise the power alone, above the chieftains, therefore Cinahitoh was condemned by all the chiefs, and his death was carried into effect in the city on the day 11th Can.
106. Xlauheh oktel huna yuhuh xhidzax chic ahauh atzih vinak Ahmoxnay, chi hulahuh Akbal, xa xuhaeh coboyel ahaua, ha xcam ri ahauh. 106. One year less ten days after the revolt was hanged the chief orator Ahmoxnay on the day 11th Akbal. This chief perished because he had stopped the messengers of the ruler.
[160]Chi vahxaki Ah xel huna yuhuh. [161]The day 8 Ah was one year after the Revolt.
107. Xaca halachic matel ru caba ru camic Tukuchee, ok xcam chic dzutuhile pa Çakcab, ha chi hun Ahmak; xyaar chic dzutuhile chi camic, xqui ya qui ahaua Nahtihay, Ahcibihay; xa ca ha chic maqui xu ya ri ahauh Vookaok Ahdziquinahay, ha chic xtzain ru cux chirih Cakchiquel. 107. It was not much less than two years after the defeat of the Tukuches, when the Tzutuhils were defeated at Zakcab on the day 1st Ahmak. The Tzutuhils were cut to pieces and their rulers Nahtihay and Ahqibihay were slain. Only Vookaok, the Ahtziquinahay, could not be conquered, and he tried his fortune against the Cakchiquels.
Chi voo Ah xel ru caba ru banic yuhuh. The day 5 Ah was two years after the Revolt.
Chi cay Ah xel oxi huna ru banic yuhuh. The day 2 Ah was three years after the Revolt.
108. Ha chi oxi Queh xban chic yuhuh ceche, xbe ru cul vachih chi el Tukuchee yuhuh chiri ciche. 108. On the day 3 Queh there was a revolt in Quiche. The Tukuches went to take part, and joined in the revolt in Quiche.
Cablahuh Ah xel ru cah huna yuhuh. The day 12 Ah completed the fourth year after the Revolt.
109. Chupam voo huna xcam chic Ah Mixcu tzukul richin ahauh Cablahuh Tihax xax rah ru qaqariçah ri; chi Vuku Camey, xka ru tinamit Ah Mixcu, xyaar chi camic ruma achiha. 109. During the fifth year those of Mixco were put to death; being tributaries of the king Cablahuh Tihax, they wished to make themselves independent. On the day 7 Camay, the town of Mixco was taken and its inhabitants slain by the chiefs.
110. Ok xcam chica Yaqui Ah Xivicu, xax rach cul chijh ahauh voo kaok rahaual Akahal vinak, haok xtice chic chuvach huyu, Akahal vinak, xrah qaqar chic chiri. 110. At the same time were put to death the Yaquis of Xivico, because they had taken part with the king Vookaok, Chief of the Akahals, this nation of the Akahals having begun to lift itself before the town, desiring to obtain power.
111. Vaqih ok catel Voo rubanic yuhuh ok xcam chic Akahal vinak chuvach huyu, xaxrah qaqar chic ahauh chu vach huyu. 111. Six days were wanting to complete five years from the revolt when the Akahals were cut in pieces before the town, with their king, because they wished to be independent of the town.
[162]Chi belehe Ah, xel voo huna rubanic yuhuh. [163]The 9 Ah completed the fifth year after the Revolt.
Vakaki Ah, xel ruvakah yuhuh. The 6 Ah completed the sixth year after the Revolt.
Chi oxi Ah, xel ruvuk huna yuhuh. On the 3 Ah there were seven years from the Revolt.
112. Chupam ruvahxak huna yuhuh xcam chic dzutuhile, ruma ah Xeynup, Xepalica, xe yaar vi chicamic, xtzak can Çakbin Ahmak chi oxlahuh Ahmak. 112. In the eighth year after the revolt, the Tzutuhils were defeated by those of Xeynup and Xepalica; they were slaughtered, Zakbin and Ahmak having perished in the action on the day 13 Ahmak.
Chi oxlahuh Ah, xel vahxaka yuhuh. On the day 13 Ah there were eight years from the revolt.
Chi lahuh Ah, xel ru beleh huna. On 10 Ah there were nine years from the revolt.
113. Cablauheh oktel lauha yuhuh ok xico pokob Cakchiquel ruma ahauh kamama Oxlahuh dzij, kitzih chi nima qaqal xban xul ronohel vuk amaq chi Yximchee, chi vahxaki Ymox xban. 113. Twelve days were lacking to complete the tenth year after the revolt when the Cakchiquels put on their shields on account of the king our ancestor, Oxlahuh tzy; for truly he showed great power in making all the seven nations come to Iximche, which he did on the day 8 Imox.
Chi vuku Ah, ru lauha rubanic yuhuh. The day 7 Ah completed the tenth year after the Revolt.
Chi cahi Ah, xel ru hulauha. On 4 Ah there were eleven years from the Revolt.
Chi Hun ah, ru cablauha. On 1 Ah there were twelve years.
Chi hulahuh Ah caxel roxlauha yuhuh (Ahpoçodzil). On 11 Ah there were thirteen years from the revolt (of the Ahpozotzils).
114. Oxlahuh dziquin xcam xoqohauh Vooqueh ri xhaylah Lahuh Tihax ru cahol cikab. Xaca hala chic matel cahlauha yuhuh ok xcam ahauh Oxlahuh dzij, ka mama; chi oxi Ahmak xcam ahauh, kitzih chi tixibin ru qaqal chia ahauh, manix chacatah vi ru qih ralaxic, ci[164] ya labal xuban, ciya tinamit xukaçah tok xcam. He chi ca xeru caholah ahauh ree:​—​ 114. On the day 13 Tziquin died the princess Vooqueh who had married Lahuh Tihax, son of Qikab. Little was lacking to complete the fourteenth year after the Revolt when the king our ancestor Oxlahuh tzy also died. He died on the day 13 Ahmak. Truly this king had made himself feared by his power; never was his power[165] or his grandeur diminished; he undertook many wars and conquered many cities. These are the children he begat:—
115. Hunyq, rubi nabey rucahol, haca xoc chi ahauarem ok xcam ahauh Oxlahuh dzij ru tata, ronohel tzih cahi chi amaq ok xahauar ahauh Hunyq. Vakaki Ahmak ru bi ru cam al; Noh ca voxal; Belehecat ru cahal; Ymox voo al; Noh ruvakakal. Maku Xquhay rubi xoqohauh xixhayl ahauh Oxlahuh dzij; xae oxi xeralah, ha nabey ri ahauh Hunyq; he ca cay yxoc huhun ca qui te ri chakap ru cahol ahauh, xa ri xnam ahauh xalan ri Belehecat. 115. Hunyg was the name of his first son, and he obtained the power when the king Oxlahuh tzy his father died, and all four of the tribes gave their consent that Hunyg should be chief. Vakaki Ahmak was the name of the second son; Noh was the third; Beleheqat the fourth; Imox the fifth, Maku Xguhay was the name of the queen, wife of the king Oxlahuh tzy. She had three children, oldest of whom was the king Hunyg. He had also two other wives, each of whom was mother of part of the children of the king; and the mother of the king (Hunyg) had also Beleheqat.
Chi vahxaki Ah caxel ru cahlauha yuhuh. The day 8 Ah completed the 14th year after the Revolt.
116. Ok xcam chica ahauh Cablahuh Tihax; chi cahi Ey xcam ahauh. 116. Then died the king Cablahuh Tihax; this king died on the day 4 Ey.
Voo Ah, ca xel rolauha rubanic yuhuh. The day 5 Ah completed the 15th year after the revolt.
117. Tok xahauar chica ahauh Lahuh Noh rubi, nabey ru cahol ahauh Cablahuh Tihax. He ca xeulaan Yaqui Ah Culuvacan, ri ahauh Hunyq, Lahuh Noh; chi hun Toh xeul Yaqui ru çamahel ahauh Modecçumatzin rahaual Ah Mexicu. 117. Then began also to reign the king Lahuh Noh, eldest son of the king Cablahuh Tihax. At this time the Yaquis of Culuacan were received by the kings Hunyg and Lahuh Noh. The Yaquis arrived on the day 1 Toh, sent by the king Modeczumatzin, king of the Mexicans.
118. ca ha ca ki xkadzet ri oki xeul ri Yaqui Ah Culuvacan, he ciya Yaqui xeul oher, yxnucahol, tantahauar ka mama Hunyq Lahuh Noh. 118. And we ourselves saw these Yaquis of Culuacan when they arrived; and they came in old times in great number, these Yaquis, O my children, during the reign of our ancestor Hunyg and Lahuh Noh.
Chi cay Ah, xel ru vaklauha ru banic yuhuh. The day 2 Ah completed the 16th year after the Revolt.
[166]119. Chupam huna xoc chic labal chuvach cichevinak, chi vahxaki qanel xoc cam ceche, tantahauar Hunyq ka mama tan ca nima rahpop achi ymama chiri ok xoc labal cechee, yxnucahol, heca ki xebano chic labal ciche ri y mama rahpop Achi Balam, rahpop achi Yqich, ru qalel achi catu, ciya camic ceche vinak cuma; maquina xaquere xeqaqar ka tata ka mama. [167]119. During the year the war broke out afresh with the Quiches. On the day 8 Ganel Quiche was entered and taken when Hunyg our ancestor was ruling, a great counselor and ancient man, when the war entered Quiche. O my children. Those who began this war at Quiche were the old men, the counselor Balam, the counselor Ygich, and the noble Qatu; and many Quiches perished through them. But not thus did our fathers and ancestors acquire their power.
Chi cablahuh Ah, xel ru vuklauha ru banic yuhuh. The day 12 Ah completed the 17th year after the Revolt.
Chi belehe Ah, xel chic vahxaklauha yuhuh. The day 9 Ah completed the 18th year after the Revolt.
120. Chupam chica huna ok xeyco chicop, xche chel ut, quere ri e ute chi oxi Caok xeyco oher pa tinamit chi Yximchee, kitzih tixibin chi chicop. 120. During this year the beasts and doves came out of the forests, and on the day 3 Caok the doves passed over the city of Iximche, and truly it was terrifying to see the beasts.
121. ca vo vinak ok ca que yco xche chel ut, ok xeico chica çac: chi cay Yq xeyco pa tinamit kitzih, que xibin chi çac xeyco oher. 121. One hundred days after the doves had been seen to come from the woods, the locusts came. It was on the day 2 Yg that they passed over the city, and really it was terrifying to see them pass.
122. Xa ru beleh vinak chic ok xcat chi Yximchee, chi cahi Camey xyaar tinamit chi qaq. Tan mani ahauh Hunyq ka mama, tan co ka chaka ya, tane mani ka tata ka mama ok xcat tinamit xka dzet ronohel ri, yxnucahol. 122. About that time nine persons perished in a fire at Iximche; on the day 4 Camey the city was injured by fire. The king Hunyg was at the time absent on the other side of the river; our fathers and ancestors were also absent. But when the city burned, we saw it all, we, my children.
