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Title: A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume I.

Author: Jacob Bryant

Release Date: August 31, 2006 [EBook #19153]

Language: English

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Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected. They appear in the text like this, and the explanation will appear when the mouse pointer is moved over the marked passage. Sections in Greek and Hebrew will yield a transliteration when the pointer is moved over them.












Observations and Inquiries relating to various
Parts of Antient History;













The earliest authentic account we can obtain of the birth of this learned and celebrated writer, is from the Register Book of Eton College, in which he is entered "of Chatham, in the county of Kent, of the age of twelve years, in 1730,"—consequently, born in 1718.

Whence a difference has arisen between the dates in this entry, and the inscription on his monument, hereafter given, we are unable to explain.

The two royal foundations of Eton, and King's College, Cambridge, justly boast of this great scholar and ornament of his age. He received his first rudiments at the village of Lullingstone, in Kent; and was admitted upon the foundation, at Eton College, on the 3d of August, 1730, where he was three years captain of the school, previous to his removal to Cambridge. He was elected from Eton to King's College in 1736; took the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1740; and proceeded Master in 1744.

He attended the Duke of Marlborough, and his brother, Lord Charles Spencer, at Eton, as their private tutor, and proved a valuable acquisition to that illustrious house; and, what may be reckoned, at least equally fortunate, his lot fell among those who knew how to appreciate his worth, and were both able and willing to reward it. The Duke made him his private secretary, in which capacity he accompanied his Grace during his campaign on the continent, where he had the command of the British forces; and, when he was made Master-General of the Ordnance, he appointed Mr. Bryant to the office of Secretary, then about 1400l. per annum.

His general habits, in his latter years, as is commonly the case with severe students, were sedentary; and, during the last ten years of his life, he had frequent pains in his chest, occasioned by so much application, and leaning against his table to write; but, in his younger days, spent at Eton, he excelled in various athletic exercises; and, by his skill in swimming, was the happy instrument in saving the life of the venerable Dr. Barnard, afterwards Provost of Eton College. The doctor gratefully acknowledged this essential service, by embracing the first opportunity which occurred, to present the nephew of his preserver with the living of Wootton Courtney, near Minehead, in Somerset; a presentation belonging to the Provost of Eton, in right of his office.

Mr. Bryant was never married. He commonly rose at half past seven, shaved himself without a glass, was seldom a quarter of an hour in dressing, at nine rung for his breakfast, which was abstemious, and generally visited his friends at Eton and Windsor, between breakfast and dinner, which was formerly at two, but afterwards at four o'clock. He was particularly fond of dogs, and was known to have thirteen spaniels at one time: he once very narrowly escaped drowning, through his over eagerness in putting them into the water.

Our author must be considered as highly distinguished, beyond the common lot of mortality, with the temporal blessings of comforts, honour, and long life. With respect to the first of these, he enjoyed health, peace, and competence; for, besides what he derived from his own family, the present Duke of Marlborough, after his father's death, settled an annuity on Mr. Bryant of 600 l. which he continued to receive from that noble family till his death.

He was greatly honoured among his numerous, yet chosen friends and acquaintance; and his company courted by all the literary characters in his neighbourhood. His more particular intimates, in his own district, were Doctors Barford, Barnard, Glynn, and Heberden. The venerable Sir George Baker, he either saw or corresponded with every day; likewise with Dr. Hallam, the father of Eton school, who had given up the deanery of Bristol, because he chose to reside at Windsor. When he went into Kent, the friends he usually visited were the Reverend Archdeacon Law, Mr. Longley, Recorder of Rochester, and Dr. Dampier, afterwards Bishop of that diocese. Besides the pecuniary expression of esteem mentioned above, the Duke of Marlborough had two rooms kept for him at Blenheim, with his name inscribed over the doors; and he was the only person who was presented with the keys of that choice library. The humble retreat of the venerable sage was frequently visited by his Majesty; and thus he partook in the highest honours recorded of the philosophers and sages of antiquity. Thus loved and honoured, he attained to eighty-nine years of age, and died, at Cypenham, near Windsor, Nov. 13, 1804, of a mortification in his leg, originating in the seemingly slight circumstance of a rasure against a chair, in the act of reaching a book from a shelf.

He had presented many of his most valuable books to the King in his life-time, and his editions by Caxton to the Marquis of Blandford: the remainder of this choice collection he bequeathed to the library of King's College, Cambridge, where he had received his education.

He gave, by will, 2,000 l. to the society for propagating the gospel, and 1,000 l. to the superannuated collegers of Eton school, to be disposed of as the provost and fellows should think fit. Also, 500 l. to the parish of Farnham Royal. The poor of Cypenham and Chalvey were constant partakers of his bounty, which was of so extensive a nature, that he commissioned the neighbouring clergy to look out proper objects for his beneficence.

Mr. Bryant's literary attainments were of a nature peculiar to himself; and, in point of classical erudition he was, perhaps, without an equal in the world. He had the very peculiar felicity of preserving his eminent superiority of talents to the end of a very long life; the whole of which was not only devoted to literature, but his studies were uniformly directed to the investigation of truth. The love of truth might, indeed, be considered as his grand characteristic, which he steadily pursued; and this is equally true as to his motive, whether he was found on the wrong or right side of the question. A few minutes before he expired, he declared to his nephew, and others in the room, that "all he had written was with a view to the promulgation of truth; and, that all he had contended for, he himself believed." By truth, we are to understand religious truth, his firm persuasion of the truth of Christianity; to the investigation and establishment of which he devoted his whole life. This was the central point, around which all his labours turned; the ultimate object at which they aimed.

Such are the particulars we have been able to collect of this profound scholar and antiquary. But the life of a man of letters appears, and must be chiefly sought for in his works, of which we subjoin the following catalogue:

The first work Mr. Bryant published was in 1767, intituled, "Observations and Inquiries relating to various Parts of antient History; containing Dissertations on the Wind Euroclydon, (see vol. v. p. 325.); and on the Island Melite, (see vol. v. p. 357.), together with an Account of Egypt in its most early State, (see vol. vi. p. 1.); and of the Shepherd Kings." (See vol. vi. p. 105.) This publication is calculated not only to throw light on the antient history of the kingdom of Egypt, but on the history also of the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Babylonians, Edomites, and other nations. The account of the Shepherd Kings contains a statement of the time of their coming into Egypt; of the particular province they possessed, and, to which the Israelites afterwards succeeded. The treatise on the Euroclydon was designed to vindicate the common reading of Acts, xxvii. 14. in opposition to Bochart, Grotius, and Bentley, supported by the authority of the Alexandrine M.S. and the Vulgate, who thought EUROAQUILO more agreeable to the truth.

His grand work, called, "A New System, or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology," was the next; "wherein an attempt is made to divest Tradition of Fable, and to reduce Truth to its original Purity." This was published in quarto, vol. i. and ii. in 1774, and vol. iii. in 1776.

In 1775 he published "A Vindication of the Apamean Medal, (see vol. v. p. 287.) and of the Inscription ΝΩΕ; together with an Illustration of another Coin struck at the same Place in honour of the Emperor Severus." This appeared in the fourth volume of the Archæologia, and also as a separate quarto pamphlet.

"An address to Dr. Priestley, on the Doctrine of Philosophical Necessity illustrated," 1780. A pamphlet, octavo.

"Vindiciæ Flavianæ; or, a Vindication of the Testimony given by Josephus concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ." A pamphlet, octavo. 1780.

"Observations on the Poems of Thomas Rowley; in which the authenticity of these Poems is ascertained." Two duodecimo volumes, 1781. In this controversy Mr. Bryant engaged deeply and earnestly, and was assisted in it by the learned Dr. Glynn of King's College, Cambridge. Our author in this, as in his other controversial writings, was influenced by a spirit of sober inquiry, and a regard for truth. The leading object he had in view, in his Observations on the poems ascribed to Rowley, was to prove, by a variety of instances, that Chatterton could not be their author, as he appeared not to understand them himself. This plea appears specious, yet it is certain the learned author failed egregiously in his proofs, and this publication added little to the reputation he had already acquired. The best way of accounting for Mr. Bryant's risking his well-earned and high character in the literary world in this controversy, and for the eagerness with which he engaged in it, is from the turn of his studies. "He had," to borrow the words of Mr. Mason, "been much engaged in antiquities, and consequently had imbibed too much of the spirit of a protest antiquarian; now we know, from a thousand instances, that no set of men are more willingly duped than these, especially by any thing that comes to them under the fascinating form of a new discovery."

"Collections on the Zingara, or Gypsey Language." Archæologia, vol. vii.

"Gemmarum antiquarum Delectus ex præstantioribus desumptus in Dactylotheca Ducis Marlburiensis," Two vols, folio, 1783, &c. This is the first volume of the Duke of Marlborough's splendid edition of his invaluable collection of Gems, and was translated into French by Dr. Maty. The second volume was done in Latin by Dr. Cole, prebendary of Westminster; the French by Mr. Dutens. The Gems are exquisitely engraved by Bartolozzi. This work was privately printed, and no more copies taken than were intended for the crowned heads of Europe, and a few of his Grace's private friends; after which the coppers for the plates were broken, and the manuscript for the letter-press carefully reduced to ashes.

"A Treatise on the Authenticity of the Scriptures, and the Truth of the Christian Religion." Octavo, 1792.

"Observations upon the Plagues inflicted upon the Egyptians; in which is shewn the Peculiarity of those Judgments, and their Correspondence with the Rites and Idolatry of that People; with a prefatory discourse concerning the Grecian colonies from Egypt." Octavo, 1794.

The treatise on the authenticity of the Scriptures was published anonymously, and the whole of the profits arising from its sale given to the society for the Propagation of the Gospel. It contains a good general view of the leading arguments for Divine Revelation.

"Observations upon a Treatise, intituled, Description of the Plain of Troy, by Mons Le Chevalier," Quarto, 1795.

"A Dissertation concerning the War of Troy, and the Expedition of the Grecians, as described by Homer; shewing that no such Expedition was ever undertaken, and that no such City in Phrygia ever existed." Quarto, 1796. The appearance of this publication excited great surprise among the learned, and made few proselytes to the doctrine it inculcates; and even his high authority failed in overturning opinions so long maintained and established among historians, and supported by such extensive and clear evidence. He is a wise man indeed who knows where to stop. Mr. Bryant had wonderfully succeeded in his famous Mythology, in "divesting Tradition of Fable, and reducing Truth to its original Purity," and this seduced him, as his antiquarian pursuits had done before, in the case of Rowley, to proceed to unwarrantable lengths in the Dissertation on the War of Troy. It was remarked on by Mr. Falconer, and answered in a very rude way by Mr. Gilbert Wakefield in a letter to Mr. Bryant. J. B. S. Morrit, Esq. of Rokeby Park, near Greta-Bridge, undertook to vindicate Homer, in a style and with manners more worthy of the subject and of a gentleman, and was replied to by Mr. Bryant.

"The Sentiments of Philo Judæus concerning the ΛΟΓΟΣ, or Word of God; together with large Extracts from his Writings, compared with the Scriptures, on many other essential Doctrines of the Christian Religion." Octavo, 1797.

"Dissertations on Balaam, Sampson, and Jonah," also, "Observations on famous controverted Passages in Josephus and Justin Martyr," are extremely curious, and such perhaps as only he could have written.

"The New System, or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology," here presented to the public, is a literary phenomenon, which will remain the admiration of scholars, as long as a curiosity after antiquity shall continue to be a prevailing passion among mankind. Its author was master of the profoundest erudition, and did not come behind the most distinguished names of the last century, for their attention to the minutest circumstance that might cast a ray of light upon the remotest ages. Nothing in the antient Greek and Roman literature, however recondite, or wherever dispersed, could escape his sagacity and patient investigation. But we are not to confine our admiration of the work before us to the deep erudition discoverable in it; this elaborate production is equally distinguished for its ingenuity and novelty. Departing with a boldness of genius from the systems of his predecessors in the same walks of literature, he delights by his ingenuity, while he astonishes by his courage, and surprises by his novelty. In the last point of view, this work is indeed singularly striking; it departs from the commonly-received systems, to a degree that has not only never been attempted, but not even thought of by any men of learning.

The subject, here undertaken by Mr. Bryant was one of uncommon difficulty; one of the most abstruse and difficult which antiquity presents to us; the information to be obtained concerning it must be collected from a vast number of incidental passages, observations and assertions scattered through antient authors, who being themselves but imperfectly acquainted with their subject, it is next to impossible to reconcile. This, however, our author has attempted; and though, in doing this, the exuberances of fancy and imagination are conspicuous, and some may entertain doubts, concerning the solidity of some of his conjectures, yet, even such are forced to allow that many parts of the author's scheme are probable, and deserving the highest attention.

His method of proceeding by etymology was not a little hazardous; men of the greatest abilities have often failed in the use of it, while those of weak judgment have, by their application of it, rendered it the source of the greatest absurdities, and almost led the unthinking to connect an idea of ridicule with the term itself. But the judicious use which Mr. Bryant could make of this science is apparent in every part of his work: he derives from it the greatest and only light which can be cast upon some of his inquiries, and that in a way that will draw the admiration of those who have a proper acquaintance with the subject; that is, such as have a knowledge of the Oriental languages sufficient to enable them to trace them through the Greek, Latin, and other tongues, as they relate to the names of things, which in almost every country carry evidence of their being derived from the East; from whence it is certain mankind themselves are derived. The sagacity and diligence with which our author has applied his helps obtained from the scattered passages of antient authors and etymology, have enabled him to clear up the history of the remotest ages, and to elucidate objects hitherto surrounded with darkness and error. Upon the whole, it will be allowed by all who are capable judges of the subject, that the plausibility of his hypothesis is frequently apparent, his scheme great, and his discoveries extraordinary.

Viro plusquàm octogenario, et Etonæ Matris Filiorum omnium superstitum Ætate jam grandissimo, JACOBO BRYANT, S.

Nomen honorati sacrum mihi cùm sit amici,

Charta sit hæc animi fida ministra mei:

Ne tamen incultis veniant commissa tabellis,

Carminis ingenuâ dicta laventur ope.

Quem videt, è longá sobolem admirata catervâ,

Henrici[1] à superis lætiùs umbra plagis?

Quem pueris ubicunque suis monstrare priorem

Principe alumnorum mater Etona solet?

Quem cupit eximiæ quisquis virtutis amator,

Seriùs ætherei regna subire poli?

Blande Senex, quem Musa fovet, seu seria tractas,

Seu facili indulges quæ propiora joco;

Promeritos liceat Vates tibi condat honores,

Et recolat vitæ præmia justa tuæ:

Præparet haud quovis lectas de flore corollas,

Sed benè Nestoreis serta gerenda comis.

Scriptorum ex omni serie numeroque tuorum,

Utilitas primo est conspicienda loco:

Gratia subsequitur; Sapientiaque atria pandit

Ampla tibi, ingeniis solùm ineunda piis.

Asperitate carens, mores ut ubique tueris!

Si levis es, levitas ipsa docere solet.

Quo studio errantes animos in aperta reducis!

Quo sensu dubios, quâ gravitate mones!

Si fontes aperire novos, et acumine docto

Elicere in scriptis quæ latuere sacris,

Seu Verum è fictis juvet extricare libellis,

Historicâ et tenebris reddere lumen ope,

Aspice conspicuo lætentur ut omnia cœlo,

Et referent nitidum solque jubarque diem!

Centauri, Lapithæque, et Tantalus, atque Prometheus,

Et Nephele, veluti nube soluta suâ,—

Hi pereunt omnes; alterque laboribus ipse

Conficis Alcides Hercule majus opus.

Tendis in hostilem soli tibi fisus arenam?

Excutis hæretici verba minuta Sophi[2]?

Accipit æternam vis profligata repulsam,

Fractaque sunt validâ tela minæque manu.

Cui Melite non nota tua est? atque impare nisu

Conjunctum à criticis Euro Aquilonis iter?

Argo quis dubitat? quis Delta in divite nescit

Quà sit Jösephi fratribus aucta domus?

Monstra quot Ægypti perhibes! quæque Ira Jehovæ!

Quâm proprié in falsos arma parata deos!

Dum fœdis squalet Nilus cum fœtibus amnis,

Et necis est auctor queîs modo numen erat.

Immeritos Danaûm casus, Priamique dolemus

Funera, nec vel adhuc ossa quieta, senis?

Fata Melesigensæ querimur, mentitaque facta

Hectoris incertas ad Simoëntis aquas?

Eruis hæc veteris scabrâ è rubigine famæ,

Dasque operis vati jusque decusque sui,

Magna tuis affers monumentaque clara triumphis,

Cum Trojâ æternum quòd tibi nomen erit!

Ah! ne te extremâ cesset coluisse senectâ,

(Aspicere heu! nimiæ quem vetuere moræ,)

Qui puer, atque infans prope, te sibi sensit amicum,

Eque tuis sophiæ fontibus hausit aquas!

Imagis, et, puræ quæcunque aptissima vitæ

Præmia supplicibus det Deus ipse suis,

Hæc pete rite seni venerando, Musa; quod Ille

Nec spe, nec famâ, ditior esse potest.

Innumeris longùm gratus societur amicis,

Inter Etonenses duxque paterque viros:

Felix intersit terris: superûmque beato

Paulisper talem fas sit abesse choro.








Collegii Regalis apud Cantabrigienses Olim Socii
Qui in bonis quas ibi hauserat artibus
excolendis consenuit.
Erant in eo plurimæ literæ
nec eæ vulgares,
Sed exquisitæ quædam et reconditæ,
quas non minore Studio quam acumine
ad illustrandam S.S veritatem adhibuit:
Id quod testantur scripta ejus gravissima,
tam in Historiæ sacræ primordiis eruendis
quam in Gentium Mythologiâ explicandâ versata.
Libris erat adeo deditus
Ut iter vitæ secretum
iis omnino deditum;
Præmiis honoribusque
quæ illi non magis ex Patroni nobilissimi gratiâ
quam suis meritis abunde præsto erant,
usq; præposuerit.
Vitam integerrimam et verê Christianam
Non sine tristi suorum desiderio, clausit
Nov. 13. 1804.
Anno Ætatis suæ 89.


Ναφε, και μεμνασ' απιστειν· αρθρα ταυτα των φρενων.——Epicharmus.

It is my purpose, in the ensuing work, to give an account of the first ages, and of the great events which happened in the infancy of the world. In consequence of this I shall lay before the reader what the Gentile writers have said upon this subject, collaterally with the accounts given by Moses, as long as I find him engaged in the general history of mankind. By these means I shall be able to bring surprising proofs of those great occurrences, which the sacred penman has recorded. And when his history becomes more limited, and is confined to a peculiar people, and a private dispensation, I shall proceed to shew what was subsequent to his account after the migration of families, and the dispersion from the plains of Shinar. When mankind were multiplied upon the earth, each great family had, by [3]divine appointment, a particular place of destination, to which they retired. In this manner the first nations were constituted, and kingdoms founded. But great changes were soon effected, and colonies went abroad without any regard to their original place of allotment. New establishments were soon made, from whence ensued a mixture of people and languages. These are events of the highest consequence; of which we can receive no intelligence, but through the hands of the Gentile writers.

It has been observed, by many of the learned, that some particular family betook themselves very early to different parts of the world, in all which they introduced their rites and religion, together with the customs of their country. They represent them as very knowing and enterprising; and with good reason. They were the first who ventured upon the seas, and undertook long voyages. They shewed their superiority and address in the numberless expeditions which they made, and the difficulties which they surmounted. Many have thought that they were colonies from Egypt, or from Phenicia, having a regard only to the settlements which they made in the west. But I shall shew hereafter, that colonies of the same people are to be found in the most extreme parts of the east; where we may observe the same rites and ceremonies, and the same traditional histories, as are to be met with in their other settlements. The country called Phenicia could not have sufficed for the effecting all that is attributed to these mighty adventurers. It is necessary for me to acquaint the Reader, that the wonderful people to whom I allude were the descendants of Chus, and called Cuthites and Cuseans. They stood their ground at the general migration of families; but were at last scattered over the face of the earth. They were the first apostates from the truth, yet great in worldly wisdom. They introduced, wherever they came, many useful arts, and were looked up to as a superior order of beings: hence they were styled Heroes, Dæmons, Heliadæ, Macarians. They were joined in their expeditions by other nations, especially by the collateral branches of their family, the Mizraim, Caphtorim, and the sons of Canaan. These were all of the line of Ham, who was held by his posterity in the highest veneration. They called him Amon: and having in process of time raised him to a divinity, they worshipped him as the Sun; and from this worship they were styled Amonians. This is an appellation which will continually occur in the course of this work; and I am authorised in the use of it from Plutarch, from whom we may infer, that it was not uncommon among the sons of Ham. He specifies particularly, in respect to the Egyptians, that when any two of that nation met, they used it as a term of honour in their[4] salutations, and called one another Amonians. This therefore will be the title by which I shall choose to distinguish the people of whom I treat, when I speak of them collectively; for under this denomination are included all of this family, whether they were Egyptians or Syrians, of Phenicia or of Canaan. They were a people who carefully preserved memorials of their ancestors, and of those great events which had preceded their dispersion. These were described in hieroglyphics upon pillars and obelisks: and when they arrived at the knowledge of letters, the same accounts were religiously maintained, both in their sacred archives, and popular records. It is mentioned of Sanchoniathon, the most antient of Gentile writers, that he obtained all his knowledge from some writings of the Amonians. It was the good fortune of Sanchoniathon, says [5]Philo Biblius, to light upon some antient Amonian records, which had been preserved in the innermost part of a temple, and known to very few. Upon this discovery he applied himself with great diligence to make himself master of the contents: and having, by divesting them of the fable and allegory with which they were obscured, obtained his purpose, he brought the whole to a conclusion.

I should be glad to give the Reader a still farther insight into the system which I am about to pursue. But such is the scope of my inquiries, and the purport of my determinations, as may possibly create in him some prejudice to my design; all which would be obviated were he to be carried, step by step, to the general view, and be made partially acquainted, according as the scene opened. What I have to exhibit is in great measure new; and I shall be obliged to run counter to many received opinions, which length of time, and general assent, have in a manner rendered sacred. What is truly alarming, I shall be found to differ, not only from some few historians, as is the case in common controversy, but in some degree from all; and this in respect to many of the most essential points, upon which historical precision has been thought to depend. My meaning is, that I must set aside many supposed facts which have never been controverted; and dispute many events which have not only been admitted as true, but have been looked up to as certain æras from whence other events were to be determined. All our knowledge of Gentile history must either come through the hands of the Grecians, or of the Romans, who copied from them. I shall therefore give a full account of the Helladian Greeks, as well as of the Iönim, or Ionians, in Asia: also of the Dorians, Leleges, and Pelasgi. What may appear very presumptuous, I shall deduce from their own histories many truths, with which they were totally unacquainted, and give to them an original, which they certainly did not know. They have bequeathed to us noble materials, of which it is time to make a serious use. It was their misfortune not to know the value of the data which they transmitted, nor the purport of their own intelligence.

It will be one part of my labour to treat of the Phenicians, whose history has been much mistaken: also of the Scythians, whose original has been hitherto a secret. From such an elucidation many good consequences will, I hope, ensue; as the Phenicians and Scythians have hitherto afforded the usual place of retreat for ignorance to shelter itself. It will therefore be my endeavour to specify and distinguish the various people under these denominations, of whom writers have so generally, and indiscriminately, spoken. I shall say a great deal about the Ethiopians, as their history has never been completely given: also of the Indi, and Indo-Scythæ, who seem to have been little regarded. There will be an account exhibited of the Cimmerian, Hyperborean, and Amazonian nations, as well as of the people of Colchis; in which the religion, rites, and original of those nations will be pointed out. I know of no writer who has written at large of the Cyclopians. Yet their history is of great antiquity, and abounds with matter of consequence. I shall, therefore, treat of them very fully, and at the same time of the great works which they performed; and subjoin an account of the Lestrygons, Lamii, Sirens, as there is a close correspondence between them.

As it will be my business to abridge history of every thing superfluous and foreign, I shall be obliged to set aside many antient law-givers, and princes, who were supposed to have formed republics, and to have founded kingdoms. I cannot acquiesce in the stale legends of Deucalion of Thessaly, of Inachus of Argos, and, Ægialeus of Sicyon; nor in the long line of princes who are derived from them. The supposed heroes of the first ages, in every country are equally fabulous. No such conquests were ever achieved as are ascribed to Osiris, Dionusus, and Sesostris. The histories of Hercules and Perseus are equally void of truth. I am convinced, and hope I shall satisfactorily prove, that Cadmus never brought letters to Greece; and that no such person existed as the Grecians have described. What I have said about Sesostris and Osiris, will be repeated about Ninus, and Semiramis, two personages, as ideal as the former. There never were such expeditions undertaken, nor conquests made, as are attributed to these princes: nor were any such empires constituted, as are supposed to have been established by them. I make as little account of the histories of Saturn, Janus, Pelops, Atlas, Dardanus, Minos of Crete, and Zoroaster of Bactria. Yet something mysterious, and of moment, is concealed under these various characters: and the investigation of this latent truth will be the principal part of my inquiry. In respect to Greece, I can afford credence to very few events, which were antecedent to the Olympiads. I cannot give the least assent to the story of Phryxus, and the golden fleece. It seems to me plain beyond doubt, that there were no such persons as the Grecian Argonauts: and that the expedition of Jason to Colchis was a fable.

After having cleared my way, I shall proceed to the sources, from whence the Grecians drew. I shall give an account of the Titans, and Titanic war, with the history of the Cuthites and antient Babylonians. This will be accompanied with the Gentile history of the Deluge, the migration of mankind from Shinar, and the dispersion from Babel. The whole will be crowned with an account of antient Egypt; wherein many circumstances of high consequence in chronology will be stated. In the execution of the whole there will be brought many surprising proofs in confirmation of the Mosaic account: and it will be found, from repeated evidence, that every thing, which the divine historian has transmitted, is most assuredly true. And though the nations, who preserved memorials of the Deluge, have not perhaps stated accurately the time of that event; yet it will be found the grand epocha, to which they referred; the highest point to which they could ascend. This was esteemed the renewal of the world; the new birth of mankind; and the ultimate of Gentile history. Some traces may perhaps be discernable in their rites and mysteries of the antediluvian system: but those very few, and hardly perceptible. It has been thought, that the Chaldaic, and Egyptian accounts exceed not only the times of the Deluge, but the æra of the world: and Scaliger has accordingly carried the chronology of the latter beyond the term of his artificial[6] period. But upon inquiry we shall find the chronology of this people very different from the representations which have been given. This will be shewn by a plain and precise account, exhibited by the Egyptians themselves: yet overlooked and contradicted by the persons, through whose hands we receive it. Something of the same nature will be attempted in respect to Berosus; as well as to Abydenus, Polyhistor, and Appollodorus, who borrowed from him. Their histories contained matter of great moment: and will afford some wonderful discoveries. From their evidence, and from that which has preceded, we shall find, that the Deluge was the grand epocha of every antient kingdom. It is to be observed, that when colonies made anywhere a settlement, they ingrafted their antecedent history upon the subsequent events of the place. And as in those days they could carry up the genealogy of their princes to the very source of all, it will be found, under whatever title he may come, that the first king in every country was Noah. For as he was mentioned first in the genealogy of their princes, he was in aftertimes looked upon as a real monarch; and represented as a great traveller, a mighty conqueror, and sovereign of the whole earth. This circumstance will appear even in the annals of the Egyptians: and though their chronology has been supposed to have reached beyond that of any nation, yet it coincides very happily with the accounts given by Moses.

In the prosecution of my system I shall not amuse the Reader with doubtful and solitary extracts; but collect all that can be obtained upon the subject, and shew the universal scope of writers. I shall endeavour particularly to compare sacred history with profane, and prove the general assent of mankind to the wonderful events recorded. My purpose is not to lay science in ruins; but instead of desolating to build up, and to rectify what time has impaired: to divest mythology of every foreign and unmeaning ornament, and to display the truth in its native simplicity: to shew, that all the rites and mysteries of the Gentiles were only so many memorials of their principal ancestors; and of the great occurrences to which they had been witnesses. Among these memorials the chief were the ruin of mankind by a flood; and the renewal of the world in one family. They had symbolical representations, by which these occurrences were commemorated: and the antient hymns in their temples were to the same purpose. They all related to the history of the first ages, and to the same events which are recorded by Moses.

Before I can arrive at this essential part of my inquiries, I must give an account of the rites and customs of antient Hellas; and of those people which I term Amonians. This I must do in order to shew, from whence they came: and from what quarter their evidence is derived. A great deal will be said of their religion and rites: also of their towers, temples, and Puratheia, where their worship was performed. The mistakes likewise of the Greeks in respect to antient terms, which they strangely perverted, will be exhibited in many instances: and much true history will be ascertained from a detection of this peculiar misapplication. It is a circumstance of great consequence, to which little attention has been paid. Great light however will accrue from examining this abuse, and observing the particular mode of error: and the only way of obtaining an insight must be by an etymological process, and by recurring to the primitive language of the people, concerning whom we are treating. As the Amonians betook themselves to regions widely separated; we shall find in every place where they settled, the same worship and ceremonies, and the same history of their ancestors. There will also appear a great similitude in the names of their cities and temples: so that we may be assured, that the whole was the operation of one and the same people. The learned Bochart saw this; and taking for granted, that the people were Phenicians, he attempted to interpret these names by the Hebrew language; of which he supposed the Phenician to have been a dialect. His design was certainly very ingenious, and carried on with a wonderful display of learning. He failed however: and of the nature of his failure I shall be obliged to take notice. It appears to me, as far as my reading can afford me light, that most antient names, not only of places, but of persons, have a manifest analogy. There is likewise a great correspondence to be observed in terms of science; and in the titles, which were of old bestowed upon magistrates and rulers. The same observation may be extended even to plants, and minerals, as well as to animals; especially to those which were esteemed at all sacred. Their names seem to be composed of the same, or similar elements; and bear a manifest relation to the religion in use among the Amonians, and to the Deity which they adored. This deity was the Sun: and most of the antient names will be found to be an assemblage of titles, bestowed upon that luminary. Hence there will appear a manifest correspondence between them, which circumstance is quite foreign to the system of Bochart. His etymologies are destitute of this collateral evidence; and have not the least analogy to support them.

In consequence of this I have ventured to give a list of some Amonian terms, which occur in the mythology of Greece, and in the histories of other nations. Most antient names seem to have been composed out of these elements: and into the same principles they may be again resolved by an easy, and fair evolution. I subjoin to these a short interpretation; and at the same time produce different examples of names and titles, which are thus compounded. From hence the Reader will see plainly my method of analysis, and the basis of my etymological inquiries.

As my researches are upon subjects very remote, and the histories to which I appeal, various; and as the truth is in great measure to be obtained by deduction, I have been obliged to bring my authorities immediately under the eye of the Reader. He may from thence be a witness of the propriety of my appeal; and see that my inferences are true. This however will render my quotations very numerous, and may afford some matter of discouragement, as they are principally from the Greek authors. I have however in most places of consequence endeavoured to remedy this inconvenience, either by exhibiting previously the substance of what is quoted, or giving a subsequent translation. Better days may perhaps come; when the Greek language will be in greater repute, and its beauties more admired. As I am principally indebted to the Grecians for intelligence, I have in some respects adhered to their orthography, and have rendered antient terms as they were expressed by them. Indeed I do not see, why we should not render all names of Grecian original, as they were exhibited by that people, instead of taking our mode of pronunciation from the Romans. I scarce know any thing, which has been of greater detriment to antient history than the capriciousness of writers in never expressing foreign terms as they were rendered by the natives. I shall be found, however, to have not acted up uniformly to my principles, as I have only in some instances copied the Grecian orthography. I have ventured to abide by it merely in some particular terms, where I judged, that etymology would be concerned. For I was afraid, however just this method might appear, and warrantable, that it would seem too novel to be universally put in practice.

My purpose has been throughout to give a new turn to antient history, and to place it upon a surer foundation. The mythology of Greece is a vast assemblage of obscure traditions, which have been transmitted from the earliest times. They were described in hieroglyphics, and have been veiled in allegory: and the same history is often renewed under a different system, and arrangement. A great part of this intelligence has been derived to us from the Poets; by which means it has been rendered still more extravagant, and strange. We find the whole, like a grotesque picture, blazoned high, and glaring with colours, and filled with groups of fantastic imagery, such as we see upon an Indian screen; where the eye is painfully amused; but whence little can be obtained, which is satisfactory, and of service. We must, however, make this distinction, that in the allegorical representations of Greece, there was always a covert meaning, though it may have escaped our discernment. In short, we must look upon antient mythology as being yet in a chaotic state, where the mind of man has been wearied with roaming over the crude consistence without ever finding out one spot where it could repose in safety. Hence has arisen the demand, που στωι, which has been repeated for ages. It is my hope, and my presumption, that such a place of appulse may be found, where we may take our stand, and from whence we may have a full view of the mighty expanse before us; from whence also we may descry the original design, and order, of all those objects, which by length of time, and their own remoteness, have been rendered so confused and uncertain.





Through the whole process of my inquiries, it has been my endeavour, from some plain and determinate principles, to open the way to many interesting truths. And as I have shewn the certainty of an universal Deluge from the evidences of most nations, to which we can gain access, I come now to give an history of the persons who survived that event; and of the families which were immediately descended from them. After having mentioned their residence in the region of Ararat, and their migration from it, I shall give an account of the roving of the Cuthites, and of their coming to the plains of Shinar, from whence they were at last expelled. To this are added observations upon the histories of Chaldea and Egypt; also of Hellas, and Ionia; and of every other country which was in any degree occupied by the sons of Chus. There have been men of learning who have denominated their works from the families, of which they treated; and have accordingly sent them into the world under the title of Phaleg, Japhet, and Javan. I might, in like manner, have prefixed to mine the name either of Cuth, or Cuthim; for, upon the history of this people my system chiefly turns. It may be asked, if there were no other great families upon earth, besides that of the Cuthites, worthy of record: if no other people ever performed great actions, and made themselves respectable to posterity. Such there possibly may have been; and the field is open to any who may choose to make inquiry. My taking this particular path does not in the least abridge others from prosecuting different views, wherever they may see an opening.

As my researches are deep, and remote, I shall sometimes take the liberty of repeating what has preceded; that the truths which I maintain may more readily be perceived. We are oftentimes, by the importunity of a persevering writer, teazed into an unsatisfactory compliance, and yield a painful assent; but, upon closing the book, our scruples return, and we lapse at once into doubt and darkness. It has therefore been my rule to bring vouchers for every thing, which I maintain; and though I might upon the renewal of my argument refer to another volume, and a distant page, yet I many times choose to repeat my evidence, and bring it again under immediate inspection. And if I do not scruple labour and expense, I hope the reader will not be disgusted by this seeming redundancy in my arrangement. What I have now to present to the public, contains matter of great moment, and should I be found to be in the right, it will afford a sure basis for the future history of the world. None can well judge either of the labour, or utility of the work, but those who have been conversant in the writings of chronologers, and other learned men, upon these subjects, and seen the difficulties with which they were embarrassed. Great, undoubtedly, must have been the learning and perspicuity of a Petavius, Perizonius, Scaliger, Grotius, and Le Clerc; also of an Usher, Pearson, Marsham, and Newton. Yet it may possibly be found at the close, that a feeble arm has effected what those prodigies in science have overlooked.

Many, who have finished their progress, and are determined in their principles, will not perhaps so readily be brought over to my opinion. But they who are beginning their studies, and passing through a process of Grecian literature, will find continual evidences arise; almost every step will afford fresh proofs in favour of my system. As the desolation of the world by a deluge, and the renewal of it in one person, are points in these days particularly controverted; many, who are enemies to Revelation, upon seeing these truths ascertained, may be led to a more intimate acquaintance with the Scriptures: and such an insight cannot but be productive of good. For our faith depends upon historical experience: and it is mere ignorance, that makes infidels. Hence it is possible, that some may be won over by historical evidence, whom a refined theological argument cannot reach. An illness, which some time ago confined me to my bed, and afterwards to my chamber, afforded me, during its recess, an opportunity of making some versions from the poets whom I quote, when I was little able to do any thing of more consequence. The translation from Dionysius was particularly done at that season, and will give the reader some faint idea of the original, and its beauties.

I cannot conclude without acknowledging my obligations to a most worthy and learned[7] friend for his zeal towards my work; and for his assistance both in this, and my former publication. I am indebted to him not only for his judicious remarks, but for his goodness in transcribing for me many of my dissertations, without which my progress would have been greatly retarded. His care likewise, and attention, in many other articles, afford instances of friendship which I shall ever gratefully remember.


Πειθους δ' εστι κελευθος, αληθειη γαρ οπηδει.——PARMENIDES.

The materials, of which I purpose to make use in the following inquiries, are comparatively few, and will be contained within a small compass. They are such as are to be found in the composition of most names, which occur in antient mythology: whether they relate to Deities then reverenced; or to the places, where their worship was introduced. But they appear no where so plainly, as in the names of those places, which were situated in Babylonia and Egypt. From these parts they were, in process of time, transferred to countries far remote; beyond the Ganges eastward, and to the utmost bounds of the Mediterranean west; wherever the sons of Ham under their various denominations either settled or traded. For I have mentioned that this people were great adventurers; and began an extensive commerce in very early times. They got footing in many parts; where they founded cities, which were famous in their day. They likewise erected towers and temples: and upon headlands and promontories they raised pillars for sea-marks to direct them in their perilous expeditions. All these were denominated from circumstances, that had some reference to the religion, which this people professed; and to the ancestors, whence they sprung. The Deity, which they originally worshipped, was the Sun. But they soon conferred his titles upon some of their ancestors: whence arose a mixed worship. They particularly deified the great Patriarch, who was the head of their line; and worshipped him as the fountain of light: making the Sun only an emblem of his influence and power. They called him Bal, and Baal: and there were others of their ancestry joined with him, whom they styled the Baalim. Chus was one of these: and this idolatry began among his sons. In respect then to the names, which this people, in process of time, conferred either upon the Deities they worshipped, or upon the cities, which they founded; we shall find them to be generally made up of some original terms for a basis, such as Ham, Cham, and Chus: or else of the titles, with which those personages were, in process of time, honoured. These were Thoth, Men or Menes, Ab, El, Aur, Ait, Ees or Ish, On, Bel, Cohen, Keren, Ad, Adon, Ob, Oph, Apha, Uch, Melech, Anac, Sar, Sama, Samaïm. We must likewise take notice of those common names, by which places are distinguished, such as Kir, Caer, Kiriath, Carta, Air, Col, Cala, Beth, Ai, Ain, Caph, and Cephas. Lastly are to be inserted the particles Al and Pi; which were in use among the antient Egyptians.