Chi vahxaki Ah xel beleh lauha yuhuh. The day 8 Ah completed the 19th year after the Revolt.
123. Chupam ca huna ok xcam ceche vinak pa Çodzil ya cuma y mama; ciy nimak achiha xuyari, ok xquiban labal chiri. 123. During the year the Quiche men were destroyed near the river of the Tzotzils, by our ancestors; a great number of other principal men were conquered when this war occurred.
[168]124. Humul chica xe yaar ceche vinak xiquin chi pokoh, pa Mukche xeoc vi ceche vinak cuma, ciy nimak rahpop achij, ru qalel achi xuyari chiri, ciy ca ri chutik camic xquiban tzatz teleche xoc pe cuma y mama. [169]124. The Quiches were again beaten and suffered loss at Mukche, because they entered there. A great number of their principal counselors and nobles were lost; many were put to death slowly, and many were taken prisoners by our ancestors.
Chi oxi Ah ca xel humay ru camic Tukuchee ru banic yuhuh. The day 3 Ah completed one cycle after the death of the revolted Tukuches.
Haca chi oxlahuh Ah xel chic huna. With the day 13 Ah, another year was completed.
125. Chupam huna xico chic pokob chuvi Cakhay ruma ahauh Lahuh Noh, chi vahxaki qanel xlaqabex dzak, kitzih chi nima qaqal xquiban chic ahaua chiri, xul ronohel vuk amaq, Hunyq, Lahuh Noh xebano he catan quebano labal ri y mama, rahpop achi Balam rahpop achi Yqich, ru qalel achi catu. 125. During this year they took up their shields on the Cakhay on account of the king Lahuh Noh. On the day 8 Ganel the fortress was occupied and truly the chiefs made their great power felt. All those of the seven nations came with Hunyg and Lahuh Noh, to make war, and it was also made by the ancients, the Counselor Balam and the Galel-achi Qatu.
Xel ca ru caba chi lahuh Ah yuhuh. A second year was completed on the day 10 Ah, after the Revolt.
126. Chupam chi ca huna xecam chic ceche vinak cuma ka tata ka mama, chiree xquiban vi chi cotoh, chi qoçibal Cokolahay, xucul vachih cachob chi chay rucin ceche vinak, haok xuyari ya Yaxontik ru cahol ahauh Ahpoptuh, ciy ca nimak achiha xuyari, quereca xeqaqar vi y mama ri yxnucahol, ciy navipe teleche xoc pe chucohol ri nimak labal mixkabijh can. 126. During this year the Quiches were again defeated by our fathers and ancestors. The battle was gained by the arms and the bravery of those of Cokolahay, whose divisions met face to face the leader of the Quiches and his warriors. There was slain Yaxonkik son of the Prince Ahpoptuh. Many warriors were slain; therefore great was the majesty of our ancestors, O my children; and they also made many prisoners in this great war of which we speak.
Chi vuku Ah xel roxa ru camay yuhuh. On the day 7 Ah, was completed the third year of the second cycle after the Revolt.
Chi cahi Ah xel chic ru caha yuhuh. On the day 4 Ah was completed the fourth year after the Revolt.
[170]127. Chupam ca voo huna, vae ok ixtiquer yauabil, yxnucahol, nabey xyabix ohb, ratzam xyavabix chica quic, qana chuluh, kitzih tixibin chi camic xico oher. Haok xcam ahauh Vakaki Ahmak, xe ca hala chic ma tipe nima qekum, nima aqa pa qui vi ka tata ka mama pa ka vi ca, yxnucahol, ok xyabix chac. [171]127. In the course of the fifth year the pestilence began, O my children. First there was a cough, then the blood was corrupted, and the urine became yellow. The number of deaths at this time was truly terrible. The Chief Vakaki Ahmak died, and we ourselves were plunged in great darkness and great grief, our fathers and ancestors having contracted the plague, O my children.
Chi hun Ah xel humay voo yuhuh, ok xyabix chac. On the day 1 Ah there were one cycle and 5 years from the Revolt, and the pestilence spread.
128. Vae chupam huna xyauabix vi chac, ha ok xeciz chi camic ka tata ka mama Diego Juan; chi voo Ah caxoc chi vi labal Panatacat, cuma ka mama, haca ok xtiquer yavabil chac. Kitzih tixibin chi camic xpe pa ru vi vinak, mani yabim viri quere ri xchol vinak. 128. In this year the pestilence spread, and then died our ancestor Diego Juan. On the day 5 Ah war was carried to Panatacat by our ancestor, and then began the spread of the pestilence. Truly the number of deaths among the people was terrible, nor did the people escape from the pestilence.
129. Xcavinak ok xtiquer yauabil, tok xecam ka tata ka mama, chi cablahuh Camey xcam ahauh Hunyq yxiquin mama. 129. Forty were seized with the sickness; then died our father and ancestor; on the day 14 Camey died the king Hunyg, your grandfather.
130. Xaca ru cabih xcam chic ka tata rahpop Achi Balam ri y mama, yxnucahol; xa ca hunam xecam y mama rucin ru tata ki tan ti chuvin, ti cayin vinak chi camic. Tok xecam ka tata ka mama, xax be tzak chi el chakap vinak chi civan, xa dzij, xa cuch, xtiochic vinak; tixibin chi camic xecamiçan ymama, herach camic ru cahol ahauh rucin ru chaq ru nimal: quereca xoh canah vi can chi mebail ri yxnucahol, caoh ok chutik cahola, ok xoh canah can konohel. Rupoyibal alaxic. 130. But two days afterward died our father, the Counselor Balam, one of the ancients, O my children. The ancients and the fathers died alike, and the stench was such that men died of it alone. Then perished our fathers and ancestors. Half the people threw themselves into the ravines, and the dogs and foxes lived on the bodies of the men. The fear of death destroyed the old people, and the oldest son of the king died at the same time as his young brother. Thus did we become poor, O my children, and thus did we survive, being but a little child—and we were all that remained. Hence the putting aside of our claims.
[172]Quibi y mama vae xerucaholah ahauh. [173]Names of (our) Ancestors, Sons of the King.
131. Rahpop achi Balam, rubi, nabey rucahol ahauh Hunyq, ha ki tanti qaqar chi quivach ahaua, ok xpe nima camic chac. 131. The counselor Balam, the oldest son of the king Hunyg, was already distinguished before the face of the chieftains when he died by the great plague.
132. Ahmak rubi rucam al, ha rucahol can ri Don Pedro Solis. Tohin ca rox al, mani retal ri he ca xecam rucin ahauh ri e oxi ka tata. 132. Ahmak was the name of the second son. His son is Don Pedro Solis. Tohin was the third. There is no record of him, as he died with the king and our three fathers.
133. Ha ca ka tata Francisco rahpop achi dzian rucah al. 133. Our father Francisco, the counselor Tzian, was the fourth son.
134. Balam voo al, mani ca retal ri. 134. Balam was the fifth son; there is no record of him.
135. Ahdzalam Hunahpu ru vakak al, he ca xecolotah chic ri he oxi ka tata ruma chac; caoh ok, ok ca chutik konohel cucin ok xoh canah, xka dzet ca ronohel ri yavabil, ix nucahol; ha ca ri rubi ka tit; nabey rixhayil ahauh Hunyq, Chuvydzut ru bi xoqohauh, he oxi xerelah, ha ri ka tata, heca ri ru tata Don Pedro Solis, mani ca ru cahol rij Tohin: xcam cari xoqohauh Chuvy dzut, xoc chipe xoqohauh Xqekacuch Adziquinahay, ha quite rahpop achi dzian Balam, xa e cay ral. 135. Ahtzalam Hunahpu was the sixth son. He was saved from the plague with our three other ancestors. As for us, we were then little children, and we all escaped, and we saw all the pestilence, O my children. These are the names of our female ancestors: the first wife of king Hunyg was the queen Chuvytzut; she had three sons, our father, the father of Don Pedro Solis, and Tohin, who left no children. The queen Chuvytzut being dead, the queen Xgekaqueh, the female Ahtziquinahay, took her place. She was the mother of the Counselor Tzian Balam, and these were her two children.
136. ca vo vinak ok ca quecam ahaua Hunyq Lahuhnoh, ok xechap chic ahaua Cahi Ymox Belehecat, chi hun Can; xaca hun chioc ri Belehecat xcolotah, xaca kayon chicoc acuala mani hunchic ka tata xcolotah, ca e ok chutik ri dzian Balam, ri ki ok retal ahauh Hunyq. Quereca xahauar vi Belehecat rij, xa huna qalel camahay; chioc xchao rahauarem maqui ca xrah raho ahauh atzih vinak Bacahol: vo quic chi ahauarem ri Belehecat;[174] hatah xoc chi ahauarem ri ka tata rahpop achi dzian xraho ahauh atzih vinak Bacahol, quereca roquic chi ahauarem ri. 136. A hundred days after the death of the kings Hunyg and Lahuh Noh, there were elected as kings Cahi Ymox and Belehe Qat, on the day 1 Can. For Belehe Qat alone remained. As for us we were little boys and our elders did not choose any of us. Tzian and Balam, the only other descendants of Hunyg, were also young. Belehe Qat was therefore chosen to rule but only as heir apparent, the orator Baqahol declaring that it was not proper that he should take the supreme rule. The honor[175] of the royalty was decreed to Belehe Qat; but the orator Baqahol desired that the real chief should be our ancestor Tzian; therefore he entered into power.
Xavi ca chupam ru vaka vae. What Took Place in the Sixth Year.
137. ca huvinak ok ca que chap ahaua, ok xban yuhuh chi Ahdziquinahay; chi lahuh Queh xban xeul coloel qui ahaua Ahdziquinahay ciçihay chi Yximchee ruma yuhuh, xul qui yaca el achiha. 137. Twenty days after the chiefs began to rule there was an insurrection against the Ahtziquinahay. It occurred on the day 10 Queh, and the chiefs Ahtziquinahay and Qicihay went to Iximche on account of the revolt, coming to raise soldiers.