Of these terms I shall first treat; which I look upon as so many elements, whence most names in antient mythology have been compounded; and into which they may be easily resolved: and the history, with which they are attended, will, at all times, plainly point out, and warrant the etymology.


The first of the terms here specified is Ham; at different times, and in different places, expressed Cham, Chom, [8]Chamus. Many places were from him denominated Cham Ar, Cham Ur, Chomana, Comara, Camarina. Ham, by the Egyptians, was compounded Am-On, Αμων and Αμμων. He is to be found under this name among many nations in the east; which was by the Greeks expressed Amanus, and [9]Omanus. Ham, and Cham are words, which imply heat, and the consequences of heat; and from them many words in other languages, such as [10]Καυμα Caminus, Camera, were derived. Ham, as a Deity, was esteemed the [11]Sun: and his priests were styled Chamin, Chaminim, and Chamerim. His name is often found compounded with other terms, as in Cham El, Cham Ees, Cam Ait: and was in this manner conferred both on persons and places. From hence Camillus, Camilla, Camella Sacra, Comates, Camisium, [12]Camirus, Chemmis, with numberless other words, are derived. Chamma was the title of the hereditary [13]priestess of Diana: and the Puratheia, where the rites of fire were carried on, were called Chamina, and Chaminim, whence came the Caminus of the Latines. They were sacred hearths, on which was preserved a perpetual fire in honour of Cham. The idols of the Sun called by the same [14]name: for it is said of the good king Josiah, that they brake down the altars of Baalim—in his presence; and the Chaminim (or images of Cham) that were on high above them, he cut down. They were also styled Chamerim, as we learn from the prophet [15]Zephaniah. Ham was esteemed the Zeus of Greece, and Jupiter of Latium. [16]Αμμους, ὁ Ζευς, Αριστοτελει. [17]Αμμουν γαρ Αιγυπτιοι καλεουσι τον Δια. Plutarch says, that, of all the Egyptian names which seemed to have any correspondence with the Zeus of Greece, Amoun or Ammon was the most peculiar and adequate. He speaks of many people, who were of this opinion: [18]Ετι δε των πολλων νομιζοντων ιδιον παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ονομα του Διος ειναι τον Αμουν, ὁ παραγοντες ἡμεις Αμμωνα λεγομεν. From Egypt his name and worship were brought into Greece; as indeed were the names of almost all the Deities there worshipped. [19]Σχεδον δε και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες την Ἑλλαδα. Almost all the names of the Gods in Greece were adventitious, having been brought thither from Egypt.


Chus was rendered by the Greeks Χυσος, Chusus; but, more commonly, Χρυσος: and the places denominated from him were changed to Χρυσε, Chruse; and to Chrusopolis. His name was often compounded [20]Chus-Or, rendered by the Greeks Χρυσωρ, Chrusor, and Chrusaor; which, among the Poets, became a favourite epithet, continually bestowed upon Apollo. Hence there were temples dedicated to him, called Chrusaoria. Chus, in the Babylonish dialect, seems to have been called Cuth; and many places, where his posterity settled, were styled [21]Cutha, Cuthaia, Cutaia, Ceuta, Cotha, compounded [22]Cothon. He was sometimes expressed Casus, Cessus, Casius; and was still farther diversified.

Chus was the father of all those nations, styled [23]Ethiopians, who were more truly called Cuthites and Cuseans. They were more in number, and far more widely extended, than has been imagined. The history of this family will be the principal part of my inquiry.


Canaan seems, by the Egyptians and Syrians, to have been pronounced Cnaan: which was by the Greeks rendered Cnas, and Cna. Thus we are told by Stephanus Byzantinus, that the antient name of Phenicia was Cna. Χνα, ὁυτος ἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο. το εθνικον Χναιος. The same is said by Philo Biblius, from Sanchoniathon. [24]Χνα του πρωτου μετονομασθεντος Φοινικος. And, in another place, he says, that Isiris, the same as Osiris, was the brother to Cna. [25]Ισιρις—αδελφος Χνα; the purport of which is conformable to the account in the Scriptures, that the Egyptians were of a collateral line with the people of Canaan; or, that the father of the Mizräim and the Canaanites were brothers.


This person is looked upon as the father of the Egyptians: on which account one might expect to meet with many memorials concerning him: but his history is so veiled under allegory and titles, that no great light can be obtained. It is thought, by many learned men, that the term, Mizräim, is properly a plural; and that a people are by it signified, rather than a person. This people were the Egyptians: and the head of their family is imagined to have been, in the singular, Misor, or Metzor. It is certain that Egypt, by Stephanus Byzantinus, is, amongst other names, styled Μυαρα, which, undoubtedly, is a mistake for Μυσαρα, the land of Musar, or Mysar. It is, by [26]Eusebius and Suidas, called Mestraia; by which is meant the land of Metzor, a different rendering of Mysor. Sanchoniathon alludes to this person under the name of [27]Μισωρ, Misor; and joins him with Sydic: both which he makes the sons of the Shepherds Amunus and Magus. Amunus, I make no doubt, is Amun, or Ham, the real father of Misor, from whom the Mizräim are supposed to be descended. By Magus, probably, is meant Chus, the father of those worshippers of fire, the Magi: the father, also, of the genuine Scythæ, who were styled Magog. The Canaanites, likewise, were his offspring: and, among these, none were more distinguished than those of Said, or Sidon; which, I imagine, is alluded to under the name of Sydic. It must be confessed, that the author derives it from Sydic, justice: and, to say the truth, he has, out of antient terms, mixed so many feigned personages with those that are real, that it is not possible to arrive at the truth.


It is said of this person, by Moses, that he was the son of Cush. [28]And Cush begat Nimrod: he began to be a mighty one in the earth: he was a mighty hunter before the Lord: wherefore it is said, even as Nimrod, the mighty hunter before the Lord. And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel. His history is plainly alluded to under the character of Alorus, the first king of [29]Chaldea; but more frequently under the title of Orion. This personage is represented by Homer as of a gigantic make; and as being continually in pursuit of wild [30]beasts. The Cuthite Colonies, which went westward, carried with them memorials of this their ancestor; and named many places from him: and in all such places there will be found some peculiar circumstances, which will point out the great hunter, alluded to in their name. The Grecians generally styled him [31]Νεβρωδ, Nebrod: hence places called by his name are expressed Nebrod, Nebrodes, Nebrissa. In Sicily was a mountain Nebrodes, called by Strabo in the plural [32]τα Νεβρωδε ορη. It was a famous place for hunting; and for that reason had been dedicated to Nimrod. The poet Gratius takes notice of its being stocked with wild beasts:

[33]Cantatus Graiis Acragas, victæque fragosum

Nebrodem liquere feræ.

And Solinus speaks to the same purpose: [34]Nebrodem damæ et hinnuli pervagantur. At the foot of the mountain were the warm baths of Himera.

The term Νεβρος, Nebros, which was substituted by the Greeks for Nimrod, signifying a fawn, gave occasion to many allusions about a fawn, and fawn-skin, in the Dionusiaca, and other mysteries. There was a town Nebrissa, near the mouth of the Bætis in Spain, called, by Pliny, Veneria; [35]Inter æstuaria Bætis oppidum Nebrissa, cognomine Veneria. This, I should think, was a mistake for Venaria; for there were places of that name. Here were preserved the same rites and memorials, as are mentioned above; wherein was no allusion to Venus, but to Nimrod and Bacchus. The island, and its rites, are mentioned by Silius Italicus.

[36]Ac Nebrissa Dionusæis conscia thyrsis,

Quam Satyri coluere leves, redimitaque sacrâ


The Priests at the Bacchanalia, as well as the Votaries, were habited in this manner.

[37]Inter matres impia Mænas

Comes Ogygio venit Iaccho,

Nebride sacrâ præcincta latus.

Statius describes them in the same habit.

[38]Hic chelyn, hic flavam maculoso Nebrida tergo,

Hic thyrsos, hic plectra ferit.

The history of Nimrod was, in great measure, lost in the superior reverence shewn to Chus, or Bacchus: yet, there is reason to think, that divine honours were of old paid to him. The family of the Nebridæ at [39]Athens, and another of the same name at Cos, were, as we may infer from their history, the posterity of people, who had been priests to Nimrod. He seems to have been worshipped in Sicily under the names of Elorus, Belorus, and Orion. He was likewise styled [40]Belus: but as this was merely a title, and conferred upon other persons, it renders his history very difficult to be distinguished.


Theuth, Thoth, Taut, Taautes, are the same title diversified; and belong to the chief god of Egypt. Eusebius speaks of him as the same as Hermes. [41]Ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ, Ἑρμην δε Ἑλληνες μετεφρασαν. From Theuth the Greeks formed ΘΕΟΣ; which, with that nation, was the most general name of the deity. Plato, in his treatise, named Philebus, mentions him by the name of [42]Θευθ. He was looked upon as a great benefactor, and the first cultivator of the vine.

[43]Πρωτος Θωθ εδαη δρεπανην επι βοτρυν αγειρειν.

He was also supposed to have found out letters: which invention is likewise attributed to Hermes. [44]Απο Μισωρ Τααυτος, ὁς ἑυρε την των πρωτων στοιχειων γραφην.——Ἑλληνες δε Ἑρμην εκαλεσαν. Suidas calls him Theus; and says, that he was the same as Arez, styled by the Arabians Theus Arez, and so worshipped at Petra. Θευσαρης τουτ' εστι Θεος Αρης, εν Πετρᾳ της Αραβιας. Instead of a statue, there was λιθος μελας, τετραγωνος, ατυπωτος, a black, square pillar of stone, without any figure, or representation. It was the same deity, which the Germans and Celtæ worshipped under the name of Theut-Ait, or Theutates; whose sacrifices were very cruel, as we learn from Lucan.

[45]Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro



Ab signifies a father, similar to אב of the Hebrews. It is often found in composition, as in Ab-El, Ab-On, Ab-Or.


Aur, sometimes expressed Or, Ur, and Our, signifies both light and fire. Hence came the Orus of the Egyptians, a title given to the Sun. [46]Quod solem vertimus, id in Hebræo est אור, Ur; quod lucem, et ignem, etiam et Solem denotat. It is often compounded with the term above, and rendered Abor, Aborus, Aborras: and it is otherwise diversified. This title was often given to Chus by his descendants; whom they styled Chusorus. From Aur, taken as an element, came Uro, Ardeo; as a Deity, oro, hora, ὡρα, Ἱερον, Ἱερευς. Zeus was styled Cham-Ur, rendered Κωμυρος by the Greeks; and under this title was worshipped at Halicarnassus. He is so called by Lycophron. [47]Ημος καταιθων θυσθλα Κωμυρῳ Λεων. Upon which the Scholiast observes; (Κωμυρος) ὁ Ζευς εν Ἁλικαρνασῳ τιμᾳται.


El, Al, Ηλ, sometimes expressed Eli, was the name of the true God; but by the Zabians was transferred to the Sun: whence the Greeks borrowed their Ἡλιος, and Ηελιος. El, and Elion, were titles, by which the people of Canaan distinguished their chief Deity. [48]Γινεται τις Ελιουν, καλουμενος ὑψιστος. This they sometimes still farther compounded, and made Abelion: hence inscriptions are to be found [49]DEO ABELLIONI. El according to Damascius was a title given to Cronus. [50]Φοινικες και Συροι τον Κρονον Ηλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. The Phenicians and Syrians name Cronus Eel, and Beel, and Bolathes. The Canaanitish term Elion is a compound of Eli On, both titles of the Sun: hence the former is often joined with Aur, and Orus. [51]Elorus, and Alorus, were names both of persons and places. It is sometimes combined with Cham: whence we have Camillus, and Camulus: under which name the Deity of the Gentile world was in many places worshipped. Camulus and Camillus were in a manner antiquated among the Romans; but their worship was kept up in other countries. We find in Gruter an inscription [52]DEO CAMULO: and another, CAMULO. SANCTO. FORTISSIMO. They were both the same Deity, a little diversified; who was worshipped by the Hetrurians, and esteemed the same as Hermes. [53]Tusci Camillum appellant Mercurium. And not only the Deity, but the minister and attendant had the same name: for the priests of old were almost universally denominated from the God whom they served, or from his temple. The name appears to have been once very general. [54]Rerum omnium sacrarum administri Camilli dicebantur. But Plutarch seems to confine the term to one particular office and person. [55]Τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του Διος αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ὡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των Ἑλληνων Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He supposes the name to have been given to Hermes, on account of the service and duty enjoined him. But there is nothing of this nature to be inferred from the terms. The Hermes of Egypt had nothing similar to his correspondent in Greece. Camillus was the name of the chief God, Cham-El, the same as Elion, ὁ ὑψιστος. He was sometimes expressed Casmillus; but still referred to Hermes. [56]Κασμιλλος ὁ Ἑρμης εστιν, ὡς ἱστορει Διονυσιοδωρος. The Deity El was particularly invoked by the eastern nations, when they made an attack in battle: at such time they used to cry out, El-El, and Al-Al. This Mahomet could not well bring his proselytes to leave off: and therefore changed it to Allah; which the Turks at this day make use of, when they shout in joining battle. It was, however, an idolatrous invocation, originally made to the God of war; and not unknown to the Greeks. Plutarch speaks of it as no uncommon exclamation; but makes the Deity feminine.

[57]Κλυθ' ΑΛΑΛΑ, πολεμου θυγατερ.

Hence we have in Hesychius the following interpretations; αλαλαζει, επινικιως ηχει. Αλαλαγμος, επινικιος ὑμνος. Ελελευ, επιφωνημα πολεμικον. It is probably the same as הלל in Isaiah, [58]How art thou fallen, Halal, thou son of Sehor.

ON and EON.

On, Eon, or Aon, was another title of the Sun among the Amonians: and so we find it explained by Cyril upon Hosea: Ων δε εστιν ὁ Ἡλιος: and speaking of the Egyptians in the same comment, he says, Ων δε εστι παρ' αυτοις ὁ Ἡλιος. The Seventy likewise, where the word occurs in Scripture, interpret it the Sun; and call the city of On, Heliopolis. [59]Και εδωκεν αυτῳ την Ασενεθ θυγατερα Πετεφρη Ἱερεως Ἡλιουπολεως. Theophilus, from Manetho, speaks of it in the same manner: [60]Ων, ἡτις εστιν Ἡλιοπολις. And the Coptic Pentateuch renders the city On by the city of the Sun. Hence it was, that Ham, who was worshipped as the Sun, got the name of Amon, and Ammon; and was styled Baal-Hamon. It is said of Solomon, that he had a vineyard at [61]Baal-Hamon; a name probably given to the place by his Egyptian wife, the daughter of Pharaoh. The term El was combined in the same manner; and many places sacred to the Sun were styled El-on, as well as El-our. It was sometimes rendered Eleon; from whence came ἡλιος, and ἡλιον. The Syrians, Cretans, and Canaanites, went farther, and made a combination of the terms Ab-El-Eon, Pater Summus Sol, or Pater Deus Sol; hence they formed Abellon, and Abelion before mentioned. Hesychius interprets Αβελιον, Ἡλιον· Αβελιον, Ἡλιακον.

Vossius thinks, and with good reason, that the Apollo of Greece and Rome was the same as the Abelion of the East. [62]Fortasse Apollo ex Cretico Αβελιος· nam veteres Romani pro Apollo dixere Apello: ut pro homo, hemo; pro bonus, benus; ac similia. The Sun was also worshipped under the title Abaddon; which, as we are informed by the Evangelist, was the same as Apollo; or, as he terms him, Απολλυων: [63]Ονομα αυτῳ Ἑβραϊστι Αβαδδων, και εν τῃ Ἑλληνικῃ Απολλυων.


Another title of Ham, or the Sun, was Ait, and Aith: a term, of which little notice has been taken; yet of great consequence in respect to etymology. It occurs continually in Egyptian names of places, as well as in the composition of those, which belong to Deities, and men. It relates to fire, light, and heat; and to the consequences of heat. We may, in some degree, learn its various and opposite significations when compounded, from antient words in the Greek language, which were derived from it. Several of these are enumerated in Hesychius. Αιθαι, μελαιναι. Αιθειν, καιειν. Αιθαλοεν (a compound of Aith El), κεκαυμενον. Αιθινος, καπνος. Αιθον, λαμπρον. Αιθωνα (of the same etymology, from Aith-On) μελανα, πυρωδη. [64]Αιθος, καυμα. The Egyptians, when they consecrated any thing to their Deity, or made it a symbol of any supposed attribute, called it by the name of that attribute, or [65]emanation: and as there was scarce any thing, but what was held sacred by them, and in this manner appropriated; it necessarily happened, that several objects had often the same reference, and were denominated alike. For, not only men took to themselves the sacred titles, but birds, beasts, fishes, reptiles, together with trees, plants, stones, drugs, and minerals, were supposed to be under some particular influence; and from thence received their names. And if they were not quite alike, they were, however, made up of elements very similar. Ham, as the Sun, was styled [66]Ait; and Egypt, the land of Ham, had, in consequence of it, the name of Ait, rendered by the Greeks Αετια: Εκληθη (ἡ Αιγυπτος) και Αερια, και Ποταμια, και Αιθισπια, και [67]ΑΕΤΙΑ. One of the most antient names of the Nile was Ait, or Αετος. It was also a name given to the Eagle, as the bird particularly sacred to the Sun: and Homer alludes to the original meaning of the word, when he terms the Eagle [68]Αιετος αιθων. Among the parts of the human body, it was appropriated to the [69]heart: for the heart in the body may be esteemed what the Sun is in his system, the source of heat and life, affording the same animating principle. This word having these two senses was the reason why the Egyptians made a heart over a vase of burning incense, an emblem of their country. [70]Αιγυπτον δε γραφοντες θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανω ΚΑΡΔΙΑΝ. This term occurs continually in composition. Athyr, one of the Egyptian months, was formed of Ath-Ur. It was also one of the names of that place, where the shepherds resided in Egypt; and to which the Israelites succeeded. It stood at the upper point of Delta, and was particularly sacred to אור Ur, or Orus: and thence called Athur-ai, or the place of Athur. At the departure of the shepherds it was ruined by King Amosis. [71]Κατεσκαψε δε την Αθυριαν Αμωσις.

As Egypt was named Aith, and Ait; so other countries, in which colonies from thence settled, were styled Ethia and Athia. The sons of Chus founded a colony in Colchis; and we find a king of that country named Ait; or, as the Greeks expressed it, Αιητης: and the land was also distinguished by that characteristic. Hence Arete in the Orphic Argonautics, speaking of Medea's returning to Colchis, expresses this place by the terms ηθεα Κολχων:

[72]Οιχεθω πατρος τε δομον, και ες ηθεα Κολχων.

It is sometimes compounded Ath-El, and Ath-Ain; from whence the Greeks formed [73]Αθηλα, and Αθηνα, titles, by which they distinguished the Goddess of wisdom. It was looked upon as a term of high honour, and endearment. Venus in Apollonius calls Juno, and Minerva, by way of respect, Ηθειαι:

[74]Ηθειαι, τις δευρο νοος, χρειω τε, κομιζει;

Menelaus says to his brother Agamemnon, [75]Τιφθ' ὁυτως, Ηθειε, κορυσσεαι; And [76]Τιπτε μοι, Ηθειε κεφαλη, δευρ' ειληλουθας, are the words of Achilles to the shade of his lost Patroclus. Ηθειος, in the original acceptation, as a title, signified Solaris, Divinus, Splendidus: but, in a secondary sense, it denoted any thing holy, good, and praiseworthy. [77]Αλλα μιν Ηθειον καλεω και νοσφιν εοντα, says Eumæus, of his long absent and much honoured master. I will call him good and noble, whether he be dead or alive. From this antient term were derived the ηθος and ηθικα of the Greeks.

I have mentioned that it is often compounded, as in Athyr: and that it was a name conferred on places where the Amonians settled. Some of this family came, in early times, to Rhodes and Lemnos: of which migrations I shall hereafter treat. Hence, one of the most antient names of [78]Rhodes was Aithraia, or the Island of Athyr; so called from the worship of the Sun: and Lemnos was denominated Aithalia, for the same reason, from Aith-El. It was particularly devoted to the God of fire; and is hence styled Vulcania by the Poet:

[79]Sumnmis Vulcania surgit

Lemnos aquis.

Ethiopia itself was named both [80]Aitheria, and Aeria, from Aur, and Athyr: and Lesbos, which had received a colony of Cuthites, was reciprocally styled [81]Æthiope. The people of Canaan and Syria paid a great reverence to the memory of Ham: hence, we read of many places in those parts named Hamath, Amathus, Amathusia. One of the sons of Canaan seems to have been thus called: for it is said, that Canaan was the father of the [82]Hamathite. A city of this name stood to the east of mount Libanus; whose natives were the Hamathites alluded to here. There was another Hamath, in Cyprus, by the Greeks expressed Αμαθους, of the same original as the former. We read of Eth-Baal, a king of [83]Sidon, who was the father of Jezebel; and of [84]Athaliah, who was her daughter. For Ath was an oriental term, which came from Babylonia and Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence to Syria and Canaan. Ovid, though his whole poem be a fable, yet copies the modes of those countries of which he treats. On this account, speaking of an Ethiopian, he introduces him by the name of Eth-Amon, but softened by him to Ethemon.

[85]Instabant parte sinistrâ

Chaonius Molpeus, dextrâ Nabathæus Ethemon.

Ath was sometimes joined to the antient title Herm; which the Grecians, with a termination, made Ἑρμης. From Ath-Herm came Θερμαι, Θερμος, Θερμαινω. These terms were sometimes reversed, and rendered Herm-athena.


Ad is a title which occurs very often in composition, as in Ad-Or, Ad-On; from whence was formed Adorus, Adon, and Adonis. It is sometimes found compounded with itself; and was thus made use of for a supreme title, with which both Deities and kings were honoured. We read of Hadad, king of [86]Edom: and there was another of the same name at Damascus, whose son and successor was styled [87]Benhadad. According to Nicolaus Damascenus, the kings of Syria, for nine generations, had the name of [88]Adad. There-was a prince Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of [89]Zobah: and Hadoram, son of the king of [90]Hamath. The God Rimmon was styled Adad: and mention is made by the Prophet of the mourning of Adad Rimmon in the valley of [91]Megiddo. The feminine of it was Ada; of which title mention is made by Plutarch in speaking of a [92]queen of Caria. It was a sacred title, and appropriated by the Babylonians to their chief [93]Goddess. Among all the eastern nations Ad was a peculiar title, and was originally conferred upon the Sun: and, if we may credit Macrobius, it signified One, and was so interpreted by the Assyrians: [94]Deo, quem summum maximumque venerantur, Adad nomen dederunt. Ejus nominis interpretatio significat unus. Hunc ergo ut potissimum adorant Deum.—Simulacrum Adad insigne cernitur radiis inclinatis. I suspect that Macrobius, in his representation, has mistaken the cardinal number for the ordinal; and that what he renders one should be first, or chief. We find that it was a sacred title; and, when single, it was conferred upon a Babylonish Deity: but, when repeated, it must denote greater excellence: for the Amonians generally formed their superlative by doubling the positive: thus Rab was great; Rabrab signified very great. It is, indeed, plain from the account, that it must have been a superlative; for he says it was designed to represent what was esteemed summum maximumque, the most eminent and great. I should, therefore, think that Adad, in its primitive sense, signified πρωτος, and πρωτευων: and, in a secondary meaning, it denoted a chief, or prince. We may by these means rectify a mistake in Philo, who makes Sanchoniathon say, that Adodus of Phenicia was king of the country. He renders the name, Adodus: but we know, for certain, that it was expressed Adad, or Adadus, in Edom, Syria, and Canaan. He, moreover, makes him βασιλευς Θεων, King of the Gods: but, it is plain, that the word Adad is a compound: and, as the two terms of which it is made up are precisely the same, there should be a reciprocal resemblance in the translation. If Ad be a chief, or king; Adad should be superlatively so, and signify a king of kings. I should therefore suspect, that, in the original of Sanchoniathon, not βασιλευς Θεων, but βασιλευς βασιλεων was the true reading. In short, Ad, and Ada, signified first, πρωτος; and, in a more lax sense, a prince or ruler: Adad, therefore, which is a reiteration of this title, means πρωτος των πρωτων, or πρωτευοντων; and answers to the most High, or most Eminent.

Ham was often styled Ad-Ham, or Adam contracted; which has been the cause of much mistake. There were many places [95]named Adam, Adama, Adamah, Adamas, Adamana; which had no reference to the protoplast, but were, by the Amonians, denominated from the head of their family.

EES and IS.

Ees, rendered As and Is, like אש of the Hebrews, related to light and fire; and was one of the titles of the Sun. It is sometimes compounded Ad-Ees, and Ad-Is; whence came the Hades of the Greeks, and Atis and Attis of the Asiatics; which were names of the same Deity, the Sun. Many places were hence denominated: particularly a city in Africa, mentioned by [96]Polybius. There was a river [97]Adesa, which passed by the city Choma in Asia minor. It was, moreover, the name of one of the chief and most antient cities in Syria, said to have been built by Nimrod. It was, undoubtedly, the work of some of his brotherhood, the sons of Chus, who introduced there the rites of fire, and the worship of the Sun; whence it was styled Adesa, rendered by the Greeks Edessa. One of the names of fire, among those in the East, who worship it, is [98]Atesh at this day. The term As, like Adad, before mentioned, is sometimes compounded with itself, and rendered Asas, and Azaz; by the Greeks expressed Αζαζος and [99]Αζιζος. In the very place spoken of above, the Deity was worshipped under the name of Azizus. The Emperor Julian acquaints us, in his hymn to the [100]Sun, that the people of Edessa possessed a region, which, from time immemorial, had been sacred to that luminary: that there were two subordinate Deities, Monimus and Azizus, who were esteemed coadjutors, and assessors to the chief God. He supposes them to have been the same as Mars and Mercury: but herein this zealous emperor failed; and did not understand the theology which he was recommending. Monimus and Azizus were both names of the same God, the Deity of Edessa, and [101]Syria. The former is, undoubtedly, a translation of Adad, which signifies μονας, or [102]unitas: though, as I have before shewn, more properly primus. Azizus is a reduplication of a like term, being compounded with itself; and was of the same purport as Ades, or Ad Ees, from whence the place was named. It was a title not unknown in Greece: for Ceres was, of old, called Azazia; by the Ionians, Azesia. Hesychius observes, Αζησια, ἡ Δημητηρ. Proserpine, also, had this name. In the same author we learn that αζα, aza, signified ασβολος, or sun-burnt: which shews plainly to what the primitive word [103]related. This word is often found combined with Or; as in Asorus, and Esorus, under which titles the Deity was worshipped in [104]Syria, [105]Sicily, and Carthage: of the last city he was supposed to have been the founder. It is often compounded with El and Il; and many places were from thence denominated Alesia, Elysa, Eleusa, Halesus, Elysus, Eleusis, by apocope Las, Lasa, Læsa, Lasaia; also, Lissa, Lissus, Lissia. Sometimes we meet with these terms reversed; and, instead of El Ees, they are rendered Ees El: hence we have places named Azilis, Azila, Asyla, contracted Zelis, Zela, Zeleia, Zelitis; also Sele, Sela, Sala, Salis, Sillas, Silis, Soli. All these places were founded or denominated by people of the Amonian worship: and we may always, upon inquiry, perceive something very peculiar in their history and situation. They were particularly devoted to the worship of the Sun; and they were generally situated near hot springs, or else upon foul and fetid lakes, and pools of bitumen. It is, also, not uncommon to find near them mines of salt and nitre; and caverns sending forth pestilential exhalations. The Elysian plain, near the Catacombs in Egypt, stood upon the foul Charonian canal; which was so noisome, that every fetid ditch and cavern was from it called Charonian. Asia Proper comprehended little more than Phrygia, and a part of Lydia; and was bounded by the river Halys. It was of a most inflammable soil; and there were many fiery eruptions about Caroura, and in Hyrcania, which latter was styled by the Greeks κεκαυμενη. Hence, doubtless, the region had the name of [106]Asia, or the land of fire. One of its most antient cities, and most reverenced, was Hierapolis, famous for its hot [107]fountains. Here was also a sacred cavern, styled by [108]Strabo Plutonium, and Charonium; which sent up pestilential effluvia. Photius, in the life of Isidorus, acquaints us, that it was the temple of Apollo at Hierapolis, within whose precincts these deadly vapours arose. [109]Εν Ἱεραπολει της Φρυγιας Ἱερον ην Απολλωνος, ὑπο δε τον ναον καταβασιον ὑπεκειτο, θανασιμους αναπνοας παρεχομενον. He speaks of this cavity as being immediately under the edifice. Four caverns of this sort, and styled Charonian, are mentioned by [110]Strabo in this part of the world. Pliny, speaking of some Charonian hollows in Italy, says, that the exhalations were insupportable. [111]Spiracula vocant, alii Charoneas scrobes, mortiferum spiritum exhalantes. It may appear wonderful; but the Amonians were determined in the situation both of their cities and temples by these strange phænomena. They esteemed no places so sacred as those where there were fiery eruptions, uncommon steams, and sulphureous exhalations. In Armenia, near [112]Comana, and Camisena, was the temple of [113]Anait, or fountain of the Sun. It was a Persic and Babylonish Deity, as well as an Armenian, which was honoured with Puratheia, where the rites of fire were particularly kept up. The city itself was named Zela; and close behind it was a large nitrous lake. In short, from the Amonian terms, Al-As, came the Grecian ἁλος, ἁλας, ἁλς; as, from the same terms reversed (As-El), were formed the Latine Sal, Sol, and Salum. Wherever the Amonians found places with these natural or præternatural properties, they held them sacred, and founded their temples near them. [114]Selenousia, in Ionia, was upon a salt lake, sacred to Artemis. In Epirus was a city called Alesa, Elissa, and Lesa: and hard by were the Alesian plains; similar to the Elysian in Egypt: in these was produced a great quantity of fossil [115]salt. There was an Alesia in Arcadia, and a mountain Alesium with a temple upon it. Here an antient personage, Æputus, was said to have been suffocated with salt water: in which history there is an allusion to the etymology of the name. It is true that Pausanias supposes it to have been called Alesia, from Rhea having wandered thither; [116]δια την αλην, ὡς φασι, καλουμενον την Ῥεας: but it was not αλη, but ἁλας, and ἁλος, sal; and the Deity, to whom that body was sacred, from whence the place was named. And this is certain from another tradition, which there prevailed: for it is said that in antient times there was an eruption of sea water in the temple: [117]Θαλασσης δε αναφαινεσθαι κυμα εν τῳ Ἱερῳ τουτῳ λογος εστιν αρχαιος. Nor was this appellation confined to one particular sort of fountain, or water: but all waters, that had any uncommon property, were in like manner sacred to Elees, or Eesel. It was an antient title of Mithras and Osiris in the east, the same as [118]Sol, the Sun. From hence the priests of the Sun were called Soli and Solimi in Cilicia, Selli in Epirus, Salii at Rome, all originally priests of fire. As such they are described by Virgil:

Tum Salii ad cantus incensa altaria circum.

In like manner the Silaceni of the Babylonians were worshippers of the same Deity, and given to the rites of fire, which accompanied the worship of the Sun.

The chief city of Silacena was Sile or Sele, where were eruptions of fire. Sele is the place or city of the Sun. Whenever therefore Sal, or Sel, or the same reversed, occur in the composition of any place's name, we may be pretty certain that the place is remarkable either for its rites or situation, and attended with some of the circumstances [119]above-mentioned. Many instances may be produced of those denominated from the quality of their waters. In the river [120]Silarus of Italy every thing became petrified. The river [121]Silias in India would suffer nothing to swim. The waters of the [122]Salassi in the Alps were of great use in refining gold. The fountain at [123]Selinus in Sicily was of a bitter saline taste. Of the salt lake near [124]Selinousia in Ionia I have spoken. The fountain Siloë at Jerusalem was in some degree [125]salt. Ovid mentions Sulmo, where he was born, as noted for its [126]cool waters: for cold streams were equally sacred to the Sun as those, which were of a contrary nature. The fine waters at Ænon, where John baptized, were called [127]Salim. The river Ales near Colophon ran through the grove of Apollo, and was esteemed the coldest stream in Ionia. [128]Αλης ποταμος ψυχροτατος των εν Ιωνιᾳ. In the country of the Alazonians was a bitter fountain, which ran into the [129]Hypanis. These terms were sometimes combined with the name of Ham; and expressed Hameles, and Hamelas; contracted to Meles and Melas. A river of this name watered the region of Pamphylia, and was noted for a most cold and pure [130]water. The Meles near Smyrna was equally admired. [131]Σμυρναιος δε ποταμος Μελης· ὑδωρ εστι καλλιστον, και σπηλαιον επι ταις πηγαις. The Melas in Cappadocia was of a contrary quality. It ran through a hot, inflammable country, and formed many fiery pools. [132]Και ταυτα δ' εστι τα ἑλη πανταχου πυριληπτα. In Pontus was Amasus, Amasia, Amasene, where the region abounded with hot waters: [133]Ὑπερκειται δε της των Αμασεων τα τε θερμα ὑδατα των Φαζημονειτων, ὑγιεινα σφοδρα.

It is wonderful, how far the Amonian religion and customs were carried in the first ages. The antient Germans, and Scandinavians, were led by the same principles; and founded their temples in situations of the same nature, as those were, which have been above described. Above all others they chose those places, where were any nitrous, or saline waters. [134]Maxime autem lucos (or lacus) sale gignendo fæcundos Cœlo propinquare, precesque mortalium nusquam propius audiri firmiter erant persuasi; prout exemplo Hermundurorum docet testis omni exceptione major [135]Tacitus.


The most common name for the Sun was San, and Son; expressed also Zan, Zon, and Zaan. Zeus of Crete, who was supposed to have been buried in that Island, is said to have had the following inscription on his tomb:

[136]Ὡδε μεγας κειται Ζαν, ὁν Δια κικλησκουσι.

The Ionians expressed it Ζην, and Ζηνα. Hesychius tells us, that the Sun was called Σαως by the Babylonians. It is to be observed that the Grecians in foreign words continually omitted the Nu final, and substituted a Sigma. The true Babylonish name for the Sun was undoubtedly Σαων, oftentimes expressed Σωαν, Soan. It was the same as Zauan of the Sidonians; under which name they worshipped Adonis, or the Sun. Hesychius says, Ζαυανας, θεος τις εν Σιδωνι. Who the Deity was, I think may be plainly seen. It is mentioned by the same writer, that the Indian Hercules, by which is always meant the chief Deity, was styled Dorsanes: Δορσανης ὁ Ἡρακλης παρ' Ινδοις. The name Dorsanes is an abridgment of Ador-San, or Ador-Sanes, that is Ador-Sol, the lord of light. It was a title conferred upon Ham; and also upon others of his family; whom I have before mentioned to have been collectively called the Baalim. Analogous to this they were likewise called the Zaanim, and Zaananim: and a temple was erected to them by the antient Canaanites, which was from them named [137]Beth-Zaananim. There was also a place called Sanim in the same country, rendered Sonam[138], Σωναμ, by Eusebius; which was undoubtedly named in honour of the same persons: for their posterity looked up to them, as the Heliadæ, or descendants of the Sun, and denominated them from that luminary. According to Hesychius it was a title, of old not unknown in Greece; where princes and rulers were styled Zanides, Ζανιδες, Ἡγεμονες. In [139]Diodorus Siculus mention is made of an antient king of Armenia, called Barsanes; which signifies the offspring of the Sun. We find temples erected to the Deity of the same purport; and styled in the singular Beth-San: by which is meant the temple of the Sun. Two places occur in Scripture of this name: the one in the tribe of Manasseh: the other in the land of the Philistines. The latter seems to have been a city; and also a temple, where the body of Saul was exposed after his defeat upon mount Gilboa. For it is said, that the Philistines [140]cut off his head, and stripped off his armour—and they put his armour in the house of Ashtoreth, and they fastened his body to the wall of Bethsan. They seem to have sometimes used this term with a reduplication: for we read of a city in Canaan called [141]Sansanah; by which is signified a place sacred to the most illustrious Orb of day. Some antient statues near mount Cronius in Elis were by the natives called Zanes, as we are told by Pausanias: [142]Καλουνται δε ὑπο των επιχωριων Ζανες. They were supposed to have been the statues of Zeus: but Zan was more properly the Sun; and they were the statues of persons, who were denominated from him. One of these persons, styled Zanes, and Zanim, was Chus: whose posterity sent out large colonies to various parts of the earth. Some of them settled upon the coast of Ausonia, called in later times Italy; where they worshipped their great ancestor under the name of San-Chus. Silius Italicus speaking of the march of some Sabine troops, says,

[143]Pars Sancum voce canebant

Auctorem gentis.

Lactantius takes notice of this Deity. [144]Ægyptii Isidem, Mauri Jubam, Macedones Cabirum—Sabini Sancum colunt. He was not unknown at Rome, where they styled him Zeus Pistius, as we learn from Dionysius of Halicarnassus: [145]Εν Ἱερῳ Διος Πιστιου, ὁν Ῥωμαιοι Σαγκον καλουσι. There are in Gruter inscriptions, wherein he has the title of Semon prefixed, and is also styled Sanctus.


Semon (Sem-On) signifies Cœlestis Sol.

Some of the antients thought that the soul of man was a divine emanation; a portion of light from the Sun. Hence, probably, it was called Zoan from that luminary; for so we find it named in Macrobius. [147]Veteres nullum animal sacrum in finibus suis esse patiebantur; sed abigebant ad fines Deorum, quibus sacrum esset: animas vero sacratorum hominum, quos Græci ΖΩΑΝΑΣ vocant Diis debitas æstimabant.


Another common name for the Deity was Dis, Dus, and the like; analogous to Deus, and Theos of other nations. The Sun was called Arez in the east, and compounded Dis-arez, and Dus-arez; which signifies Deus Sol. The name is mentioned by Tertullian[148]. Unicuique etiam provinciæ et civitati suus Deus est, ut Syriæ Astarte, Arabiæ Dysares. Hesychius supposes the Deity to have been the same as Dionusus. Δουσαρην τον Διονυσον Ναβαταιοι (καλουσιν), ὡς Ισιδωρος. There was a high mountain, or promontory, in [149]Arabia, denominated from this Deity: analogous to which there was one in Thrace, which had its name [150]from Dusorus, or the God of light, Orus. I took notice, that Hercules, or the chief Deity among the Indians, was called Dorsanes: he had also the name of Sandis, and Sandes; which signifies Sol Deus. [151]Βηλον μεν τον Δια τυχον, Σανδην τε τον Ἡρακλεα, και Αναϊτιδα την Αφροδιτην, και αλλως αλλους εκαλουν. Agathias of the people in the east. Probably the Deity Bendis, whose rites were so celebrated in Phrygia and Thrace, was a compound of Ben-Dis, the offspring of God. The natives of this country represented Bendis as a female; and supposed her to be the same as [152]Selene, or the moon. The same Deity was often masculine and feminine: what was Dea Luna in one country, was Deus Lunus in another.


The Sun was likewise named Kur, Cur, Κυρος. [153]Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσας τον Ἡλιον. Many places were sacred to this Deity, and called Cura, Curia, Curopolis, Curene, Cureschata, Curesta, Curestica regio. Many rivers in Persis, Media, Iberia, were denominated in the same manner. The term is sometimes expressed Corus: hence Corusia in Scythia. Of this term I shall say more hereafter.


Cohen, which seems, among the Egyptians and other Amonians, to have been pronounced Cahen, and Chan, signified a Priest; also a Lord or Prince. In early times the office of a Prince and of a Priest were comprehended under one character.

[154]Rex Anius, Rex idem hominum, Phœbique Sacerdos.

This continued a great while in some parts of the [155]world; especially in Asia Minor, where, even in the time of the Romans, the chief priest was the prince of the [156]province. The term was sometimes used with a greater latitude; and denoted any thing noble and divine. Hence we find it prefixed to the names both of Deities and men; and of places denominated from them. It is often compounded with Athoth, as Canethoth; and we meet with Can-Osiris, Can-ophis, Can-ebron, and the like. It was sometimes expressed Kun, and among the Athenians was the title of the antient priests of Apollo; whose posterity were styled Κυννιδαι, Cunnidæ, according to Hesychius. Κυννιδαι, γενος εν Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ Ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος. We find from hence, that Apollo was styled Κυννιος, Cunnius. Κυννιος, Απολλωνος επιθετον. Hence came κυνειν, προσκυνειν, προσκυνησις, well known terms of adoration. It was also expressed Con, as we may infer from the title of the Egyptian Hercules.[157] Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον ΚΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. It seems also to have been a title of the true God, who by [158]Moses is styled Konah, קנה.

We find this term oftentimes subjoined. The Chaldeans, who were particularly possessed of the land of Ur, and were worshippers of fire, had the name of Urchani. Strabo limits this title to one branch of the Chaldeans, who were literati, and observers of the heavens; and even of these to one sect only. Εστι δε και των Χαλδαιων των Αστρονομικων γενη πλειω· και γαρ [159]Ορχηνοι τινες προσαγορευονται. But [160]Ptolemy speaks of them more truly as a nation; as does Pliny likewise. He mentions their stopping the course of the Euphrates, and diverting the stream into the channel of the Tigris. [161]Euphratem præclusere Orcheni, &c. nec nisi Pasitigri defertur in mare. There seem to have been particular colleges appropriated to the astronomers and priests in Chaldea, which were called Conah; as we may infer from [162]Ezra. He applies it to societies of his own priests and people; but it was a term borrowed from Chaldea.

The title of Urchan among the Gentile nations was appropriated to the God of fire, and his [163]priests; but was assumed by other persons. Some of the priests and princes among the Jews, after the return from captivity, took the name of Hyrcanus. Orchan, and Orchanes among the Persic and Tartar nations is very common at this [164]day; among whom the word Chan is ever current for a prince or king. Hence we read of Mangu Chan, Cublai Chan, Cingis Chan. Among some of these nations it is expressed Kon, Kong, and King. Monsieur de Lisle, speaking of the Chinese, says, [165]Les noms de King Che, ou Kong-Sse, signifient Cour de Prince en Chine. Can, ou Chan en langue Tartare signifie Roi, ou Empereur.


Of this Amonian term of honour I have taken notice in a treatise before. I have shewn, that it was to be found in many Egyptian [166]names, such as Petiphra, Petiphera, Petisonius, Petosiris, Petarbemis, Petubastus the Tanite, and Petesuccus, builder of the Labyrinth. Petes, called Peteos in Homer, the father of Mnestheus, the Athenian, is of the same original: [167]Τον γαρ Πετην, τον πατερα Μενεσθεως, του στρατευσαντος εις Τροιαν. φανερως Αιγυπτιον ὑπαρξαντα κτλ. All the great officers of the Babylonians and Persians took their names from some sacred title of the Sun. Herodotus mentions [168]Petazithes Magus, and [169]Patiramphes: the latter was charioteer to Xerxes in his expedition to Greece: but he was denominated from another office; for he was brother to Smerdis, and a Magus; which was a priest of the Sun. The term is sometimes subjoined, as in Atropatia, a province in [170]Media; which was so named, as we learn from Strabo, [171]απο του Ατροπατου ἡγεμονος. In the accounts of the Amazons likewise this word occurs. They are said to have been called Aorpata, or, according to the common reading in Herodotus, Oiorpata; which writer places them upon the Cimmerian Bosporus. [172]Τας δε Αμαζονας καλεουσι Σκυθαι Οιορπατα· δυναται δε το ουνομα τουτο κατ' Ἑλλαδα γλωσσαν ανδροκτονοι Οιορ γαρ καλεουσι τον ανδρα, το δε πατα κτεινειν. This etymology is founded upon a notion that the Amazons were a community of women, who killed every man, with whom they had any commerce, and yet subsisted as a people for ages. I shall hereafter speak of the nations under this title; for there were more than one: but all of one family; all colonies from Egypt. The title above was given them from their worship: for Oiorpata, or, as some MSS. have it, Aor-pata, is the same as [173]Petah Or, the priest of Orus; or, in a more lax sense, the votaries of that God. They were Ανδροκτονοι; for they sacrificed all strangers, whom fortune brought upon their coast: so that the whole Euxine sea, upon which they lived, was rendered infamous from their cruelty: but they did not take their name from this circumstance.

One of the Egyptian Deities was named Neith, and Neit; and analogous to the above her priests were styled [174]Pataneit. They were also named Sonchin, which signifies a priest of the Sun: for Son, San, Zan, are of the same signification; and Son-Chin is Ζανος ἱερευς. Proclus says, that it was the title of the priests; and particularly of him, who presided in the college of Neith at Saïs.


Bel, Bal, or Baal, is a Babylonish title, appropriated to the Sun; and made use of by the Amonians in other countries; particularly in Syria and Canaan. It signified Κυριος, or Lord, and is often compounded with other terms; as in Bel-Adon, Belorus, Bal-hamon, Belochus, Bel-on; (from which last came Bellona of the Romans) and also Baal-shamaim, the great Lord of the Heavens. This was a title given by the Syrians to the Sun: [175]Τον Ἡλιον Βεελσαμην καλουσιν, ὁ εστι παρα Φοινιξι Κυριος Ουρανου, Ζευς δε παρ' Ἑλλησι. We may, from hence, decypher the name of the Sun, as mentioned before by Damascius, who styles that Deity Bolathes: [176]Φοινικες και Συροι τον Κρονον Ηλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. What he terms Bolathes is a compound of Bal-Ath, or Bal-Athis; the same as Atis, and Atish of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. Philo Biblius interprets it Zeus: Damascius supposed it to mean Cronus; as did likewise Theophilus: [177]Ενιοι μεν σεβονται τον Κρονον, και τουτον αυτον ονομαζουσι Βηλ, και Βαλ, μαλιστα ὁι οικουντες τα ανατολικα κλιματα. This diversity amounts to little: for I shall hereafter shew, that all the Grecian names of Deities, however appropriated, were originally titles of one God, and related to the Sun.


Keren signifies, in its original sense, a horn: but was always esteemed an emblem of power; and made use of as a title of sovereignty and puissance. Hence, it is common with the sacred writers to say [178]My horn shalt thou exalt—[179]his horn shall be exalted with honour—[180]the horn of Moab is cut off: and the Evangelist[181] speaks of Christ as a horn of salvation to the world. The Greeks often changed the nu final into sigma: hence, from keren they formed κερας, κερατος: and from thence they deduced the words κρατος, κρατερος: also κοιρανος, κρεων, and καρηνον; all relating to strength and eminence. Gerenius, Γερηνιος, applied to Nestor, is an Amonian term, and signifies a princely and venerable person. The Egyptian Crane, for its great services, was held in high honour, being sacred to the God of light, Abis (אב אש) or, as the Greeks expressed it, Ibis; from whence the name was given. It was also called Keren and Kerenus: by the Greeks Γερανος, the noble bird, being most honoured of any. It was a title of the Sun himself: for Apollo was named Craneüs, and [182]Carneüs; which was no other than Cereneüs, the supreme Deity, the Lord of light: and his festival styled Carnea, Καρνεια, was an abbreviation of Κερενεια, Cerenea. The priest of Cybele in Phrygia was styled Carnas; which was a title of the Deity, whom he served; and of the same purport as Carneus above.


Oph signifies a serpent, and was pronounced at times and expressed, Ope, [183]Oupis, Opis, Ops; and, by Cicero, [184]Upis. It was an emblem of the Sun; and also of time and eternity. It was worshipped as a Deity, and esteemed the same as Osiris; by others the same as Vulcan. Vulcanus Ægyptiis Opas dictus est, eodem Cicerone [185]teste. A serpent was also, in the Egyptian language, styled Ob, or Aub: though it may possibly be only a variation of the term above. We are told by Orus Apollo, that the basilisk, or royal serpent, was named Oubaios: [186]Ουβαιος, ὁ εστιν Ἑλληνιστι Βασιλισκος. It should have been rendered Ουβος, Oubus; for Ουβαιος is a possessive, and not a proper name. The Deity, so denominated, was esteemed prophetic; and his temples were applied to as oracular. This idolatry is alluded to by Moses,[187] who, in the name of God, forbids the Israelites ever to inquire of those dæmons, Ob and Ideone: which shews that it was of great antiquity. The symbolical worship of the serpent was, in the first ages, very extensive; and was introduced into all the mysteries, wherever celebrated: [188]Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων ΟΦΙΣ συμβολον μεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. It is remarkable, that wherever the Amonians founded any places of worship, and introduced their rites, there was generally some story of a serpent. There was a legend about a serpent at Colchis, at Thebes, and at Delphi; likewise in other places. The Greeks called Apollo himself Python, which is the same as Opis, Oupis, and Oub. The woman at Endor, who had a familiar spirit, is called [189]אוב, Oub, or Ob; and it is interpreted Pythonissa. The place where she resided, seems to have been named from the worship there instituted: for Endor is compounded of En-Ador, and signifies Fons Pythonis, the fountain of light, the oracle of the God Ador. This oracle was, probably, founded by the Canaanites; and had never been totally suppressed. In antient times they had no images in their temples, but, in lieu of them, used conical stones or pillars, called Βαιτυλια; under which representation this Deity was often worshipped. His pillar was also called [190]Abaddir, which should be expressed Abadir, being a compound of Ab, אוב, and Adir; and means the serpent Deity, Addir, the same as Adorus. It was also compounded with On, a title of the same Deity: and Kircher says that Obion is still, among the people of Egypt, the name of a serpent. אוב, Ob Mosi, Python, vox ab Ægyptiis sumpta; quibus Obion hodieque serpentem sonat. Ita [191]Kircher. The same also occurs in the Coptic lexicon. The worship of the serpent was very antient among the Greeks, and is said to have been introduced by Cecrops. [192]Philochorus Saturno, et Opi, primam in Atticâ statuisse aram Cecropem dicit. But though some represent Opis as a distinct Deity; yet [193]others introduce the term rather as a title, and refer it to more Deities than one: Callimachus, who expresses it Oupis, confers it upon Diana, and plays upon the sacred term:

[194]Ουπι, ανασσ' ευωπι.

It is often compounded with Chan; and expressed Canopus, Canophis, Canuphis, Cnuphis, Cneph: it is also otherwise combined; as in Ophon, Ophion, Oropus, Orobus, Inopus, Asopus, Elopus, Ophitis, Onuphis, Ophel. From Caneph the Grecians formed Cyniphius, which they used for an epithet to Ammon:

[195]Non hic Cyniphius canetur Ammon,

Mitratum caput elevans arenis.

On the subject of serpent worship I shall speak more at large in a particular treatise.


Ain, An, En, for so it is at times expressed, signifies a fountain, and was prefixed to the names of many places which were situated near fountains, and were denominated from them. In Canaan, near the fords of Jordan, were some celebrated waters; which, from their name, appear to have been, of old, sacred to the Sun. The name of the place was [196]Ænon, or the fountain of the Sun; the same to which people resorted to be baptized by John: not from an opinion that there was any sanctity in the waters; for that notion had been for ages obliterated; and the name was given by the Canaanite: but [197]John baptized in Ænon, near to Salim, because there was much water there: and they came, and were baptized. Many places were styled An-ait, An-abor, Anabouria, Anathon, Anopus, Anorus. Some of these were so called from their situation; others from the worship there established. The Egyptians had many subordinate Deities, which they esteemed so many emanations, αποῤῥοιαι from their chief God; as we learn from Iamblichus, Psellus, and Porphyry. These derivatives they called [198]fountains, and supposed them to be derived from the Sun; whom they looked upon as the source of all things. Hence they formed Ath-El and Ath-Ain, the [199]Athela and Athena of the Greeks. These were two titles appropriated to the same personage, Divine Wisdom; who was supposed to spring from the head of her father. Wherever the Amonian religion was propagated, names of this sort will occur; being originally given from the mode of worship established[200]. Hence so many places styled Anthedon, Anthemus, Ain-shemesh, and the like. The nymph Œnone was, in reality, a fountain, Ain-On, in Phrygia; and sacred to the same Deity: and, agreeably to this, she is said to have been the daughter of the river [201]Cebrenus. The island Ægina was named [202]Œnone, and Œnopia, probably from its worship. As Divine Wisdom was sometimes expressed Ath-Ain, or Αθηνα; so, at other times, the terms were reversed, and a Deity constituted called An-Ait. Temples to this goddess occur at Ecbatana in Media: also in Mesopotamia, Persis, Armenia, and Cappadocia; where the rites of fire were particularly observed. She was not unknown among the antient Canaanites; for a temple called Beth-Anath is mentioned in the book of [203]Joshua. Of these temples, and the Puratheia there established, accounts may be seen in many parts of Strabo.

I have mentioned, that all springs and baths were sacred to the Sun: on which account they were called Bal-ain; the fountains of the great Lord of Heaven; from whence the Greeks formed Βαλανεια: and the Romans Balnea. The southern seas abounded formerly with large whales: and it is well known, that they have apertures near their nostrils, through which they spout water in a large stream, and to a great height. Hence they too had the name of Bal-Ain, or Balænæ. For every thing uncommon was by the Amonians consecrated to the Deity, and denominated from his titles. This is very apparent in all the animals of Egypt.

The term Ουρανος, Ouranus, related properly to the orb of the Sun; but was in aftertimes made to comprehend the whole expanse of the heavens. It is compounded of Ourain, the fountain of Orus; and shews to what it alludes, by its etymology. Many places were named Ees-ain, the reverse of Ain-ees, or Hanes: and others farther compounded Am-ees-ain, and Cam-ees-ain, rendered Amisene, and Camisene: the natural histories of which places will generally authenticate the etymology. The Amonians settled upon the Tiber: and the antient town Janiculum was originally named [204]Camese; and the region about it Camesene: undoubtedly from the fountain Camesene, called afterward Anna Perenna, whose waters ran into the sacred pool [205]Numicius: and whose priests were the Camœnæ.

I am sensible, that some very learned men do not quite approve of terms being thus reversed, as I have exhibited them in Ath-ain, Bal-ain, Our-ain, Cam-ain, and in other examples: and it is esteemed a deviation from the common usage in the Hebrew language; where the governing word, as it is termed, always comes first. Of this there are many instances; such as Ain-Shemesh, Ain-Gaddi, Ain-Mishpat, Ain-Rogel, &c. also Beth-El, Beth-Dagon, Beth-Aven, Beth-Oron. But, with submission, this does not affect the etymologies, which I have laid before the reader: for I do not deduce them from the Hebrew. And though there may have been of old a great similitude between that language, and those of Egypt, Cutha, and Canaan: yet they were all different tongues. There was once but one language among the sons of men[206]. Upon the dispersion of mankind, this was branched out into dialects; and those again were subdivided: all which varied every age, not only in respect to one another; but each language differed from itself more and more continually. It is therefore impossible to reduce the whole of these to the mode, and standard of any one. Besides, the terms, of which I suppose these names to be formed, are not properly in regimine; but are used adjectively, as is common almost in every language. We meet in the Grecian writings with [207]Ἑλληνα στρατον, Ἑλλαδα διαλεκτον, εσβεσεν Ἑλλαδα φωνην. Also νασον Σικελαν, γυναικα μαζον, Περσην στρατον, ναυτην δρομον, Σκυθην οιμον. Why may we not suppose, that the same usage prevailed in Cutha, and in Egypt? And this practice was not entirely foreign to the Hebrews. We read indeed of Beer-sheba, Beer-lahoiroi, &c. but we also read of [208] Baalath-Beer, exactly similar to the instances which I have produced. We meet in the sacred writings with Beth-El, and Beth-Dagon: but we sometimes find the governing word postponed, as in Elizabeth, or temple of Eliza. It was a Canaanitish[209] name, the same as Elisa, Eleusa, Elasa of Greece and other countries. It was a compound of El-Ees, and related to the God of light, as I have before shewn. It was made a feminine in aftertimes: and was a name assumed by women of the country styled Phenicia, as well as by those of Carthage. Hence Dido has this as a secondary appellation; and mention is made by the Poet of Dii morientis [210]Elizæ, though it was properly the name of a Deity. It may be said, that these names are foreign to the Hebrews, though sometimes adopted by them: and I readily grant it; for it is the whole, that I contend for. All, that I want to have allowed, is, that different nations in their several tongues had different modes of collocation and expression: because I think it as unreasonable to determine the usage of the Egyptians and antient Chaldeans by the method of the Hebrews, as it would be to reduce the Hebrew to the mode and standard of Egypt. What in Joshua, c. 19. v. 8. is Baaleth, is, 1 Kings, c. 16. v. 31. Eth-baal: so that even in the sacred writings we find terms of this sort transposed. But in respect to foreign names, especially of places, there are numberless instances similar to those, which I have produced. They occur in all histories of countries both antient and modern. We read of Pharbeth, and Phainobeth in Egypt: of Themiskir, and [211]Tigranocerta, which signifies Tigranes' city, in Cappadocia, and Armenia. Among the eastern nations at this day the names of the principal places are of this manner of construction; such as Pharsabad, Jehenabad, Amenabad: such also Indostan, Pharsistan, Mogulistan, with many others. Hence I hope, if I meet with a temple or city, called Hanes, or Urania, I may venture to derive it from An-Eees, or Ur-Ain, however the terms may be disposed. And I may proceed farther to suppose that it was denominated the fountain of light; as I am able to support my etymology by the history of the place. Or if I should meet with a country called Azania, I may in like manner derive it from Az-An, a fountain sacred to the Sun; from whence the country was named. And I may suppose this fountain to have been sacred to the God of light, on account of some real, or imputed, quality in its waters: especially if I have any history to support my etymology. As there was a region named Azania in Arcadia, the reader may judge of my interpretation by the account given of the excellence of its waters. [212]Αζανια, μερος της Αρκαδιας—εστι κρηνη της Αζανιας, ἡ τους γευσαμενους του ὑδατος ποιει μηδε την οσμην του οινου ανεχεσθαι. Hanes in [213]Egypt was the reverse of Azan; formed however of the same terms, and of the same purport precisely.

In respect to this city it may be objected, that if it had signified, what I suppose, we should have found it in the sacred text, instead of חנס, expressed עין אש. If this were true, we must be obliged to suppose, whenever the sacred writers found a foreign name, composed of terms not unlike some in their own language, that they formed them according to their own mode of expression, and reduced them to the Hebrew orthography. In short, if the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name could be possibly obtained in their own language, that they had always an eye to such etymology; and rendered the word precisely according to the Hebrew manner of writing and pronunciation. But this cannot be allowed. We cannot suppose the sacred writers to have been so unnecessarily scrupulous. As far as I can judge, they appear to have acted in a manner quite the reverse. They seem to have laid down an excellent rule, which would have been attended with great utility, had it been universally followed: this was, of exhibiting every name, as it was expressed at the time when they wrote, and by the people, to whom they addressed themselves. If this people, through length of time, did not keep up to the original etymology in their pronunciation, it was unnecessary for the sacred Penmen to maintain it in their writings. They wrote to be understood: but would have defeated their own purpose, if they had called things by names, which no longer existed. If length of time had introduced any variations, those changes were attended to: what was called Shechem by Moses, is termed [214]Σιχαρ or Συχαρ by the [215]Apostle.


Fire, and likewise the God of fire, was by the Amonians styled Apthas, and Aptha; contracted, and by different authors expressed, Apha, Pthas, and Ptha. He is by Suidas supposed to have been the Vulcan of Memphis. Φθας, ὁ Ηφαιστος παρα [216]Μεμφιταις. And Cicero makes him the same Deity of the Romans. [217]Secundus, (Vulcanus) Nilo natus, Phas, ut Ægyptii appellant, quem custodem esse Ægypti volunt. The author of the Clementines describes him much to the same purpose. [218]Αιγυπτιοι δε ὁμοιως—το πυρ ιδιᾳ διαλεκτῳ Φθα εκαλεσαν, ὁ ἑρμηνευεται Ἡφαιστος. [219]Huetius takes notice of the different ways in which this name is expressed: Vulcano Pthas, et Apthas nomen fuisse scribit Suidas. Narrat Eusebius Ptha Ægyptiorum eundem esse ac Vulcanum Græcorum; Patrem illi fuisse Cnef, rerum opificem. However the Greeks and Romans may have appropriated the term, it was, properly, a title of [220]Amon: and Iamblichus acknowledges as much in a [221]chapter wherein he particularly treats of him. But, at the same time, it related to fire: and every place, in the composition of whose name it is found, will have a reference to that element, or to its worship.

There was a place called Aphytis in Thrace, where the Amonians settled very early; and where was an oracular temple of Amon. [222]Αφυτη, η Αφυτις, πολις προς τῃ Παλληνῃ Θρᾳκης, απο Αφυος τινος εγχωριου. Εσχε δε ἡ πολις μαντειον του Αμμωνος. Aphyte, or Aphytis, is a city hard by Pallene, in Thrace; so called from one Aphys, a native of those parts. This city had once an oracular temple of Ammon.

It stood in the very country called Phlegra, where the worship of fire once particularly prevailed. There was a city Aphace; also a temple of that name in Mount Libanus, sacred to Venus Aphacitis, and denominated from fire. Here, too, was an oracle: for most temples of old were supposed to be oracular. It is described by Zosimus, who says, [223]that near the temple was a large lake, made by art, in shape like a star. About the building, and in the neighbouring ground, there at times appeared a fire of a globular figure, which burned like a lamp. It generally shewed itself at times when a celebrity was held: and, he adds, that even in his time it was frequently seen.

All the Deities of Greece were αποσπασματα, or derivatives, formed from the titles of Amon, and Orus, the Sun. Many of them betray this in their secondary appellations: for, we read not only of Vulcan, but of Diana being called [224]Apha, and Aphæa; and in Crete Dictynna had the same name: Hesychius observes, Αφαια, ἡ Δικτυννα. Castor and Pollux were styled [225]Αφετηριοι: and Mars [226]Aphæus was worshipped in Arcadia. Apollo was likewise called [227]Αφητωρ: but it was properly the place of worship; though Hesychius otherwise explains it. Aphetor was what the antient Dorians expressed Apha-Tor, a [228]fire tower, or Prutaneum; the same which the Latines called of old Pur-tor, of the like signification. This, in aftertimes, was rendered Prætorium: and the chief persons, who officiated, Prætores. They were originally priests of fire; and, for that reason, were called [229]Aphetæ: and every Prætor had a brazier of live coals carried before him, as a badge of his office.


Ast, Asta, Esta, signified fire; and also the Deity of that element. The Greeks expressed it Ἑστια, and the Romans, Vesta. Plutarch, speaking of the sacred water of Numicius being discovered by the priestesses of this Deity, calls them the virgins of [230]Hestia. Esta and Asta signified also a sacred hearth. In early times every district was divided according to the number of the sacred hearths; each of which constituted a community, or parish. They were, in different parts, styled Puratheia, Empureia, Prutaneia, and Prætoria: also [231]Phratriai, and Apaturia: but the most common name was Asta.

These were all places of general rendezvous for people of the same community. Here were kept up perpetual fires: and places of this sort were made use of for courts of judicature, where the laws of the country, θεμισται, were explained, and enforced. Hence Homer speaking of a person not worthy of the rights of society, calls him [232]Αφρητωρ, αθεμιστος, ανεστιος.

The names of these buildings were given to them from the rites there practised; all which related to fire. The term Asta was in aftertimes by the Greeks expressed, Αστυ, Astu; and appropriated to a city. The name of Athens was at first [233]Astu; and then Athenæ of the same purport: for Athenæ is a compound of Ath-En, Ignis fons; in which name there is a reference both to the guardian Goddess of the city; and also to the perpetual fire preserved within its precincts. The God of fire, Hephaistus, was an Egyptian compound of Apha-Astus, rendered by the Ionian Greeks Hephæstus.

The [234]Camœnæ of Latium, who were supposed to have shewn the sacred fountain to the Vestals, were probably the original priestesses, whose business it was to fetch water for lustrations from that stream. For Cam-Ain is the fountain of the Sun: and the Camœnæ were named from their attendance upon that Deity. The Hymns in the temples of this God were sung by these women: hence the Camœnæ were made presidents of music.

Many regions, where the rites of fire were kept up, will be found to have been named Asta, Hestia, Hestiæa, Hephæstia; or to have had cities so [235]called. This will appear from the histories of Thessaly, Lycia, Egypt, Lemnos; as well as from other countries.

From Asta and Esta come the terms Æstas, Æstus, Æstuo, Αστυ, Ἑστια, Ἑστιαζειν.


Shem, and Shamesh, are terms, which relate to the heavens, and to the Sun, similar to שמש שמיס שום, of the Hebrews. Many places of reputed sanctity, such as Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samorna, were denominated from it. Philo Biblius informs us, that the Syrians, and Canaanites, lifted up their hands to Baal-Samen, the Lord of Heaven; under which title they honoured the Sun: [236]Τας χειρας ορεγειν εις ουρανους προς τον Ἡλιον· τουτον γαρ, φησι, θεον ενομιζον μονον ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ ΚYΡΙΟΝ ΒΑΑΛ-ΣΑΜΗΝ καλουντες. Ephesus was a place of great sanctity: and its original name was [237]Samorna; which seems to be a compound of Sam-Oran, Cœlestis Sol, fons Lucis. We read of Samicon in Elis, [238]χωριον Σαμικον, with a sacred cavern: and of a town called [239]Samia, which lay above it. The word Σεμνος was a contraction of Semanos, from Sema-on; and properly signified divine and celestial. Hence σεμναι θεαι, σεμνη κορα. Antient Syria was particularly devoted to the worship of the Sun, and of the Heavens; and it was by the natives called Shems and Shams: which undoubtedly means the land of Shemesh, from the worship there followed. It retains the name at this [240]day. In Canaan was a town and temple, called Beth-Shemesh. What some expressed Shem and Sham, the Lubim seem to have pronounced Zam: hence the capital of Numidia was named Zama, and Zamana, from Shamen, Cœlestis. This we may learn from an inscription in [241]Reineccius.


Ham being the Apollo of the east, was worshipped as the Sun; and was also called Sham and Shem. This has been the cause of much perplexity, and mistake: for by these means many of his posterity have been referred to a wrong line, and reputed the sons of Shem; the title of one brother not being distinguished from the real name of the other. Hence the Chaldeans have by some been adjudged to the line of [243]Shem: and Amalek, together with the people of that name, have been placed to the same account. His genealogy is accordingly represented by Ebn Patric. He makes him the son of Aad, and great grandson of Shem. [244]Fuitque Aad filius Arami, filius Shemi, filius Noæ. The author of the Chronicon Paschale speaks of [245]Chus, as of the line of Shem: and Theophilus in his treatise to Autolycus does the same by [246]Mizraïm. Others go farther, and add Canaan to the [247]number. Now these are confessedly the immediate sons of [248]Ham: so that we may understand, who was properly alluded to in these passages under the name of Shem.


This was a sacred title given by the Amonians to their Gods; which often occurs in the Orphic hymns, when any Deity is invoked.

[249]Κλυθι, Μακαρ Παιαν, τιτυοκτονε, Φοιβε Λυκωρευ.

[250]Κλυθι, Μακαρ, πανδερκες εχων αιωνιον ομμα.

Many people assumed to themselves this title; and were styled [251]Μακαρες, or Macarians: and various colonies were supposed to have been led by an imaginary personage, Macar, or [252]Macareus. In consequence of this, we find that the most antient name of many cities and islands was Macra, Macris, and [253]Macaria. The Grecians supposed the term Macar to signify happy; whence Μακαρες θεοι was interpreted ευδαιμονες: but whether this was the original purport of the word may be difficult to determine. It is certain that it was a favourite term; and many places of sanctity were denominated from it. Macar, as a person, was by some esteemed the offspring of [254]Lycaon; by others, the son of [255]Æolus. Diodorus Siculus calls him [256]Macareus, and speaks of him as the son of Jupiter. This term is often found compounded Macar-On: from whence people were denominated Μακαρωνες, and [257]Μακρωνες; and places were called Μακρων. This, probably, was the original of the name given to islands which were styled Μακαρων νησοι. They were to be found in the Pontus Euxinus, as well as in the Atlantic. The Acropolis of Thebes in Bœotia was, in like manner, called [258]Μακαρων νησος. It was certainly an Amonian sacred term. The inland city, Oäsis, stood in an Egyptian province, which had the [259]same name: so that the meaning must not be sought for in Greece. This term was sometimes expressed as a feminine, Macris, and Macra: and by the Grecians was interpreted longa; as if it related to extent. It was certainly an antient word, and related to their theology; but was grown so obsolete that the original purport could not be retrieved. I think we may be assured that it had no relation to length. Eubœa was, of old, called Macris; and may be looked upon as comparatively long: but Icarus, Rhodes, and Chios, were likewise called so; and they did not project in length more than the islands in their [260]neighbourhood. They were, therefore, not denominated from their figure. There was a cavern in the Acropolis of Athens, which was called Macrai, according to Euripides.

[261]Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ἁς Μακρας κικλησκομεν.

The same author shews, manifestly, that it was a proper name; and that the place itself was styled Macrai. This was a contraction for Macar-Ai, or the place of Macar:

[262]Μακραι δε χωρος εστ' εκει κεκλημενος.

All these places were, for a religious reason, so denominated from Macar, a title of the Deity.


Melech, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Malech, and Moloch, betokens a king; as does Malecha a queen. It was a title, of old, given to many Deities in Greece; but, in after times, grew obsolete and misunderstood: whence it was often changed to μειλιχος, and μειλιχιος, which signified the gentle, sweet, and benign Deity. Pausanias tells us that Jupiter was styled Μειλιχιος, both in [263]Attica and at [264]Argos: and, in another part of his work, he speaks of this Deity under the same title, in company with Artemis at Sicyon. [265]Εστι δε Ζευς Μειλιχιος, και Αρτεμις ονομαζομενη Πατρῳα. He mentions that they were both of great antiquity, placed in the temple before the introduction of images: for, the one was represented by a pyramid, and the other by a bare pillar: Πυραμιδι δε ὁ Μειλιχιος, ἡδε κιονι εστιν εικασμενη. He also speaks of some unknown Gods at Myonia in Locris, called Θεοι Μειλιχιοι; and of an altar, with an inscription of the same purport, [266]βωμος Θεων Μειλιχιων.

Rivers often had the name of Melech. There was one in Babylonia, generally expressed Nahar Malcha, or the royal stream: these too were often by the Grecians changed to Μειλιχοι. The foregoing writer gives an instance in a [267]river of Achaia. Malaga in Spain was properly Malacha, the royal city. I take the name of Amalek to have been Ham [268]Melech abbreviated: a title taken by the Amalekites from the head of their family. In like manner I imagine [269]Malchom, the God of the Sidonians, to have been a contraction of Malech-Chom, βασιλευς Ἡλιος: a title given to the Sun; but conferred also upon the chief of the Amonian [270]family.


Anac was a title of high antiquity, and seems to have been originally appropriated to persons of great strength, and stature. Such people in the plural were styled Anakim; and one family of them were to be found at [271]Kirjath-Arba. Some of them were likewise among the Caphtorim, who settled in Palestina. Pausanias represents Asterion, whose tomb is said to have been discovered in Lydia, as a son of Anac, and of an enormous size. [272]Ειναι δε Αστεριον μεν Ανακτος· Ανακτα δε Γης παιδα—οστα εφανη το σχημα περιεχοντα ες πιστιν, ὡς εστιν ανθρωπου· επει δια μεγεθος ουκ εστιν ὁπως αν εδοξεν. We may from hence perceive that the history of the Anakim was not totally obliterated among the Grecians. Some of their Deities were styled ανακτε, others ανακτορες, and their temples ανακτορια. Michael Psellus speaking of heresies, mentions, that some people were so debased, as to worship Satanaki: [273]Αυτον δε μονον επιγειον Σατανακι ενστερνιζονται. Satanaki seems to be Satan Anac, διαβολος βασιλευς.

Necho, Nacho, Necus, Negus, which in the Egyptian and Ethiopic languages signified a king, probably was an abbreviation of Anaco, and Anachus. It was sometimes expressed Nachi, and Nacchi. The buildings represented at Persepolis are said to be the work of Nacki Rustan; which signifies the lord, or prince Rustan.

ZAR, and SAR.

Sar is a rock, and made use of to signify a promontory. As temples were particularly erected upon such places, these eminences were often denominated Sar-On, from the Deity, to whom the temples were sacred. The term Sar was oftentimes used as a mark of high honour. The Psalmist repeatedly addresses God as his Rock, [274]the Rock of his refuge; the Rock of his salvation. It is also used without a metaphor, for a title of respect: but it seems then to have been differently expressed. The sacred writers call that lordly people the Sidonians, as well as those of Tyre, [275]Sarim. The name of Sarah was given to the wife of Abraham by way of eminence; and signifies a [276]lady, or princess. It is continually to be found in the composition of names, which relate to places, or persons, esteemed sacred by the Amonians. We read of Serapis, Serapion, Serapammon: also of Sarchon, and Sardon; which is a contraction for Sar-Adon. In Tobit mention is made of [277]Sarchedonus; the same name as the former, but with the eastern aspirate. The Sarim in Esther are taken notice of as persons of high [278]honour: the same dignity seems to have been known among the Philistim, by whom it was rendered [279]Sarna, or Sarana: hence came the [280]Tyrian word Sarranus for any thing noble and splendid. In the prophet Jeremiah are enumerated the titles of the chief princes, who attended Nebuchadnezzar in his expedition against Judea. Among others he mentions the [281]Sarsechim. This is a plural, compounded of Sar, and Sech, rendered also Shec, a prince or governor. Sar-Sechim signifies the chief of the princes and rulers. Rabshekah is nearly of the same purport: it signifies the great prince; as by Rabsares is meant the chief [282]Eunuch; by Rabmag, the chief of the Magi. Many places in Syria and Canaan have the term Sar in composition; such as Sarabetha, Sariphæa, Sareptha. Sardis, the capital of Crœsus, was the city of Sar-Ades, the same as Atis, the Deity of the country.

High [283]groves, or rather hills with woods of antient oaks, were named Saron; because they were sacred to the Deity so called. Pliny takes notice of the Saronian bay near Corinth, and of the oaks which grew near it. [284]Portus Cœnitis, Sinus Saronicus olim querno nemore redimitus; unde nomen. Both the oaks and the place were denominated from the Deity Sar-On, and Chan-Ait, by the Greeks rendered Σαρων, and Κοινειτις, which are titles of nearly the same purport. Saron was undoubtedly an antient God in Greece. [285]Lilius Gyraldus styles him Deus Marinus; but he was, properly, the Sun. Diana, the sister of Apollo, is named [286]Saronia: and there were Saronia sacra, together with a festival at [287]Trœzen; in which place Orus was supposed to have been born. [288]Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισιν εν γῃ πρωτον. Orus was the same as Sar-On, the Lord of light. [289]Rocks were called Saronides, from having temples and towers sacred to this Deity: just as groves of oaks were, of which I took notice above. This interpretation is given by [290]Hesychius; and by the Scholiast, upon the following verse of Callimachus:

[291]Η πολλας ὑπενερθε Σαρωνιδας ὑγρος Ιαων


As oaks were styled Saronides, so likewise were the antient Druids, by whom the oak was held so sacred. Hence Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the priests of Gaul, styles them [292]Φιλοσοφοι, θεολογοι—περιττως τιμωμενοι, ὁυς ΣΑΡΩΝΙΔΑΣ ονομαζουσι. This is one proof, out of many, how far the Amonian religion was extended; and how little we know of Druidical worship, either in respect to its essence or its origin.