138. Xaca ru cablah xcam chic amaq dzutuhile, ruma Çodzil Tukuchee chi hulahuh Ymox, xyaar dzutuhile chi camic, xeyaar Ahdziquinahay, conohel tzatz chi teleche chicana, quereca xit puak tixibin chi camic xuban dzutuhile, xka tinamit xepoyom. Cani ca xetzolih ka ahaua Tepepul Ahdziquinahay dziçihay chi cochoch. 138. Twelve of the Tzutuhil villages were destroyed by the Tzotzil Tukuches on the day 11 Ymox and the Tzutuhils were slain. Very many were taken prisoners. Therefore the Tzutuhils in fear of death were made to give up their treasures and the town of Xepoyom was taken. Then returned the chiefs Tepepul Ahtziquinahay and Tzizihay to their homes.
139. Tok xebokotah chi cape Ah Xecaka abah ronohel, xul colo chi el rij Cakchiquel, tzatz chidzutuhile xel pe oher pa tinamit, he chi carah xquiban labal chirih Ah dziquinahay, Ah Pavacal, xrah cachcul chijh chic cuma, xaca xboy chijx achiha ruma Ah Pavacal. 139. At that time the people of Xecaka abah, all of whom had been driven forth, were aided by the Cakchiquels. Many Tzutuhils also came to the villages to make war against the Ahtziquinahay, and those of Pacaval, and wished to join forces, their warriors having been provoked by the people of Pacaval.
140. Chi belehe Badz, ca xban camic chuvi Lakanabah, pa Chitulul, mani ca nimak achiha xcanah. Xaki ruyon vinak Belehecat, Cahi Ymox xebano. 140. On the day 9 Batz there was slaughter at the rock of Lakam at Chitulul. Not many warriors took part. Only the men of Belehe qat and Cahi Ymox were engaged.
Chi hulahuh Ah, xel humay vaka yuhuh. On the day 11 Ah there were 26 years from the Revolt.
141. Mixka ciz can vae huna xeyaar vi katata ka mama ruma camic chac. 141. Then was completed one year since our fathers and ancestors died of the plague.
142. Chupam huna ok xoh cule rucin xtee, yxnuca[176]hol, xhunabir ok quecam y mama; chi cablahuh Toh xoh camo yxok. 142. In this year we married your mother, O my chil[177]dren, one year after the death of your grandfather. We took her to wife on the day 12 Toh.
Chi vahxaki Ah xel ru vuka vuhuh. On the day 8 Ah was completed the 7th year from the Revolt.
143. Chupam huna xorotah vi labal cechee, ca ru hulauha xorotah labal cechee. 143. During this year the Quiche war ceased; the Quiche war ceased on the 11th.
Chi voo Ah xel humay vahxaka. On the day 5 Ah was the eighth year of the first cycle.
Culibal Castilan vinak Xetulul vae. The Arrival of the Castilians at Xetulul.
144. Vaca te chupam huna ok ki xeul Castilan vinak; xcavinak ok rubeleha, ok xeul Castilan vinak Xepit Xetulul; chi hun qanel xcam cechevinak chiri ruma Castilan vinak, Tunatiuh Avilantaro rubi, cahaual ri ki xkaçan ronohel amaq; mahaok tetamax vi quivach ca tahinok ti qihalox chee, abah. 144. It was during this year that the Castilians arrived. Forty-nine years have passed since the Castilians came to Xepit and Xetulul. On the day 1 Ganel the Quiches were destroyed by the Castilians. Tunatiuh Avilantaro, as he was called, conquered all the towns. Their countenances were previously unknown and the people rendered homage to sticks and stones.
145. Xul chica Xelahub, xeyaar chic ceche vinak chi camic chiri, tok xbokotah chica el ceche vinak, ronohel culelaay richin Castilan vinak, okix yaar chic ceche vinak chuvach pe Xelahub. 145. On their arrival at Xelahub, the Quiche nation was routed and destroyed. All of them had hastened there to oppose the Castilians; and there the Quiche nation was destroyed, in front of Xelahub.
146. Tok xul ca ha tinamit qumarcaah, cani ca xcul cuma ahaua ahpop ahpop camahay, cani xya patan ruma ceche vinak; xaca cani xeoc ahaua pa chich ruma Tunatiuh. 146. He then went to the city Gumarcaah, and there came before him the chiefs, the king and the next in rank, and tribute was paid by the Quiches; and the chiefs suffered many torments from Tunatiuh.
147. Chi cahi cat ca xepe rox ahaua ahpop, ahpop camahay ruma Tunatiuh, maqui yco vinak ru cux Tunatiuh chi labal. Cani ca xpe ru çamahel Tunatiuh cucin ahaua, takol richin achiha: tipe ul rachihilal Ahpoçodzil Ahpoxahil, tu camiçan ceche vinak, xcha ru [178]çamahel Tunatiuh chique ahaua. Cani ca xtakex ru tzih Tunatiuh, ok xbe ca vomuch achiha camiçay richin cechevinak, xaca ruyon ahtinamit xbe maqui xcaho achiha conohel chique ahaua, xaca oxmul xbe achiha, xoc patan ruma ceche vinak, oh ca xoh be camo richin Tunatiuh, yxnucahol. 147. On the day 4 Qat three chiefs, the king and the next in rank were burned alive by Tunatiuh, nor was the heart of Tunatiuh satisfied with war. Soon a messenger from Tunatiuh came to the chiefs that they should send him warriors: “Let the warriors of the Ahpozotzils and Ahpoxahils come to the slaughter of the Quiches!”[179] So spoke the messenger of Tunatiuh to the chiefs. Immediately the words of Tunatiuh were published, and 400 men went forth to the slaughter of the Quiches; but they were only those of the city, the other warriors refusing to obey the chiefs. Only three times did the warriors go forth to enforce the tribute on the Quiches; then we also were taken by Tunatiuh, O my children.
Haok ki xul chi Yximche vae. How They Now Came to Iximche.
148. Ha ca chi hun Hunahpu, toki xul Castilan vinak pa tinamit chi Yximchee, Tunatiuh ru bi cahaval; cani ca xbe culel Tunatiuh cuma ahaua Belehecat, cahi Ymox. Utz ca ru cux Tunatiuh chique ahaua toki xul pa tinamit, mani labal, xati quicot Tunatiuh ok ki xul chi Yximchee. Quereca tok xul Castilan vinak ri oher, yxnucahol, kitzih tixibin ok xeul, mani etaam vi quivach, he cabouil xe quina ahaua. Xka na ca oh ytata, oh kixoh dzeto culic chi Yximchee chupam Tzupam hay xvar vi Tunatiuh; chuca qih ca xvachic ahauh, tixibin chi achiha, xul rucin pa ru varam xe ru tak ca ahaua: Nak ruma xtiban labal vucin co pe tan tin ban chive, xcha. Maquian, quere xa rumal ciya achiha caminak, vave heca mixe a dzet vae pa hul co vi qui nicahal, xecha ahaua, quere catok xoc pa rochoch ahauh chicbal ri. 148. It was on the day 1 Hunahpu when the Castilians arrived at Iximche with their chief, Tunatiuh. The people went forth to meet Tunatiuh with the chiefs Belehe Qat and Cahi Ymox. Good was the heart of Tunatiuh when he entered the city with the chiefs. There was no fighting and Tunatiuh rejoiced when he entered Iximche. Thus did the Castilians enter of yore, O my children; but it was a fearful thing when they entered; their faces were strange, and the chiefs took them for gods. We, even we, your father, saw them when they first set foot in Iximche, at the palace of Tzupam, where Tunatiuh slept. The chief came forth, and truly he frightened the warriors; he came from his chamber and called the rulers: “Why do you make war with me, when I also can make it?” said he. “Not at all. Why should so many warriors find their death? Do you see any pitfalls among them?” So replied the chiefs, and he went to the house of the chief Chicbal.
149. Canica labal xucutuh Tunatiuh chique ahaua, xecha ca ahaua: cay covi nu labal dzutuhil, Panatacat, at cabouil, xucheex ca cuma ahaua. Xaca hunobix xico rubana Tunatiuh pa tinamit; tok xcam dzutuhile ruma Castilan vinak, ha chi vuku Camey xcamiçax dzutuhile ruma Tunatiuh. 149. Then Tunatiuh agreed to join the chiefs in their wars, and the chiefs said to him:—“O thou God, we have two wars, one with the Tzutuhils, one at Panatacat.” Thus spake the chiefs. Only five days after, Tunatiuh went forth from the capital. Then the Tzutuhils were conquered by the Castilians. It was the day 7 Camey that the Tzutuhils were destroyed by the Castilians.
[180]150. Xeca huvinak voo chi qih xico rubana pa tinamit, ok xbe Tunatiuh Cuzcatan xico cam apon Atacat; ha chi cay Queh xcam Atacat ruma Castilan vinak ronohel ca achiha; xebe rucin Tunatiuh camiçay richin Yaqui. [181]150. Twenty-five days afterwards Tunatiuh went forth from the capital to Cuzcatan going there to destroy Atacat. On the day 2 Queh, Atacat was slain by the Castilians, with all his warriors. There went with Tunatiuh all his Mexicans to this battle.
151. Ha ca chi lahuh Hunahpu, xul chic ok xpe Cuzcatan, xa ru cavinak xbe ru bana Cuzcatan, ok xul chic pa tinamit. Tok xucutuh ca Tunatiuh hun quimeal ahaua, xya ca chirichin Tunatiuh ri cumal ahaua. 151. On the day 10 Hunahpu he returned from Cuzcatan. He had been absent only 40 days to make the conquest at Cuzcatan when he returned to the capital. Then Tunatiuh asked for a daughter of one of the chiefs, and she was given to Tunatiuh by the chiefs.
Qutubal ca puak vae. A Demand for Money is made.
152. Tok xcutux ca qui puvak ahaua ruma Tunatiuh; xrah naek ca yari xaki molom puvak xa tzimay, xa cal vach: maqui ca xucam xacani xcakar Tunatiuh chique ahaua, xcha: Nak rumal maqui ti ya puvak chuvichin, maquipe vave ulinak vi ru puak ronohel amaq avucin, tauaho pe cat nu poroh, cat nu hidzah, xeucheex ahaua. 152. Then Tunatiuh began to ask the chiefs for money. He wished that they should give him jars full of precious metals, and even their drinking cups and crowns. Not receiving anything, Tunatiuh became angry and said to the chiefs: “Why have you not given me the metal? If you do not bring me the precious metal in all your towns, choose then, for I shall burn you alive and hang you.” Thus did he speak to the chiefs.