Uch, Υκ, expressed also Ach, Och, Οχα, was a term of honour among the Babylonians, and the rest of the progeny of Chus; and occurs continually in the names of men and places which have any connection with their history. I have shewn, in a former [293]treatise, that the shepherds who ruled in Egypt were of that race, and that they came from Babylonia and Chaldea. Eusebius informs us, that their national title was [294]Υκουσος; or, as it was undoubtedly expressed by the people themselves, Υκκουσος, Uc-Cusus. It is a term taken notice of by Apion and Manethon, and they speak of it as a word in the sacred language of the country, which signified a king: [295]Υκ καθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαν βασιλεα σημαινει. I wonder that this word has been passed over with so little notice; as it is of great antiquity; and, at the same time, of much importance in respect to etymology. Uc-Cusus signified the royal, or noble, Cusean: and, as it was a word in the sacred language of Egypt, we may from hence learn what that language was; and be assured that it was the primitive language of Chus, the same as the antient Chaldaïc. It was introduced among the Mizraïm by the Auritæ, or Cuthites, together with their rites and religion: hence it obtained the name of the sacred language. Diodorus Siculus affords [296]evidence to the same purpose: and it is farther proved by Heliodorus; who says that the sacred characters of Egypt and those of the Cuthites in Ethiopia were the [297]same. This term occurs very often among the titles of which the Babylonish names arc composed; such as Ochus and Belochus. Among the Egyptians it is to be found in Acherez and Achencherez; which are the names of two very antient princes. Acherez is a compound of Ach-Ares, Magnus Sol; equivalent to Achorus, another name of the same Deity, assumed in like manner by their kings. The latter was sometimes expressed [298]Achor, Achoris. Ochuras, Uchoreus; which are all the same name, diversified in different ages and by different writers. As priests took the titles of the Deities whom they served, Lucan has, very properly, introduced a priest of Egypt under the name of Achoreus:

[299]quos inter Achoreus,

Jam placidus senio, fractisque modestior annis.

The name of Osiris seems to have been Uc-Sehor, and Uc-Sehoris. According to Hellanicus, if a person had in Egypt made inquiry about the term Osiris, he would not have been understood: for the true name was [300]Usiris. Philo Biblius, from Sanchoniathon, calls the same Deity [301]Isiris; and adds, that he was the brother of Cna, or Canaan; and the inventor of three letters. Ισιρις, των τριων γραμματων ἑυρετης, αδελφος Χνα του Φοινικος. I take Isiris and Usiris, as well as Osiris, to be all Uc-Sehoris softened, and accommodated to the ears of Greece.

The Sun was styled El-Uc, which the Grecians changed to Λυκος, Lucos; as we learn from [302]Macrobius. He was also styled El-Uc-Or, which was changed to Λυκωρευς; and El-Uc-Aon, rendered Lycaon[303], Λυκαων. As this personage was the same as El-Uc, Λυκος, it was fabled of him that he was turned into a wolf. The cause of this absurd notion arose from hence: every sacred animal in Egypt was distinguished by some title of the Deity. But the Greeks never considered whether the term was to be taken in its primary, or in its secondary acceptation; whence they referred the history to an animal, when it related to the God from whom the animal was denominated. Λυκος, Lucos, was, as I have shewn, the name of the Sun: hence, wherever this term occurs in composition, there will be commonly found some reference to that Deity, or to his substitute Apollo. We read of [304]Λυκιου Απολλωνος ἱερον: of [305]Lycorus, a supposed son of Apollo: of [306]Lycomedes, another son: of [307]Lycosura, the first city which the Sun beheld. The people of Delphi were, of old, called [308]Lycorians: and the summit of Parnassus, [309]Lycorea. Near it was a [310]town of the same name; and both were sacred to the God of light. From Lucos, in this sense, came lux, luceo, lucidus, and Jupiter Lucetius, of the Latines; and λυχνος, λυχνια, λυχνευω, of the Greeks; also Λυκαβας, and αμφιλυκος, though differently expressed. Hence it was that so many places sacred to Apollo were styled Leuce, Leuca, Λυκια, Leucas, Leucate.

Mox et Leucatæ nimbosa cacumina montis,

Et formidatus nautis aperitur [311]Apollo.

Hence also inscriptions [312]DEO LEUCANIÆ: which term seems to denote, Sol-Fons, the fountain of day. The name Lycophron, Λυκοφρων, which some would derive from Λυκος, a wolf, signifies a person of an enlightened mind. Groves were held very sacred: hence lucus, which some would absurdly derive a non lucendo, was so named from the Deity there worshipped: as was Ἁιμος, a word of the same purport among the Greeks.

This people, who received their theology from Egypt and Syria, often suppressed the leading vowel; and thought to atone for it by giving a new termination: though to say the truth, this mode of abbreviation is often to be observed in the original language, from whence these terms are derived. Κυρος, the name of Cyrus, seems to have suffered an abridgment of this nature. It was probably a compound of Uch-Ur, the same as Achor, and Achorus of Egypt, the great luminary, the Sun. In antient times all kings, priests, and people of consequence took to themselves some sacred title. But as Aneith was abbreviated to Neith, Acherez to Cherez; so Achorus was rendered Chorus, Curus. Thus far is manifest, that Curus signified the Sun. [313]Ὁ μεν ουν Κυρος απο Κυρου του παλαιου ονομα εσχεν· εκεινῳ δε απο του Ἡλιου γενεσθαι φασι· Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσας τον Ἡλιον. Ctesias likewise informs us that the name of Cyrus had this signification. [314]Και τιθεται το ονομα αυτου απο του Ἡλιου: He was denominated Cyrus from the Sun, which was so called. It was the same as Orus: and according to Strabo it is sometimes so expressed; as we may infer from a river of this name, of which he says, [315]Εκαλειτο δε προτερον Κορος. We find it sometimes rendered Κυρις, Curis: but still with a reference to the Sun, the Adonis of the east. Hesychius explains Κυρις, ὁ Αδωνις. In Phocis was [316]Κυῤῥα, Currha, where Apollo Κυῤῥαιος was honoured; which names were more commonly expressed Κιῤῥα and Κιῤῥαιος. The people of Cyrene are said by Palæphatus to have been originally Ethiopians or Cuthites. They, as well as the Egyptians, worshipped the Sun under the title of Achur, and Achor: and like them esteemed him the [317]Θεος απομυιος. From the God Achur we may infer that their country was at first called Acurana; which is a compound of Achur-Ain, and betokens the great fountain of light. Acurana was abbreviated to Curane and Curene; but was always supposed to relate to the Sun, and Heaven. Hence the Greeks, who out of every obsolete term formed personages, supposed Cyrene to have been the daughter of the supreme Deity. [318]Κυρηνη, πολις Λιβυης, απο Κυρηνης της Ὑψεως. The city Cyrene in Libya was denominated from Cyrene, the daughter of the most High. There was a fountain here of great sanctity, which was in like manner denominated from the Sun. It was called [319]Κυρη πηγη, which terms are equivalent to Kur-Ain, and Achurain of the Amonians, and signify the fountain of the Sun. Pliny proves, that this was the purport of the terms, when he describes this part of the world. [320]Cyrenaïca, eadem Tripolitana regio, illustratur Hammonis oraculo—et Fonte Solis. The like account is to be found in Pomponius Mela[321]. Ammonis oraculum, fidei inclytæ; et fons, quem Solis [322]appellant. As Achor was a term, which related to the Sun; we find it often compounded with Ων, On, another name of that Deity; from whence was formed Acharon. This was the true name of the city in Palestine, called in Scripture, according to our version, [323]Ekron. It was denominated from Achor, the God of flies, worshipped also under the name of Baal-zebub with the same attribute. The Caphtorim brought the worship of this God from Egypt; where was a river called Acharon; so denominated from the Deity of the country. This river, and the rites practised in its vicinity, are mentioned in a beautiful fragment from some Sibylline poetry, but when, or by whom composed, is uncertain. The verses are taken notice of by Clemens Alexandrinus, and what is remarkable, are certainly quoted long before the completion of what is portended. However the purport may perhaps be looked upon rather as a menace, than a prophecy.

[324]Ισι, θεα, τριταλαινα, μενεις επι χευμασι Νειλου,

Μουνη, μαινας, αοιδος, επι ψαμαθοις Αχεροντος.

The Deity was likewise called Achad, and Achon: and many cities and countries were hence [325]denominated. Acon in Palestine is said to have been so named in honour of Hercules, the chief Deity in those [326]parts.

I have mentioned, that Ham, styled also Cham, was looked up to as the Sun, and worshipped by his posterity. Hence both his images and priests were styled Chamin: and many princes assumed this title, just as they did that of Orus, and Arez. His posterity esteemed themselves of the Solar race, by way of eminence: and the great founder of the Persic Monarchy was styled Achamin, rendered by the Greeks Αχαιμενης, Achæmenes: and all of his family afterwards had the title of Αχαιμενιοι, and Αχαιμενιδαι, from the same pretensions. They all of them universally esteemed themselves the children of the Sun; though they were likewise so called from their worship. Hence Lutatius Placidus in his Scholia upon Statius interprets the word Achæmenidæ by [327]Solis Cultores. This may serve to authenticate my etymology, and shew, that the term is derived from Cham, the Sun: but the purport of it was generally more limited, and the title confined to the royal race of the Persians, who were looked upon as the offspring of the Sun. The Cuthites of Ethiopia Africana had the same high opinion of themselves: hence Calasiris in Heliodorus invokes the Sun as his great ancestor. [328]Επικεκλησθω μαρτυς ὁ Γεναρχης ἡμων Ἡλιος· and Chariclea in another place makes use of a like invocation: [329]Ἡλιε, Γεναρχα προγονων ἡμων. O, Sun, the great source of my ancestry. The Amonians, who settled at Rhodes, styled themselves Ἡλιαδαι, the Solar [330]race. Those who settled upon the Padus did the [331]same. Hyde mentions a people in Diarbeker, called [332]Chamsi; and says, that the meaning of the word is Solares; and the same in purport as Shemsi and Shamsi of the Arabians.

The term Υκ, of which I have been treating, was obsolete, and scarce known in the times when Greece most flourished: yet some traces of it may be found, though strangely perverted from its original meaning. For the writers of this nation, not knowing the purport of the words, which they found in their antient hymns, changed them to something similar in sound; and thus retained them with a degree of religious, but blind reverence. I have shewn, that of El-Uc they formed Λυκος, Lucus, which was acknowledged to be the name of the Sun: of El-Uc-Aon, Lycaon: of El-Uc-Or, Lycorus, and Lycoreus:

[333]Η κιθαριν, η τοξα Λυκωρεος εντεα Φοιβου.

So from Uc-Ait, another title of the God, they formed Hecatus, and a feminine, Hecate. Hence Nicander speaks of Apollo by this title:

[334]Εζομενος τριποδεσσι παρα Κλαριοις Ἑκατοιο.

And Herophile the Sibyl of the same Deity:

[335]Μοιραν εχουσ' Ἑκατῳ της τοτ' Ανακτοριης.

The only person who seems knowingly to have retained this word, and to have used it out of composition, is [336]Homer. He had been in Egypt; and was an admirer of the theology of that nation. He adhered to antient [337]terms with a degree of enthusiasm; and introduced them at all hazards, though he many times did not know their meaning. This word, among others, he has preserved; and he makes use of it adverbially in its proper sense, when he describes any body superlatively great, and excellent. Thus he speaks of Calchas as far superior to every body else in prophetic knowledge, and styles him οχ' αριστος:

[338]Καλχας Θεστοριδης οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος,

Ὁς ῃδη τα τ' εοντα, τα τ' εσσομενα, προ τ' εοντα.

So on the Trojan side Helenus is spoken of in the same light:

[339]Πριαμιδης Ἑλενος οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος.

So [340]Φωκηων οχ' αριστον, [341]Αιτωλων οχ' αριστος, and [342]Τυχιος—Σκυτοτομων οχ' αριστος.

In these and in all other instances of this term occurring in Homer, it is observable, that it is always in the same acceptation, and uniformly precedes the same word, αριστος. It is indeed to be found in the poetry ascribed to [343]Orpheus: but as those verses are manifestly imitations of Homer, we must not look upon it as a current term of the times, when that poetry was composed: nor was it ever, I believe, in common use, not even in the age of Homer. It was an Amonian term, joined inseparably with another borrowed from the same people. For αριστος was from Egypt, and Chaldea. Indeed, most of the irregular degrees of comparison are from that quarter; being derived from the Sun, the great Deity of the Pagan world, and from his titles and properties. Both αρειων and αριστος were from αρης, the Arez of the east. From Bel, and Baaltis, came βελτιων, and βελτιστος: αμεινων is an inflection from Amon. From the God Aloeus came λωιος, λωιτερος, and λωιστος: from κερεν changed to κερας, κερατος, were formed κρεσσων, κρεισσων, κρατερος, and κρατιστος.


Phi signifies a mouth; also language, and speech. It is used by the Amonians particularly for the voice and oracle of any God; and subjoined to the name of that Deity. The chief oracle in the first ages was that of Ham, who was worshipped as the Sun, and styled El, and Or. Hence these oracles are in consequence called Amphi, Omphi, Alphi, Elphi, Urphi, Orphi. It is made to signify, in the book of [344]Genesis, the voice, or command of Pharaoh. From Phi, in this acceptation, came φημι, φημη, φημυς, φασκω, φατις, fama, fari,—ita farier infit. I imagine that the term Pharaoh itself is compounded of Phi-Ourah, Vox Ori, sive Dei. It was no unusual thing among the antients to call the words of their prince the voice of God. Josephus informs us, that it signified a king: [345]Ὁ Φαραων παρ' Αιγυπτιοις βασιλεα σημαινει: and Ouro in the Copto-Arabic Onomasticon is said to signify the same: but I should think, that this was only a secondary acceptation of the original term.

Phi is also used for any opening or cavity: whence we find the head of a fountain often denominated from it; at least the place, whence the fountain issued forth, or where it lost itself. And as all streams were sacred, and all cavities in the earth looked upon with a religious horror, the Amonians called them Phi-El, Phi-Ainon, Phi-Anes; rendered by the Greeks Phiale, Phænon, Phanes, Phaneas, Paneas. The chief fountain of the river Jordan lost itself underground, and rose again at some miles distance. It sunk at Phiale, and rose again at [346]Paneas. Pliny speaks of a place of this sort at [347]Memphis, called Phiala; and, as he imagines, from its figure: but it was undoubtedly a covert aquæduct, by which some branch of the river was carried. The Nile itself is said to be lost underground, near its fountains; and that place also was called Phiala. [348]Phialam appellari fontem ejus, mergique in cuniculos ipsum amnem. There was also a fountain of this name at [349]Constantinople. Sometimes it occurs without the aspirate, as in Pella, a city of Palestine, named, undoubtedly, from its fountains: for Pliny calls it Pellam aquis [350]divitem.

Mines were held sacred; and, like fountains, were denominated from Ænon, and Hanes, those titles of the Sun. In Arabia, near Petra, was a mine, worked by condemned persons, which was named [351]Phinon, and Phænon. Epiphanius mentions [352]Φανησια μεταλλα, or the mines of Hanes; to which Meletius, a bishop of the Thebaïs, was condemned.


Ai, and Aia, signifies a district or province; and, as most provinces in Egypt were insular, it is often taken for an island. In other parts it was of much the same purport as αια of the Greeks, and betokened any [353]region or country. It was from hence that so many places have been represented by the Greeks as plurals, and are found to terminate in ai; such as Athenai, Thebai, Pherai, Patrai, Amyclai, Therapnai, Clazomenai, Celænai. There are others in eia; as Chæroneia, Coroneia, Eleia. In others it was rendered short; as in Oropia, Ellopia, Ortygia, Olympia, Æthiopia, Scythia, Cænia, Icaria. It is likewise found expressed by a single letter, and still subjoined to the proper name: hence we meet with Ætna, Arbela, Larissa, Roma, Himera, Hemera, Nusa, Nyssa, Patara, Arena, [354]Cabasa, and the like. We may from hence prove, and from innumerable other instances, that among the people of the east, as well as among other nations, the word in regimine was often final. Thus the land of Ion was termed Ionia; that of Babylon, Babylonia; from Assur came Assyria; from Ind, India; from Lud, Ludia; in all which the region is specified by the termination. To say Lydia tellus, Assyria tellus, is in reality [355]redundant. In the name of Egypt this term preceded, that country being styled Ai-Gupt, Αιγυπτος, the land of the Gupti, called afterwards Cupti, and Copti.

Common Names relating to Places.

As to the common names, which are found combined with additional terms, in order to denote the nature and situation of places; they are, for the most part, similar to those in the antient Chaldaic, and admit of little variation.

Air is a city; often expressed Ar, and Ara. Hence Arachosia, Arachotus, Aracynthus, Arambis, Aramatha (Ar-Ham-aith), Archile, Arzilla, Arthedon: all which were cities, or else regions denominated from them.

Kir, Caer, Kiriath, are words of the like purport. We read in the Scriptures of Kiriath Sepher, Kiriath Arba, Kiriath Jearim. It was in some parts pronounced Kirtha, and Cartha. Melicartus, the Hercules of the Phenicians and Cretans, was, properly, Melech-Carta, the Deity of the place. The city of Tigranes, in Armenia, was called Tigranocerta. One name of Carthage was Καρχηδων, from Car-Chadon, the same as Adon. It was also called Carthada, from Cartha-Ada, the city of the queen or Goddess, who was by the Romans supposed to be Juno, but was, properly, the Amonian Elisa. Caer, among many antient nations, signified a city, or fortress; as we may learn from the places called Carteia, Carnaim, Caronium, Caroura, Carambis. Among the Britons were, of old, places exactly analogous; such as Caerlisle, Caerdiff, Caerphilly, Caernarvon, and Caeruriah in Cornwall.

Kir and Caer are the same term, differently expressed. In Scripture we meet with Kir Haresh, and Kir-Hareseth. Isaiah. c. 16. v. 7. and v. 11. and Kir Moab, c. 15. v. 1. and Kir Heres, of the same purport as Kir Haresh, is mentioned by Jeremiah, c. 48. v. 31. Upon the Euphrates was Cercusium and Carchemish. In Cyprus was Kironia, rendered Κερωνια by [356]Ptolemy; whose true name was Kir-On, the city of the Sun; where was a temple to Our-Ain, styled Urania. Kir-On was often rendered Cironis, Coronis; and the Deity Coronus and [357]Cronus. By these means the place was substituted for the Deity, and made an object of worship. Of this abuse I shall often speak. Artemis was, properly, a city, Ar-Themis, the same as Thamuz of Egypt. What was called Artemis, and Artemisium, was in some places reversed, and expressed by Kir subjoined: hence Themiscir, and Themiscura in Pontus.

Col, Cal, Calah, Calach, signify properly an eminence, like the Collis of the Romans; but are often used for a fortress so situated. We sometimes meet with a place styled absolute Calah: but the term is generally used in composition, as Cala Nechus, Cala-Anac, Cala-Chan, Cala-On, Cala-Es, Cala-Ait, Cala-Ur, Cala-Ope, Cala-Ham, Cala-Amon, Cala-Adon: whence came the names of people and places styled [358]Callinicus, Calachene, [359]Colonæ, Cales, Calathe, Calistæ, Calathusa, Calauria, Coloriua, Caliope, Calama, Calamos, [360]Calamon, Calymna, Calydnus, Calycadnus; all which were places in Phrygia, Bithynia, Assyria, Libya, denominated from their situation and worship.

Comah is used for a wall; but seems to be sometimes taken for those sacred inclosures wherein they had their Puratheia; and particularly for the sacred mount which stood in those inclosures. From Comah came the Greek χωμα, a round hill or mound of earth; called also Taph and ταφος; and thence often mistaken for a tomb: but it was originally a high altar.

By Gib is meant a hill. Gibeon was the hill of the Sun; said to be famous for its springs. Gibethon is a compound of Gib-Ethon, or Ath-On, titles of the same Deity. Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, was slain by Baasha, at Gibethon, of the [361]Philistines.

Har and Hor signify a mountain; ορος of the Greeks.

Tin seems to have signified a sacred place, for sacrifice; a kind of high altar. The Greeks generally expressed it, in composition, Τις· hence we read of Opheltis, Altis, Baaltis, Abantis, Absyrtis. It was in use among the antient Hetrurians and other nations: hence came the terms Aventinus, Palatinus, [362]Numantinus, &c. It seems to be the same as Tan in the east, which occurs continually in composition, as in Indos-tan, Mogolis-tan, Pharsis-tan, Chusis-tan.

Tor is a hill or tower. Many places in Greece had it in their composition; such as Torone, Torete, Toreate: also in Hetrurïa, Torchonium. Turzon, in Africa, was a tower of the [363]Sun. It was sometimes expressed Tar; hence Tarcunia, Taracena, Tarracon in Spain, Tarne (Tar-ain) which gave name to a fountain in Lydia; Taron (Tar-On) in Mauritania. Towers of old were either Prutaneia, or light-houses, and were styled Tor-Is: whence came the Turris of the Romans. Sometimes these terms were reversed, and the tower was called Astur. Such a one was near some hot streams, at no great distance from Cicero's Villa. It is thus described by Plutarch: Αστυρα—χωριον παραλιον Κικερωνος. The river, too, was called Astura. There was also a place of this name opposite to the island Lesbos, undoubtedly denominated from the like circumstances in its situation; as may be learned from Pausanias, who had seen it. Ὑδωρ δε απο πηγων ανερχομενον μελαν ιδων οιδα εν Αστυροις· ταδε Αστυρα απαντικρυ εστι Λεσβου· λουτρα εστι θερμα εν τῳ Αταρνει καλουμενῳ.

Caph, Cap, and Cephas, signify a rock; and also any promontory or headland. As temples used to be built upon eminences of this sort; we find this word often compounded with the titles of the Deity there worshipped, as Caph-El, Caph-El-On, Caph-Aur, Caph-Arez, Caph-Is, Caph-Is-Ain, Caph-Ait; whence came Cephale, Cephalonia, Caphareus, Capisa, Cephisus, Capissene, Cephene, Caphyatæ, Capatiani. In Iberia was a wonderful edifice upon the river Bœtis, mentioned by Strabo, and called Turris Capionis. It was a Pharos, dedicated, as all such buildings were, to the Sun: hence it was named Cap-Eon, Petra Solis. It seems to have been a marvellous structure. Places of this sort, which had towers upon them, were called Caphtor. Such an one was in Egypt, or in its [364]vicinity; whence the Caphtorim had their name. It was probably near [365]Pelusium, which they quitted very early for the land of Canaan.

Diu sometimes, but sparingly, occurs for an island; and is generally by the Greeks changed to Dia, Δια. The purport of it may be proved from its being uniformly adapted to the same object. The Scholiast upon Theocritus takes notice that the island Naxos was called Dia: [366]Διαν την νυν καλουμενην Ναξον; and he adds, πολλαι δε και ἑτεραι εισι νησοι Διαι καλουμεναι, ἡτε προ της Κρητης—και ἡ περι Μηλον, και ἡ περι Αμοργον, και ἡ της Κεω χεῤῥονησος, και ἡ Πελοποννησου. All these were islands, or peninsula regions.


Beth is a house or temple; as in [367]Beth-El, Beth-Dagon, Beth-Shemesh, Beth-Oron, or Beth-Or-On, &c. &c. It is sometimes subjoined, as in Phar-beth, and Elisa-beth; the latter of which is the house of [368]Elisa, the same as Elusa of Idume, and Eleusa of Egypt. Beth was in different countries expressed Bat, Bad, Abad. Hence we meet at this day with Pharsabad, Astrabad, Amenabad, Moustafabad, Iahenabad in Persia, India, and other parts of the east. Balbec in Syria is supposed to be the same as Balbeth, the temple of Bal, or the Sun. There are, says [369]Dr. Pocock, many cities in Syria, that retain their antient names. Of this Balbeck, or rather Balbeit, is an instance; which signifies the house or temple of Baal. Gulielmus Tyrius, so called from being bishop of Tyre, who wrote of the Holy war, alludes to Baalbec, under the name of [370]Balbeth. He lived in the eleventh century, and died anno 1127. According to Iablonsky, Bec and Beth are of the same meaning. Atarbec in Egypt is the temple of Atar or Athar; called Atarbechis by [371]Herodotus. The same is Athyr-bet, and styled Athribites (Αθρειβιτης) by [372]Strabo. The inner recess of a temple is by Phavorinus and Hesychius called Βαιτης, Βετης, Βετις, similar to בית אש among the Chaldeans. It was the crypta or sacred place, where of old the everlasting fire was preserved. Hesychius observes, Βετης, το αποκρυφον μερος του Ἱερου. Bet-Is signifies the place of fire.

It is said of Horapollo by Suidas, that he was a native of Phainubuth in Egypt, belonging to the nome of Panopolis: Ὡραπολλων Φαινυβυθεως κωμης του Πανοπολιτου Νομου. Phainubuth is only Phainabeth varied, and signifies the place sacred to Phanes; which was one of the most antient titles of the Deity in Egypt. So Pharbeth was an abbreviation of Pharabeth, or the house of Pharaoh.

GAU, expressed CAU, CA, and CO.

Gau likewise is a term which signifies a house; as we learn from Plutarch. The great and decisive battle between Alexander and Darius is generally said to have been fought at Arbela. But we are assured by this writer, that it was decided at Gaugamela[373]. He says, that Gau signified in the language of the country a house: and that the purport of the word Gaugamela was the house of a camel. This name, it seems, was given to the town on account of a tribute exacted for the maintenance of a camel, which had saved the life of some king, when he fled from battle: and the reason why the victory of Alexander was adjudged to Arbela, arose from its being more famous than the other place: for Gaugamela was not of sufficient repute: therefore the honour of this victory was given to Arbela, though it was according to some five hundred, according to others six hundred stadia[374] from the field of battle. I have not now time, nor is it to my purpose, to enter into a thorough discussion of this point: I will only mention it as my opinion, that Arbela and Gaugamela were the same place. The king alluded to is said by [375]Strabo to have been Darius the son of Hystaspes. But is it credible, that so great a prince, who had horses of the famous breed of Nysa, as well as those of Persis and Arabia, the most fleet of their kind, should be so circumstanced in battle, as to be forced to mount a camel, that could scarce move six miles in an hour: and this at a time when the greatest dispatch was necessary? This author gives a different reason for the place being thus denominated. He says, that it was allotted for the maintenance of a camel, which used to bring the king's provisions from Scythia, but was tired and failed upon the road. I know not which of the two circumstances in this short detail is most exceptionable; a king of Persia's provisions being brought to Babylon, or Sushan from Scythia; or a tired camel having such a pension. The truth is this: the Grecians misinterpreted the name, and then forged these legendary stories to support their [376]mistake. Had they understood the term, they would have been consistent in their history. Gau, and, as it was at times expressed, Cau, certainly signifies a house, or temple: also a cave, or hollow; near which the temple of the Deity was founded. For the Amonians erected most of their sacred edifices near caverns, and deep openings of the earth. Gaugamela was not the house of a camel, as Plutarch and Strabo would persuade us, notwithstanding the stories alleged in support of the notion: but it was the house and temple of Cam-El, the Deity of the country. Arbela was a place sacred to Bel, called Arbel, אור בל of the Chaldeans. It was the same as Beth Arbel of [377]Hosea: and Gaugamela is of the same purport, relating to the same God under different titles. The Grecians were grossly ignorant in respect to foreign events, as Strabo repeatedly confesses: and other writers do not scruple to own it. Lysimachus had been an attendant upon Alexander during the whole series of his conquests in Asia: there had been nothing of moment transacted, in the success of which he had not partaken. Yet even in his days, when he was king of Thrace, the accounts of those great actions had been so misrepresented, that when a history of them was read in his presence, they seemed quite new to him. It is all very fine, says the prince; but where was I when all this happened? There was a series of events exhibited, with which the person most interested was least acquainted. We may then well imagine, that there existed in the time of Plutarch many mistakes, both in respect to the geography of countries very remote, and to the [378]language of nations, with whom the Romans were little acquainted. The great battle, of which we have been speaking, was confessedly fought at Gaugamela. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who was present, averred it: as did Aristobulus: and it has been recorded by Plutarch and others. It is also adjudged to Arbela by persons of equal credit: and it must certainly have been really there transacted: for notwithstanding the palliating excuse of Plutarch, it is utterly incredible in respect to so great a victory, that the scene of action should be determined by this place, if it were sixty, or, as some say, seventy miles out of the way. But in reality it was at no such distance. Diodorus Siculus says, that Alexander immediately after the victory attacked Arbela, and took it: and found in it many evidences of its being a place of consequence. [379]Θαψας τους τετελευτηκοτας επεβαλε τοις Αρβηλοις, και πολλην μεν ἑυρεν αφθονιαν της τροφης, ουκ ολιγον δε κοσμον, και γαζαν βαρβαρικην, αργυριου δε ταλαντα δισχιλια. The battle was fought so near the city, that Alexander was afraid of some contagion from the dead bodies of the enemy, which lay close by it in great abundance.

I have mentioned, that Gaugamela was the temple of Cham-El, or Cham-Il. This was a title of the Deity brought from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence to Greece, Hetruria, and other regions. The Greeks, out of different titles, and combinations, formed various Deities; and then invented different degrees of relation, which they supposed to have subsisted between them. According to Acusilaus Cham-Il was the Son of Vulcan, and Cabeira. [380]Ακουσιλαος δε ὁ Αργειος εκ Καβειρης και Ἡφαιστου Καμιλον λεγει. He was, by others, rendered Camillus, whose attendants were the Camilli; and he was esteemed the same as Hermes of Egypt. [381]Statius Tullianus de vocabulis rerum libro primo ait dixisse Callimachum, Tuscos Camillum appellare Mercurium, &c. Romani quoque pueros et puellas nobiles et investes Camillos et Camillas appellant, Flaminicarum et Flaminum præministros. Servius speaks to the same purpose. [382]Mercurius Hetruscâ linguâ Camillus dicitur. The reason of the attendants being also called Camilli was in consequence of a custom among the antients of conferring generally upon the priests the title of the Deity whom they served. The Camilli were commonly young persons of good family, as we learn from Plutarch, and were to be found in the temples of Jupiter, or Zeus: for Zeus and Hermes were originally the same: [383]Και τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του Διος αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των Ἑλληνων Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He mentions Ἑρμην—Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας, and supposes that Camillus had the name of Hermes from the similarity of his office, which was waiting upon the Gods. But the Chaldeans and Egyptians, from whom these titles were borrowed, esteemed Hermes as the chief Deity, the same as Zeus, Bel, and Adon. They knew nothing of Mercurius pedissequus, nor Hermes the lacky. They styled their chief God Cam-Il, or Camillus, and his priests had the same title. He did not borrow it from them; but they received it from him. The name is sometimes expressed Camulus: and the Amonians, who travelled westward, brought his rites and worship into the western parts of Europe: hence there are inscriptions to be found inscribed [384]Camulo Sancto Fortissimo. He was sometimes taken for Mars: as we may learn from an inscription in Gruter:

Ob Salutem Tiberi Claud. Cæs. Cives Remi

Such is the history of this Deity; whose worship was better known in the more early ages; and whose temple was styled Gau-Camel, by the Greeks rendered Gaugamela. I make no doubt but that Arbela was the same place: for places had as many names as the Deity worshipped had titles. Arbela was probably the city, and Gaugamela the [386]temple; both sacred to the same Deity, under different names.

It is remarkable that Syncellus, speaking of Venephres, King of Egypt, says, that he built the pyramids of [387]Co-Chone; which are the principal pyramids of that country. Eusebius before him had taken notice of the same history: [388]Ουενεφρης, εφ' ὁυ ὁ λιμος κατεσχε την χωραν, ὁς και τας Πυραμιδας περι Κοχωνην ηγειρεν. Venephres was a prince, in whose time happened a famine in the land of Egypt. He was the same, who built the Pyramids about Cochone. Now Co-Chone, analogous to Beth-El, Beth-Shan, Beth-Dagon, signifies the temple of the Deity; the house of the great king, or ruler: for such is the purport of Con, and Conah. Hercules, the chief Deity of Tyre, and who was also highly reverenced in Egypt, was Styled Con. [389]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. From hence we find, that it was a sacred Egyptian title. According to some readings the place is expressed Cocome; which is of the same purport. Co-Chome, the same as Cau-Come, signifies the house of Chom, or the Sun; and seems to betray the purpose for which the chief pyramid was erected: for it was undoubtedly nothing else but a monument to the Deity, whose name it bore. According to [390] Herodotus the great pyramid was built by Cheops; whom others called Chaops. But Chaops is a similar compound; being made up of the terms Cha-Ops, and signifies οικος Πυθωνος, domus Opis Serpentis. It was the name of the pyramid, which was erected to the Sun, the Ophite Deity of Egypt, worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Analogous to Cau-Come in Egypt was a place in Ethiopia, called [391]Cuscha: doubtless so named from Chus, the great ancestor from whom the Ethiopians were descended.

The Sun was styled by the Amonians, among other titles, Zan; as I have before shewn: and he was worshipped under this denomination all over Syria and Mesopotamia; especially at Emesa, Edessa, and Heliopolis. One region was named Gauzanitis, from a city Gauzan, the Gosan of the [392]Scriptures. Strabo calls it [393]Χαζηνη, Cha-Zene, and places it near Adiabene. Gauzan, or Go-zan, is literally the house of the Sun. I once thought that the land of Goshen, in Egypt, was of the same purport as Cushan; and have so mentioned it in a former [394]treatise. So far is true: the land of Goshen was the land of Cushan, and possessed by the sons of Chus: but the two terms are not of the same meaning. Goshen, or Goshan, like Gauzan in Mesopotamia, signifies the temple of the Sun: hence it was as a city, rendered by the Greeks Heliopolis. Artapanus, as we learn from Eusebius, expresses it Caisan, Καισαν. Go-Shan, Gau Zan, Caisan, Cazena, all denote a place sacred to the Sun; and are such variations in rendering the same term, as must be expected in an interval of fifteen hundred years, and from different transcribers. This luminary was also called Abor, the parent of light; and his temple Cha-Abor, and Cho-Abor, contracted Chabor and Chobar. Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzanitis; as well as in Susiana, and other parts: for rivers often took their names from some temple, or city, by which they ran. The temple at Dodona was, of old, called Cha-On, or house of the Sun; as we may infer from the country having the name of Chaonia; for Chaonia is the land of Chaon. The priests and inhabitants were called [395]Chaones, from their place of worship: and the former had also the name[396] of Selli, which signifies the priests of the Sun. In Arcadia, near the eruption of the river Erasinus, was a mountain, clothed with beautiful trees, and sacred to Dionusus. This, also, was called [397]Chaon, the place of the Sun; and was, undoubtedly, so named from the antient worship; for Dionusus was, of old, esteemed the same as Osiris, the Sun. There was also a place called [398]Chaon in Media and Syria; Chaonitis in Mesopotamia: and in all these places the same worship prevailed. So Caballis, the city of the Solymi, was named from Ca-bal, the place of the god Bal, or Baal. It is mentioned by Strabo. In like manner Caballion, in Gallia Narbonensis, is a compound of Ca-Abelion, a well known Deity, whose name is made up of titles of the Sun. The priests of this place were styled [399]Salies; the region was called Χαουαρα; undoubtedly from Cha-Our (אור), some temple of Ur, erected by the Amonians, who here settled. Canoubis in Egypt was a compound of Ca-Noubis; Cabasa, in the same country, Ca-Basa; called by many Besa, the Beseth of the Scriptures, a Goddess well known in Egypt. She had a temple in Canaan, called [400]Beth Besa. Cuamon, near Esdraelon, is a compound of Cu-Amon, the place or house of Amon: [401]ἑως του Κυαμωνος. There was a temple in Attica called Cuamites; and a personage denominated from it. The history of the place, and the rites, in time grew obsolete; and Pausanias supposes that the name was given from Κυαμος, Cuamos, a bean. [402]Σαφες δε ουδεν εχω λεγειν, ειτε πρωτος Κυαμους εσπειρεν ὁυτος. I have not authority for the supposition, but it seems probable that this temple was erected to the memory of some person who first sowed beans. And here it is proper to take notice of a circumstance of which I must continually put the reader in mind, as it is of great consequence towards decyphering the mythology of antient times. The Grecians often mistook the place of worship for the Deity worshipped: so that the names of many Gods are, in reality, the names of temples where they were adored. Artemis was Ar-Temis, the city of Themis, or Thamis; the Thamuz of Sidon and Egypt. This the Greeks expressed Αρτεμις; and made it the name of a Goddess. Kir-On was the city and temple of the Sun, in Cyprus and other places. They changed this to Kironus, which they contracted Cronus; and out of it made a particular God. From Cha-Opis they formed a king Cheops; from Cayster, the same as Ca Aster, they fancied a hero, Caystrius; from Cu-Bela, Cybele; from Cu-Baba, Cybebe. Cerberus, the dog of hell, was denominated from Kir-Abor; as I shall hereafter [403]shew.

I have mentioned Caucon, or Caucone, in Egypt: there was a place of the same name in Greece. It was, originally, sacred to the Sun; and the priests and inhabitants were called Cancones. Instead of Con, which signifies the great Lord, the Greeks substituted a hero [404]Caucon, who was supposed to have first introduced those Orgies practised by the Messenians. It was, properly, a temple of the Sun; and there was another of the same name in Bithynia, and from thence the country was called Cauconia. I shall hereafter treat at large of Cuthite colonies, which went abroad and settled in different parts. One of the first operations when they came on shore was to build temples, and to found cities, in memory of their principal ancestors, who, in process of time, were worshipped as Deities. A colony of this people settled at Colchis, which they called Cutaia[405], from the head of their family, styled both Chus and Cuth. We may infer, that they built a temple which was called Ca-Cuta; and from which the region was also denominated: for it is certain that it has that name at this [406]day. Cocutus, which we render Cocytus, was undoubtedly a temple in Egypt. It gave name to a stream, on which it stood; and which was also called the Charonian branch of the Nile, and the river Acheron. It was a foul canal, near the place of Sepulture, opposite to Memphis, and not far from Cochone. Cocutus was the temple of Cutus, or Cuth; for he was so called by many of his posterity. A temple of the same was to be found in Epirus, upon a river Cocutus. Here was also a river Acheron, and a lake Acherusia: for a colony from Egypt settled here; and the stream was of as foul a nature as that near Memphis. [407]Ῥει δε και Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον.

Juno is by Varro styled Covella. [408]Dies quinque te kalo, Juno Covella; Juno Covella, dies septem te kalo. Here, as in many instances, the place of worship is taken for the person, to whom the worship is directed. Covella is only a variation for Cou-El, or Co-El, the house or region of the Deity, and signifies heavenly. It is accordingly by Varro interpreted Urania, Ουρανια: whence Juno Covella must be rendered Cœlestis. From the substantive, Cou-El, the Romans formed Coel, heaven; in aftertimes expressed Coelus, and Cœlum. I say, in aftertimes: for they originally called it Co-el, and Co-il, and then contracted it to Cœl. Hence Ausonius in his Grammaticomastix mentions a passage to this purpose.

Unde Rudinus ait Divôm domus altisonum Cœl: or as Ennius, to whom he alludes, has rendered it, according to the present MSS. altisonum [409]Coil. He sometimes subjoins the Latine termination:

Coilum prospexit stellis fulgentibus aptum.

Olim de Coilo laivum dedit inclytus signum.

Saturnus, quem Coilus genuit.

Unus erit, quem tu tollas in Coirila Coili


Cœlus in aftertimes was made a Deity: hence there are inscriptions dedicated [410]Cœlo Æterno. The antient Deity Celeus, mentioned by [411]Athenagoras, and said to have been worshipped at Athens, was the same as the above.

Many places and regions, held sacred, and called Coel by the Amonians, were by the Greeks rendered κοιλα, cava. Hence we read of Κοιλη Λακεδαιμων, Κοιλε Ηλις, and the like. Syria was by them styled Κοιλη, the hollow: but the true name was Coëla, the heavenly or sacred. It was so denominated from the Cuthites, who settled there, on account of the religion established. Hence it was also named Shem, and Shama; which are terms of like purport, and signify divine, or heavenly. It is a name, which it retains at this day; as we are informed by [412]Abulfeda, and others. Elis Coela was the most sacred part of Greece; especially the regions of Olympia, Cauconia, and Azania. It was denominated Elis from Ηλ, Eel, the Sun: and what the Greeks rendered Κοιλη of old meant [413]heavenly. Hence Homer styleth it peculiarly [414]Ηλιδα διαν, Elis the sacred. As Coele Syria was styled Sham, and Sama; so we find places, which have a reference to this term, in Elis. A town of great antiquity was named [415]Samicon, which signifies Cœli Dominus. Here was also a temple of Poseidon Samius, surrounded with a grove of olives; and there were festivals observed, which were called Samia. There was likewise of old a city named Sama, or Samos: which Strabo imagines, might have been so named from its high situation: for high places were called [416]Samia. It certainly signifies in some degree high; but the true meaning of Sama was heavenly, similar to Sam, Sham, Shamem, of the eastern nations. Hence Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samacon, were denominated on account of their sanctity. Strabo supposes, that the city Samos in Elis was situated in the Samian plain: it therefore could not well have this name from its high situation. It is moreover inconsistent to suppose regions called κοιλα, or cava, to have been denominated from Sama, high. In short both terms have been mistaken: and Coilus in the original acceptation certainly signified heavenly: whence we read in Hesychius, as also in Suidas, Κοιολης, ὁ Ἱερευς. By which we learn, that by Coioles was meant a sacred or heavenly person; in other words, a priest of Cœlus. In Coioles there is but a small variation from the original term; which was a compound from Coi-El, or Co-El, the Cœlus of the Romans.

Concerning the term Cœl in Ennius, [417]Janus Gulielmus takes notice, that this poet copied the Dorians in using abbreviations, and writing Cœl for Cœlus and Cœlum. But herein this learned person is mistaken. The Dorians were not so much to be blamed for their abbreviating, as the other Greeks were for their unnecessary terminations, and inflexions. The more simple the terms, the more antient and genuine we may for the most part esteem them: and in the language of the Dorians we may perceive more terms relative to the true mythology of the country, and those rendered more similar to the antient mode of expression, than are elsewhere to be found. We must, therefore, in all etymological inquiries, have recourse to the Doric manner of pronunciation, to obtain the truth. They came into Greece, or Hellotia, under the name of Adorians; and from their simplicity of manners, and from the little intercourse maintained with foreigners, they preserved much of their antient tongue. For this there may be another additional reason obtained from Herodotus; who tells us, that they were more immediately descended from the people of the [418]east. The antient hymns, sung in the Prutaneia all over Greece, were [419]Doric: so sacred was their dialect esteemed. Hence they cannot but afford great help in inquiries of this nature. What was by others styled Αθηνη, they expressed Αθανα: Cheops they rendered Chaops: Zeen, Zan: Χαζηνη, Χαζανα: Μην, Μαν: Menes, Manes: Orchenoi, Orchanoi: Neith, Naith: Ιηνισος, Ιανισος: Hephæstus, Hephastus: Caiete, Caiate: Demeter, Damater: all which will be found of great consequence in respect to etymology. And if they did not always admit of the terminations used by their neighbours: they by these means preserved many words in their primitive state: at least they were nearer to the originals. They seem to have retained the very term, of which I have been treating. It was by them styled Χαι, Cai; and signified a house, or cave: for the first houses in the infancy of the world are supposed to have been caves or grottos[420]. They expressed it Cai, Caia, Caias, similar to the cava, cavus, and cavea of the Romans. When these places were of a great depth, or extent, they were looked upon with a kind of religious horror. A cavern of this sort was at Lacedæmon, with a building over it; of which in aftertimes they made use to confine malefactors. It was called Καιαδης, or as the Spartans expressed it, Καιαδας, the house of death. [421]Καιαδας δεσμωτηριον—το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις. Cai signified a cavern: Adas, which is subjoined, was the Deity, to whom it was sacred, esteemed the God of the infernal regions. He was by the Ionians, &c. expressed Ades, and Hades; and by other nations Ait, and Atis. Hence these caverns were also styled Καιετες, and Καιετοι. The author above quoted gives us the terms variously exhibited: [422]Καιετοι.—Ὁι απο των σεισμων ῥωχμοι Καιετοι λεγονται. Και Καιαδας το δεσμωτηριον εντευθεν, το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις, σπηλαιον. Hesychius renders it in the plural, and as a neuter: καιατα, ορυγματα. Whether it be compounded Cai-Ait, Cai-Atis, or Cai-Ades, the purport is the same. The den of Cacus was properly a sacred cave, where Chus was worshipped, and the rites of fire were [423]practised. Cacus is the same name as Cuscha in Ethiopia, only reversed. The history of it was obsolete in the days of Virgil; yet some traces of it still remained.

Strabo says that many people called these caves Κωοι. [424]Ενιοι κωους μαλλον τα τοιαυτα κοιλωματα λεγεσθαι φασιν. Hence he very truly explains a passage in Homer. The poet, speaking of Theseus, Dryas, Polyphemus, and other heroes of the Mythic age, mentions their encountering with the mountaineers of Thessaly, whom he styles φηρες ορεσχωοι:

[425]Καρτιστοι δη κεινοι επιχθονιων τραφεν ανδρων,

Καρτιστοι μεν εσαν, και καρτιστοις εμαχοντο

Φηρσιν ορεσχωοισι——

Ορεσχωος signified a person, who lived in a mountain habitation; whose retreat was a house in a mountain. Co, and Coa, was the name of such house. Strabo says that this term is alluded to by Homer, when he styles Lacedæmon [426]Λακεδαιμονα κητωεσσαν, for it was by many thought to have been so called on account of their caverns. From hence we may fairly conclude, that κητωεσσα was a mistake, or at least a variation, for [427]καιεταεσσα, from Cai-Atis; and that Co, [428]Coa, Caia, were of the same purport.

But this term does not relate merely to a cavern; but to temples founded near such places: oftentimes the cave itself was a temple. Caieta, in Italy, near Cuma, called by Diodorus Καιητη, was so denominated on this account. It was a cave in the rock, abounding with variety of subterranes, cut out into various apartments. These were, of old, inhabited by Amonian priests; for they settled in these parts very early. It seems to have been a wonderful work. [429]Ανεωγετ' εντευθεν σπηλαια ὑπερμεγεθη, κατοικιας μεγαλας, και πολυτελεις δεδεγμενα. In these parts were large openings in the earth, exhibiting caverns of a great extent; which afforded very ample and superb apartments. Diodorus informs us, that, what was in his time called Caiete, had been sometimes styled [430]Aiete: by which we may see, that it was a compound; and consisted of two or more terms; but these terms were not precisely applicable to the same object. Ai-Ete, or Ai-Ata, was the region of Ait, the Deity to whom it was sacred. Colchis had the same name; whence its king was called Aietes: and Egypt had the same, expressed by the Greeks [431]Αετια, Aetia. Aiete was the district: Caiete was the cave and temple in that district; where the Deity was worshipped.

In Bœotia was a cavern, into which the river Cephisus descended, and was lost. It afterwards emerged from this gulf, and passed freely to the sea. The place of eruption was called An-choa, which signifies Fontis apertura. The later Greeks expressed it Anchoe[432]. Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη· εστι δε λιμην ὁμωνυμος. The etymology, I flatter myself, is plain, and authenticated by the history of the place.

From Cho, and Choa, was probably derived the word Χοϊκος, used by the apostle. [433]Ὁ πρωτος ανθρωπος εκ γης Χοϊκος· ὁ δευτερος ανθρωπος ὁ Κυριος εξ ουρανου. Ὁιος ὁ Χοϊκος, και τοιαυτοι ὁι Χοϊκοι. Hesychius observes, Χοϊκος, πηλινος, γηινος. From hence we may perceive, that by Cho was originally meant a house or temple in the earth. It was, as I have shewn, often expressed Gau, and Go; and made to signify any house. Some nations used it in a still more extended sense; and by it denoted a town or village, and any habitation at large. It is found in this acceptation among the antient Celtæ, and Germans, as we learn from Cluverius. [434]Apud ipsos Germanos ejusmodi pagorum vernaculum vocabulum fuit Gaw; et variantibus dialectis, găw, gew, gỏw, gow, hinc—Brisgaw, Wormesgaw, Zurichgow, Turgow, Nordgaw, Andegaw, Rhingaw, Hennegow, Westergow, Oostergow. The antient term Πυργος, Purgos, was properly Pur-Go; and signified a light-house, or temple of fire, from the Chaldaic Pur.


Together with the words above mentioned are to be found in composition the particles Al and Pi. Al, or El, for it is differently expressed in our characters, is still an Arabian prefix; but not absolutely confined to that country, though more frequently there to be found. The Sun, אור, was called Uchor by the people of Egypt and Cyrene, which the Greeks expressed Αχωρ, Achor. He was worshipped with the same title in Arabia, and called Al Achor. [435]Georgius Monachus, describing the idolatry which prevailed in that country before the introduction of the present religion, mentions the idol Alachar. Many nations have both expletives and demonstratives analogous to the particle above. The pronoun Ille of the Romans is somewhat similar; as are the terms Le and La of the French; as well as Il and El in other languages. It is in composition so like to Ηλ, the name of Ἡλιος, the Sun, that it is not always easy to distinguish one from the other.

The article Pi was in use among the antient Egyptians and Cuthites, as well as other nations in the east. The natives of India were at all times worshippers of the Sun; and used to call themselves by some of his titles. Porus, with whom Alexander engaged upon the Indus, was named from the chief object of his worship, אור, Pi-Or, and P'Or; rendered by the Greeks Πωρος, Porus. Pacorus the Parthian was of the same etymology, being a compound of P'Achorus, the Achor of Egypt: as was also the [436]city Pacoria in Mesopotamia, mentioned by Ptolemy. Even the Grecian πυρ was of Egyptian or Chaldaïc original, and of the same composition (P'Ur) as the words above; for [437]Plato informs us that πυρ, ὑδωρ, κυνες, were esteemed terms of foreign importation. After the race of the Egyptian kings was extinct, and that country came under the dominion of the Grecians, the natives still continued to make use of this prefix; as did other [438]nations which were incorporated with them. They adapted it not only to words in their own language, but to those of other countries of which they treated. Hence there is often to be found in their writings, [439]Πιζευς, Πιμαρτυρ, Πιμαθητης, πισωμα, πιλαος, Pidux, Picurator, Pitribunus; also names of persons occur with this prefix; such as Piterus, Piturio, Pionius the martyr; also Pior, Piammon, Piambo; who are all mentioned by ecclesiastical [440]writers as natives of that country. This article is sometimes expressed Pa; as in the name of Pachomius, an abbot in Egypt, mentioned by [441]Gennadius. A priest named Paapis is to be found in the Excerpta from Antonius [442]Diogenes in Photius. There were particular rites, styled Pamylia Sacra, from [443]Pamyles, an antient Egyptian Deity. We may infer from Hesychius that they were very obscene: Πααμυλης, Αιγυπτιος Θεος Πριαπωδης. Hades, and Pi-Ades, was a common title of the Sun: and the latter, in early times, was current in Greece; where I hope to give ample testimony of the Amonians settling. He was termed Melech Pi-Adon, and Anac Pi-Adon: but the Greeks out of Pi-Adon formed Παιδων: for it is inconceivable how very ignorant they were in respect to their antient theology. Hence we read of παιδων Λητους, παιδων Ζηνος, παιδων Απολλωνος; and legends of παιδων αθανατων; and of παιδων; who were mere foundlings; whose fathers could never be ascertained, though divine honours were paid to the children. This often puzzled the mythologists, who could not account for this spurious race. Plutarch makes it one of his inquiries to sift out, [444]Τις ὁ Παιδων ταφος παρα Χαλκιδευσι; Pausanias mentions, [445]Αμφιλυκου παιδων βωμος: and, in another place, [446]Βωμοι δε Θεον τε ονομαζομενων αγνωστων, και Ἡρωων, και ΠΑΙΔΩΝ του Θησεος, και Φαληρου. From this mistake arose so many boy-deities; among whom were even Jupiter and Dionusus: [447]Αυτον τον Δια, και τον Διονυσον Παιδας, και νεους, ἡ θεολογια καλει. According to the theology of the Greeks, even Jupiter and Dionusus are styled boys, and young persons. One of the most remarkable passages to this purpose is to be found in the antiquary above quoted; who takes notice of a certain mysterious rite performed by the natives of Amphissa, in Phocis. The particular Gods, to whom it was performed, were styled Ανακτες παιδες. [448]Αγουσι δε και τελετην ὁι Αμφισσεις των Ανακτων καλουμενων Παιδων. Ὁιτινες δε Θεων εισιν ὁι Ανακτες Παιδες, ου κατα τ' αυτα εστιν ειρημενον. The people of Amphissa perform a ceremony in honour of persons styled Anactes Paides, or Royal Boys: but who these Anactes Paides were, is matter of great uncertainty. In short, the author could not tell; nor could the priests afford him any satisfactory information. There are many instances in Pausanias of this nature; where divine honours are paid to the unknown children of fathers equally unknown.

Herodotus tells us, that, when he discoursed with the priests of Thebes about the kings who had reigned in Egypt, they described them to him under three denominations, of Gods, of heroes, and of men. The last succeeded to those above, and were mere mortals. The manner of succession is mentioned in the following words: [449]Πιρωμιν εκ Πιρωμιος γεγονεναι—και ουτε ες θεον, ουτε ες Ἡρωα αναδησαν αυτους (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). There are many strange and contradictory opinions about this [450]passage; which, if I do not deceive myself, is very plain; and the purport of it this: After the fabulous accounts, there had been an uninterrupted succession of Piromis after Piromis: and the Egyptians referred none of these to the dynasties of either the Gods or Heroes, who were supposed to have first possessed the country. From hence I think it is manifest that Pi-romis signifies a man. Herodotus, indeed, says, that the meaning of it was καλος καγαθος, a person of a fair and honourable character: and so it might be taken by implication; as we say of a native of our own country, that he is a true and staunch [451]Englishman: but the precise meaning is plain from the context; and Piromis certainly meant a man. It has this signification in the Coptic: and, in the [452]Prodromus Copticus of Kircher, Πιρωμι, Piromi, is a man; and seems to imply a native. Pirem Racot is an Alexandrine; or, more properly, a native of Racotis, called Raschid, and Rosetta. Pirem Romi are [453]Romans.

By means of this prefix we may be led to understand what is meant by Paraia in the account given by Philo from Sanchoniathon: who says, that Cronus had three sons in the region of Paraia: [454]Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳ τρεις παιδες. Paraia is a variation of P'Ur-aia; and means literally the land of Ur in Chaldea; the region from whence antient writers began the history of mankind. A crocodile by the Egyptians was among other names called [455]Σουχος: and the name is retained in the Coptic, where it is expressed [456]Pi-Souchi.

This prefix is sometimes expressed with an aspirate, Phi: and as that word signifies a mouth, and in a more extensive signification, speech and language, it sometimes may cause a little uncertainty about the meaning. However, in most places it is sufficiently plain. Phaethon, a much mistaken personage, was an antient title of the Sun, a compound of Phi-Ath-On. Bacchus was called Phi-Anac by the Mysians, rendered by the poets [457]Phanac and Phanaces. Hanes was a title of the same Deity, equally reverenced of old, and compounded Ph' Hanes. It signified the fountain of light: and from it was derived Phanes of Egypt: also φαινω, φανεις, φανερος: and from Ph'ain On, Fanum. In short, these particles occur continually in words, which relate to religious rites, and the antient adoration of fire. They are generally joined to Ur, by which that element is denoted. From P'Ur Tor came Prætor and Prætorium, among the Romans: from P'Ur-Aith, Purathi and Puratheia among the Asiatics. From P'Ur-tan, πρυτανεις, and πρυτανεια among the Greeks of Hellas: in which Prutaneia there were of old sacred hearths, and a perpetual fire. The antient name of Latian Jupiter was P'ur, by length of time changed to Puer. He was the Deity of fire; and his ministers were styled Pueri: and because many of them were handsome youths selected for that office, Puer came at length to signify any young person. Some of the Romans would explain this title away, as if it referred to Jupiter's childhood: but the history of the place will shew that it had no such relation. It was a proper name, and retained particularly among the people of Præneste. They had undoubtedly been addicted to the rites of fire; for their city was said to have been built by Cæculus, the son of Vulcan, who was found in the midst of fire:

[458] Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,

Inventumque focis.

They called their chief God Pur: and dealt particularly in divination by lots, termed of old Purim. Cicero takes notice of this custom of divination at Præneste; and describes the manner, as well as the place: but gives into the common mistake, that the Purim related to Jupiter's childhood. He says, that the place, where the process was carried on, was a sacred inclosure, [459]is est hodie locus septus, religiose propter Jovis Pueri, qui lactens cum Junone in gremio Fortunæ mammam appetens, castissime colitur a Matribus. This manner of divination was of Chaldaïc original, and brought from Babylonia to Præneste. It is mentioned in Esther, c. 3. v. 7. They cast Pur before Haman, that he might know the success of his purposes against the Jews. Wherefore they call these days Purim after the name of Pur[460]. c. 9. v. 26. The same lots of divination being used at Præneste was the occasion of the God being called Jupiter Pur. This in aftertimes was changed to Puer: whence we find inscriptions, which mention him under that name; and at the same time take notice of the custom, which prevailed in his temple. Inscriptions Jovi Puero, and Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis [461]Pueri are to be found in Gruter. One is very particular.

[462]Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis Pueri D.D.
Ex SORTE compos factus
Nothus Ruficanæ
L. P. Plotilla.

That this word Puer was originally Pur may be proved from a well known passage in Lucretius:

[463]Puri sæpe lacum propter ac dolia curva

Somno devincti credunt se attollere vestem.

Many instances, were it necessary, might be brought to this purpose. It was a name originally given to the priests of the Deity who were named from the Chaldaic אור, Ur: and by the antient Latines were called P'uri. At Præneste the name was particularly kept up on account of this divination by [464]lots. These by the Amonians were styled Purim, being attended with ceremonies by fire; and supposed to be effected through the influence of the Deity. Præneste seems to be a compound of Puren Esta, the lots of Esta, the Deity of fire.

These are terms, which seem continually to occur in the antient Amonian history: out of these most names are compounded; and into these they are easily resolvable. There are some few more, which might perhaps be very properly introduced: but I am unwilling to trespass too far, especially as they may be easily taken notice of in the course of this work. I could wish that my learned readers would afford me so far credit, as to defer passing a general sentence, till they have perused the whole: for much light will accrue; and fresh evidence be accumulated in the course of our procedure. A history of the rites and religion, in which these terms are contained, will be given; also of the times, when they were introduced; and of the people, by whom they were diffused so widely. Many positions, which may appear doubtful, when they are first premised, will, I hope, be abundantly proved, before we come to the close. In respect to the etymologies, which I have already offered and considered, I have all along annexed the histories of the persons and places spoken of, in order to ascertain my opinion concerning them. But the chief proof, as I have before said, will result from the whole; from an uniform series of evidence, supported by a fair and uninterrupted analogy.




Αλλα θεοι των μεν μανιην απετρεψατε γλωσσης,

Εκ δ' ὁσιων στοματων καθαρην οχετευσατε πηγην.

Και σε, πολυμνηστη, λευκωλενε παρθενε, μουσα,

Αντομαι, ὡν θεμις εστιν εφημεριοισιν ακουειν.

Πεμπε παρ' ευσεβιης ελαουσ' ευηνιον ἁρμα.——Empedocles.

It may appear invidious to call to account men of learning, who have gone before me in inquiries of this nature, and to point out defects in their writings: but it is a task which I must, in some degree, take in hand, as the best writers have, in my opinion, failed fundamentally in these researches. Many, in the wantonness of their fancy, have yielded to the most idle surmises; and this to a degree of licentiousness, for which no learning nor ingenuity can atone. It is therefore so far from being injurious, that it appears absolutely necessary to point out the path they took, and the nature of their failure; and this, that their authority may not give a sanction to their mistakes; but, on the contrary, if my method should appear more plausible, or more certain, that the superiority may be seen upon comparing; and be proved from the contrast.

The Grecians were so prepossessed with a notion of their own excellence and antiquity, that they supposed every antient tradition to have proceeded from themselves. Hence their mythology is founded upon the grossest mistakes: as all extraneous history, and every foreign term, is supposed by them to have been of Grecian original. Many of their learned writers had been abroad; and knew how idle the pretensions of their countrymen were. Plato in particular saw the fallacy of their claim, he confesses it more than once: yet in this article nobody was more infatuated. His Cratylus is made up of a most absurd system of etymology. [465]Herodotus expressly says, that the Gods of Greece came in great measure from Egypt. Yet Socrates is by Plato in this treatise made to derive Artemis from το αρτεμες, integritas: Poseidon from ποσι δεσμον, fetters to the feet: Hestia from ουσια, substance and essence: Demeter, from διδουσα ὡς μητηρ, distributing as a mother: Pallas from παλλειν, to vibrate, or dance: Ares, Mars, from αῤῥεν, masculum, et virile: and the word Theos, God, undoubtedly the Theuth of Egypt, from θεειν, to run[466]. Innumerable derivations of this nature are to be found in Aristotle, Plato, [467]Heraclides Ponticus, and other Greek writers. There is a maxim laid down by the scholiast upon Dionysius; which I shall have occasion often to mention. [468]Ει βαρβαρον το ονομα, ου χρη ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου. If the term be foreign, it is idle to have recourse to Greece for a solution. It is a plain and golden rule, posterior in time to the writers above, which, however, common sense might have led them to have anticipated, and followed: but it was not in their nature. The person who gave the advice was a Greek, and could not for his life abide by it. It is true, that Socrates is made to say something very like the above. [469]Εννοω γαρ, ὁτι πολλα ὁι Ἑλληνες ονοματα, αλλως τε και ὁι ὑπο τοις Βαρβαροις οικουντες, παρα των Βαρβαρων ειληφασι—ει τις ζητοι ταυτα κατα την Ἑλληνικην φωνην, ὡς εοικοτως κειται, αλλα μη κατ' εκεινην, εξ ἡς το ονομα τυγχανει ον, οισθα ὁτι αποροι αν. I am very sensible that the Grecians in general, and especially those who are subjects to foreigners, have received into their language many exotic terms: if any person should be led to seek for their analogy or meaning in the Greek tongue, and not in the language from whence they proceeded, he would be grievously puzzled. Who would think, when Plato attributed to Socrates this knowledge, that he would make him continually act in contradiction to it? Or that other [470]writers, when this plain truth was acknowledged, should deviate so shamefully? that we should in after times be told, that Tarsus, the antient city in Cilicia, was denominated from ταρτος, a foot: that the river Nile signified νε ιλυς: and that Gader in Spain was Γης δειρα.

The antients, in all their etymologies, were guided solely by the ear: in this they have been implicitly copied by the moderns. Inquire of Heinsius, whence Thebes, that antient city in upper Egypt, was named; and he will tell you from תבא, Teba, [471]stetit: or ask the good bishop Cumberland why Nineve was so called? and he will answer, from Schindler, that it was a compound of [472]Nin-Nau, נין נוה, a son inhabited. But is it credible, or indeed possible, for these cities to have been named from terms so vague, casual, and indeterminate; which seem to have so little relation to the places to which they are appropriated, or to any places at all? The history of the Chaldeans is of great consequence; and one would be glad to know their original. They are properly called Chasdim; and are, very justly, thought to have been the first constituted nation upon earth. It is said of the patriarch Abraham, that he came from the city Ur of the Chasdim. Whence had they their name? The learned Hyde will [473]answer, that it was from Chesed, their ancestor. Who was Chesed? He was the fourth son of Nahor, who lived in Aram, the upper region of Mesopotamia. Is it said in history that he was the father of this people? There is no mention made of it. Is it said that he was ever in Chaldea? No. Is there the least reason to think that he had any acquaintance with that country? We have no grounds to suppose it. Is there any reason to think that this people, mentioned repeatedly as prior to him by ages, were in reality constituted after him? None. What, then, has induced writers to suppose that he was the father of this people? Because Chesed and Chasdim have a remote similitude in sound. And is this the whole? Absolutely all that is or can be alleged for this notion. And as the Chasdim are mentioned some ages before the birth of Chesed, some would have the passage to be introduced proleptically; others suppose it an interpolation, and would strike it out of the sacred text: so far does whim get the better of judgment, that even the written word is not safe. The whole history of Chesed is this: About fifty years after the patriarch Abraham had left his brother Nahor at Haran in Aramea, he received intelligence that Nahor had in that interval been blessed with children. [474]It was told Abraham, behold Milcah, she also hath borne children to thy brother Nahor; Huz, Buz, Kemuel, and Chesed: of these Chesed was the fourth. There occurs not a word more concerning him.

It is moreover to be observed, that these etymologists differ greatly from one another in their conceptions; so that an unexperienced reader knows not whom to follow. Some deduce all from the Hebrew; others call in to their assistance the Arabic and the Coptic, or whatever tongue or dialect makes most for their purpose. The author of the Universal History, speaking of the Moabitish Idol Chemosh, tells us, [475]that many make it come from the verb משש, mashash, to feel: but Dr. Hyde derives it from the Arabic, Khamûsh, which signifies gnats, (though in the particular dialect of the tribe Hodail) supposing it to have been an astronomical talisman in the figure of a gnat:—and Le Clerc, who takes this idol for the Sun, from Comosha, a root, in the same tongue, signifying to be swift. There is the same variety of sentiment about Silenus, the companion of Bacchus. [476]Bochart derives his name from Silan, שילן, and supposes him to have been the same as Shiloh, the Messias. Sandford makes him to be Balaam, the false prophet. [477]Huetius maintains that he was assuredly Moses. It is not uncommon to find even in the same writer great uncertainty: we have sometimes two, sometimes three, etymologies presented together of the same word: two out of the three must be groundless, and the third not a whit better: otherwise, the author would have given it the preference, and set the other two aside. An example to this purpose we have in the etymology of Ramesses, as it is explained in the [478]Hebrew Onomasticum. Ramesses, tonitruum vel exprobratio tineæ; aut malum delens sive dissolvens; vel contractionem dissolvens, aut confractus a tineâ—civitas in extremis finibus Ægypti. A similar interpretation is given of Berodach, a king of Babylon. Berodach: creans contritionem, vel electio interitus, aut filius interitus, vel vaporis tui; sive frumentum; vel puritas nubis, vel vaporis tui. Rex Babyloniæ.

It must be acknowledged of Bochart, that the system upon which he has proceeded is the most plausible of any; and he has shewn infinite ingenuity and learning. He every where tries to support his etymologies by some history of the place concerning which he treats. But the misfortune is, that the names of places which seem to be original, and of high antiquity, are too often deduced by him from circumstances of later date; from events in after ages. The histories to which he appeals were probably not known when the country, or island, received its name. He likewise allows himself a great latitude in forming his derivations: for, to make his terms accord, he has recourse, not only to the Phenician language, which he supposes to have been a dialect of the Hebrew; but to the Arabian, Chaldaic, and Syriac, according as his occasions require. It happens to him often to make use of a verb for a radix, which has many variations and different significations: but, at this rate, we may form a similitude between terms the most dissimilar. For, take a word in any language, which admits of many inflexions and variations, and, after we have made it undergo all its evolutions, it will be hard if it does not in some degree approximate. But, to say the truth, he many times does not seem to arrive even at this: for, after he has analysed the premises with great labour, we often find the supposed resemblance too vague and remote to be admitted; and the whole is effected with a great strain and force upon history before he brings matters to a seeming coincidence. The Cyclops are by the best writers placed in Sicily, near Mount [479]Ætna, in the country of the Leontini, called of old Xuthia; but Bochart removes them to the south-west point of the island. This he supposes to have been called Lelub, Λιλυβαιον, from being opposite to Libya; and, as the promontory was so named, it is, he thinks, probable that the sea below was styled Chec Lelub, or Sinus Lebub: and, as the Cyclops lived hereabouts, they were from hence denominated Chec-lelub, and Chec-lub, out of which the Greeks formed [480]Κυκλωπες. He derives the Siculi first from [481]seclul, perfection; and afterwards from אשכול, Escol, pronounced, according to the Syriac, Sigol, a bunch of grapes. He deduces the Sicani from שכן, Sacan[482], near, because they were near their next neighbours; in other words, on account of their being next to the Pœni. Sicani, qui Siculorum Pœnis proximi. But, according to the best accounts, the Sicani were the most antient people of any in these parts. They settled in Sicily before the foundation of Carthage; and could not have been named from any such vicinity. In short, Bochart, in most of his derivations, refers to circumstances too general; which might be adapted to one place as well as to another. He looks upon the names of places, and of people, rather as by-names, and chance appellations, than original marks of distinction; and supposes them to have been founded upon some subsequent history. Whereas they were, most of them, original terms of high antiquity, imported and assumed by the people themselves, and not imposed by others.

How very casual and indeterminate the references were by which this learned man was induced to form his etymologies, let the reader judge from the samples below. These were taken, for the most part, from his accounts of the Grecian islands; not industriously picked out; but as they casually presented themselves upon turning over the book. He derives [483]Delos from דהל, Dahal timor. [484]Cynthus, from חנט, Chanat, in lucem edere. [485]Naxos, from nicsa, sacrificium; or else from nicsa, opes. [486]Gyarus, from acbar, softened to acuar, a mouse; for the island was once infested with mice. [487]Pontus, in Asia Minor, from בטנא, botno, a pistachio nut. [488]Icaria, from icar, pastures: but he adds, tamen alia etymologia occurrit, quam huic præfero אי כורי, Icaure, sive insula piscium. [489]Chalcis, in Eubea, from Chelca, divisio. [490]Seriphus, from resiph, and resipho, lapidibus stratum. [491]Patmos, from בטמוס, batmos, terebinthus; for trees of this sort, he says, grew in the Cyclades. But Patmos was not one of the Cyclades: it was an Asiatic island, at a considerable distance. [492]Tenedos is deduced from Tin Edom, red earth: for there were potters in the island, and the earth was probably red. [493]Cythnus, from katnuth, parvitas; or else from גובנא, gubna, or guphno, cheese; because the next island was famous for that commodity: Ut ut enim Cythnius caseus proprie non dicatur, qui e Cythno non est, tamen receptâ καταχρησει Cythnius dici potuit caseus a vicinâ Ceo. He supposes Egypt to have been denominated from [494]Mazor, an artificial fortress; and the reason he gives, is, because it was naturally secure. Whatever may have been the purport of the term, Mizraim was a very antient and original name, and could have no reference to these after-considerations. The author of the Onomasticum, therefore, differs from him, and has tried to mend the matter. He allows that the people, and country, were denominated from Mazor, but in a different acceptation: from Mazor, which signified, the double pressure of a mother on each side[495], pressionem matris geminam, i. e. ab utrâque parte. Upon which the learned Michaelis observes—[496]quo etymo vix aliud veri dissimilius fingi potest.

In the theology of the Greeks are many antient terms, which learned men have tried to analyse, and define. But they seem to have failed here too by proceeding upon those fallacious principles, of which I have above complained. In short, they seldom go deep enough in their inquiries; nor consider the true character of the personage, which they would decypher. It is said of the God Vulcan, that he was the same as Tubalcain, mentioned Genesis. c. 4. v. 22: and it is a notion followed by many writers: and among others by Gale. [497]First as to the name (says this learned man) Vossius, de Idolat. l. 1. c. 36, shews us, that Vulcanus is the same as Tubalcainus, only by a wonted, and easy mutation of B into V, and casting away a syllable. And he afterwards affects to prove from Diodorus Siculus, that the art and office of Vulcan exactly corresponded to the character of Tubalcain, [498]who was an instructor of every artificer in brass and iron. Upon the same principles Philo Biblius speaking of Chrusor, a person of great antiquity, who first built a ship, and navigated the seas; who also first taught husbandry, and hunting, supposes him to have been Vulcan; because it is farther said of him, [499]that he first manufactured iron. From this partial resemblance to Vulcan or Hephastus, Bochart is induced to derive his name from כרש אור, Chores Ur, an artificer in [500]fire. These learned men do not consider, that though the name, to which they refer, be antient, and oriental, yet the character, and attributes, are comparatively modern, having been introduced from another quarter. Vulcan the blacksmith, who was the master of the Cyclops, and forged iron in Mount Ætna, was a character familiar to the Greeks, and Romans. But this Deity among the Egyptians, and Babylonians, had nothing similar to this description. They esteemed Vulcan as the chief of the Gods the same as the Sun: and his name is a sacred title, compounded of Baal-Cahen, Belus sanctus, vel Princeps; equivalent to Orus, or Osiris. If the name were of a different original, yet it would be idle to seek for an etymology founded on later conceptions, and deduced from properties not originally inherent in the personage. According to [501]Hermapion he was looked upon as the source of all divinity, and in consequence of it the inscription upon the portal of the temple at Heliopolis was Ἡφαιστῳ τῳ Θεων Πατρι. To Vulcan the Father of the Gods. In short, they who first appropriated the name of Vulcan to their Deity, had no notion of his being an artificer in brass or iron: or an artificer in any degree. Hence we must be cautious in forming ideas of the antient theology of nations from the current notions of the Greeks, and Romans; and more especially from the descriptions of their poets. Polytheism, originally vile, and unwarrantable, was rendered ten times more base by coming through their hands. To instance in one particular: among all the dæmon herd what one is there of a form, and character, so odious, and contemptible as Priapus? an obscure ill-formed Deity, who was ridiculed and dishonoured by his very votaries. His hideous figure was made use of only as a bugbear to frighten children; and to drive the birds from fruit trees; with whose filth he was generally besmeared. Yet this contemptible God, this scarecrow in a garden, was held in high repute at Lampsacus, and esteemed the same as [502]Dionusus. He was likewise by the Egyptians reverenced as the principal God; no other than the Chaldaic [503]Aur, the same as Orus and Apis: whose rites were particularly solemn. It was from hence that he had his name: for Priapus of Greece is only a compound of Peor-Apis among the Egyptians. He was sometimes styled Peor singly; also Baal Peor; the same with whose rites the Israelites are so often [504]upbraided. His temples likewise are mentioned, which are styled Beth Peor. In short, this wretched divinity of the Romans was looked upon by others as the soul of the world: the first principle, which brought all things into light, and being. [505]Πριηπος ὁ κοσμος, η ὁ προεστως αυτου Λογος. The author of the Orphic hymns styles him [506]Πρωτογονον—γενεσιν μακαρων, θνητων τ' ανθρωπων. The first born of the world, from whom all the immortals, and mortals were descended. This is a character, which will hereafter be found to agree well with Dionusus. Phurnutus supposes Priapus to have been the same as Pan, the shepherd God: who was equally degraded, and misrepresented on one hand, and as highly reverenced on the other. [507]Ισως δ' αν ὁυτος και ὁ Πριηπος ειη, καθ' ὁν προεισιν εις φως τα παντα· των αρχαιων δ' εισι Δαιμονων. Probably Pan is no other than the God Priapus, by whose means all things were brought into light. They are both Deities of high [508]antiquity. Yet the one was degraded to a filthy monster; and of the other they made a scarecrow.






Ενθα πυλαι νυκτος τε, και ηματος, εισι κελευθων.——Parmenides.

It may be proper to take some previous notice of those writers, to whose assistance we must particularly have recourse; and whose evidence may be most depended upon, in disquisitions of this nature. All knowledge of Gentile antiquity must be derived to us through the hands of the Grecians: and there is not of them a single writer, to whom we may not be indebted for some advantage. The Helladians, however, from whom we might expect most light, are to be admitted with the greatest caution. They were a bigotted people, highly prejudiced in their own favour; and so devoted to idle tradition, that no arguments could wean them from their folly. Hence the surest resources are from Greeks of other countries. Among the Poets, Lycophron, Callimachus, and Apollonius Rhodius are principally to be esteemed. The last of these was a native of Egypt; and the other two lived there, and have continual allusions to the antiquities of that country. Homer likewise abounds with a deal of mysterious lore, borrowed from the antient Amonian theology; with which his commentators have been often embarrassed. To these may be added such Greek writers of later date, who were either not born in Hellas, or were not so deeply tinctured with the vanity of that country. Much light may be also obtained from those learned men, by whom the Scholia were written, which are annexed to the works of the Poets above-mentioned. Nonnus too, who wrote the Dionysiaca, is not to be neglected. He was a native of Panopolis in Egypt, [509]Εκ της Πανος της Αιγυπτου γεγενημενος; and had opportunity of collecting many antient traditions, and fragments of mysterious history, which never were known in Greece. To these may be added Porphyry, Proclus, and Jamblichus, who professedly treat of Egyptian learning. The Isis and Osiris of Plutarch may be admitted with proper circumspection. It may be said, that the whole is still an enigma: and I must confess that it is: but we receive it more copiously exemplified; and more clearly defined; and it must necessarily be more genuine, by being nearer the fountain head: so that by comparing, and adjusting the various parts, we are more likely to arrive at a solution of the hidden purport. But the great resource of all is to be found among the later antiquaries and historians. Many of these are writers of high rank; particularly Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias, on the Gentile part: and of the fathers, Theophilus, Tatianus Athenagoras, Clemens, Origenes, Eusebius, Theodoretus, Syncellus; and the compiler of the Fasti Siculi, otherwise called Chronicon Paschale. Most of these were either of Egypt or Asia. They had a real taste for antiquity; and lived at a time when some insight could be obtained: for till the Roman Empire was fully established, and every province in a state of tranquillity, little light could be procured from those countries, whence the mythology of Greece was derived. The native Helladians were very limited in their knowledge. They had taken in the gross whatever was handed down by tradition; and assumed to themselves every history, which was imported. They moreover held every nation but their own as barbarous; so that their insuperable vanity rendered it impossible for them to make any great advances in historical knowledge. But the writers whom I just now mentioned, either had not these prejudices; or lived at a time when they were greatly subsided. They condescended to quote innumerable authors, and some of great antiquity; to whom the pride of Greece would never have appealed. I had once much talk upon this subject with a learned friend, since lost to the world, who could ill brook that Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, should be discarded for Clemens, Origen, or Eusebius; and that Lysias and Demosthenes should give way to Libanius and Aristides. The name of Tzetzes, or Eustathius, he could not bear. To all which I repeatedly made answer; that it was by no means my intention to set aside any of the writers, he mentioned: whose merits, as far as they extended, I held in great veneration. On the contrary, I should have recourse to their assistance, as far as it would carry me: But I must at the same time take upon me to weigh those merits; and see wherein they consisted; and to what degree they were to be trusted. The Helladians were much to be admired for the smoothness of their periods, and a happy collocation of their terms. They shewed a great propriety of diction; and a beautiful arrangement of their ideas: and the whole was attended with a rhythm, and harmony, no where else to be found. But they were at the same time under violent prejudices: and the subject matter of which they treated, was in general so brief, and limited, that very little could be obtained from it towards the history of other countries, or a knowledge of antient times. Even in respect to their own affairs, whatever light had been derived to them, was so perverted, and came through so dim a medium, that it is difficult to make use of it to any determinate and salutary purpose. Yet the beauty of their composition has been attended with wonderful [510]influence. Many have been so far captivated by this magic, as to give an implicit credence to all that has been transmitted; and to sacrifice their judgment to the pleasures of the fancy.