153. Tok xuqat ca Tunatiuh oxoqopeto chi qana puvak, xquitih chica ahaua ru qipuxic, xeoq ahaua chuvach; xax maqui vi xraho chic Tunatiuh, xa xcha: Ti vechaah pe ri puak obix tiya. Vue ca maqui ti ya chiri, ti vetamah ca nu cux, xeucheex ahaua. Cani xdzak can xca retal, tok xquimol ca ahaua qui puak ronohel ca ru mam ahauh ru cahel ahauh, xu ya ru puak, xutih ru qih vinak ruma ahaua. 153. Then Tunatiuh cut from three of them the gold ornaments they wore in their ears. The chiefs suffered keenly from this violence, and wept before him. But Tunatiuh was not troubled, and said: “I tell you that I want the gold here within five days. Wo to you if you do not give it. I know my heart.” So said he to the chiefs. The word was then given. The chiefs gathered together all their metals, those of the parents and children of the king, and all that the chiefs could get from the people.
154. Ki ca tinicahar ru yaic puak chire Tunatiuh, tok xcutun hun achi caxtoc: Yn cakolahay, tincamiçah Castilan vinak, xcha chique ahaua; xa pa qaq queyaar vi, tin qoçih tinamit que el ca el ahau chaka ya, ha ca[182] chi vuku ahmak tinban, xcha achi ri caxtoc chique ahaua. Kitzih ca xqui na ahaua, xoqueçax ru tzih achij cuma, ki ca ti nicahar can ru yaic puvak ok xoh pax. 154. While they were gathering the gold for Tunatiuh, a priest of the Demon showed himself: “I am the lightning; I will destroy the Castilians.” So said he to the chiefs. “I will destroy them by fire. When I beat the drum let the chiefs come forth and go to the other[183] bank of the river. This I shall do on the day 7 Ahmak.” Thus did this priest of the Demon speak to the chiefs. Truly the chiefs thought that they should trust in the words of this man. It was when they were gathering the gold that we went forth.
Haok ki xoh pax pa tinamit vae. How We went forth from the City.
155. Chi vuku Ahmak ca xban paxic. Haoki xtole can tinamit chi Yximchee, xaca ruma ri achi caxtoc, ok xeel ahaua; vue kitzih xticam Tunatiuh, quecha; tan mani labal chu cux Tunatiuh, tan ti qui cot ruma puvak tan ti ya. Xa rumal achi ri caxtoc, tok xtole can ka tinamit, chi vuku ahmak, yx nucahol. 155. The day 7 Ahmak was that of the going forth. They deserted the city of Iximche on account of the priest of the Demon, and the chiefs left it. “Yes, truly, Tunatiuh shall die,” said they. “There is no more war in the heart of Tunatiuh, as he now rejoices in the gold given him.” Thus it was that our city was abandoned on the day 7 Ahmak on account of a priest of the Demon, O my children.
156. Xe na chi vi naek ca ahaua ruma Tunatiuh; xlauheher ok kopax pa tinamit, oki xtiquer labal ruma Tunatiuh; chi cahi Camey xtiquer ka camic ruma Castilah vinak, haok xtiquer pokonal chikih; xoh pax xe chee, xecam, yxnucahol, ronohel ca amaq, xoh camiçan rucin Tunatiuh; haok xtice xeapon ri Castilan vinak, xel ca pa tinamit xu tolobacan. Tok xeculelax ca Castilan vinak cuma Cakchiquel vinak, xban he cotoh, xban ca hulqueh, çimah xecamiçabex, xa ki labal chic xban ruma vinak. He ca ciy Castilan vinak xecam, quereca queh xcam pa hul queh, xyaar ca ri cechevinak, dzutuhile, quereca ronohel amaq xyaar ruma Cakchiquel vinak. Quereca xcohe vi ruxla ri ruma Castilan vinak, xcohe navipe ruxla ruma amaq ronohel; xbeleh vinak ok ca ko pax pa tinamit chi Iximchee, ok xel ru beleha. 156. But what the chiefs did was soon known to Tunatiuh. Ten days after we had left the city, war was begun by Tunatiuh. On the day 4 Camey began our destruction. Then began our misery. We scattered in the forests; all our towns were taken, O my children; we were slaughtered by Tunatiuh. The Castilians entered the city and they arrived as to a deserted spot. From that time the Castilians were hated by the Cakchiquels. They made trenches, they dug pitfalls, that the horses might be killed, and war was waged by their men. Many men of the Castilians were slain, and many horses killed in the pitfalls. The Quiches and Tzutuhils were destroyed and all their villages ruined by the Cakchiquels. Only thus did the Castilians let them live, and only thus were they let live by all the villagers. One hundred and eighty days after the desertion of the city of Iximche was completed the ninth year (of the second cycle).
Chi cay Ah, xel humay beleha ru banic yuhuh. On the day 2 Ah was completed the 29th year after the Revolt.
[184]157. Chupam ru lauha vae ki tan tiban labal rucin Castilan vinak, tanti cilibem Xepau ruma Castilan vinak chiri chupam ru lauha, kitan ti yao ri labal xucam ru covil vinak. [185]157. During the tenth year the war continued with the Castilians. But the Castilians having received aid in this tenth year at Xepau, carried on the war with such vigor that they destroyed the forces of the nation.
158. Ok xbokotah ca el Tunatiuh Xepau, xax coço ok xel mani xelah vinak chuvach; xvakvinak ok ru caba kopax pe pa tinamit ok xtolecan xbenam ca richin ok xico ru cata can tinamit Tunatiuh, chi cahi Camey xuporoh can tinamit, vak vinak ru caba chi labal xbanok xtzolih. 158. Tunatiuh then went forth from Xepau, and so harassed us that the people would not come before him. There were lacking one hundred and twenty days to complete two years since we had abandoned the capital, now deserted, when Tunatiuh came there on his march in order to set fire to the city. On the day 4 Camey, two years less six months after the beginning of the war, he set fire to the capital and returned.
Chi cablahuh Ah xel humay lauha yuhuh. On the day 12 Ah was completed the 30th year after the Revolt.
159. Chupam huna vae xuxlan vican halal ka cux xavi e coh ahaua conohel Cahi Ymox Belehecat, mani xtzak chuvach Castilan vinak, tan ca oh coh chila Holom Balam, yxnucahol. 159. In the course of this year we breathed for a little, as did also the kings Cahi Ymox and Belehe Qat. They had not lost all hope before the Castilians, and they maintained themselves at Holombalam, O my children.
160. Xhunabir ok ca rucin huvinak, titole can ruma Tunatiuh ok xul chic Castilan vinak Chij xot; chi hun Caok, xtiquer chic ka camic ruma Castilan vinak, xculelaax chic ruma vinak, xyaloh chic labal xban. Xavi xchub chic chi camic, mani xyao patan ronohel huyu, xa hala chic matel humay hulauha yuhuh ok xul chic Chij xot. 160. One year and twenty days had passed since the places had been made desolate by Tunatiuh, when the Castilians arrived at Chiixot. On the day 1 Caok our slaughter by the Castilians began. They fought with the nation and persisted in war. Death ravaged us again, but the whole country continued to refuse tribute. There was not much lacking of the 31st year after the revolt when they came to Chiixot.
Chi belehe Ah, ca xel humay hulauha yuhuh. On the day 9 Ah was completed the 31st year after the Revolt.
161. Chupam huna chic vae, xavi tanti tahin labal ruma Castilan vinak xutuloba chi can Chij xot, haok ki xlaqabex Bulbuxya ruma Castilan vinak, vave chupam huna ki xyaloh vi labal xmani vi xyao patan ruma ronohel huyu. 161. In the course of the following year, while the Castilians were engaged in war, Chiixot was abandoned. Then Bulbuxya was occupied by the Castilians. During this year the war was continued, but the whole country refused the tribute.
[186]Roquebal ca patan vae. [187]The Beginning of the Tribute.
162. Xvolahuvinak ok ti cutun Chij xot, ok xoc patan chuvach capitan cuma chinta Queh, vove chuvi Tzolola chi vakaki dzi ca xoc patan, haok xalax nu cahol Diego Pabo Cotanoh covi, ok xatalax chi vakaki dzij, at nucahol, haok xtiquer chic patanihic; huley chivi chi pokon xkacam chic, xkacolah can ri labal. Camul ki chi nimak chi camic xkaban. 162. Three hundred days after Chiixot was taken, began the payment of tribute to the Captain by Chinta Queh. It was here at Tzolola, on the day 6 Tzi, that the tribute began. At that time was born my son. Diego Pabo Cotanoh. Thou wert born, O my son, on that day, 6 Tzi, on which the tribute began. Deep, indeed, were the sufferings we underwent to escape from the wars, and twice we were on the point of losing our life.
Chi vakaki Ah, xel humay cablauha yuhuh. On the day 6 Ah was completed the 32d year after the Revolt.
163. Xvahxak vinak ok ru caba, toc patan ok xcam ahauh Ahtun Cuc Tihax, chi vakaki Akbal xcam. Xavi ca maha que cutun ahaua Ahpopçodzil, Ahpopxahil chiri. 163. It was two years less one hundred and twenty days after the beginning of the tribute when died the chief Ahtun cuc Tihax. He died on the day 6 Akbal. The chiefs Ahpopzotzil and Ahpopxahil had not yet submitted.
Chi oxi Ah, xel humay oxlauha. On the day 3 Ah was completed the 33d year.
164. Chupam huna ok xecutun chic ahaua, ahpop Çodzil ahpop Xahil, chuvach Tunatiuh, cahvinak ruvaka xquiban ahaua xe chee xecam, maqui ca xax cutzih ahaua xeba, chich tal quicamic ruma Tunatiuh, xax catun qui tzihol ahaua chuvach Tunatiuh. Ha ca chi vuku Ahmak xebokotah el ahaua, xeapon Paruyaal Chay, tzatz chi ahaua xcuchu ri ronohel ca ru mam ahauh, ru cahol ahauh, xbe tzatz chi vinak cachbiyil ahaua. Chi vahxaki Noh ca xeapon Panchoy, xaca tiquicot Tunatiuh chique ahaua, tok xdzet chic quivach ruma Tunatiuh. 164. In the course of this year the chiefs Ahpopzotzil and Ahpopxahil came before Tunatiuh. For eighty-six days these chiefs had hid in the woods. Not only did they wish to come forth, but their labors and sufferings were known to Tunatiuh, and the memory of these chiefs came to Tunatiuh. On the day 7 Ahmak the chiefs decided to come forth. When they arrived at Paruyaal chay, many chiefs, all the fathers of the chiefs and their sons, and a multitude of people accompanied the chiefs. On the day 8 Noh they reached Panchoy. Then Tunatiuh rejoiced with the chiefs, when their faces were seen again before Tunatiuh.
Chi oxlahuh Ah xel humay cahlauha yuhuh. On the day 13 Ah was completed the 36th year after the revolt.