It may be said, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, are, in great measure, dry and artless, without any grace and ornament to recommend them. They were likewise posterior to the Helladians; consequently farther removed from the times of which they treat. To the first objection I answer, that the most dry and artless historians are, in general, the most authentic. They who colour and embellish, have the least regard for the truth. In respect to priority, it is a specious claim; but attended with no validity. When a gradual darkness has been overspreading the world, it requires as much time to emerge from the cloud, as there passed when we were sinking into it: so that they who come later may enjoy a greater portion of light, than those who preceded them by ages. Besides, it is to be considered, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, lived in parts of the world which gave them great advantages. The whole theology of Greece was derived from the east. We cannot therefore but in reason suppose, that Clemens of Alexandria, Eusebius of Cæsarea, Tatianus of Assyria, Lucianus of Samosata, Cyril of Jerusalem, Porphyry of Syria, Proclus of Lycia, Philo of Biblus, Strabo of Amasa, Pausanias of Cappadocia, Eratosthenes of Cyrene, must know more upon this subject than any native Helladian. The like may be said of Diodorus, Josephus, Cedrenus, Syncellus, Zonaras, Eustathius: and numberless more. These had the archives of antient [511]temples, to which they could apply: and had traditions more genuine than ever reached Greece. And though they were posterior themselves, they appeal to authors far prior to any Helladians: and their works are crowded with extracts from the most curious and the most antient [512]histories. Such were the writings of Sanchoniathon, Berosus, Nicholaus Damascenus, Mocus, Mnaseas, Hieronymus Ægyptius, Apion, Manethon: from whom Abydenus, Apollodorus, Asclepiades, Artapanus, Philastrius, borrowed largely. We are beholden to Clemens[513], and Eusebius, for many evidences from writers, long since lost; even Eustathius and Tzetzes have resources, which are now no more.

It must be after all confessed, that those, who preceded, had many opportunities of information, had they been willing to have been informed. It is said, both of Pythagoras and Solon, that they resided for some time in Egypt: where the former was instructed by a Son-chen, or priest of the Sun. But I could never hear of any great good that was the consequence of his travels. Thus much is certain; that whatever knowledge he may have picked up in other parts, he got nothing from the Grecians. They, who pretended most to wisdom, were the most destitute of the blessing. [514]Αλλα παρ αλλοις συλλεξαμενος, μονον παρα των σοφων Ἑλληνων εχειν ουδεν, πενιᾳ σοφιας και αποριᾳ συνοικουντων. And as their theology was before very obscure, he drew over it a mysterious veil to make it tenfold darker. The chief of the intelligence transmitted by Solon from Egypt contained a satire upon his own country. He was told by an antient [515]priest, that the Grecians were children in science: that they were utterly ignorant of the mythology of other nations; and did not understand their own. Eudoxus likewise and Plato were in Egypt; and are said to have resided there some time: yet very few things of moment have been transmitted by them. Plato had great opportunities of rectifying the history and mythology of Greece: but after all his advantages he is accused of trifling shamefully, and addicting himself to fable. [516]Πλατων δε, ὁ δοκων των Ἑλληνων σοφωτατος γεγενησθαι, εις ποσην φλυαριαν εχωρησεν. Yet all the rites of the Helladians, as well as their Gods and Heroes, were imported from the [517]east: and chiefly from [518]Egypt, though they were unwilling to allow it. Length of time had greatly impaired their true history; and their prejudices would not suffer them to retrieve it. I should therefore think it by no means improper to premise a short account of this wonderful people, in order to shew whence this obscurity arose; which at last prevailed so far, that they, in great measure, lost sight of their origin, and were involved in mystery and fable.

The first inhabitants of the country, called afterwards Hellas, were the sons of Javan; who seem to have degenerated very early, and to have become truly barbarous. Hence the best historians of Greece confess, that their ancestors were not the first inhabitants; but that it was before their arrival in the possession of a people, whom they style [519]Βαρβαροι, or Barbarians. The Helladians were colonies of another family: and introduced themselves somewhat later. They were of the race which I term Amonian; and came from Egypt and Syria: but originally from Babylonia. They came under various titles, all taken from the religion, which they professed. Of these titles I shall have occasion to treat at large; and of the imaginary leaders, by whom they were supposed to have been conducted.

As soon as the Amonians were settled, and incorporated with the natives, a long interval of darkness ensued. The very union produced a new language: at least the antient Amonian became by degrees so modified, and changed, that the terms of science, and worship, were no longer understood. Hence the titles of their Gods were misapplied: and the whole of their theology grew more and more corrupted; so that very few traces of the original were to be discovered. In short, almost every term was misconstrued, and abused. This[520] æra of darkness was of long duration: at last the Asiatic Greeks began to bestir themselves. They had a greater correspondence than the Helladians: and they were led to exert their talents from examples in Syria, Egypt, and other countries. The specimens, which they exhibited of their genius were amazing: and have been justly esteemed a standard for elegance and nature. The Athenians were greatly affected with these examples. They awoke, as it were, out of a long and deep sleep; and, as if they had been in the training of science for ages, their first efforts bordered upon perfection. In the space of a century, out of one little confined district, were produced a group of worthies, who at all times have been the wonder of the world: so that we may apply to the nation in general what was spoken of the school of a philosopher: cujus ex ludo, tanquam ex Equo Trojano, meri Principes exierunt. But this happy display of parts did not remedy the evil of which I have complained. They did not retrieve any lost annals, nor were any efforts made to dispel the cloud in which they were involved. There had been, as I have represented, a long interval; during which there must have happened great occurrences: but few of them had been transmitted to posterity; and those handed down by tradition, and mixed with inconsistency and fable. It is said that letters were brought into Greece very early, by [521]Cadmus. Let us for a while grant it; and inquire what was the progress. They had the use of them so far as to put an inscription on the pediment of a temple, or upon a pillar; or to scrawl a man's name upon a tile or an oyster-shell, when they wanted to banish or poison him. Such scanty knowledge, and so base materials, go but a little way towards science. What history was there of Corinth, or of Sparta? What annals were there of Argos, or Messena; of Elis, or the cities of Achaia? None: not even of [522]Athens. There are not the least grounds to surmise that any single record existed. The names of the Olympic victors from Corœbus, and of the priestesses of Argos, were the principal memorials to which they pretended: but how little knowledge could be obtained from hence! The laws of Draco, in the thirty-ninth Olympiad, were certainly the most antient writing to which we can securely appeal. When the Grecians began afterwards to bestir themselves, and to look back upon what had passed, they collected whatever accounts could be [523]obtained. They tried also to separate and arrange them, to the best of their abilities, and to make the various parts of their history correspond. They had still some good materials to proceed upon, had they thoroughly understood them; but herein was a great failure. Among the various traditions handed down, they did not consider which really related to their country, and which had been introduced from other[524] parts. Indeed they did not chuse to distinguish, but adopted all for their own; taking the merit of every antient transaction to themselves. No people had a greater love for science, nor displayed a more refined taste in composition. Their study was ever to please, and to raise admiration. Hence they always aimed at the marvellous, which they dressed up in a most winning manner: at the same time they betrayed a seeming veneration for antiquity. But their judgment was perverted, and this veneration attended with little regard for the truth. [525]They had a high opinion of themselves, and of their country in general: and, being persuaded that they sprang from the ground on which they stood, and that the Arcadians were older than the moon, they rested satisfied with this, and looked no farther. In short, they had no love for any thing genuine, no desire to be instructed. Their history could not be reformed but by an acknowledgment which their pride would not suffer them to make. They therefore devoted themselves to an idle mythology: and there was nothing so contradictory and absurd but was greedily admitted, if sanctified by tradition. Even when the truth glared in their very faces, they turned from the light, and would not be undeceived. Those who, like Euemerus and Ephorus, had the courage to dissent from their legends, were deemed atheists and apostates, and treated accordingly. Plutarch more than once insists that it is expedient to veil the truth, and to dress it up in [526]allegory. They went so far as to deem inquiry a [527]crime, and thus precluded the only means by which the truth could be obtained.

Nor did these prejudices appear only in respect to their own rites and theology, and the history of their own nation: the accounts which they gave of other countries were always tinctured with this predominant vanity. An idle zeal made them attribute to their forefathers the merit of many great performances to which they were utterly strangers: and supposed them to have founded cities in various parts of the world where the name of Greece could not have been known; cities which were in being before Greece was a state. Wherever they got footing, or even a transient acquaintance, they in their descriptions accommodated every thing to their own preconceptions; and expressed all terms according to their own mode of writing and pronunciation, that appearances might be in their favour. To this were added a thousand silly stories to support their pretended claim. They would persuade us that Jason of Greece founded the empire of the Medes; as Perseus, of the same country, did that of the Persians. Armenus, a companion of Jason, was the reputed father of the Armenians. They gave out that Tarsus, one of the most antient cities in the world, was built by people from [528]Argos; and that Pelusium of Egypt had a name of Grecian [529]original. They, too, built Sais, in the same [530]country: and the city of the Sun, styled Heliopolis, owed its origin to an [531]Athenian. They were so weak as to think that the city Canobus had its name from a pilot of Menelaus, and that even Memphis was built by Epaphos of [532]Argos. There surely was never any nation so incurious and indifferent about truth. Hence have arisen those contradictions and inconsistences with which their history is [533]embarrassed.

It may appear ungracious, and I am sure it is far from a pleasing task to point out blemishes in a people of so refined a turn as the Grecians, whose ingenuity and elegance have been admired for ages. Nor would I engage in a display of this kind, were it not necessary to shew their prejudices and mistakes, in order to remedy their failures. On our part we have been too much accustomed to take in the gross with little or no examination, whatever they have been pleased to transmit: and there is no method of discovering the truth but by shewing wherein they failed, and pointing out the mode of error, the line of deviation. By unravelling the clue, we may be at last led to see things in their original state, and to reduce their mythology to order. That my censures are not groundless, nor carried to an undue degree of severity, may be proved from the like accusations from some of their best writers; who accuse them both of ignorance and forgery. [534]Hecatæus, of Miletus, acknowledges, that the traditions of the Greeks were as ridiculous as they were numerous: [535]and Philo confesses that he could obtain little intelligence from that quarter: that the Grecians had brought a mist upon learning, so that it was impossible to discover the truth: he therefore applied to people of other countries for information, from whom only it could be obtained. Plato[536] owned that the most genuine helps to philosophy were borrowed from those who by the Greeks were styled barbarous: and [537]Jamblichus gives the true reason for the preference. The Helladians, says this writer, are ever wavering and unsettled in their principles, and are carried about by the least impulse. They want steadiness; and if they obtain any salutary knowledge, they cannot retain it; nay, they quit it with a kind of eagerness; and, whatever they do admit, they new mould and fashion, according to some novel and uncertain mode of reasoning. But people of other countries are more determinate in their principles, and abide more uniformly by the very terms which they have traditionally received. They are represented in the same light by Theophilus: [538]he says, that they wrote merely for empty praise, and were so blinded with vanity, that they neither discovered the truth theirselves, nor encouraged others to pursue it. Hence Tatianus says, with great truth, [539]that the writers of other countries were strangers to that vanity with which the Grecians were infected: that they were more simple and uniform, and did not encourage themselves in an affected variety of notions.

In respect to foreign history, and geographical knowledge, the Greeks, in general, were very ignorant: and the writers, who, in the time of the Roman Empire, began to make more accurate inquiries, met with insuperable difficulties from the mistakes of those who had preceded. I know no censure more severe and just than that which Strabo has passed upon the historians and geographers of Greece, and of its writers in general. In speaking of the Asiatic nations, he assures us, that there never had been any account transmitted of them upon which we can depend. [540]Some of these nations, says this judicious writer, the Grecians have called Sacæ, and others Massagetæ, without having the least light to determine them. And though they have pretended to give a history of Cyrus, and his particular wars with those who were called Massagetæ, yet nothing precise and satisfactory could ever be obtained; not even in respect to the war. There is the same uncertainty in respect to the antient history of the Persians, as well as to that of the Medes and Syrians. We can meet with little that can be deemed authentic, on account of the weakness of those who wrote, and their uniform love of fable. For, finding that writers, who professedly dealt in fiction without any pretensions to the truth, were regarded, they thought that they should make their writings equally acceptable, if in the system of their history they were to introduce circumstances, which they had neither seen nor heard, nor received upon the authority of another person; proceeding merely upon this principle, that they should be most likely to please people's fancy by having recourse to what was marvellous and new. On this account we may more safely trust to Hesiod and Homer, when they present us with a list of Demigods and Heroes, and even to the tragic poets, than to Ctesias, Herodotus, and Hellanicus, and writers of that class. Even the generality of historians, who wrote about Alexander, are not safely to be trusted: for they speak with great confidence, relying upon the glory of the monarch, whom they celebrate; and to the remoteness of the countries, in which he was engaged; even at the extremities of Asia; at a great distance from us and our concerns. This renders them very secure. For what is referred to a distance is difficult to be confuted. In another place, speaking of India, he says, that it was very difficult to arrive at the truth: for the [541]writers, who must necessarily be appealed to, were in continual opposition, and contradicted one another. And how, says Strabo, could it be otherwise? for if they erred so shamefully when they had ocular proof, how could they speak with certainty, where they were led by hearsay? In another place[542] he excuses the mistakes of the antient poets, saying, that we must not wonder if they sometimes deviated from the truth, when people in ages more enlightened were so ignorant, and so devoted to every thing marvellous and incredible. He had above given the poets even the preference to other writers: but herein his zeal transported him too far. The first writers were the poets; and the mischief began from them. They first infected tradition; and mixed it with allegory and fable. Of this Athenagoras accuses them very justly; and says, [543]that the greatest abuses of true knowledge came from them. I insist, says this learned father, that we owe to Orpheus, Homer, and Hesiod, the fictitious names and genealogies of the Pagan Dæmons, whom they are pleased to style Gods: and I can produce Herodotus for a witness to what I assert. He informs us, that Homer and Hesiod were about four hundred years prior to himself; and not more. These, says he, were the persons who first framed the theogony of the Greeks; and gave appellations to their Deities; and distinguished them according to their several ranks and departments. They at the same time described them under different appearances: for till their time there was not in Greece any representation of the Gods, either in sculpture or painting; not any specimen of the statuary's art exhibited: no such substitutes were in those times thought of.

The antient history and mythology of Greece was partly transmitted by the common traditions of the natives: and partly preserved in those original Doric hymns, which were universally sung in their Prutaneia and temples. These were in the antient Amonian language; and said to have been introduced by [544]Pagasus, Agyieus, and Olen. This last some represent as a Lycian, others as an Hyperborean: and by many he was esteemed an Egyptian. They were chanted by the Purcones, or priests of the Sun: and by the female, Hierophants: of whom the chief upon record were [545]Phaënnis, [546]Phæmonoë, and Bæo. The last of these mentions Olen, as the inventor of verse, and the most antient priest of Phœbus.

[547]Ωλην δ' ὁς γενετο πρωτος Φοιβοιο προφητες,

Πρωτος δ' αρχαιων επεων τεχνωσατ' αοιδαν.

These hymns grew, by length of time, obsolete; and scarce intelligible. They were, however, translated, or rather imitated, by Pamphos, Rhianus, Phemius, Homer, Bion Proconnesius, Onomacritus, and others. Many of the sacred terms could not be understood, nor interpreted; they were however [548]retained with great reverence: and many which they did attempt to decipher, were misconstrued and misapplied. Upon this basis was the theology of Greece founded: from hence were the names of Gods taken: and various departments attributed to the several Deities. Every poet had something different in his theogony: and every variety, however inconsistent, was admitted by the Greeks without the least hesitation: [549]Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες νεοτροποι—Ἑλλησιν αταλαιπωρος της αληθειας ζητησις. The Grecians, says Jamblichus, are naturally led by novelty: The investigation of truth is too fatiguing for a Grecian. From these antient hymns and misconstrued terms [550]Pherecydes of Syrus planned his history of the Gods: which, there is reason to think, was the source of much error.

Such were the principles which gave birth to the mythology of the Grecians; from whence their antient history was in great measure derived. As their traditions were obsolete, and filled with extraneous matter, it rendered it impossible for them to arrange properly the principal events of their country. They did not separate and distinguish; but often took to themselves the merit of transactions, which were of a prior date, and of another clime. These they adopted, and made their own. Hence, when they came to digest their history, it was all confused: and they were embarrassed with numberless contradictions, and absurdities, which it was impossible to [551]remedy. For their vanity, as I have shewn, would not suffer them to rectify their mistakes by the authority of more antient and more learned nations. It is well observed by Tatianus [552]Assyrius, that where the history of times past has not been duly adjusted, it is impossible to arrive at the truth: and there has been no greater cause of error in writing, than the endeavouring to adopt what is groundless and inconsistent. Sir Isaac Newton somewhere lays it down for a rule, never to admit for history what is antecedent to letters. For traditionary truths cannot be long preserved without some change in themselves, and some addition of foreign circumstances. This accretion will be in every age enlarged; till there will at last remain some few outlines only of the original occurrence. It has been maintained by many, that the Grecians had letters very early: but it will appear upon inquiry to have been a groundless notion. Those of the antients, who considered the matter more carefully, have made no scruple to set aside their [553]pretensions. Josephus in particular takes notice of their early claim; but cannot allow it: [554]They, says this learned historian, who would carry the introduction of letters among the Greeks the highest, very gravely tell us, that they were brought over by the Phenicians, and Cadmus. Yet, after all, they cannot produce a single specimen either from their sacred writings, or from their popular records, which savours of that antiquity. Theophilus takes notice of these difficulties; and shews that all the obscurity, with which the history of Hellas is clouded, arose from this deficiency of letters. He complains, that the [555]Hellenes had lost sight of the truth; and could not recollect any genuine history. The reason of this is obvious: for they came late to the knowledge of letters in comparison of other nations. This they confess, by attributing the invention of them to people prior to themselves; either to the Chaldeans, or the Egyptians: or else to the Phenicians. Another cause of failure, which relates to their theology, and still greatly prevails, is owing to their not making a proper disquisition about the true object of worship: but amusing themselves with idle, and unprofitable speculations.

Notwithstanding this deficiency, they pretended to give a list of Argive princes, of which twenty preceded the war of [556]Troy. But what is more extraordinary, they boasted of a series of twenty-six Kings at Sicyon, comprehending a space of one thousand years, all which kings were before the time of [557]Theseus and the Argonauts. Among those, who have given the list of the Argive kings, is [558]Tatianus Assyrius, who advises every person of sense, when he meets with these high pretensions, to consider attentively, that there was not a single voucher, not even a tradition of any record, to authenticate these histories: for even Cadmus was many ages after. It is certain, that the Helladians had no tendency to learning, till they were awakened by the Asiatic Greeks: and it was even then some time before letters were in general use; or any histories, or even records attempted. For if letters had been current, and the materials for writing obvious, and in common use, how comes it that we have not one specimen older than the reign of Cyrus? And how is it possible, if the Grecians had any records, that they should be so ignorant about some of their most famous men? Of Homer how little is known! and of what is transmitted, how little, upon which we may depend! Seven places in Greece contend for his birth: while many doubt whether he was of Grecian original. It is said of Pythagoras, [559]that according to Hippobotrus he was of Samos: but Aristoxenus, who wrote his life, as well as Aristarchus, and Theopompus, makes him a Tyrrhenian. According to Neanthes he was of Syria, or else a native of Tyre. In like manner Thales was said by Herodotus, Leander, and Duris, to have been a Phenician: but he was by others referred to Miletus in Ionia. It is reported of Pythagoras, that he visited Egypt in the time of Cambyses. From thence he betook himself to Croton in Italy: where he is supposed to have resided till the last year of the seventieth Olympiad: consequently he could not be above thirty or forty years prior to the birth of Æschylus and Pindar. What credit can we give to people for histories many ages backward; who were so ignorant in matters of importance, which happened in the days of their fathers? The like difficulties occur about Pherecydes Syrius; whom Suidas styles Babylonius: neither the time, when he lived, nor the place of his birth, have been ever satisfactorily proved. Till Eudoxus had been in Egypt the Grecians did not know the space of which the true year consisted. [560]Αλλ' ηγνοειτο τεως ὁ ενιαυτος παρα τοις Ἑλλησιν, ὡς και αλλα πλειω.

Another reason may be given for the obscurity in the Grecian history, even when letters had been introduced among them. They had a childish antipathy to every foreign language: and were equally prejudiced in favour of their own. This has passed unnoticed; yet was attended with the most fatal consequences. They were misled by the too great delicacy of their ear; and could not bear any term which appeared to them barbarous and uncouth. On this account they either rejected foreign [561]appellations; or so modelled and changed them, that they became, in sound and meaning, essentially different. And as they were attached to their own country, and its customs, they presumed that every thing was to be looked for among themselves. They did not consider, that the titles of their Gods, the names of cities, and their terms of worship, were imported: that their ancient hymns were grown obsolete: and that time had wrought a great change. They explained every thing by the language in use, without the least retrospect or allowance: and all names and titles from other countries were liable to the same rule. If the name were dissonant, and disagreeable to their ear, it was rejected as barbarous: but if it were at all similar in sound to any word in their language, they changed it to that word; though the name were of Syriac original; or introduced from Egypt, or Babylonia. The purport of the term was by these means changed: and the history, which depended upon it, either perverted or effaced. When the title Melech, which signified a King, was rendered Μειλιχος and Μειλιχιος, sweet and gentle, it referred to an idea quite different from the original. But this gave them no concern: they still blindly pursued their purpose. Some legend was immediately invented in consequence of this misprision, some story about bees and honey, and the mistake was rendered in some degree plausible. This is a circumstance of much consequence; and deserves our attention greatly. I shall have occasion to speak of it repeatedly; and to lay before the reader some entire treatises upon the subject. For this failure is of such a nature, as, when detected. and fairly explained, will lead us to the solution of many dark and enigmatical histories, with which the mythology of Greece abounds. The only author, who seems to have taken any notice of this unhappy turn in the Grecians, is Philo Biblius. [562]He speaks of it as a circumstance of very bad consequence, and says, that it was the chief cause of error and obscurity: hence, when he met in Sanchoniathon with antient names, he did not indulge himself in whimsical solutions; but gave the true meaning, which was the result of some event or quality whence the name was imposed. This being a secret to the Greeks, they always took things in a wrong acceptation; being misled by a twofold sense of the terms which occurred to them: one was the genuine and original meaning, which was retained in the language whence they were taken: the other was a forced sense, which the Greeks unnaturally deduced from their own language, though there was no relation between them. The same term in different languages conveyed different and opposite ideas: and as they attended only to the meaning in their own tongue, they were constantly [563]mistaken.

It may appear strange to make use of the mistakes of any people for a foundation to build upon: yet through these failures my system will be in some degree supported: at least from a detection of these errors, I hope to obtain much light. For, as the Grecian writers have preserved a kind of uniformity in their mistakes, and there appears plainly a rule and method of deviation, it will be very possible, when this method is well known, to decypher what is covertly alluded to; and by these means arrive at the truth. If the openings in the wood or labyrinth are only as chance allotted, we may be for ever bewildered: but if they are made with design, and some method be discernible, this circumstance, if attended to, will serve for a clue, and lead us through the maze. If we once know that what the Greeks, in their mythology, styled a wolf, was the Sun; that by a dog was meant a prince, or Deity; that by bees was signified an order of priests; these terms, however misapplied, can no more mislead us in writing, than their resemblances in sculpture would a native of Egypt, if they were used for emblems on stone.

Thus much I have been obliged to premise: as our knowledge must come through the hands of the [564]Grecians. I am sensible, that many learned men have had recourse to other means for information: but I have never seen any specimens which have afforded much light. Those, to which I have been witness, have rather dazzled than illustrated; and bewildered instead of conducting to the truth. Among the Greeks is contained a great treasure of knowledge. It is a rich mine; which as yet has not been worked far beneath the surface. The ore lies deep, and cannot be obtained without much industry and labour. The Helladians had the best opportunities to have afforded us information about the antiquities of their country: of their negligence, and of their mistakes I have spoken; yet with a proper clue they may still be read to great advantage. To say the truth, there is scarce an author of them all, from whom some good may not be derived.

What has been wanting in the natives of Greece, has been greatly supplied by writers of that nation from other countries, who lived in after-times. Of these the principal have been mentioned; and many others might be added, who were men of integrity and learning. They were fond of knowledge, and obtained a deep insight into antiquity: and, what is of the greatest consequence, they were attached to the truth. They may sometimes have been mistaken in their judgment: they may also have been deceived: but still truth was the scope at which they aimed. They have accordingly transmitted to us many valuable remains, which, but for them, had been buried in oblivion. There are likewise many pagan authors, to whom we are greatly indebted; but especially to Strabo and Pausanias; who in their different departments have afforded wonderful light. Nor must we omit Josephus of Judea; whose treatise against Apion must be esteemed of inestimable value: indeed, all his writings are of consequence, if read with a proper allowance.

I have mentioned, that it is my purpose to give a history of the first ages; and to shew the origin of many nations, whose descent has been mistaken; or else totally unknown. I shall speak particularly of one great family, which diffused itself over many parts of the earth; from whom the rites and mysteries, and almost the whole science of the Gentile world, were borrowed. But as I venture in an unbeaten track, and in a waste, which has been little frequented; I shall first take upon me to treat of things near at hand, before I advance to remoter discoveries. I shall therefore speak of those rites and customs, and of the nations, where they prevailed; as I shall by these means be led insensibly to the discovery of the people, from whom they were derived. By a similarity of customs, as well as by the same religious terms, observable in different countries, it will be easy to shew a relation, which subsisted between such people, however widely dispersed. They will be found to have been colonies of the same family; and to have come ultimately from the same place. As my course will be in great measure an uphill labour, I shall proceed in the manner which I have mentioned; continually enlarging my prospect, till I arrive at the point I aim at.

It may be proper to mention to the reader that the following treatises were not written in the order in which they now stand; but just as the subject-matter presented itself before me. As many, which were first composed, will occur last, I have been forced to anticipate some of the arguments, as well as quotations, which they contained, according as I found it expedient. Hence there will be some few instances of repetition, which however I hope will not give any great disgust: as what is repeated, was so interwoven in the argument, that I could not well disengage it from the text, where it occurs a second time.

There will also be found some instances, where I differ from myself, and go contrary to positions in a former treatise. These are very few, and of no great moment; being such as would probably escape the reader's notice. But I think it more ingenuous, and indeed my strict duty, to own my mistakes, and point them out, rather than to pass them over in silence, or idly to defend them.







We must never deduce the etymology of an Egyptian or oriental term from the Greek language. Eustathius well observes, Ει βαρβαρον το ονομα ου χρη ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου.

We should recur to the Doric manner of expression, as being nearest to the original.

The Greeks adopted all foreign history: and supposed it to have been of their own country.

They mistook temples for Deities, and places for persons.

They changed every foreign term to something similar in their own language; to something similar in sound, however remote in meaning; being led solely by the ear.

They constantly mistook titles for names; and from these titles multiplied their Deities and Heroes.

All terms of relation between the Deities to be disregarded.

As the Grecians were mistaken, it is worth our while to observe the mode of error and uniformity of mistake. By attending to this, we may bring things back to their primitive state, and descry in antient terms the original meaning.

We must have regard to the oblique cases, especially in nouns imparasyllabic, when we have an antient term transmitted to us either from the Greeks or Romans. The nominative, in both languages, is often abridged; so that, from the genitive of the word, or from the possessive, the original term is to be deduced. This will be found to obtain even in common names. From veteris we have veter for the true term; from sanguinis we have sanguen: and that this is right we may prove from Ennius, who says:

[565]O! pater, O! genitor, O! sanguen diis oriundum.

[566]Cum veter occubuit Priamus sub marte Pelasgo.

So mentis, and not mens, was the true nominative to mentis, menti, mentem; as we may learn from the same author:

[567]Istic est de sole sumptus ignis, isque mentis est.

In like manner Plebes was the nominative to Plebi and Plebem.

Deficit alma Ceres, nec plebes pane potitur.


All the common departments of the Deities are to be set aside, as inconsistent and idle. Pollux will be found a judge; Ceres, a law-giver; Bacchus, the God of the year; Neptune, a physician; and Æsculapius, the God of thunder: and this not merely from the poets; but from the best mythologists of the Grecians, from those who wrote professedly upon the subject.

I have observed before, that the Grecians in foreign words often changed the Nu final to Sigma. For Keren, they wrote Κερας; for Cohen, Κωης; for Athon, Αθως; for Boun, Βους; for Sain, Σαϊς.

People, of old, were styled the children of the God whom they worshipped: hence they were, at last, thought to have been his real offspring; and he was looked up to as the true parent. On the contrary, Priests were represented as foster-fathers to the Deity before whom they ministered; and Priestesses were styled τιθηναι, or nurses.

Colonies always went out under the patronage and title of some Deity. This conducting-God was in after-times supposed to have been the real leader.

Sometimes the whole merit of a transaction was imputed to this Deity solely; who was represented under the character of Perseus, Dionusus, or Hercules. Hence, instead of one person, we must put a people; and the history will be found consonant to the truth.

As the Grecians made themselves principals in many great occurrences which were of another country, we must look abroad for the original, both of their rites and mythology; and apply to the nations from whence they were derived. Their original history was foreign, and ingrafted upon the history of the country where they settled. This is of great consequence, and repeatedly to be considered.

One great mistake frequently prevails among people who deal in these researches, which must be carefully avoided. We should never make use of a language which is modern, or comparatively modern, to deduce the etymology of antient and primitive terms. Pezron applies to the modern Teutonic, which he styles the Celtic, and says, was the language of Jupiter. But who was Jupiter, and what has the modern Celtic to do with the history of Egypt or Chaldea? There was an interval of two thousand years between the times of which he treats and any history of the Celtæ: and there is still an interval, not very much inferior to the former, before we arrive at the æra of the language to which he applies.

It has been the custom of those writers, who have been versed in the Oriental languages, to deduce their etymologies from roots; which are often some portion of a verb. But the names of places and of persons are generally an assemblage of qualities and titles; such as I have exhibited in the treatise above; and I believe were never formed by such evolutions. The terms were obvious, and in common use; taken from some well-known characteristics. Those who imposed such names never thought of a root; and, probably, did not know the purport of the term. Whoever, therefore, in etymology, has recourse to this method of investigation, seems to me to act like a person who should seek at the fountain-head for a city which stood at the mouth of a river.






In order to obviate some Objections.

As I have mentioned that the Helladians came from Egypt, and the east; it may be proper to obviate an objection which may be made, to the account I give; as if it were contradictory to the tenor of the scriptures, as they are in general understood. Greece, and the islands of Greece, are continually supposed, from the account given by Moses[568], to have been peopled by the sons of Japhet; and there is scarce any body, either antient or modern, who has touched upon this subject, but has imagined Javan to have been the same as Ion, the son of Xuth, from whom the Ionians were descended. This latter point I shall not controvert at present. In respect to the former, the account given in the scriptures is undoubtedly most true. The sons of Japhet did people the isles of the Gentiles; by which is meant the regions of Greece and Europe, separated in great measure from the Asiatic continent by the intervention of the sea. They certainly were the first inhabitants of those countries. But the Helladians, though by family Ionians, were not of this race. They came afterwards; and all their best writers agree, that when their ancestors made their way into these provinces, they were possessed by a prior people. Who these were is no where uniformly said: only they agree to term them in general Βαρβαροι, or a rude, uncivilized people. As my system depends greatly upon this point; to take away every prejudice to my opinion, I will in some degree anticipate, what I shall hereafter more fully prove. I accordingly submit to the reader the following evidences; which are comparatively few, if we consider what might be brought to this purpose. These are to shew, that the Helladians were of a different race from the sons of Japhet: and that the country, when they came to it, was in the possession of another people: which people they distinguished from themselves by the title of Βαρβαροι.

Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ των Ἑλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικια Βαρβαρων ὑπηρξατο το παλαιον. Strabo. l. 7. p. 321.

Εισι δε ἡμων αρχαιοτεροι Βαρβαροι. Plato in Cratylo. vol. 1. p. 425.

Παλαι της νυν καλουμενης Ἑλλαδος Βαρβαροι τα πολλα ῳκησαν. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 100.

Αρκαδιαν Βαρβαροι ῳκησαν. Scholia Apollonii Rhod. l. 3. v. 461.

Diodorus mentions, Αθηναιους—αποικους Σαϊτων των εξ Αιγυπτου. l. 1. p. 24.

Again—Γενομεναι δε και των ἡγεμονων τινας Αιγυπτιους παρα τοις Αθηναιοις. ibidem.

Africanus having spoken of the Egyptian rites, says, Ὁτι τε Αθηναιους των αυτων Αιγυπτιοις απολαυειν εικος ην, αποικους εκεινων απονοουμενους, ὡς φασιν αλλοι τε, και εν τῳ Τρικαρηνῳ Θεοπομπος. Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. x. c. x. p. 491.

Concerning persons from Egypt.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος ων, δυο γλωσσας ηπιστατο. Cedrenus p. 82.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκισε τας Αθηνας. Scholia Aristoph. Pluti.

Ὡσδε απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτιας,

Μετα τον κατα Ωγυγον κατακλυσμον εκεινον,

Ὁ Κεκροψ παρεγεγονεν Αθηναις της Ἑλλαδος. J. Tzetzes. Chil. v. hist. 18.

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκησε τας Αθηνας. Suidas.

Pausanias mentions Λελεγα αφικομενον εξ Αιγυπτου. l. 1. p. 95.

Erectheus from Egypt. Και τον Ερεχθεα λεγουσι το γενος Αιγυπτιον οντα. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 25.

Triptolemus from thence, who had been the companion of Osiris. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 17. He gave the Athenians laws. Porphyry mentions Των Αθηνῃσι νομοθετων Τριπτολεμον. Abstinent. l. 4. p. 431.

It is said, that Danaus was a native of the city Chemmis; from whence he made his expedition to Greece. Δαναος Χεμμιτης. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 91.

Navem primus ex Ægypto Danaus advexit. Pliny. l. 7. c. 56. He brought a colony with him. Λεγουσι δε τους περι Δαναον ὁρμηθεντας ὁμοιως εκειθεν, scil. εξ Αιγυπτου. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 24.

All the heads of the Dorian race from Egypt. Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι των Δωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες. Herodotus. l. 6. c. 53.

The Lacedæmonians esteemed themselves of the same family as the Caphtorim of Palestine: hence they surmised, that they were related to the Jews, 1 Maccabees, c. 12. v. 20, 21. Josephus: A. J. l. 12. c. 4. p. 606. Perseus was supposed to have been a foreigner. Ὡς δε ὁ Περσεων λογος λεγεται, αυτος ὁ Περσευς εων Ασσυριος εγενετο Ἑλλην. Herodotus. l. 6. c. 54.

It is said of Cadmus, that he came originally from Egypt, in company with Phœnix. Καδμος και Φοινιξ απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων. Euseb. Chron. p. 15.

Eusebius in another place mentions the arrival of Cadmus with a company of Saïtæ. They founded Athens, the principal city of Greece: also Thebes in Bœotia. They were of Egypt; but he says, that they came last from Sidon. It is in a passage, where he speaks of a former race in Attica before those of Egypt called Saïtæ: Πλην των μετοικησαντων ὑστερον εκει Σαϊτων, και κατοικησαντων την της Ἑλλαδος μητροπολιν Αθηνας, και τας Θηβας. Σιδωνιων γαρ ὁυτοι αποικοι εκ Καδμου του Αγηνορος. Chron. p. 14. The antient Athenians worshipped Isis: and were in their looks, and in their manners particularly like the Egyptians. Και ταις ιδεαις, και τοις ηθεσιν ὁμοιοτατους ειναι τοις Αιγυπτιοις. The whole of their polity was plainly borrowed from that country. Diod. Sic. l. 1: p. 24, 25, 26.

It is said by Sanchoniathon, that Cronus, in his travels over the earth in company with his daughter Athena, came to Attica; which he bestowed upon her. Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

This is not unlike the account given by the Scholiast upon Lycophron concerning Cecrops: from whence the legend may receive some light. Ελθων αρ' (ὁ Κεκροψ) απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτου τας Αθηνας συνῳκισε. Σαϊς δε κατ' Αιγυπτιους ἡ Αθηνα λεγεται, ὡς φησιν Χαραξ. Lycoph. v. 111. Schol.

Hence it is, that almost the whole of the mythology of Greece is borrowed from Egypt. Καθολου δε, φησι, τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιασεσθαι τους επιφανεστατους Αιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 20. All their rites and ceremonies were from the same quarter.

Πανηγυριας δε αρα, και πομπας, και προσαγωγας πρωτοι ανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοι εισιν, ὁι ποιησαμενοι, και παρα τουτων Ἑλληνες μεμαθηκασι. Herod. l. 3. c. 58.

Επειτα χρονου πολλου διελθοντος, επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτου απικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων. Herod. l. 2. c. 52. See also l. 2. c. 4.

Και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες την Ἑλλαδα. Herod. l. 2. c. 50. Hence it is said that the Corybantes, with their mother Comba, came and settled at Athens: Κομβης ἑπτατοκου μετα μητερος. Nonni Dionys. l. 13. And that the priests at Athens, styled Eumolpidæ, were from Egypt. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25. One of the Egyptians, who brought these rites to Greece, is mentioned under the name of Melampus: as the Egyptians are, in general, under the character of Melampodes. Ἑλλησι γαρ δη Μελαμπους εστιν, ὁ εξηγησαμενος του Διονυσου ονομα, και την Θυσιαν, και την πομπην του φαλλου. Herod. l. 2. c. 49. He is likewise said to have first introduced physic: by which this only is meant, that physic too came from Egypt.

To the same purpose may be consulted Lucian de Suriâ Deâ. Πρωτοι μην ανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοι κτλ. Eusebius. P. Evan. lib. 10. c. 4. p. 469. and c. 5. p. 473. Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 361, 381. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 20. p. 62, 63. and p. 86, 87. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243, 274. Thucydides. l. 1. c. 2, 3.













Εστι που και ποταμοις τιμη, η κατ' ωφελειαν, ὡσπερ Αιγυπτιοις προς τον Νειλον, η κατα καλλος, ὡς Θετταλοις προς Πηνειον, η κατα μεγεθος, ὡς Σκυθαις προς τον Ιστρον, η κατα μυθον, ὡς Αιτωλοις προς τον Αχελωον.——Max. Tyrius. Dissert. viii. p. 81.

As the divine honours paid to the Sun, and the adoration of fire, were at one time almost universal, there will be found in most places a similitude in the terms of worship. And though this mode of idolatry took its rise in one particular part of the world, yet, as it was propagated to others far remote, the stream, however widely diffused, will still savour of the fountain. Moreover, as people were determined in the choice of their holy places by those preternatural phænomena, of which I have before taken notice; if there be any truth in my system, there will be uniformly found some analogy between the name of the temple, and its rites and situation: so that the etymology may be ascertained by the history of the place. The like will appear in respect to rivers and mountains; especially to those which were esteemed at all sacred, and which were denominated from the Sun and fire. I therefore flatter myself that the etymologies which I shall lay before the reader will not stand single and unsupported; but there will be an apparent analogy throughout the whole. The allusion will not be casual and remote, nor be obtained by undue inflexions and distortions: but, however complicated the name may appear, it will resolve itself easily into the original terms; and, when resolved, the truth of the etymology will be ascertained by the concomitant history. If it be a Deity, or other personage, the truth will appear from his office and department; or with the attributes imputed to him. To begin, then, with antient Latium. If I should have occasion to speak of the Goddess Feronia, and of the city denominated from her, I should deduce the from Fer-On, ignis Dei Solis; and suppose the place to have been addicted to the worship of the Sun, and the rites of fire. I accordingly find, from Strabo and Pliny, that rites of this sort were practised here: and one custom, which remained even to the time of Augustus, consisted in a ceremony of the priests, who used to walk barefoot over burning coals: [569]Γυμνοις γαρ ποσι διεξιασιν ανθρακιαν, και σποδιαν μεγαλην. The priests, with their feet naked, walked over a large quantity of live coals and cinders. The town stood at the bottom of Mount Soracte, sacred to Apollo; and the priests were styled Hirpi. Aruns, in Virgil, in his address to Apollo, takes notice of this custom:

[570]Summe Deûm, magni custos Soractis, Apollo,

Quem primi colimus; cui pineus ardor acervo

Pascitur, et medium freti pietate per ignem

Cultores multâ premimus vestigia prunâ;

Da, Pater.

The temple is said to have been founded on account of a pestilential [571]vapour, which arose from a cavern; and to which some shepherds were conducted by (Λυκος) a wolf. Were I to attempt the decyphering of Ferentum, I should proceed in a manner analogous to that above. I should suppose it to have been named Fer-En, ignis, vel Solis fons, from something peculiar either in its rites or situation. I accordingly find, that there was a sacred fountain, whose waters were styled Aquæ Ferentinæ,—cui numen etiam, et divinus cultus tributus [572]fuit. Here was a grove, equally sacred, mentioned by [573] Livy, and others; where the antient Latines used to hold their chief assemblies. As this grand meeting used to be in a place denominated from fire, it was the cause of those councils being called Feriæ Latinæ. The fountain, which ran through the grove, arose at the foot of mount [574]Albanus, and afterwards formed many [575]pools.

The antient Cuthites, and the Persians after them, had a great veneration for fountains and streams; which also prevailed among other nations, so as to have been at one time almost universal. Of this regard among the Persians Herodotus takes notice: [576]Σεβονται ποταμους των παντων μαλιστα: Of all things in nature they reverence rivers most. But if these rivers were attended with any nitrous or saline quality, or with any fiery eruption, they were adjudged to be still more sacred, and ever distinguished with some title of the Deity. The natives of Egypt had the like veneration. Other nations, says [577]Athanasius, reverenced rivers and fountains; but, above all people in the world, the Egyptians held them in the highest honour, and esteemed them as divine. Julius Firmicus gives the same account of them. [578]Ægyptii aquæ beneficium percipientes aquam colunt, aquis supplicant. From hence the custom passed westward to Greece, Italy, and the extremities of Europe. In proof of which the following inscription is to be found in Gruter:

[579]Vascaniæ in Hispaniâ

How much it prevailed among the Romans we learn from Seneca. [580]Magnorum fluviorum capita veneramur—coluntur aquarum calentium fontes; et quædam stagna, quæ vel opacitas, vel immensa altitudo sacravit. It mattered not what the nature of the water might be, if it had a peculiar quality. At Thebes, in Ammonia, was a fountain, which was said to have been cold by day, and warm at night. Ἡ κρηνη [581]καλειται του ἡλιου. It was named the fountain of the Sun. In Campania was a fountain Virena; which I should judge to be a compound of Vir-En, and to signify ignis fons, from being dedicated to the Deity of fire, on account of some particular quality. I accordingly find in [582]Vitruvius, that it was a medicinal spring, and of a strong vitriolic nature. The Corinthians had in their Acropolis a [583]Pirene, of the same purport as Virena, just mentioned. It was a beautiful fountain sacred to Apollo, whose [584]image was at the head of the water within a sacred inclosure.

We read of a Pyrene, which was a fountain of another nature; yet of the same etymology, however differently expressed. It was a mountain, and gave name to the vast ridge called Saltus Pyrenæi. It is undoubtedly a compound of [585]Pur-ain, and signifies a fountain of fire. I should imagine, without knowing the history of the country, that this mountain once flamed; and that the name was given from this circumstance. Agreeably to this, I find, from Aristotle de Mirabilibus, that here was formerly an eruption of fire. The same is mentioned by Posidonius in Strabo; and also by Diodorus, who adds, [586]Τα μεν ορη δια το συμβεβηκος κληθηναι Πυρηναια. That the mountains from hence had the name of Pyrenæi. Mount Ætna is derived very truly by Bochart from Aituna, fornax; as being a reservoir of molten matter. There was another very antient name, Inessus; by which the natives called the hill, as well as the city, which was towards the bottom of it. The name is a compound of Ain-Es, like Hanes in Egypt; and signifies a fountain of fire. It is called Ennesia by Diodorus, who says that this name was afterwards changed to Ætna. He speaks of the city; but the name was undoubtedly borrowed from the mountain, to which it was primarily applicable, and upon which it was originally conferred: [587]Και την νυν ουσαν Αιτνην εκτησαντο, προ τουτου καλουμενην Εννησιαν. Strabo expresses the name Innesa, and informs us, more precisely, that the upper part of the mountain was so called, Οι δε [588]Αιτναιοι παραχωρησαντες την Ιννησαν καλουμενην, της Αιτνης ορεινην, ᾡκησαν. Upon this, the people, withdrawing themselves, went and occupied the upper part of Mount Ætna, which was called Innesa. The city Hanes, in Egypt, was of the same etymology; being denominated from the Sun, who was styled Hanes. Ain-Es, fons ignis sive lucis. It was the same as the Arab Heliopolis, called now Mataiea. Stephanas Byzantinus calls the city Inys: for that is manifestly the name he gives it, if we take away the Greek termination, [589]Ινυσσος, πολις Αιγυπτου: but Herodotus, [590]from whom he borrows, renders it Iënis. It would have been more truly rendered Doricè Iänis; for that was nearer to the real name. The historian, however, points it out plainly, by saying, that it was three days journey from Mount [591]Casius; and that the whole way was through the Arabian desert. This is a situation which agrees with no other city in all Egypt, except that which was the Onium of the later Jews. With this it accords precisely. There seem to have been two cities named On, from the worship of the Sun. One was called Zan, Zon, and Zoan, in the land of Go-zan, the [592]Goshen of the scriptures. The other was the city On in Arabia; called also Hanes. They were within eight or nine miles of each other, and are both mentioned together by the prophet [593]Isaiah. For his princes were at Zoan, and his ambassadors came to Hanes. The name of each of these cities, on account of the similarity of worship, has by the Greeks been translated [594]Heliopolis; which has caused great confusion in the history of Egypt. The latter of the two was the Iänis, or Ιανισος, of the Greeks; so called from Hanes, the great fountain of light, the Sun; who was worshipped under that title by the Egyptians and Arabians. It lies now quite in ruins, close to the village Matarea, which has risen from it. The situation is so pointed out, that we cannot be mistaken: and we find, moreover, which is a circumstance very remarkable, that it is at this day called by the Arabians Ain El Sham, the fountain of the Sun; a name precisely of the same purport as Hanes. Of this we are informed by the learned geographer, D'Anville, and others; though the name, by different travellers, is expressed with some variation. [595]Cette ville presque ensévelie sous des ruines, et voisine, dit Abulfeda, d'un petit lieu nommé Matarea, conserve dans les géographies Arabes le nom d'Ainsiems ou du fontain du Soleil. A like account is given by Egmont and [596]Hayman; though they express the name Ain El Cham; a variation of little consequence. The reason why the antient name has been laid aside, by those who reside there, is undoubtedly this. Bochart tells us, that, since the religion of Mahomet has taken place, the Arabs look upon Hanes as the devil: [597]proinde ab ipsis ipse Dæmon הנאס vocatur. Hence they have abolished Hanes: but the name Ain El Cham, of the same purport, they have suffered to remain.

I have before taken notice of an objection liable to be made from a supposition, that if Hanes signified the fountain of light, as I have presumed, it would have been differently expressed in the Hebrew. This is a strange fallacy; but yet very predominant. Without doubt those learned men, who have preceded in these researches, would have bid fair for noble discoveries, had they not been too limited, and biassed, in their notions. But as far as I am able to judge, most of those, who have engaged in inquiries of this nature, have ruined the purport of their labours through some prevailing prejudice. They have not considered, that every other nation, to which we can possibly gain access, or from whom we have any history derived, appears to have expressed foreign terms differently from the natives, in whose language they were found. And without a miracle the Hebrews must have done the same. We pronounce all French names differently from the people of that country: and they do the same in respect to us. What we call London, they express Londres: England they style Angleterre. What some call Bazil, they pronounce Bal: Munchen, Munich: Mentz, Mayence: Ravenspurg, Ratisbon. The like variation was observable of old. Carthago of the Romans was Carchedon among the Greeks. Hannibal was rendered Annibas: Asdrubal, Asdroubas: and probably neither was consonant to the Punic mode of expression. If then a prophet were to rise from the dead, and preach to any nation, he would make use of terms adapted to their idiom and usage; without any retrospect to the original of the terms, whether they were domestic, or foreign. The sacred writers undoubtedly observed this rule towards the people, for whom they wrote; and varied in their expressing of foreign terms; as the usage of the people varied. For the Jewish nation at times differed from its neighbours, and from itself. We may be morally certain, that the place, rendered by them Ekron, was by the natives called Achoron; the Accaron, Ακκαρων, of Josephus, and the Seventy. What they termed Philistim, was Pelestin: Eleazar, in their own language, they changed to Lazar, and Lazarus: and of the Greek συνεδριον they formed Sanhedrim. Hence we may be certified, that the Jews, and their ancestors, as well as all nations upon earth, were liable to express foreign terms with a variation, being led by a natural peculiarity in their mode of speech. They therefore are surely to be blamed, who would deduce the orthography of all antient words from the Hebrew; and bring every extraneous term to that test. It requires no great insight into that language to see the impropriety of such procedure. Yet no prejudice has been more [598]common. The learned Michaelis has taken notice of this [599]fatal attachment, and speaks of it as a strange illusion. He says, that it is the reigning influenza, to which all are liable, who make the Hebrew their principal study. The only way to obtain the latent purport of antient terms is by a fair analysis. This must be discovered by an apparent analogy; and supported by the history of the place, or person, to whom the terms relate. If such helps can be obtained, we may determine very truly the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name; however it may appear repugnant to the orthography of the Hebrews. The term Hanes is not so uncommon as may be imagined. Zeus was worshipped under this title in Greece, and styled Ζευς Αινησιος. The Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius mentions his temple, and terms it [600]Διος Αινησιου ἱερον ου μνημονευει και Λεων εν περιπλῳ, και Δημοσθενης εν λιμεσι. It is also taken notice of by Strabo, who speaks of a mountain Hanes, where the temple stood. [601]Μεγιστον δε ορος εν αυτῃ Αινος (lege Αινης) εν ᾡ το του Διος Αινησιου ἱερον. The mountain of Zeus Ainesius must have been Aines, and not Ainos; though it occurs so in our present copies of Strabo. The Scholiast above quotes a verse from Hesiod, where the Poet styles the Deity Αινηιος.

Ενθ' ὁιγ' ευχεσθην Αινηιῳ ὑψιμεδοντι.

Aineïus, and Ainesius are both alike from Hanes, the Deity of Egypt, whose rites may be traced in various parts. There were places named Aineas, and Ainesia in Thrace; which are of the same original. This title occurs sometimes with the prefix Ph'anes: and the Deity so called was by the early theologists thought to have been of the highest antiquity. They esteemed him the same as [602]Ouranus, and Dionusus: and went so far as to give him a creative [603]power, and to deduce all things from him. The Grecians from Phanes formed Φαναιος, which they gave as a title both to [604]Zeus, and Apollo. In this there was nothing extraordinary, for they were both the same God. In the north of Italy was a district called Ager [605]Pisanus. The etymology of this name is the same as that of Hanes, and Phanes; only the terms are reversed. It signifies ignis fons: and in confirmation of this etymology I have found the place to have been famous for its hot streams, which are mentioned by Pliny under the name of Aquæ Pisanæ. Cuma in Campania was certainly denominated from Chum, heat, on account of its soil, and situation. Its medicinal [606]waters are well known; which were called Aquæ Cumanæ. The term Cumana is not formed merely by a Latine inflection; but consists of the terms Cumain, and signifies a hot fountain; or a fountain of Chum, or Cham, the Sun. The country about it was called Phlegra; and its waters are mentioned by Lucretius.

[607]Qualis apud Cumas locus est, montemque Vesevum,

Oppleti calidis ubi fumant fontibus auctus.

Here was a cavern, which of old was a place of prophecy. It was the seat of the Sibylla Cumana, who was supposed to have come from [608]Babylonia. As Cuma was properly Cuman; so Baiæ was Baian; and Alba near mount Albanus[609], Alban: for the Romans often dropped the n final. Pisa, so celebrated in Elis, was originally Pisan, of the same purport as the Aquæ Pisanæ above. It was so called from a sacred fountain, to which only the name can be primarily applicable: and we are assured by Strabo [610]Την κρηνην Πισαν ειρησθαι, that the fountain had certainly the name of Pisan. I have mentioned that Mount Pyrene was so called from being a fountain of fire: such mountains often have hot streams in their vicinity, which are generally of great utility. Such we find to have been in Aquitania at the foot of this mountain, which were called Thermæ Onesæ; and are mentioned by Strabo, as [611]Θερμα καλλιστα ποτιμωτατου ὑδατος. What in one part of the world was termed Cumana, was in another rendered Comana. There was a grand city of this name in Cappadocia, where stood one of the noblest Puratheia in Asia. The Deity worshipped was represented as a feminine, and styled Anait, and Anaïs; which latter is the same as Hanes. She was well known also in Persis, Mesopotamia, and at Egbatana in Media. Both An-ait, and An-ais, signifies a fountain of fire. Generally near her temples, there was an eruption of that element; particularly at Egbatana, and Arbela. Of the latter Strabo gives an account, and of the fiery matter which was near it. [612]Περι Αρβηλα δε εστι και Δημητριας πολις· ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και τα πυρα (or πυρεια) και το της Αναιας ἱερον.

I should take the town of Egnatia in Italy to have been of the same purport as Hanes above mentioned: for Hanes was sometimes expressed with a guttural, Hagnes; from whence came the ignis of the Romans. In Arcadia near mount Lyceus was a sacred fountain; into which one of the nymphs, which nursed Jupiter, was supposed to have been changed. It was called Hagnon, the same as Ain-On, the fount of the Sun. From Ain of the Amonians, expressed Agn, came the ἁγνος of the Greeks, which signified any thing pure and clean; purus sive castus. Hence was derived ἁγνειον, πηγαιον· ἁγναιον, καθαρον· ἁγνη, καθαρα: as we may learn from Hesychius. Pausanias styles the fountain [613]Hagno: but it was originally Hagnon, the fountain of the Sun: hence we learn in another place of Hesychius, ἁγνοπολεισθαι, το ὑπο ἡλιου θερεσθαι. The town Egnatia, which I mentioned above, stood in campis Salentinii, and at this day is called Anazo, and Anazzo. It was so named from the rites of fire: and that those customs were here practised, we may learn from some remains of them among the natives in the times of Horace and Pliny. The former calls the place by contraction [614]Gnatia:

Dein Gnatia Nymphis

Iratis extructa dedit risumque, jocumque;

Dum flammis sine thura liquescere limine sacro

Persuadere cupit.

Horace speaks as if they had no fire: but according to Pliny they boasted of having a sacred and spontaneous appearance of it in their temple. [615]Reperitur apud auctores in Salentino oppido Egnatiâ, imposito ligno in saxum quoddam ibi sacram protinus flammam existere. From hence, undoubtedly, came also the name of Salentum, which is a compound of Sal-En, Solis fons; and arose from this sacred fire to which the Salentini pretended. They were Amonians, who settled here, and who came last from Crete [616]Τους δε Σαλεντινους Κρητων αποικους φασι. Innumerable instances of this sort might be brought from Sicily: for this island abounded with places, which were of Amonian original. Thucydides and other Greek writers, call them Phenicians[617]: Ωκουν δε και Φοινικες περι πασαν μεν Σικελιαν. But they were a different people from those, which he supposes. Besides, the term Phenician was not a name, but a title: which was assumed by people of different parts; as I shall shew. The district, upon which the Grecians conferred it, could not have supplied people sufficient to occupy the many regions, which the Phenicians were supposed to have possessed. It was an appellation, by which no part of Canaan was called by the antient and true inhabitants: nor was it ever admitted, and in use, till the Grecians got possession of the coast. It was even then limited to a small tract; to the coast of Tyre and Sidon.

If so many instances may be obtained from the west, many more will be found, as we proceed towards the east; from whence these terms were originally derived. Almost all the places in Greece were of oriental etymology; or at least from Egypt. I should suppose that the name of Methane in the Peloponnesus had some relation to a fountain, being compounded of Meth-an, the fountain of the Egyptian Deity, Meth, whom the Greeks called Μητις, Meetis.

[618]Και Μητις πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης.

We learn from [619]Pausanias, that there was in this place a temple and a statue of Isis, and a statue also of Hermes in the forum; and that it was situated near some hot springs. We may from hence form a judgment, why this name was given, and from what country it was imported. We find this term sometimes compounded Meth-On, of which name there was a town in [620]Messenia. Instances to our purpose from Greece will accrue continually in the course of our work.

One reason for holding waters so sacred arose from a notion, that they were gifted with supernatural powers. Jamblichus takes notice of many ways, by which the gift of divination was to be obtained. [621]Some, says he, procure a prophetic spirit by drinking the sacred water, as is the practice of Apollo's priest at Colophon. Some by sitting over the mouth of the cavern, as the women do, who give out oracles at Delphi. Others are inspired by the vapour, which arises from the waters; as is the case of those who are priestesses at Branchidæ. He adds,[622] in respect to the oracle at Colophon, that the prophetic spirit was supposed to proceed from the water. The fountain, from whence it flowed, was in an apartment under ground; and the priest went thither to partake of the emanation. From this history of the place we may learn the purport of the name, by which this oracular place was called. Colophon is Col-Oph On, tumulus Dei Solis Pythonis, and corresponds with the character given. The river, into which this fountain ran, was sacred, and named Halesus; it was also called [623]Anelon: An-El-On, Fons Dei Solis. Halesus is composed of well-known titles of the same God.

Delos was famed for its oracle; and for a fountain sacred to the prophetic Deity. It was called [624]Inopus. This is a plain compound of Ain-Opus, Fons Pythonis. Places named Asopus, Elopus, and like, are of the same analogy. The God of light, Orus, was often styled Az-El; whence we meet with many places named Azelis, Azilis, Azila, and by apocope, Zelis, Zela, and Zeleia. In Lycia was the city Phaselis, situated upon the mountain [625]Chimæra; which mountain had the same name, and was sacred to the God of fire. Phaselis is a compound of Phi, which, in the Amonian language, is a mouth or opening; and of Azel above mentioned. Ph'Aselis signifies Os Vulcani, sive apertura ignis; in other words a chasm of fire. The reason why this name was imposed may be seen in the history of the place[626]. Flagrat in Phaselitide Mons Chimæra, et quidem immortali diebus, et noctibus flammâ. Chimæra is a compound of Cham-Ur, the name of the Deity, whose altar stood towards the top of the [627]mountain. At no great distance stood Mount Argaius, which was a part of the great ridge, called Taurus. This Argaius may be either derived from Har, a mountain; or from Aur, fire. We may suppose Argaius to signify Mons cavus: or rather ignis cavitas, sive Vulcani domus, a name given from its being hollow, and at the same time a reservoir of fiery matter. The history of the mountain may be seen in Strabo; who says, that it was immensely high, and ever covered with snow; it stood in the vicinity of Comana, Castabala, Cæsarea, and Tyana: and all the country about it abounded with fiery [628]eruptions. But the most satisfactory idea of this mountain may be obtained from coins, which were struck in its vicinity; and particularly [629]describe it, both as an hollow and an inflamed mountain.

In Thrace was a region called Pæonia, which seems to have had its name from P'Eon, the God of light[630]. The natives of these parts were styled both Peonians and Pierians; which names equally relate to the Sun. Agreeably to this Maximus Tyrius tells us, that they particularly worshipped that luminary: and adds, that they had no image; but instead of it used to suspend upon an high pole a disk of metal, probably of fine gold, as they were rich in that mineral: and before this they performed their [631]adoration.

There is an apparent analogy between the names of places farther east; whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are an assemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura, Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is a compound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have been devoted to the Sun:

[632]Denique flammicomo devoti pectora Soli

Vitam agitant.

Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades, the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region—Ἱερον εξ αιωνος τῳ Ἡλιῳ [633]Χωριον. This city was also, from its worship, styled [634]Ur, Urhoe, and Urchoë; which last was probably the name of the [635]temple.

There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoë, Arsiana. These were all the same name, only varied in different countries; and they were consequently of the same purport. Arsinoë is a compound of arez-ain, Solis fons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain. One of this name was in Syria; [636]Αρσινοη πολις εν Συριᾳ, επι βουνῳ κειμενη. απο δε του βουνου κρηνας ερευγεται πλειονας—αφ' ὡν ἡ πολις ωνομασται. Arsinoë is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, out of which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name. Arsine and Arsiana in Babylonia had [637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was a nitrous lake: [638]Αρσηνη λιμην—νιτριτις. Near Arsinoë, upon the Red Sea, were hot streams of bitter [639]waters; and Arsinoë near [640]Ephesus had waters equally bitter.

There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: in the history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire. The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He was worshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nation were called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the [641]literati; but [642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of the Chaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country was replete with bitumen and fire. There was a region [643]Hyrcania, inhabited by the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. The people were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sons of fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in [644]Lydia. There were certainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus [645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of that parched and burning region called κατακεκαυμενη, so named from the fires with which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and Fossa Charonea; all famed for fire.

It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynian forest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it was denominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in the east. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of δρυμος Ορκυνιος, or the forest of [646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same name as that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrene signified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. There was a Pyrene among the Alpes [647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a city of the same [648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominated from the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regio Hercynia, where the Hercynian forest[649] commenced, and from which it received its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says, that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once[650] burning: and, conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of the great [651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have been called Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deity of fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt but Hercynia, which Ptolemy expresses Ορκυνια was so named from Or-cun, the God of that element.

We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some of that family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performances was by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passage therefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work of Hercules: by others of Cottus, and [652]Cottius. From hence this particular branch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country was called Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital [653]cities. Some of that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidonius to have taken up their residence in these parts. [654]Τους Ὑπερβορεους—οικειν περι τας Αλπεις της Ιταλιας. Here inhabited the Taurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the country the land of [655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafter to be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian; as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts of Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, and of her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi. [656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrino sacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnæ figuratum docet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome: and is marked in the [657]calendar for the month of March. From whence the mystery was derived, we may learn from [658]Fulgentius. Navigium Isidis Ægyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. The like is shewn by [659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerable proofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafter introduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon the antiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectly known. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound with sacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say so much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long duration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing, which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high mounds of earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly all mineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retain their antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance in most parts of the world. For when names have been once determinately affixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexander settled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gave to others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their own country. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian, assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and that in his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, is acquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; who having been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led in triumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by those of her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant. Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood, that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would not know to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquainted with the history of Odænatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talk of Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built by Salmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactly conformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book of Chronicles, [660]He also (Solomon) built Tadmor in the wilderness. The Grecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel to a native Arab.

As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, and worship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, with which I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the same time to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to the intent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of my system; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judge beforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I found my analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, are good, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories will in consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be my misfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth, let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the history will speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated.

Plate I

Pl. I. Mons Argæus Ex Numism Tyanorum et Cæsariensium







As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast; and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, there succeeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continually augmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages either to the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, and hollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence of their Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performed their vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailed among the first nations upon the earth: [661]Σπηλαια τοινυν και αντρα των παλαιοτατων, πριν και ναους επινοησαι, θεοις αφοσιουντων και εν Κρητῃ μεν Κουρητων Διι, εν Αρκαδιᾳ δε Σεληνῃ, και Πανι εν Λυκειῳ και εν Ναξῳ Διονυσῳ. When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were still determined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which they comprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholy recesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatly did this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice had ceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the cavern. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words παρ' αντρα in the poet, [662]Τους εσωτατους τοπους του ναου. The cavern is the innermost place of the temple. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis, says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. [663]Αφροδιτη δ' εχει εν σπηλαιῳ τιμας. In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite. Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromising circumstances. Ἱεροπρεπης ὁ Παρνασσος, εχων αντρα τε και αλλα χωρια τιμωμενα τε, και, ἁγιστευομενα.[664] The mountain of Parnassus is a place of great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highly honoured and sanctified. At Tænarus was a temple with a fearful aperture, through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell. The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, [665]Επι τῃ ακρᾳ Ναος εικασμενος σπηλαιῳ. Upon the top of the promontory stands a temple, in appearance like a cavern. The situation of Delphi seems to have been determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, [666]οντος χασματος εν τῳ τοπῳ: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracular shrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded.

[667]Ut vidit Pæan vastos telluris hiatus

Divinam spirare fidem, ventosque loquaces

Exhalare solum, sacris se condidit antris,

Incubuitque adyto: vates ibi factus Apollo.

Here also was the temple of the [668]Muses, which stood close upon a reeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and more reverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill and Parnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it his particular business to visit places of this nature, says, that it was the most extraordinary of any which he ever beheld. [669]Αντρον Κωρυκιον σπηλαιων, ὡν ειδον, θεας αξιον μαλιστα. There were many caves styled Corycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus from Parthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: Παρ' ᾑ το Κωρυκιον αντρον Νυμφων, αξιαγαστον θεαμα. Near which city was the Corycian cavern, sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing. There was a place of this sort at [670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above, consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from which people troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found great benefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in [671]Phrygia; and the chasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilential vapour. There was a city of the same name in [672]Syria, where stood a temple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, through which, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the deluge retired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose from Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers.

It has been observed, that the Greek term κοιλος, hollow, was often substituted for Coëlus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have been thus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of the Atlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supported heaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood a temple to Coëlus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of his dissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to κοιλος, hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to be understood in its original acceptation, as Coël, the house of God; to which the natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantian betrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vast hollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image, nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: [673]Εστι δε Ατλας ορος κοιλον, επιεικως ὑψηλον.—Τουτο Λιβυων και ἱερον, και θεος, και ὁρκος, και αγαλμα. This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is a mountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteem both as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which they swear; and to which they pay their devotions. The cave in the mountain was certainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Cœlus of the Romans. To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven which Atlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term among the Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coël, which the Romans rendered Coëlu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Cœlus; but the name was copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admitted into their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struck in this city to the honour of some of the Roman [674]emperors, but especially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius.

Plate II

Pl. II. Temple of Mithras near Naki Rustan in Persia. Also temples in the rock near the Plain of the Magi. From Le Bruyn.

Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formed by nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or open temples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew, that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sons of Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwards Persis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments of antiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hyde supposes them to have been either [675]palaces, or tombs. The chief building, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; one of those open edifices called by the Greeks Ὑπαιθρα. It is very like the temple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At a glance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At a distance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which he imagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of the moderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos are representations of various characters: and among others is figured, more than once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where the sacred fire is [676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of a Deity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpent entwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposes the figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar: but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a second example in Le [677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hyde takes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, and particularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes: yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples of antient architecture are described by [678]Kæmpfer, [679]Mandesloe, [680]Chardin, and [681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by [682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, that they were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among the Persians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e [683]Petrâ was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deity had always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places, where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a [684]cavern. Justin Martyr speaks to the same [685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidus mentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, [686]Persæ in spelæis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reason to think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made use of such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of [687]Cyrus, [688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts of their cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon the entablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designed for temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial; which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted with the antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he [689]went into the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merely conjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape of coffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, which the Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in great measure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs were square, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills, where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were of old famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. The circumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus[690], who quotes it from the writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there were some sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heard shouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and other uncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests at their midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated by the mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those who heard them. The country below was called Χωρα των Μαγων, the region of the Magi.

The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was a temple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it is called Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies e rupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derived from the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth [691]conjugation. I am sorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and to encounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. I am entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannot acquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, vel rupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which a proper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace, or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but what temple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a proper name to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for a characteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to be supposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of the country: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apart for the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, and Esta.[692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta; who was the Hestia, Ἑστια, of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That the term originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius. [693]Hebraïcâ linguâ אש ignem significat, Aramæâ אשתא quâ voce ignem a Noëmo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Græci Ἑστιας originem deduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the building to have been the temple of [694]Anaia, or Anaïs; who was the same as Hanes, as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians, says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romans worshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. [695]Τουτο εστι το πυρ, ὁπερ Ἑστιαν εκαλουντο, και εσεβοντο εν τοις ὑστεροις χρονοις Ρωμαιοι. This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid.

[696]Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.

Hyde renders the term after Kæmpfer, Ista: but it was more commonly expressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as a masculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer from a province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called [697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God of fire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learn from Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous fires bursting forth in many parts of it.

[698]Φυκος ἁπαν κατεφλεξας, επει περικαιεο πυρι.

Upon this account it was called [699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia, and Hestia, similar to the name above. [700]Ιστιη, ω νησων ευεστιη. The antient Scythæ were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them as devoted to Histia[701]. Ἱλασκοντας Ἱστιην μεν μαλιστα. From hence, I think, we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a name given to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. It stands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extended plain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentioned above by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake in Maximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says, that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity to take his repast[702]. Πυρ, δεσποτα, εσθιε. What he renders εσθιε, was undoubtedly Ἑστιε, Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, Ω Πυρ, δεσποτα, Ἑστιε: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to O Fire, come, and feed.

The island Cyprus was of old called [703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had a city of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: and mention is made of cruel rites practised in its [704]temple. As long as the former name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastæ. They were more particularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at last extirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastæ related to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls.

[705] Atque illos gemino quondam quibus aspera cornu

Frons erat, unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastæ.

There was a city of the same name in Eubœa, expressed Carystus, where the stone [706]Asbestus was found. Of this they made a kind of cloth, which was supposed to be proof against fire, and to be cleansed by that element. The purport of the name is plain; and the natural history of the place affords us a reason why it was imposed. For this we are obliged to Solinus, who calls the city with the Grecian termination, Carystos; and says, that it was noted for its hot streams: [707]Carystos aquas calentes habet, quas Ελλοπιας vocant. We may therefore be assured, that it was called Car-ystus from the Deity of fire, to whom all hot fountains were sacred. Ellopia is a compound of El Ope, Sol Python, another name of the same Deity. Carystus, Cerastis, Cerasta, are all of the same purport: they betoken a place, or temple of Astus, or Asta, the God of fire. Cerasta in the feminine is expressly the same, only reversed, as Astachar in Chusistan. Some places had the same term in the composition of their names, which was joined with Kur; and they were named in honour of the Sun, styled Κυρος, Curos. He was worshipped all over Syria; and one large province was hence named Curesta, and Curestica, from Κυρ Ἑστος, Sol Hestius.

In Cappadocia were many Puratheia; and the people followed the same manner of worship, as was practised in Persis. The rites which prevailed, may be inferred from the names of places, as well as from the history of the country. One city seems to have been denominated from its tutelary Deity, and called Castabala. This is a plain compound of Ca-Asta-Bala, the place or temple of Asta Bala; the same Deity, as by the Syrians was called Baaltis. Asta Bala was the Goddess of fire: and the same customs prevailed here as at Feronia in Latium. The female attendants in the temple used to walk with their feet bare over burning [708]coals.

Such is the nature of the temple named Istachar; and of the caverns in the mountains of Chusistan. They were sacred to Mithras, and were made use of for his rites. Some make a distinction between Mithras, Mithres, and Mithra: but they were all the same Deity, the [709]Sun, esteemed the chief God of the Persians. In these gloomy recesses people who were to be initiated, were confined for a long season in the dark, and totally secluded from all company. During this appointed term they underwent, as some say, eighty kinds of trials, or tortures, by way of expiation. [710]Mithra apud Persas Sol esse existimatur: nemo vero ejus sacris initiari potest, nisi per aliquot suppliciarum gradus transierit. Sunt tormentorum ij lxxx gradus, partim intensiores.—Ita demum, exhaustis omnibus tormentis, sacris imbuuntur. Many [711]died in the trial: and those who survived were often so crazed and shaken in their intellects, that they never returned to their former state of mind.

Some traces of this kind of penance may be still perceived in the east, where the followers of Mahomet have been found to adopt it. In the history given by Hanway of the Persian monarch, Mir Maghmud, we have an account of a process similar to that above, which this prince thought proper to undergo. He was of a sour and cruel disposition, and had been greatly dejected in his spirits; on which account he wanted to obtain some light and assistance from heaven. [712]With this intent Maghmud undertook to perform the spiritual exercises which the Indian Mahommedans, who are more addicted to them than those of other countries, have introduced into Kandahar. This superstitious practice is observed by shutting themselves up fourteen or fifteen days in a place where no light enters. The only nourishment they take is a little bread and water at sun-set. During this retreat they employ their time in repeating incessantly, with a strong guttural voice, the word Hou, by which they denote one of the attributes of the Deity. These continual cries, and the agitations of the body with which they were attended, naturally unhinge the whole frame. When by fasting and darkness the brain is distempered, they fancy they see spectres and hear voices. Thus they take pains to confirm the distemper which puts them upon such trials.

Such was the painful exercise which Maghmud undertook in January this year; and for this purpose he chose a subterraneous vault. In the beginning of the next month, when he came forth, he was so pale, disfigured, and emaciated, that they hardly knew him. But this was not the worst effect of his devotion. Solitude, often dangerous to a melancholy turn of thought, had, under the circumstances of his inquietude, and the strangeness of his penance, impaired his reason. He became restless and suspicious, often starting.—In one of these fits he determined to put to death the whole family of his predecessor, Sha Hussein; among whom were several brothers, three uncles, and seven nephews, besides that prince's children. All these, in number above an hundred, the tyrant cut to pieces with his own hand in the palace yard, where they were assembled for that bloody purpose. Two small children only escaped by the intervention of their father, who was wounded in endeavouring to screen them.

Plate III

Pl. III. Petra, Mithra or Temple of Mithras from Thevenot. Part 2.

The reverence paid to caves and grottos arose from a notion that they were a representation of the [713]world; and that the chief Deity whom the Persians worshipped proceeded from a cave. Such was the tradition which they had received, and which contained in it matter of importance. Porphyry attributes the original of the custom to Zoroaster, whoever Zoroaster may have been; and says, that he first consecrated a natural cavern in Persis to Mithras, the creator and father of all things. He was followed in this practice by others, who dedicated to the Deity places of this [714]nature; either such as were originally hollowed by nature, or made so by the art of man. Those, of which we have specimens exhibited by the writers above, were probably enriched and ornamented by the Achaimenidæ of Persis, who succeeded to the throne of Cyrus. They are modern, if compared with the first introduction of the worship; yet of high antiquity in respect to us. They are noble relics of Persic architecture, and afford us matter of great curiosity.