[188][I append the translation of the remainder of what I believe to be the original work (see Introduction, page 58); but as its contents are of little general interest, I omit the text.]

165. During this year frightful imposts were levied; they paid gold and silver before the face of Tunatiuh, and there were demanded as tribute five hundred men and five hundred women to go to the gold washings; all the people were busy seeking gold. Five hundred men and five hundred women were also demanded by Tunatiuh to aid in building Pangan for his princely residence. All that, yes, all that, we ourselves witnessed, O my children.

On the 10th Ah was completed the 35th year after the Revolt.

166. Forty days were lacking to complete three years from the date of the submission of the kings when Belehe Qat died. He died on the 7th Queh, when employed in washing for gold and silver. As soon as he was dead Tunatiuh set to work to appoint his successor. The prince Don Jorge was appointed by the sole command of Tunatiuh. There was no council held nor assembly to confirm him. Tunatiuh gave his orders to the princes and they obeyed him; for, truly, he made himself feared.

On the 7th Ah was completed the 36th year after the revolt.

167. Three hundred and forty days after the death of Belehe Qat the princes were forced to place Don Jorge in possession of the throne. His father was Don Juan Xuares.

Oh the 4th Ah was completed the 37th year after the revolt.

168. In the course of this year the king Cahi Ymox Ahpozotzil withdrew and went to inhabit the capital. He intended to separate from the others, because the tribute had been imposed on all the chiefs, even on the king himself.

On the 1st Ah was completed the 38th year after the revolt.

[189]169. During this year Tunatiuh departed for Castile, making new conquests on his road. Thus he destroyed those of Tzutzumpan and of Choloma; and many other towns were destroyed by Tunatiuh. There occurred an unheard of event at Tzutzumpan. I saw Hunahpu tremble a litle while before the prince Mantunalo arrived here. Tunatiuh went to Castile, leaving Tzutzumpan.

On the 11th Ah was completed the 39th year after the revolt.

170. In the course of the year, on the 11th Noh, Prince Mantunalo arrived. The prince Mantunalo arrived to relieve the nation from its sufferings; the washing for gold and silver promptly ceased, and the tribute of young men and women ceased; the burnings alive and the hangings ceased, and, indeed, all the various acts of violence of the Castilians and the imposts which they had forcibly laid upon us. The roads were once more frequented by travelers when the Prince Mantunalo arrived, as they had been eight years before, when the imposts were first laid upon us, O my children.

On the 8th Ah was completed the 40th year after the revolt.

On the 5th Ah was completed the first year of the third cycle.

171. Before the close of the second year of the third cycle, the prince Tunatiuh arrived, landing at Porto Cavayo. When Tunatiuh came back from Castile with the position of commander, each of us went before him to receive him, O my children. It was then that he killed with his sword the Ah-tzib Caok on account of his lineage; it was on the day 11 Ahmak that he killed the Ah-tzib.

On the day 2 Ah was completed the second year of the third cycle.

172. One hundred and twenty days after the death of Ahtzib and of the return of Tunatiuh to Panchoy, the prince Mantunalo departed, leaving Tunatiuh in command. Two hundred and sixty days after his return, Tunatiuh hanged the king Ahpozotzil Cahi Ymox, on[190] the day 13 Ganel. They hanged with him Quixavit Caok, by order of Tunatiuh.

On the day 12 Ah was completed the third year of the third cycle.

173. Two hundred and eighty days after the execution of the king Ahpozotzil he hanged Chuvy Tziquinu, prince of the city, who had angered him. They hanged him on the day 4 Can at Paxaya. They seized him on the road and executed him secretly. Seventeen other chiefs were hanged at the same time. On the day 4 Ig the chief Chicbal, who had caused the death of Chuvy Tziquinu, was hanged in his turn, and with him Nimabah and Quehchun. Meanwhile, Tunatiuh had left for Xuchipillan, appointing as his lieutenant and to see to the hangings, Don Francisco, who attended to them. One hundred days after the prince Chicbal had been hanged, came the news that Tunatiuh had met his death at Xuchipillan.

On the day 9 Ah was completed the fourth year of the third cycle after the revolt.

174. In the course of this year there was a great disaster which destroyed the Castilians at Panchoy. On the day 2 Tihax the waters burst from the mountain Hunahpu, rushing out from the interior of the mountain, and enveloped the Castilians in destruction. The wife of Tunatiuh was then drowned.

When Our Instruction Began.

One hundred and sixty days after this disaster there arrived at our house our fathers of St. Dominic, Brother Pedro Anculo and Brother Juan de Torres. They arrived from Mexico on the day 12 Batz, and we began to receive instruction from our fathers of St. Dominic. Then also appeared the Doctrina in our language. Our fathers, Brother Pedro and Brother Juan were the first who taught us the word of God. Until that time the word and the commandments of God were unknown to us; we had lived in darkness, for no one had[191] spoken to us of the doctrine of God. There were also the fathers of St. Francis, Father Alamicer and Father Clerico, with those of St. Dominic, who spoke to us. They translated the Doctrina into our language, and we were soon instructed by them.

On the day 6 Ah was completed the fifth year of the third cycle.

On the day 3 Ah was completed the sixth year of the third cycle after the revolt.

On the day 13 Ah was completed the seventh year.

175. In the course of the year our fathers of St. Dominic separated from those of St. Francis, on account of ashes; the latter went away. Ashes were not given by our Fathers of St. Dominic; therefore, those of St. Francis went away.

On the day 10 Ah was completed the 8th year of the third cycle.

On the day 7 Ah was completed the 9th year of the third cycle after the revolt.

176. In the course of the year the licentiate Don Juan Roxer arrived.

They Begin to Group the Houses.

One hundred and six days after they had really begun to teach us the word of God, then they commenced to gather together the houses in groups, by order of the ruler, Juan Roser, and the people came forth from their caves and ravines. On the day 7 Caok the capital was repeopled, and we were there with all the tribes.

On the day 4 Ah was completed the 10th year of the third cycle after the revolt.

On the day 1 Ah was completed the 11th year of the third cycle after the revolt.

177. In the course of the year the President Cerrado arrived, while the licentiate Pedro Ramirez was still here. When he arrived he condemned the Castilians; he set free the slaves and prisoners of the Castilians, diminished by one-half the imposts, put an end to forced[192] labor, and obliged the Castilians to pay all for their work, little or great. This Prince Cerrado truly solaced the afflictions of our nation; for I, myself, O my children, was a witness of the many miseries which we endured.

On the day 11 Ah was completed the 12th year of the third cycle.

On the day 8 Ah was completed the 13th year of the third cycle.

178. In the course of the year died the Ahtzib Juan Perez; he died on the day 12 Tihax. Eighty days after the death of the Ahtzib, there was an eruption of the mountain Chigag; it was on the day 9 Ah that the fire appeared in the mountain.

On the day 5 Ah was completed the 14th year of the third cycle.

179. During this year arrived the iron bell; it came from the emperor of Castile; it reached us on the day 3 Hunahpu, which was on a Friday. Twenty days after the arrival of the iron bell, the licentiate Ramirez tried to kill the prince bishop at Pangan, the governor Cerrado being present. The door of the church was forced by Ramirez. This took place on a day 2 Can, on a Thursday. One hundred and sixty days after these leaders had come to blows at Pangan, all our fathers of St. Francis and St. Dominic came to blows in their turn at Xelahub, the former having tried to wrest Xelahub from the Dominicans.

On the day 2 Ah was completed the 15th year of the third cycle.

180. In the course of this year the locusts (grasshoppers) reappeared. It was on the day 12 Tziquin, the day after the Visitation, that the grasshoppers came. They passed over all parts of the country, and we saw them with you, my children.

On the day 12 Ah was completed the 16th year of the third cycle.

181. During the course of this year arrived the President Doctor Quexata; it was on a day 2 Hunahpu that that ruler arrived here, coming from Mexico. They[193] were celebrating the feast of the circumcision. The governor Cerrado was here when he arrived. When the Doctor Quexata had almost arrived, the President Cerrado died. There was but little between them. Then the Doctor Quexata died. He did not condemn any one, because he had no time. But the ruler Cerrado condemned (the Castilians), for he did what was right. About the same time died the chief Don Francisco Ahpozotzil; it was on the day 1 Can, a Monday, the 14th day of the month October, that he died. It was in this year that he died that the nativity of our Saviour Jesus Christ came on the day 1 Batz.

On the day 9 Ah was completed the 17th year of the third cycle.

182. Forty days after the death of the chief Don Francisco, died our Father Fray Domingo de Vico in Acalan. Truly, with great tortures was he put to death by the tribe. Twenty days after the death of our father in Acalan, Father Fray Francisco de la Para was exiled by the bishop and the ruler Ramirez. This took place on Easter day.

On the day 6 Ah was completed the 18th year of the third cycle.

183. At this time died Alonzo de Pazon, the day 12 Ganel.

In the 13th month of the year, the day of Sanctiago at Pangan occurred on the day 1 Tziquin. On that day the Castilians at Pangan had great rejoicings, because on that day was inaugurated as supreme monarch over in Castile the Emperor Don Peliphe. There were then three rulers, the Prince Ramirez, the Doctor Mercia and Louaisa. They held court at Panchoy. In the 14th month of the year, after this day of Sanctiago, there came an order from Ramirez. He imposed a tribute on members of the nobility among the people. He also made provision for the surplusage of the tribute. There had never been a surplus under the chiefs; it was known to be stolen, but no one knew by whom. The maize tax was reduced and that of roast fowls, and none of the chiefs could steal anything from the surplus. This order of Ramirez was promulgated on the day of St. Francis,[194] a Monday, the day 7 Camey. Twenty days after the promulgation of the order of Ramirez, the Book of the Doctrina was published, on the day of Saints, a Monday; but many would not accept the Doctrina, but refused it.

On the day 3 Ah was completed the 19th year of the third cycle after the revolt.

184. The Alcaldes in the year 1557 were Don Juan Juarez and Don Francisco Fez.

In the course of the year an incursion was made to destroy the Lacantuns. It was on the day 5 Ey that the ruler Ramirez sallied forth as general, and Don Martin went also as general, twenty days before the close of the third cycle.

Don Juan Juarez and Francisco Pez Martin were chosen as Alcaldes, to issue orders. (Note by a later writer: These were the first Alcaldes, and with them began the elections.)

On the day 13 Ah was completed the third cycle since the Revolt was made. The third cycle was completed in the year 1558.

185. When we were in the eleventh month of the year, a President Royal arrived, on the day 3 Qat. When he arrived at Pangan on 1 Akbal, Don Diego Pez was inaugurated as chief by the ruler Ramirez.

Six months after the arrival of the President at Pangan, began here again the pestilence which had formerly raged among the people. It came from a distance. It was truly terrible when this death was sent among us by the great God. Many families bowed their heads before it. The people were seized with a chill and then a fever; blood issued from the nose; there was a cough, and the throat and nose were swollen, both in the lesser and the greater pestilence. All here were soon attacked. These maladies began, O my children, on the day of the Circumcision, a Monday, and as I was writing, we also were attacked with the disease.

Diego Ernandez Xahil and Francisco Ernandez Galel Bagahol were Alcaldes in the year 1559.

The first year of the fourth cycle since the revolt was completed on the day 10 Ah.



1. The author begins by stating his purpose in a few lines.

xtinudzibah, future of dzibah, to write, originally to paint.

xeboço, past tense, third person, plural, of the absolute form of boç, here, as often, used actively. Compare Gram., p. 49.

laqabex, passive of laqabeh, to inhabit, to settle.

huyu taqah, hills and plains, or, the interior and the coast; an expression meaning the whole country.

que cha, they say, used as the French on dit, indicating that the writer is reporting the words of another.

ki, an intensive or affirmative particle, thrown in to add strength to the expression.

ka tata, our fathers, ka mama, our grandfathers and ancestors more remote than fathers. These terms are to be understood in a general sense.

yx nu qahol, you my sons, or yx ka qahol, you our sons, intimates that this account was prepared for the family of the writer.

pa Tulan. The prep. pa (before a vowel pan) means in, at, to, and from. Torresano (MS. Gram.) renders it by the Latin ad, pro, absque, ab, de, e, ex. Brasseur translates these words “being still in Tulan,” which does not make sense.

2. qaqavitz, Zactecauh. Both these names of the ancestral heroes of the Cakchiquels appear to be partly Nahuatl. qaq is “fire,” and Zak is “white,” both Cakchiquel words, but vitzli, thorn, and techatl, the stone of sacrifice, are Nahuatl.

chaka palouh, the other side of the sea. The word palouh appears to be derived from the verb paloh, to lift onesself up, to rise, referring to the waves.

pe vi, and vi pe; on the use of the particle vi, see Grammar, p. 63.

pa Tulan ru bi huyu, from the country or place called Tulan. The word huyu usually means hill or mountain; but it is frequently used in the vague sense of “place,” “locality.”

achij, men, viri, not homines, which latter is vinak.

Xahila, a plural form. The name maybe derived from xahoh, to dance in the sacred or ceremonial dances; or from ahila, to reckon or number.

[196]3. chinamit, the sub-gens. On this see the Introduction. The our referred to include the Xahila, mentioned in the previous paragraph. These four, the Xahila, the Gekaquch, the Baqahol, and the Cibaki, formed the tribe; the remaining four, the Caveki, the Ah Queh, the Ah Pak, and the Ykomagi, were of the same lineage, but not in the confederacy.

Daqui; the letter d does not occur either in Cakchiquel or Nahuatl. The foreign aspect of some of these names seems to point to an ancient influence of some allophyllic tongue.

4. He ca coh, etc. The writer here states that he gives the exact words of the ancient tradition. He probably wrote the text from some antique chant, which had been handed down from his ancestors. The quotation begins at the words Cahi xpe, and continues to near the close of the next paragraph, where the words xecha can ri qaqavitz, the above spoke Gagavitz, etc., mark its termination. This is one of the most obscure passages in the book. The original text is given by Brasseur among his pièces justificatives, in the appendix to the first volume of his Hist. du Mexique. A comparison with his translation will show that in several important constructions I differ from him.

The mythological references to Tulan, cabouil, the Chay Abah, Xibilbay, etc., have been discussed in the Introduction. The passage corresponds to the first chapter of the third book of the Popol Vuh.

Tulan, Tullan; these variations are in the original.

5. The particle tan, with which the paragraph opens, throws the narrative into the “historical present,” for the sake of greater vividness. The verb dzak, as at present used, means to make bricks, etc., out of earth.

xtiho; translated by Brasseur, “the trial was made;” but it is the imperfect passive of tih, which means “to give to another something to eat or drink.”

xaki, plural of xak, generic word for leaf.

utiuh, koch; besides these, two other animals are named in the Popol Vuh.

achak is the general word for excrement, either of men or brutes; also, refuse, waste products in general.

tiuh tiuh is the name of a small variety of hawk. “El gavilan pequeño.” Guzman, Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel. MS.

mani ca xchao, “and he talked not.” The connective ca, like[197] navipe, and pe, all three of which may usually be translated by “and,” is not placed at the beginning of the clause. cha is to speak in the general sense; hence, chabal, a language. Synonyms of this are tin cha, I say; tin tzihoh, I speak words, I harangue; tin biih, I name, I express myself; and quin ucheex, I tell or say, especially used in repeating what others have said (Coto, Vocabulario). These words are of frequent use in the text.

Rubanic chay abah ri dzapal, etc.; this obscure passage was, I think, entirely misunderstood by Brasseur. The word dzapal is derived from the neuter form dzape of the active tin dzapih, I shut up or enclose, and means “that which is shut up,” lo cerrado, and dzapibal, the active form in the next line, means “that which shuts up,” i. e., gates or doors. It will be remembered (see ante, p. 26) that the gates of Iximche were constructed partly of, or ornamented with, obsidian, and the same is supposed here of the gates of the mythical city or place of Tulan.

ki-kan; our burden, our tribute. The passage seems to indicate that they left their former country to escape subjection.

coh qui tzih; the passage may be translated “theirs were the words which incited us,” i. e., to revolt and to depart.

6. The articles mentioned as paid in the tribute, have been described in the Introduction (see p. 39).

7. “So spoke the Obsidian Stone,” i. e., the sacred oracle, referred to as the final arbiter. See anté, p. 26.

“The wood and stone which deceive,” that is, the idols of wood and stone which they worshiped.

8. This paragraph is obscure, and the numerous erasures in Brasseur’s translation indicate the difficulty he found in discovering its meaning.

9. cholloh tacaxepeval rikan ceche; Brasseur translates this: “Malheureux etaient les fils et les vassaux des Quiches.” I take the word tacaxepeval to be the name of the first month in the Cakchiquel calendar (see anté, p. 29); and colloh means “to divest ourselves of, to get rid of.”

13. This and the following section describes the efforts of certain inimical powers, under the guise of birds, to obstruct and deceive the Cakchiquels. The chahalçivan is a small bird which builds in the rocky sides of the ravines, and is called by the Spaniards by a literal translation, “El guarda barranca,” the gully-guard. The tucur is the owl; this name being apparently an abbreviation of the Nahuatl tecolotl. The bird called canixt[198] is the Spanish cotorra, a small species of parrot. (Guzman, Compendio de Nombres, MS.)

On the word labalinic, see Introduction, p. 47.

14. The owl sat on the red tree, the caka chee, whence, as we learn later, the tribe derived its name, Cakchiquel—a doubtful derivation.

Chee abah, wood and stone; understood to refer to the idols of these substances.

Çaqih, for Cakqih, the spring. Father Coto has the following under the words: “Estio vel verano, Çakqih; pa çak qih, en el estio vel verano. Y nota que los que nosotros decimos en saliendo el verano, o que quando para, estos lo entrinden al contrario; porque decin, mixel çak qih, mani chic ru qih hab, ya salió el verano, no ay mas aguero.”

16. The cak chee, red tree, is translated by Father Guzman, “arbol de carreta.” The legendary derivation of the name Cakchiquel from this is doubtful. chamey may mean something more than staff; it is applied to the staff of office, the bâton de commandement carried by the alguacils, etc.

The whole paragraph is obscure, but seems to describe their leaving the sandy shore of the sea, passing out of sight of land, then coming in sight of it again, and going ashore.

17. The word ikan, burden, here as elsewhere, is usually translated by Brasseur, “tribute.”

18. Ah chay, literally, “master of obsidian.” As this stone was largely used for arrow heads and other weapons, the expression in this connection seems to mean “master of arms.” Ah cam, from cam, to take, seize. Brasseur construes these words as in apposition to vach: “Whom shall we make our master of arms,” etc.

Etamayom, from the root et, mark, sign; etamah, to know, to be skilled in an art; etamayom, he who knows (see Grammar, pp. 27, 56). Brasseur’s rendering, “le Voyant,” is less accurate. See his translation of this passage in the Hist. du Mexique, Tome II, p. 92.

cokikan; Brasseur gives to this the extraordinary rendering, “parfumés d’ambre.” But Coto states that it was the term applied to the loads of roasted maize, which were the principal sustenance of the natives on their journeys.

19. The narration continues in the words of the ancestral heroes, who speak in the first person, plural.

[199]Nonovalcat, Xulpit; the first of these names is decidedly Nahuatl, and recurs in the Maya Chronicles. See Introduction, p. 44. The second is clearly of Maya origin. These localities are located by Brasseur on the Laguna de Terminos, near the mouth of the Usumacinta.

20. Having defeated their enemies in the field, the Cakchiquels seized their boats and ventured an attack on the town, in which they were repulsed.

Zuyva; this famous name in Aztec mythology, was also familiar to the Maya tribes. (See The Maya Chronicles, p. 110.) The term ah zuyva seems here employed as a general term for the Nahuatl-speaking nations. (See above, p. 44.)

Cac; I do not find this word in any dictionary; perhaps it is for cadz, a variety of wasp.

“When we asked each other,” etc. Here follow some fragments of legends, explaining the origin of the names of the tribes. They are quite imaginary.

Tohohil, from tohoh, to resound in the water and the sky (sonar el rio y el ayre, Dicc. Cak. Anon.); not clangor armorum, as Brasseur translates it, but sounds of nature. Tohil was the name of the principal Quiche divinity, and was supposed by Brasseur and Ximenez to be an abbreviated form of Tohohil. But I have given reasons for supposing it to mean “justice,” “equity,” and this legend was devised to explain it, when its true etymology had become lost. (See my Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, p. 23.)

Cakix; the bird so called, the Ara macao, of ornithologists, was one of the totemic signs of the Zotzil families of the Cakchiquels. The author here intimates that the name Cakchiquel is from cakix and chi, month, forgetting that he has already derived it from cak chee (Sec. 16).

Chitaqah; “in the valley.”

quqcumatz; see notes on Sec. 38.

Ahcic amaq; “the town on high,” built on some lofty eminence.

Akahal; the derivation suggested is from akah, a honey-comb or wasp’s nest.

Çaker. This is an important word in Xahila’s narrative. It is derived from çak, white; hence, çaker, to become white; also, to dawn, to become light; metaphorically, of persons to become enlightened or civilized. The active form, çakericah, means to inform, to acquaint with, to instruct.

[200]21. Nima coxom, nima chah, Brasseur translates, “great ravines, enormous oaks;” chăh is oak, chāh, ashes; cox, to strike fire, to clash stones together. chopiytzel, “the bad place where the flesh is torn from the body,” referring probably to sharp stones and thorns. Popo abah, the Council Stone.

Molomu chee, “wood gathered together or piled up.” It is noteworthy that this, which seems to be the name of a place, means in Cakchiquel the same as Quauhtemallan, Guatemala, in Nahuatl. Perhaps the Aztec allies of Alvarado merely translated the Cakchiquel name of the country. (See Introduction, p. 22, note.)

Xahun chi lol; a difficult phrase, translated by Brasseur, “le dernier rejeton;” lol is applied to a condition of desertion and silence, as that of an abandoned mill or village. On halebal, see Introduction, p. 46.

On Zakicoxol, and the conflict with him, see the Introduction, p. 42.

22. Ru chahim; Brasseur translates this phrase, “between the fire and the ashes,” taking chahim from chāh, ashes. But I take it to be from the verb chahih, to guard, as later in the paragraph the question is asked: “Nak rumal tachahih bey?” “Why guardest thou the road?”

xcha ca ok xul; “aprés qu’il eut parlé, il joua sur la flute.” Brasseur. The Abbé here mistook the preterit of ul to arrive, for the noun xul, a flute.

ru cux huyu. The ambiguity of the word huyu, here, as often, offers difficulty in ascertaining the precise sense of the original. It means mountain or hill, woods or forest, or simply place or locality. While cux, means literally “heart,” it also has the sense, “soul, spirit.” (Coto, Vocabulario, MS. s. v. Corazon.) Hence, the phrase may be translated “the Spirit of the Forest,” or “of the Mountain.” Brasseur prefers the latter, while I lean to the former.

roqueçam, from the root oc, to enter; applied to garments “that which is entered,” or put on. Compare our slang expression, “to get into one’s clothes.”

xahpota, see Introduction, p. 18.

23. Yukuba, to string out; hence, to name seriatim. The last four names given are clearly Nahuatl, as is also Zuchitan. This indicates that the Cakchiquels, in their wanderings, had now entered the territory of the Pipils, of the Pacific slope.

[201]Cholamaq; “the tribe of the Chols,” or “of the corn fields.” The Chols were a Maya tribe, who lived around Palenque (see Stoll, Ethnographie der Rep. Guatemala, pp. 89-93), but the reference in the text is not to them, nor yet to the Mams, as Brasseur thought, but to a nation speaking a non-Maya tongue.

Vaya vaya ela opa. I have given several reasons for the opinion that these words are in the Xinca language. See my essay On the Xinca Indians of Guatemala, in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1885.

24. Mem, dumb, silent, incapable of speech. Tin memuh vi, I am dumb, I keep silence; given in the text as the origin of the nomen gentile, Mam. The Mams speak a dialect of the Maya, probably scarcely intelligible to the Cakchiquels. They at present dwell in the northwestern districts of the Republic of Guatemala. See Stoll, Ethnographie der Rep. Guatemala, pp. 164-5.

25. Nacxit. On this passage Brasseur builds his theory of the formation of a great Toltec empire in Central America, about the close of the eleventh century (Hist. des Nations Civilisèes du Mexique, Tom. II, pp. 101-5). He explains Nacxit as the last two syllables of Topiltzin Acxitl, a title of Quetzalcoatl. Cinpual Taxuch is undoubtedly from the same tongue. Orbal tzam, Bored Nose, the pendent from the nose being apparently a sign of dignity, as the pierced ears of the Incas.

vapal abah, “the lintel stone,” here used in the metaphorical sense of “the corner stone.”

26. The description of the dance of the Pokomams, leads us to suppose that the author means it was a war dance. The Pokomams dwell at present in the southeastern part of the Republic of Guatemala.

chicop Çakbim; the savage or barbarian Zakbim. See Introduction, p. 39.

27. Tzaktzuy. Brasseur translates “Château des Citrouilles,” mistaking tzak for dzak, as he does throughout the passage; tzuy means also cup or gourd, and the name may be rendered either “the ensnaring cup,” or “vine.” Possibly it refers to a scene of drunkenness.

ri retal; the sign or mark. Brasseur translates it “limit” or “landmark” of the Ahquehays. These were one of the noble families of the Quiche stock.

28. Oronic Cakhay, “the Red House of the Nobles,” said by[202] Brasseur to be a hill, one league west of the modern village of Rabinal.

Tecpan, “the royal house.” See Introduction, p. 13.

dzumah chi qui cux; Brasseur translates these words, “cuirassés sur la poitrine,” and says this was the name of the Pokomams (Hist. Mex., II, p. 126). dzuum is leather or skin, and cux is heart; but dzumah, and later, xdzumax, is a verb, signifying to lower, to depress.

“The venison and honey.” This sentence is apparently a gibe or jeer, addressed by the defenders of Cakhay to Gagavitz after his attack on their city had been repulsed.

29. Ah queh hay, “those of the deer (skin) houses.”

xakoticen a titil a qana abah. Brasseur translates, “il ne nous est resté que les vieilles femmes et les pierres dejà hautes.” This illustrates how far he is from the correct meaning at times. For these words, see notes to Sec. 41.

30. Xhachatah qui vach. Brasseur gives this literally, “leurs faces ensuite se divisèrent;” but vach means also “fruit, results, possessions,” and so I render it.

31. qaq xanul, “the uncoverer of fire.” This is supposed by Brasseur to be the name of a volcano, and the whole episode to refer to a pretended miracle. See his Hist. Mexique, Vol. II, pp. 166-7. He calls the passage “fort difficile,” which it certainly is.

32. Çakchoq. “Brulé à blanc,” is Brasseur’s translation, but I cannot verify it. No such stone is mentioned in Guzman’s list of Cakchiquel names of stones. It would seem that there were fourteen chief performers in the dance of qaq xanul, and that they took the name of certain stones.

34. Chi qalibal, “at the seat;” but the author chooses to derive it from qa, hand, which is a doubtful etymology.

35. The episode of Tolgom, his capture and death, is explained by Brasseur, suo more, as the destruction of the ruler of an independent tribe on the shores of Lake Atitlan.

chabak Nicnic, the quivering mud, perhaps the quicksand. This strange name adds to the obscurity of the legend.

cakbatzulu. The punning explanation of this name refers to its similarity to cak, to place in front of another; also to shoot with arrows, or to stone. Its real derivation seems to be cakba, from cakaba, to reveal, disclose, and tzulu, to embrace, sleep together. (Compare chee tzulu, later on.)

37. His song, i. e., his death song.

[203]Chee tzulu, “the interlaced trees.”

Uchum, the fifth month of the Cakchiquel calendar. See Introduction, p. 29.

38. Ri tzam tzakbal Tolcom, “throwing the extremities of Tolgom.” The reference to this festival is too slight to enable us to understand it.

Chi tulul, “at the zapote trees.”

Qabouil Abah, “the Stone God,” possibly the Chay Abah before referred to.

Çudzu cumatz; the latter is the generic term for snake, but the meaning of the prefix is uncertain. Perhaps it should read çuxçu, to move in spiral lines, as is described in the text. This miraculous form was one of Gagavitz’s metamorphoses.

Nak ruma tiqui cam, etc. These words of the hero Gagavitz are not easy to translate. They seem to chide the Cakchiquels for their weakness in seeking women, and to announce his intention to remain among the Tzutuhils.

ru chac pe ri necāh coon; perhaps this should be translated, “the organs of the women have conquered.”

39. Çakeribal, civilization, their becoming civilized. On the meaning of this word see note to Sec. 20.

abah cuval; the precious stone offered by Bacahol as the price of royalty, indicates that such carved gems were in high esteem. cuval is translated by Guzman and others, “diamond;” but it was probably native jade.

Chuluc balam, literally “tiger piss,” the name of a common medicinal plant, used in Guatemala as a diuretic (Guzman). In this connection it either means the totem of a gens, or refers to a magic rite. The former seems to be indicated by the term chicop (see Introd. p. 39).

xahun chi raxon ru halebal, a punning allusion to the name of the hill Paraxone. Brasseur translates it “qui possédent l’un et l’autre ces oiseaux bleus enchanteurs.”

40. The sun had risen, etc. All these expressions are to be understood metaphorically, with reference to the growing civilization of the tribes.

41. The description of the installation of Bacahol as head chief, is an interesting passage. Unfortunately, several of the terms used are not found in the dictionaries, at least with any appropriate meaning. Thus, paz is now applied to the swathing bands of infants; cuçul is the cradle or bundle in which infants[204] are fastened; while tach I have not found at all. Guzman gives the expression, titil qana abah, caka uleuh xak, with the explanation, “Colores con que ungian los señores,” and Ah titil, etc., “Señores ungidos de estos colores quando eran puestos en señorios.” (Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel, MS., 170-4.)

ququ cot; cot, eagle; quq, the general term for various species of quetzals, birds with brilliant green plumage. The reference seems to be to one of the magical metamorphoses of qaqavitz.

42. The difficulties experienced in their first endeavors to adopt a sedentary and agricultural life are described.

chicop cuch, the “zopilote,” or carrion vulture. Possibly this refers to a gens so designated.

43. In this paragraph the writer expresses himself with great directness.

ca chimin, etc. As my translation differs considerably from Brasseur’s, I add his: “En se mariant ils firent l’euvre de la chair vraiment trop grande. Etant entrés pour se baigner, ils y rompirent leur nature et gaspillèrent leur semence. Beaucoup y entrèrent dit-on, pour compléter l’euvre charnelle, on la commit une seconde fois, le jeu s’y établit absolument, et l’on forniqua par devant et par derrière.”

44. This section offers an important description of the ancient methods of worship.

caxtoc. See the Introduction, p. 40.

mez, the house cat, but as this animal was not known to the natives before the Conquest, some other animal must be intended.

holom ocox, “head fungus.” I follow Brasseur in translating this the maguey thorns, without being able to justify it.

Chay Abah. See Introduction, p. 43.

46. Whitewashing the interior of hollow trees with lime from the excrements of birds and tigers, sounds so extraordinary that we may suspect a mythical sense in the paragraph.

chi cohom, from coh, to dance the sacred dances in their religious rites, “the place of the sacred ceremonies.”

Cay Noh, Two Noh, Cay Batz, Two Batz, named after the days of their birth. See Introduction, p. 33.

47. The same who came from Tulan. Therefore, from the beginning of the narrative to the present passage, merely the adult life of one man has elapsed.

[205]48. On the positions of the qalel and ahuchan, see Introduction, p. 37.

ret ri Çactecauh, “the sign of Zactecauh.” The precise meaning of this expression escapes me.

chopiytzel. See Sec. 30 for the occurrence alluded to.

49. Tepeuh is identified by Brasseur with the king Itztayul, of the Quiches (Hist. Mexique, II, p. 485). He considers it a Nahuatl word, but I have elsewhere maintained that it is from the Maya-Cakchiquel root tep, filled up, abundantly supplied. See The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, pp. 11, 12. It is a term often applied to their Supreme Being.

52. Cakbrakan, the god of the earthquake. The myths concerning him are given in the Popol Vuh.

Quite to the far East, literally, “and even to the sunrise.”

badzbal, anything drawn out in threads, gold thread, cotton thread, etc. If the word is to be construed adjectively, puak badzpal would mean “worked metal.”

56. Ahpop Xahil, etc.; on the meaning of these titles, see the Introduction, p. 36-7.

63. Ya cotox ul; cot, to chisel, engrave, originally to cut into; hence, applied to the deep valleys or cañons which the rivers cut into the soil.

Ochal or Qabouil Çivan; the latter name means “the god of the ravine.” The location of this city is unknown, except that it was near the Pacific. The general position of the Akahals was to the east of the Cakchiquels. See Brasseur, Hist. Mexique, Tom. II, pp. 502, 530.

64. Meqenalah huyu, a town in the warm district, the tierra caliente, near the southern or Pacific coast.

chuvi vi te, etc. The translation is doubtful. I follow Brasseur.

66. The names of the four rulers here inserted seem to be of those who held the power after Citan Qatu. Why the author does not relate any incidents of their lives is uncertain. Perhaps they did not belong to his family, and as he was writing rather a family than a national history, he omitted them for this reason. Compare Sec. 75.

67. The Quiche king, Qikab, is frequently mentioned in the Popol Vuh. His full name was qaq-ci-qab, The Many Hands of Fire.

79. They wished that the roads should be free; rambey akan, “la franchise des chemins.” I do not find the expression in the dictionaries.

83. Mixutzin malo, “the augury is finished.” The malol ixim[206] was the augur who divined the future by throwing up grains of corn, and forecasting from the relative positions they assumed on falling. See Introd., p. 47.

cunum cachak, a term of contempt; literally “their genitals, their dung.”

The Ratzamut. See Introd., p. 21.

84. Burning many roads; destroying the houses and crops behind them.

90. hu chuvy, ca chuvy; in the numeral system of the Cakchiquels a chuvy is 8000, but the expression is frequently, as here, to be taken figuratively, like our “myriads.”

93. ah-xit, etc. On these titles see the Introduction, pp. 18, 19.

94. Vicaq nu mam, “the leaves or branches of my ancestor,” referring to the fact that the Cakchiquels were of the same blood as the Akahals.

96. Çaklicahol, etc. This rendering, which is Brasseur’s, I am unable to verify.

tok relic chic ahauh lahuh noh; perhaps this should read, “then came the chief Lahuh Noh.” So Brasseur translates it.

102. There were four women, etc. This curious passage is so differently translated by Brasseur, that I add his rendering:—

“Quatre femmes alors s’étant révetues de cottes de mailles, ensanglantèrent leurs arcs et prirent part à la bataille; elles s’étaient accompagnés de quatres jeunes gens et leurs flêches allèrent frapper au milieu du tapis de Chucuybatzin, lancés qu’ elles étaient par ces héros.... Le capitaine de bataille exposa ensuite les nudités de ces femmes devant les murailles des Zotziles et des Xahiles d’ou ces femmes étaient sorties.”

The future student will decide between these very diverse explanations of the text.

106. Stopped the messengers of the ruler. The translation is doubtful.

109. The people of Mixco or Mixcu were Pokomams. (See Sec. 85.)

110. The Yaquis of Xivico; the Yaquis were Aztecs. It is the Nahuatl yaqui, merchants, as it was in this capacity that they first became known to the tribes of Guatemala.

117. This year, 1511 of our era, appears to have been the first of official relations between the Aztecs and the tribes of Guatemala.

118. The author speaks of himself for the first time. It may be presumed that it was one of his earliest recollections.

[207]120. The doves; possibly flights of wild pigeons.

124. Hu may; on the reckoning of time see the Introduction, p. 31.

127. chac, the pestilence. Brasseur translates this “la maladie syphilitique.” The vowel is long, chaac. It is a word applied to any eruptive disease, to the whole class of exanthemata. From the symptoms, I am inclined to believe that it was an epidemic of malignant measles, a disease very fatal to the natives of Central America.

128. Diego Juan. Why this Spanish name is given, I cannot explain. Brasseur gets over the difficulty by translating “le pére de Diego Juan,” but this is not the sense of the original. Of course, tata and mama are here used in their vague sense, as expressions of courtesy. See Introduction, p. 35.

144. Pedro de Alvarado, called the Adelantado, a Spanish title formerly given to a governor of a province, and by his Mexican allies, Tonatiuh, the Sun or Sun-God, reached the city of Gumarcaah, or Utlatlan in the early spring of 1524.

147. Were burned alive. “As I knew their evil intentions, and to keep the people quiet, I burned them, and ordered their city razed to its foundation,” writes Alvarado to Cortes. Relacion, etc.

400 men. Alvarado writes cuatro mil hombres, “four thousand men.”

148. The palace of Tzupam. Perhaps the palace described by Fuentes. See Introduction, p. 24. Alvarado speaks of the friendly reception he met with: “I could not have been more warmly welcomed to the house of my father.” Otra Relacion, etc. His first visit was for eight days, April 11-19, 1524.

Pa hul, etc. This obscure passage is translated by Brasseur in his MS. as follows: “Vous avez vu la-bas leur tombeau qui est au milieu des autres;” whereas, in his Hist. du Mexique, Tom. IV, p. 651, he translates the whole of this reply of the Cakchiquel king by these words: “Eh quoi! aurais-je envoyé mes guerriers et mes braves mourir pour vous et chercher un tombeau à Gumarcaah, si j’avais eu des intentions si perfides!”

This comparison will illustrate how differently he construed the passage, and also what excessive license he took with his authorities.

171. The order assigning the Oidor Alonso de Maldonado to take charge of Guatemala, is dated Oct. 27, 1535, and he arrived there in the following May.

[208]On his return from Spain, Alvarado landed at Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, and reached the city of Guatemala Sept. 16th of the same year.

“On account of his lineage,” Ruma ru chinamital; the expression is not clear.

173. “Prince of the city,” Ahauh pa tinamit; see Sec. 168. Cahi Imox and others had returned to settle in Iximche, and their actions had become suspicious.

173. Francisco de Alvarado was either the uncle or cousin of Don Pedro.

The Adelantado died July 5, 1541, from an injury received while attacking the stronghold of Nochistlan.

174. This disaster occurred on the night of Sept. 10-11th, 1541.

The mission referred to is mentioned by Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX, Cap. XIV. Pedro de Angulo and his companion reached Guatemala in 1539.

175. “On account of ashes,” Ruma chah; Brasseur translates this expression, “á cause de billevesées.”

176. Juan Rogel was one of the “oidores.”

177. Alonso Lopez Cerrato entered upon his duties in Guatemala May 26, 1548.

179. Pedro Ramirez de Quiñones. The actor in this attempt was one of the oidores. Bancroft, who refers to the quarrel between the Governor and Bishop Marroquin, does not satisfactorily explain it. See his Hist. of Central America, Vol. II, pp. 326-7. On Ramirez, see Juarros, Hist. Guatemala, Tom. I, pp. 235-6.

181. Antonio Rodriguez de Quezada took possession of the Presidency of Guatemala Jan. 14, 1554, and retained it till his death in November, 1558; he was succeeded by Pedro Ramirez. (Comp. Juarros, I, p. 255, with Bancroft, Hist. Cent. Am., II, p. 358, who says 1555.)

181. “There was but little between them,” Xa ca halal qui cohol ahauh; this expression is not clear. There appears to be considerable vagueness in the writer’s chronology in this passage.

“He did not condemn any one, because he had no time,” Mani xuban ru qatbaltzih, mani xyaloh; an ignorant statement, since he held the Presidency about four years.

The reading of the last sentence is doubtful.

182. Vico was killed in the summer of 1555.

184. The expedition against the Lacandons took place early in 1559.






(The numbers refer to the sections.)

Transcriber’s Note

The following errors and inconsistencies have been maintained.

Misspelled words and typographical errors:

Page Error
  29 Second cacao harvest should read Second cacao harvest.
  30 20. Hunahpu, should read 20. Hunahpu.
  33 moroever should read moreover
  47 Dicc. Anon should read Dicc. Anon.
  48 Pokoman should read Pokomam
  51 gutteral should read guttural
  51 magic candle should read magic candle
  58 Quikab should read Qikab
  61 agains should read against
  13, fn. 1 Baschmann should read Buschmann
  38, fn. 1 Cakchiquel Anon should read Cakchiquel Anon.
  57, fn. 1 d,the should read d, the
  88 ahpopcamahay. ha should read either ahpopcamahay, ha or ahpopcamahay. Ha
110 Bacahol the h was printed upside down in the original.
111 youself should read yourself
119 without, should read without.
119 Caybatz.” should read Caybatz.
133 Vxa. should read Vxa
136 achiha. maqui should read either achiha; maqui or achiha. Maqui
139 Vucubatz should read Vukubatz
147 Oxlahu tzii should read Oxlahuh tzii
148 vinak. hucumah should read either vinak. Hucumah or vinak, hucumah
188 Oh should read On
189 litle should read little
190 Ig should read Yg
196 our should read four
197 etaient should read étaient
201 Civilisèes should read Civilisées
202 qaq xanul should read qaq xanul
204 qaqavitz should read qaqavitz
208 173. should read 172.
208 181. The second 181 should not appear, it refers to the same section as the preceding pargraph
209 mayor. should read mayor.”
209 Ah-dzib, should read Ah-dzib.
212 Anon). should read Anon.).
215 p, 64 should read p. 64
217 etc should read etc.
218 mountain should read mountain.
218 To put one should read To put to one
219 she it should read she, it
219 Tak (first listing) is out of alphabetical order
222 See Xa should read See Xa
223 Asieñto should read Asiento
223 qana abah is out of alphabetical order
224 ciyaley is out of alphabetical order
225 qaq should read qaq,
225 chacbal is out of alphabetical order
229 106, should read 106.
231 194 should read 184

The following words were inconsistently spelled:

anté / ante
halebal / halibal

The following words had inconsistent hyphenation:

Ahtzib / Ah-tzib
Ahuchan / Ah-uchan
calpulli / calp-ulli
honeycomb / honey-comb
kikan / ki-kan

End of Project Gutenberg's The Annals of the Cakchiquels, by Daniel G. Brinton


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