The term Omphi is of great antiquity, and denotes an oracular influence, by which people obtained an insight into the secrets of futurity. I have taken notice with what reverence men in the first ages repaired to rocks and caverns, as to places of particular sanctity. Here they thought that the Deity would most likely disclose himself either by a voice, or a dream, or some other præternatural token. Many, for the same purpose, worshipped upon hills, and on the tops of high mountains; imagining that they hereby obtained a nearer communication with heaven. Hence we read, as far back as the days of Moses, concerning the high places in [715]Canaan. And, under the kings of Israel and Judah, that the people made their offerings in high places. We are particularly told of Pekah, the son of Remaliah, that he walked in the way of the [716] kings of Israel; yea, and made his sons to pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen—and he sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree. And many times when a reformation was introduced under some of the wiser and better princes, it is still lamented by the sacred writer, that [717] the high places were not taken away: the people still offered, and burnt incense on the high places. It is observable, when the king of Moab wanted to obtain an answer from God, that he took Balaam the prophet, and brought him to the [718]high places of Baal. And, finding that he could not obtain his purpose there, he carried him into the field of Zophim unto the top of Pisgah; and from thence he again removed him to the top of Peor. In all these places he erected seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on every[719] altar. It is said of Orpheus, that he went with some of his disciples to meet Theiodamas, the son of Priam, and to partake in a sacrifice which he every year offered upon the summit of a high[720] mountain. We are told by Strabo, that the Persians always performed their worship upon hills[721]. Περσαι τοινυν αγαλματα και βωμους ουχ ἱδρυονται· Θυουσι δε εν ὑψηλῳ τοπῳ, τον ουρανον ηγουμενοι Δια.

The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship: and, of all sacrifices, wherever exhibited upon high places, none, perhaps, ever equalled in magnificence that which was offered by Mithridates upon his war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as well as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of the highest mountains in his dominions: upon the top of which he reared an immense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood: and there he sacrificed to the God of armies—[722]Εθυε τῳ Στρατιῳ Διι πατριον θυσιαν, επι ορους ὑψηλου κορυφην μειζονα αλλην επιτιθεις. The pile was raised by his vassal princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine, honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have been perceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia. The Roman poet makes his hero choose a like situation for a temple which he erected to Venus; and for the grove which he dedicated to the manes of his father.

[723]Tum vicina astris Ericino in vertice sedes

Fundatur Veneri Idaliæ: tumuloque Sacerdos,

Et lucus, late sacer, additur Anchiseo.

In Japan most of their temples at this day are constructed upon eminences; and often upon the ascent of high mountains. They are all, [724]says Kæmpfer, most sweetly seated: A curious view of the adjacent country, a spring and rivulet of clear water, and the neighbourhood of a grove with pleasant walks, being the necessary qualifications of those spots of ground where these holy structures are to be built: for they say that the Gods are extremely delighted with such high and pleasant places.

This practice in early times was almost universal; and every [725]mountain was esteemed holy. The people, who prosecuted this method of worship, enjoyed a soothing infatuation, which flattered the gloom of superstition. The eminences to which they retired were lonely, and silent; and seemed to be happily circumstanced for contemplation and prayer. They, who frequented them, were raised above the lower world; and fancied that they were brought into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and of the Deity who resided in the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were frequented, was the Omphi, expressed ομφη by the Greeks, and interpreted [726]Θεια κληδων, vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation from heaven. In short, they were looked upon as the peculiar places where God delivered his oracles. Hermæus in Plutarch expresses this term ομφις, omphis; and says, that it was the name of an Egyptian Deity: and he interprets it, I know not for what reason, [727]ευεργετης. The word truly rendered was Omphi or Amphi, the oracle of Ham; who, according to the Egyptian theology, was the same as the Sun, or Osiris. He was likewise revered as the chief Deity by the Chaldeans; and by most nations in the east. He was styled both Ham, and Cham: and his oracles both Omphi and Ompi. In consequence of this, the mountains where they were supposed to be delivered, came to be denominated Har-al-Ompi; which al-ompi by the Greeks was changed to Ολυμπος, Olympus; and the mountain was called ορος Ολυμπου. There were many of this name. The Scholiast upon Apollonius reckons up [728]six: but there were certainly more, besides a variety of places styled upon the same account [729]Olympian. They were all looked upon to be prophetic; and supposed to be the residence of the chief Deity, under whatever denomination he was specified, which was generally the God of light. For these oracles no place was of more repute than the hill at Delphi, called Omphi-El, or the oracle of the Sun. But the Greeks, who changed Al-omphi to Olympus, perverted these terms in a manner still more strange: for finding them somewhat similar in sound to a word in their own language, their caprice immediately led them to think of ομφαλος, a navel, which they substituted for the original word. This they did uniformly in all parts of the world; and always invented some story to countenance their mistake. Hence, whenever we meet with an idle account of a navel, we may be pretty sure that there is some allusion to an oracle. In respect to Delphi, they presumed that it was the umbilicus, or centre of the whole earth. The poets gave into this notion without any difficulty; Sophocles calls it [730]μεσομφαλα Γης μαντεια: and Euripides avers that it was the precise centre of the earth:

[731]Οντως μεσον ομφαλον γας

Φοιβου κατεχει δομος.

Livy, the historian, does not scruple to accede to this notion, and to call it [732]umbilicum orbis terrarum. Strabo speaks of it in this light, but with some hesitation. [733]Της Ἑλλαδος εν μεσῳ ΠΩΣ εστι της συμπασης—ΕΝΟΜΙΣΘΗ δη και οικουμενης· και εκαλεσαν της γης ΟΜΦΑΛΟΝ. Varro very sensibly refutes this idle notion in some [734]strictures upon a passage in the poet Manilius to the purpose above.

O, sancte Apollo,

Qui umbilicum certum terrarum obtines.

Upon which he makes this remark: Umbilicum dictum aiunt ab umbilico nostro, quod is medius locus sit terrarum, ut umbilicus in nobis: quod utrumque est falsum. Neque hic locus terrarum est medius; neque noster umbilicus est hominis medius. Epimenides long before had said the same:

[735]Ουτε γαρ ην γαιης μεσος ομφαλος, ουδε θαλασσης.

But supposing that this name and character had some relation to Delphi, how are we to account for other places being called after this manner? They could not all be umbilical: the earth cannot be supposed to have different centres: nor could the places thus named be always so situated, as to be central in respect to the nation, or the province in which they were included. Writers try to make it out this way: yet they do not seem satisfied with the process. The contradictory accounts shew the absurdity of the notion. It was a term borrowed from Egypt, which was itself an Omphalian region. Horus Apollo not knowing the meaning of this has made Egypt the centre of the earth: [736]Αιγυπτων γη μεση της οικουμενης. Pausanias mentions an Omphalus in the Peloponnesus, which was said to have been the middle of that country. He seems however to doubt of this circumstance, as he well may[737]. Ου πορρω δε εστιν ὁ καλουμενος Ομφαλος, Πελοποννησου δε πασης μεσον, ει δη τα οντα ειρηκασι. At no great distance is a place called the Omphalus, or navel; which is the centre of the whole Peloponnesus, if the people here tell us the truth. At Enna in [738]Sicily was an Omphalus: and the island of Calypso is represented by Homer as the umbilicus of the sea. The Goddess resided—[739]Νησῳ εν αμφιρυτῃ ὁθι τ' ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης. The Ætolians were styled umbilical; and looked upon themselves as the central people in Greece, like those of Delphi. But this notion was void of all truth in every instance which has been produced: and arose from a wrong interpretation of antient terms. What the Grecians styled Omphalus was certainly Ompha-El, the same as Al-Ompha; and related to the oracle of Ham or the Sun: and these temples were Prutaneia, and Puratheia, with a tumulus or high altar, where the rites of fire were in antient times performed. As a proof of this etymology most of the places styled Olympian, or Omphalian, will be found to have a reference to an oracle. Epirus was celebrated for the oracle at Dodona: and we learn from the antient poet, Reianus, that the natives were of old called Omphalians:

[740]Συν τε Παραυαιοι, και αμυμονες Ομφαλιηεις.

There was an Omphalia in Elis; and here too was an oracle mentioned by [741]Pindar and Strabo: [742]Την δε επιφανειαν εσχεν (ἡ Ολυμπια) εξ αρχης δια το μαντειον του Ολυμπιου Διος. The place derived all its lustre originally from the oracular temple of Olympian Jove. In this province was an antient city [743]Alphira; and a grove of Artemis [744]Alpheionia, and the whole was watered by the sacred river Alpheus. All these are derived from El, the prophetic Deity, the Sun; and more immediately from his oracle, Alphi. The Greeks deduced every place from some personage: and Plutarch accordingly makes Alpheus[745]Ἑις των το γενος αφ' ἡλιου καταγοντων, one of those who derived their race from the Sun. The term Alphi, from whence the Greeks formed Alphira, Alpheionia, and Alpheüs, is in acceptation the same as Amphi. For Ham being by his posterity esteemed the Sun, or El; and likewise Or, the same as Orus; his oracles were in consequence styled not only Amphi, and Omphi, but Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi.

I have taken notice of several cities called Omphalian, and have observed, that they generally had oracular temples: but by the Greeks they were universally supposed to have been denominated from a navel. There was a place called [746]Omphalian in Thessaly: and another in Crete, which had a celebrated [747]oracle. It is probably the same that is mentioned by Strabo, as being upon mount Ida, where was the city Elorus. Diodorus speaks of this oracle, named Omphalian; but supposes that the true name was ομφαλος, omphalus: and says, that it was so called (strange to tell) because Jupiter, when he was a child, lost his navel here, which dropped into the river Triton: [748]Απο τουτου τοτε συμβαντος Ομφαλον προσαγορευθηναι το χωριον: from this accident the place had the name of Omphalus, or the navel. Callimachus in his hymn to Jupiter dwells upon this circumstance:

[749]Ευτε Θενας απελειπεν επι Κνωσσοιο φερουση,

Ζευ πατερ, ἡ Νυμφη σε (Θεναι δ' εσαν εγγυθι Κνωσσου)

Τουτακι τοι πεσε, Δαιμον, απ' ομφαλος, ενθεν εκεινο

Ομφαλιον μετεπειτα πεδον καλεουσι Κυδωνες.

Who would imagine, that one of the wisest nations that ever existed could rest satisfied with such idle figments: and how can we account for these illusions, which overspread the brightest minds? We see knowing and experienced people inventing the most childish tales; lovers of science adopting them; and they are finally recorded by the grave historian: all which would not appear credible, had we not these evidences so immediately transmitted from them. And it is to be observed that this blindness is only in regard to their religion; and to their mythology, which was grounded thereupon. In all other respects they were the wisest of the sons of men.

We meet in history with other places styled Omphalian. The temple of Jupiter Ammon was esteemed of the highest antiquity, and we are informed that there was an omphalus here; and that the Deity was worshipped under the form of a navel. Quintus Curtius, who copied his history from the Greeks, gives us in the life of Alexander the following strange account, which he has embellished with some colouring of his own. [750]Id, quod pro Deo colitur, non eandem effigiem habebat, quam vulgo Diis Artifices accommodârunt. Umbilico maxime similis est habitus, smaragdo, et gemmis, coagmentatus. Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestant Sacerdotes, multis argenteis pateris ab utroque navigii latere pendentibus. The whole of this is an abuse of terms, which the author did not understand, and has totally misapplied. One would imagine that so improbable a story, as that of an umbilical Deity with his silver basons, though patched up with gold and emeralds, would have confuted itself. Yet Schottus in his notes upon Curtius has been taken with this motly description: and in opposition to all good history, thinks that this idle story of a navel relates to the compass. Hyde too has adopted this notion; and proceeds to shew how each circumstance may be made to agree with the properties of the magnet. [751]Illa nempe Jovis effigies videtur semiglobulare quiddam, uti est compassus marinus, formâ umbilici librarii, seu umbonis, tanquam ενθεον quoddam adoratum, propter ejusdem divinum auxilium: utpote in quo index magneticus erat sicut intus existens quidam deus, navigiorum cursum in medio æquore dirigens. These learned men were endued with a ready faith: and not only acquiesce in what they have been told, but contribute largely to establish the mistake. The true history is this. Most places in which was the supposed oracle of a Deity, the Grecians, as I have before mentioned, styled Olympus, Olympia, and Olympiaca: or else Omphale, and Omphalia, and the province χωριον Ομφαλιον. These terms were thought to relate to a navel: but, if such an interpretation could have been made to correspond with the history of any one place, yet that history could not have been reiterated; nor could places so widely distant have all had the same reference. What was terminated ομφαλος was [752]Omph-El, the oracle of God, the seat of divine influence: and Al-Omphi was a name given to mountains and eminences upon the same account. An oracle was given to Pelias in Thessaly: and whence did it proceed? from the well wooded omphalus of his mother Earth.

[753]Ηλθε δε ὁι κρυοεν

Πυκινῳ μαντευμα θυμῳ

Παρα μεσον ομφαλον

Ευδενδροιο ῥηθεν ματερος.—

In other words, it proceeded from the stately grove of Hestia, where stood an oracular temple.

In respect to the omphalus of Ammon, which Curtius has translated umbilicus, and garnished with gold and jewels, the whole arises from a mistake in terms, as in the many instances before. It was Omphi El, the oracle of Ham, or the Sun: and the shrine, from whence it was supposed to proceed, was carried in a boat. The Pateræ, represented as so many silver basons, were in reality the interpreters of the oracle. They were the priests, who in the sacred processions walked on each side, and supported both the image and the boat in which it was carried. They are said to have been eighty in number; and they pretended to bear the Deity about, just as they were by the divine impulse directed. The God, says [754]Diodorus Siculus, is carried about in a ship of gold by eighty of his priests. They bear him upon their shoulders, and pursue their way by instinct, just as the divine automaton chances to direct them. These persons, who thus officiated, were probably the same as the Petipharæ of the antient Egyptians, but were called Pateræ by the Greeks. It was a name, and office, by which the priests of Delphi, and of many other places besides those in Egypt, were distinguished: and the term always related to oracular interpretation. Hence Bochart describes these priests, and their function, very justly. [755]Pateræ Sacerdotes Apollinis, oraculorum interpretes. Pator, or Petor, was an Egyptian word; and Moses speaking of Joseph, and the dreams of Pharaoh, more than once makes use of it in the sense above. It occurs Genesis. c. 41. v. 8.—v. 13. and manifestly alludes to an interpretation of that divine intercourse, which the Egyptians styled Omphi. This was communicated to Pharaoh by a dream: for the Omphi was esteemed not only a verbal response, but also an intimation by [756]dreams—Ομφη, φημη θεια, θεια κληδων—ονειρου φαντασματα. Hesychius. So it likewise occurs in Eusebius; who quotes a passage from the oracles of Hecate, wherein the Gods are represented, as insensibly wafted through the air like an Omphean vision.

[757]Τους δε μεσους μεσατοισιν επεμβεβαωτας αηταις

Νοσφι πυρος θειοιο ΠΑΝΟΜΦΕΑΣ ηυτ' ΟΝΕΙΡΟΥΣ.

These Omphean visions were explained by Joseph; he interpreted the dreams of Pharaoh: wherefore the title of Pator is reckoned by the Rabbins among the names of Joseph. There is thought to be the same allusion to divine interpretation in the name of the apostle Peter: Πετρος, ὁ επιλυων, ὁ επιγινωσκων. Hesych. Petrus Hebræo sermone agnoscens notat. Arator. From these examples we may, I think, learn that the priest was styled Petor, and Pator: and that it was the place, which properly was called Patora. The Colossal statue of Memnon in the Thebaïs was a Patora, or oracular image. There are many inscriptions upon different parts of it; which were copied by Dr. Pocock[758], and are to be seen in the first volume of his travels. They are all of late date in comparison of the statue itself; the antiquity of which is very great. One of these inscriptions is particular, and relates to the Omphi, which seems to have frightened away some ill-disposed people in an attempt to deface the image:

[759]Εικονα λωβητηρες ελυμηναντ' ὁτι διαν

Θειοτατου νυκτωρ ομφην επι Μεμνονος ηλθον.

One of the most famous oracles of Apollo was in Lycia: and in consequence of it the place was named Patara. Patra in Achaia was of the same purport. I should imagine, that the place where Balaam the false [760]prophet resided, was of the same nature; and that by Pethor and Pethora was meant a place of interpretation, or oracular temple. There was probably a college of priests; such as are mentioned to have existed among the Amonians: of whom Balaam had been by the king of Moab appointed chief Petora, or priest. It seems to have been the celebrated place in Arabia, famous in after times for the worship of Alilat, and called by the Romans [761]Petra.

The custom of carrying the Deity in a shrine, placed in a boat, and supported by priests, was in use among the Egyptians, as well as the [762]Ammonites. It is a circumstance which deserves our notice; as it appears to be very antient, and had doubtless a mysterious allusion. We have three curious examples of it among [763]Bishop Pocock's valuable specimens of antiquity, which he collected in those parts. He met with them at Luxorein, or [764]Lucorein, near Carnac, in the Thebaïs; but mentions not what they relate to: nor do I know of any writer who has attended to their history. The accounts given above by Curtius, and Diodorus, are wonderfully illustrated by these representations from Egypt. It is plain that they all relate to the same religious ceremony, and very happily concur to explain each other. It may be worth observing, that the originals whence these copies were taken are of the highest antiquity; and, probably, the most early specimens of sculpture in the world. Diodorus mentions that the shrine of Ammon had eighty persons to attend it: but Dr. Pocock, when he took these copies, had not time to be precisely accurate in this article. In his specimens the greatest number of attendants are twenty: eighteen support the boat, and one precedes with a kind of sceptre; another brings up the rear, having in his hand a rod, or staff, which had undoubtedly a mystic allusion. The whole seems to have been emblematical; and it will be hereafter shewn, that it related to a great preservation, which was most religiously recorded, and became the principal subject of all their mysteries. The person in the shrine was their chief ancestor, and the whole process was a memorial of the deluge; the history of which must have been pretty recent when these works were executed in Egypt.

Plate IV (upper)

Pl. IV. The Ship of Isis Biprora with an Ark.

Plate IV (lower)

Ship of Isis and Image. From Pocock's Account of Egypt. Pl. XLII.

From the shrines of Amon abovementioned we may derive the history of all oracles; which, from the Deity by whom they were supposed to be uttered, were called Omphi and Amphi, as I have shewn: also, Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi, from El, and Orus. The Greeks adhered religiously to antient terms, however obsolete and unintelligible. They retained the name of Amphi, though they knew not the meaning: for it was antiquated before they had letters. That it originally related to oracular revelation is plain from its being always found annexed to the names of places famous on that account; and from its occurring in the names of men, renowned as priests and augurs, and supposed to have been gifted with a degree of foreknowledge. We read of Amphiaraus, Amphilocus, Amphimachus, persons represented as under particular divine influence, and interpreters of the will of the Gods. Amphion, though degraded to a harper, was Amphi-On, the oracle of Apollo, the Sun: and there was a temple, one of the antient ὑπαιθρα, dedicated to him and Zethus, as we may read in Pausanias. Mopsus, the diviner, is styled Αμπυκιδης, Ampucides; which is not a patronymic, but a title of the oracular Deity.

[765]Ενθα και Αμπυκιδην αυτῳ ενι ηματι Μοψον

Νηλειης ἑλε ποτμος· αδευκεα δ' ου φυγεν αισαν

Μαντοσυναις· ου γαρ τις αποτροπιη θανατοιο.

Idmon, the reputed son of Abas, was a prophet, as well as Mopsus: he was favoured with the divine Omphe, and, like the former, styled Ampucides.

[766]Ενθα μεν αισα παρεσχε καταφθισθαι δυο φωτας,

Αμπυκιδην Ιδμωνα, κυβερνητηρα τε Τιφυν.

What his attainments were, the Poet mentions in another place.

[767]Δε τοτ' Αβαντος παις νοθος ηλυθε καρτερος Ιδμων,

Τον ῥ' υποκυσσαμενη τεκεν Απολλωνι ανακτι

Αμβροσιον παρα κυμα φερετριος Αντιανειρα,

Τῳ και ΜΑΝΤΟΣYΝΗΝ επορε, και θεσφατον ΟΜΦΗΝ.

To say the truth, these supposed prophets were Deities, to whom temples were consecrated under these names; or, to speak more properly, they were all titles, which related to one God, the Sun. That they were reputed Deities, is plain, from many accounts. Dion Cassius speaks of Αμφιλοχου χρηστηριον: and the three principal oracles mentioned by Justin Martyr are [768]μαντεια—Αμφιλοχου Δωδωνης, και Πυθους. We have a similar account from Clemens Alexandrinus. [769]Διηγησαι ἡμιν και της αλλης μαντικης, μαλλον δε μανικης, τα αχρηστα χρηστηρια, τον Κλαριον, τον Πυθιον, τον Αμφιαρεω, τον Αμφιλοχον. The Amphictuons were originally prophetic personages, who attended at the temple at Delphi. Hesychius observes: Αμφικτυονες—περιοικοι Δελφων, πυλαγοραι, ιερομνημονες. Minerva, heavenly wisdom, is by Lycophron styled [770]Amphira; which is a compound of Amphi-Ur, the divine influence, or oracle of Orus. Of this name there was a city near Olympia in Elis: for many places were in this manner denominated, on account of their being esteemed the seat of prophecy. In Phocis was the city Hyampolis: and close to it [771] Amphissa, famous for the oracle of an unknown Goddess, the daughter of Macaria. Amphrysus, in Bœotia, was much famed for the influence of [772] Apollo; and Amphimallus, in Crete, was well known for its [773] oracle. Amphiclea, in [774] Phocis, had Dionusus for its guardian Deity, whose orgies were there celebrated; and whose shrine was oracular.

I imagine that this sacred influence, under the name of Amphi, is often alluded to in the exordia of Poets, especially by the writers in Dithyrambic measure, when they address Apollo. Taken in its usual sense (αμφι circum) the word has no meaning: and there is otherwise no accounting for its being chosen above all others in the language to begin hymns of praise to this Deity, who was the principal God of prophecy. We have one instance of it in the Nubes of Aristophanes:

[775]Αμφι μοι αυτε αναξ,

Δηλιε, Κυνθιαν εχων

Ὑψικερατα πετραν.

Periander is mentioned as beginning a hymn with a like exordium: Αμφι μοι αυθις ανακτα: And Terpander has nearly the same words: [776]Αμφι μοι αυθις ανακθ' ἑκατηβολον. Apollo was so frequently called Αμφι αναξ, that it was in a manner looked upon as a necessary proœemium. Suidas observes, Αμφιανακτιζειν το προοιμιαζειν: And Hesychius, Αμφιανακτα, αρχη νομου Κιθαρωδικου. Much the same is told us in the Scholia upon the passage above from Aristophanes: [777]Μιμειται δε (Αριστοφανης) τον Διθυραμβων τα προοιμια· συνεχως γαρ χρωνται ταυτῃ λεξει· διο αμφιανακτας αυτους καλουσι. However, none of these writers inform us why this word was so particularly used; nor tell us what was its purport. In the short hymns ascribed to Homer this term is industriously retained; and the persons who composed them have endeavoured to make sense of it, by adopting it according to the common acceptation.

Αμφι μοι Ερμειαο φιλον γονον εννεπε, Μουσα.

Αμφι Διοσκουρων ἑλικωπιδες εσπετε, Μουσαι.

Αμφι Διωνυσου Σεμελης ερικυδεος ὑιον


These hymns were of late date, long after Homer; and were introduced in Ionia, and also in Cyprus and Phenicia, when the Grecians were in possession of those parts. They were used in the room of the antient hymns, which were not understood by the new inhabitants. One of them is confessedly addressed to the Goddess called Venus Ourania, in Cyprus; and was designed to be sung by the priest of that Goddess upon the stated festivals at Salamis.

[779] Χαιρε, Θεα, Σαλαμινος εϋκτιμενης μεδεουσα,

Και πασης Κυπρου· δος δ' ἱμεροεσσαν αοιδην,

Αυταρ εγω κεν σειο και αλλης μνησομ' αοιδης.

We may perceive, from what has been said, that the word Amphi was a term of long standing, the sense of which was no longer understood: yet the sound was retained by the Greeks, and used for a customary exclamation. In respect to the more antient exordia above quoted, especially that of Terpander, I take the words to be an imitation, rather than a translation, of a hymn sung at Delphi in the antient Amonian language; the sound of which has been copied, rather than the sense, and adapted to modern terms of a different meaning. I make no doubt but that there were many antient hymns preserved in those oracular temples, which were for a long time retained, and sung, when their meaning was very imperfectly known. They were, for the most part, composed in praise of Ham, or the Sun; and were sung by the Homeridæ, and Iämidæ. They were called after his titles, Ad, Athyr, Amphi, which the Grecians expressed Dithyrambi. They were strains of joy and exultation, attended with grand processions: and from the same term, dithyrambus, was derived the θριαμβος of the Greeks, and the triumphus of the Romans. We are informed that triumphs were first instituted by [780]Bacchus, who was no other than Chus: the history, therefore, of the term must be sought for from among the Cuseans. That it was made up of titles, is plain, from its being said by Varro to have been a [781]name; and one that was given by the Amonians among other personages to Dionusus: for they were not in this point uniform. Diodorus takes notice that it was a name, and conferred upon the person spoken of: [782]Θριαμβον δε αυτον ωνομασθηναι φασι: They say, that one of the titles given to Dionusus was Thriambus. Ham, in the very antient accounts of Greece, is called Iämus, and his priests Iämidæ. His oracle, in consequence of this, was styled Iämphi, and Iämbi, which was the same term as Amphi, of which we have been treating. From the name Iambi came the measure Ιαμβος, Iambus, in which oracles were of old delivered. Ham, among the Egyptians, was called [783]Tithrambo, which is the same name as the Ditherambus of Diodorus. There is a remarkable passage in the Scholia upon Pindar concerning Ham, under the name of Iamus, and also concerning his temple, which is represented as oracular. [784] Μαντειον ην εν Ολυμπιᾳ, ὁυ αρχηγος γεγονεν Ιαμος, τῃ δια εμπυρων μαντειᾳ, ἡ και μεχρι του νυν ὁι Ιαμιδαι χρωνται. There was in Olympia an antient temple, esteemed a famous seat of prophecy, in which Iamus is supposed to have first presided; and where the will of the Deity was made manifest by the sacred fire upon the altar: this kind of divination is still carried on by a set of priests, who are called Iamidæ. Ιαμος αρχηγος was in reality the Deity; and his attendants were [785]Iamidæ, persons of great power and repute. Εξ ὁυ πολυκλειτον καθ' Ἑλλανος γενος Ιαμιδων. Pindar. Iämus was immortal, and was therefore named αθανατος.

[786]Και καταφαμιξεν καλεισθαι μιν

Χρονῳ συμπαντι ματηρ


From hence we may be assured, that he was of old the real Deity of the place.

I have mentioned, that in the sacred processions in early times the Deity used to be carried about in a shrine; which circumstance was always attended with shouts, and exclamations, and the whole was accompanied with a great concourse of people. The antient Greeks styled these celebrities the procession of the [787]P'omphi, and from hence were derived the words πομπη, and pompa. These originally related to a procession of the oracle: but were afterwards made use of to describe any cavalcade or show. In the time of Herodotus the word seems in some degree to have retained its true meaning, being by him used for the oracular influence. He informs us that Amphilutus was a diviner of Acharnan; and that he came to Pisistratus with a commission from heaven. By this he induced that prince to prosecute a scheme which he recommended. [788] Ενταυθα θειῃ πομπῃ χρεωμενος παρισταται Πεισιστρατῳ Αμφιλυτος.Θειη πομπη is a divine revelation, or commission. Ham was the Hermes of the Egyptians, and his oracle, as I have shewn, was styled Omphi: and when particularly spoken of as the oracle, it was expressed P'omphi, and P'ompi, the πομπη of the Greeks. Hence Hermes had the name of πομπαιος, which was misinterpreted the messenger, and conductor: and the Deity was in consequence of it made the servant of the Gods, and attendant upon the dead. But πομπαιος related properly to divine influence; and πομπη was an oracle. An ox, or cow, was by the Amonians esteemed very sacred, and oracular: Cadmus was accordingly said to have been directed πομπῃ βοος.

[789]Ενθα και εννασθη πομπῃ βοος, ἡν ὁι Απολλων

Ωπασε μαντοσυνησι προηγητειραν ὁδοιο.

Many places were from the oracle styled P'ompean: and supposed by the Romans to have been so named from Pompeius Magnus; but they were too numerous, and too remote to have been denominated from him, or any other Roman. There was indeed Pompeiæ in Campania: but even that was of too high antiquity to have received its name from Rome. We read of Pompeiæ among the Pyrenees, Pompion in Athens, Pompelon in Spain, Pompeditha in Babylonia, Pomponiana in Gaul. There were some cities in Cilicia and Cappadocia, to which that Roman gave the name of Pompeipolis: but upon, inquiry they will be found to have been Zeleian cities, which were oracular: go that the Romans only gave a turn to the name in honour of their own countryman, by whom these cities were taken.

Besides the cities styled Pompean, there were pillars named in like manner; which by many have been referred to the same person. But they could not have been built by him, nor were they erected to his memory: as I think we may learn from their history. There are two of this denomination still remaining at a great distance from each other: both which seem to have been raised for a religious purpose. The one stands in Egypt at [790]Alexandria; the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus, where is a communication between the Propontis and the antient Euxine sea. They seem to be of great antiquity, as their basis witnesses at this day: the shaft and superstructure is of later date. The pillar at the Bosporus stands upon one of the Cyanean rocks: and its parts, as we may judge from [791]Wheeler, betray a difference in their æra. It was repaired in the time of Augustus: and an inscription was added by the person who erected the column, and who dedicated the whole to that Emperor.


We may learn from the inscription, however mutilated, that this pillar was not the work of Pompeius Magnus; nor could it at all relate to his history: for the time of its being rebuilt was but little removed from the age in which he lived. The original work must have therefore been far prior. The pillar in Egypt is doubtless the same which was built upon the ruins of a former, by Sostratus of Cnidos, before the time of Pompeius: so that the name must have been given on another account. The inscription is preserved by [793]Strabo.


The narrow streight into the Euxine sea was a passage of difficult navigation. This was the reason, that upon each side there were temples and sacred columns erected to the Deity of the country, in order to obtain his assistance. And there is room to think, that the pillars and obelisks were made use of for beacons, and that every temple was a Pharos. They seem to have been erected at the entrance of harbours; and upon eminences along the coasts in most countries. The pillars of Hercules were of this sort, and undoubtedly for the same purpose. They were not built by him; but erected to his honour by people who worshipped him, and who were called Herculeans. [794]Εθος γαρ παλαιον ὑπηρξε το τιθεσθαι τοιουτους ορους, καθαπερ ὁι Ρηγινοι την στηλιδα εθεσαν, την επι τῳ πορθμῳ κειμενην, πυργον τι. Και ο Πελωρος λεγομενος πυργος αντικειται τῃ ταυτῃ στηλιδι. For it was a custom, says Strabo, among the antients, to erect this kind of land-marks, such as the pillar at Rhegium, near the foot of Italy: which is a kind of tower, and was raised by the people of Rhegium at the streight where the passage was to Sicily. Directly opposite stood another building of the same sort, called the tower of Pelorus. Such Pillars were by the Iberians styled Herculean, because they were sacred to Hercules; under which title they worshipped the chief Deity. Some of these were near Gades, and Onoba[795], Κατ' Ονοβαν της Ιβηριας: others were erected still higher, on the coast of Lusitania. This caused an idle dispute between Eratosthenes, Dicæarchus, and [796]others, in order to determine which were the genuine pillars of Hercules: as if they were not all equally genuine; all denominated from the Deity of the country. Two of the most celebrated stood upon each side of the Mediterranean at the noted passage called fretum Gaditanum—κατα τα ακρα του πορθμου. That on the Mauritanian side was called Abyla, from Ab-El, parens Sol: the other in Iberia had the name of[797] Calpe. This was an obelisk or tower, and a compound of Ca-Alpe, and signifies the house, or cavern of the same oracular God: for it was built near a cave; and all such recesses were esteemed to be oracular. At places of this sort mariners used to come on shore to make their offerings; and to inquire about the success of their voyage. They more especially resorted to those towers, and pillars, which stood at the entrance of their own havens. Nobody, says [798]Arrian, will venture to quit his harbour without paying due offerings to the Gods, and invoking their favour. Helenus in Virgil charges Æneas, whatever may be the consequence, not to neglect consulting the oracle at Cuma.

[799]Hic tibi ne qua moræ fuerint dispendia tanti,

Quamvis increpitent socij, et vi cursus in altum

Vela vocet, possisque sinus implere secundos,

Quin adeas vatem, precibusque oracula poscas.

The island Delos was particularly frequented upon this account; and the sailors seem to have undergone some severe discipline at the altar of the God, in order to obtain his favour.

[800]Αστεριη, πολυβωμε, πολυλλιτε, τις δε σε ναυτης

Εμπορος Αιγαιοιο παρηλυθε νηι θεουσῃ·

Ουχ' ὁυτω μεγαλοι μιν επιπνειουσιν αηται,

Χρειω δ' ὁττι ταχιστον αγει πλοον, αλλα τα λαιφη

Ωκεες εστειλαντο, και ου παλιν αυθις εβησαν,

Πριν μεγαν η σεο βωμον ὑπο πληγησιν ἑλιξαι


O! ever crown'd with altars, ever blest,

Lovely Asteria, in how high repute

Stands thy fair temple 'mid the various tribes

Who ply the Ægean. Though their business claims

Dispatch immediate; though the inviting gales

Ill brook the lingering mariners' delay:

Soon as they reach thy soundings, down at once

Drop the slack sails, and all the naval gear.

The ship is moor'd: nor do the crew presume

To quit thy sacred limits, 'till they have pass'd

A painful penance; with the galling whip

Lash'd thrice around thine altar.

This island was greatly esteemed for its sanctity, and there used to be a wonderful concourse of people from all nations continually resorting to its temple. The priests, in consequence of it, had hymns composed in almost all languages. It is moreover said of the female attendants, that they could imitate the speech of various people; and were well versed in the histories of foreign parts, and of antient times. Homer speaks of these extraordinary qualifications as if he had been an eye-witness:

[801]Προς δε τοδε μεγα θαυμα, ὁτου κλεος ουποτ' ολειται.

Κουραι Δηλιαδες, Ἑκατηβελετεω θεραπαιναι,

Ἁιτ' επει αν πρωτον μεν Απολλων' ὑμνησωσιν,

Αυτις δ' αυ Λητω τε, και Αρτεμιν ιοχεαιρην,

Μνησαμεναι ανδρων τε παλαιων, ηδε γυναικων,

Ὑμνον αειδουσιν, θελγουσι δε φυλ' ανθρωπων.

Παντων δ' ανθρωπων φωνας, και Κρομβαλιαστυν

Μιμεισθαι ισασι· φαιης δε κεν αυτος ἑκαστον

Φθεγγεσθαι, ὁυτω σφι καλη συναρηρεν αοιδη.

The Delian nymphs, who tend Apollo's shrine,

When they begin their tuneful hymns, first praise

The mighty God of day: to his they join

Latona's name, and Artemis, far fam'd

For her fleet arrows and unerring bow.

Of heroes next, and heroines, they sing,

And deeds of antient prowess. Crowds around,

Of every region, every language, stand

In mute applause, sooth'd with the pleasing lay.

Vers'd in each art and every power of speech,

The Delians mimick all who come: to them

All language is familiar: you would think

The natives spoke of every different clime.

Such are their winning ways: so sweet their song.

The offerings made at these places used to be of various kinds, but particularly of liba, or cakes, which were generally denominated from the temple where they were presented. A curious inscription to this purpose has been preserved by Spon and Wheeler, which belonged to some obelisk or temple upon the Thracian Bosporus. It was found on the Asiatic side, nearly opposite to the Pompean pillar, of which I before took notice. The Deity to whom it was inscribed was the same as that above, but called by another title, Aur, and Our, אור; rendered by the Greeks [802]Ουριος; and changed in acceptation so as to refer to another element.

[803] Ουριον εκ πρυμνης τις ὁδηγητηρα καλειτω

Ζηνα, κατα προτανων ἱστιον εκπετασας.

Ειτ' επι Κυανεας δινας δρομος, ενθα Ποσειδων

Καμπυλον ἑιλισσει κυμα παρα ψαμαθοις,

Ειτε κατ Αιγαιου ποντου πλακα, νοστον ερευνων

Νεισθω, τῳ δε Βαλων ψαιστα παρα ξοανῳ.

Τον δε γαρ ευαντητον αει θεον Αντιπατρου παις

Στησε φιλων αγαθης συμβολον ευπλοϊης.

Great Urian Jove invoke to be your guide:

Then spread the sail, and boldly stem the tide.

Whether the stormy inlet you explore,

Where the surge laves the bleak Cyanean shore,

Or down the Egean homeward bend your way,

Still as you pass the wonted tribute pay,

An humble cake of meal: for Philo here,

Antipater's good son, this shrine did rear,

A pleasing omen, as you ply the sail,

And sure prognostic of a prosperous gale.

The Iapygian promontory had a temple to the same God, whose name by Dionysius is rendered Ὑριος.

[804]Ψυλατ' Ιηπυγιων τατανυσμενα, μεσφ' Ὑριοιο

Παῤῥαλιας, Ὑριου, τοθι συρεται Ἁδριας ἁλμη.

The more difficult the navigation was, the more places of sanctity were erected upon the coast. The Bosporus was esteemed a dangerous pass; and, upon that account, abounded with Cippi, and altars. These were originally mounds of earth, and sacred to the Sun: upon which account they were called Col-On, or altars of that Deity. From hence is derived the term Colona, and Κολωνη. It came at last to denote any ness or foreland; but was originally the name of a sacred hill, and of the pillar which was placed upon it. To say the truth, there was of old hardly any headland but what had its temple or altar. The Bosporus, in particular, had numbers of them by way of sea-marks, as well as for sacred purposes: and there were many upon the coast of Greece. Hence Apollonius says of the Argonauts:

[805] Ηρι δε νισσομενοισιν Αθω ανετελλε κολωνη.

In another place of the Bosporus—

[806] Φαινεται ηεροεν στομα Βοσπορου, ηδε κολωναι


The like occurs in the Orphic Argonauts, where Beleus is pointing out the habitation of the Centaur Chiron:

[807]Ω φιλοι, αθρειτε σκοπιης προυχοντα κολωνον,

Μεσσῳ ενι πρηωνι κατασκιον, ενθα δε Χειρων

Ναιει ενι σπηλυγγι, δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων.

These Colonæ were sacred to the Apollo of Greece; and, as they were sea-marks and beacons, which stood on eminences near the mouths of rivers, and at the entrances of harbours, it caused them to be called ωρια, ουρεα, and ὁρμοι. Homer gives a beautiful description of such hills and headlands, and of the sea-coast projected in a beautiful landscape beneath, when, in some ravishing poetry, he makes all these places rejoice at the birth of Apollo:

[808]Πασαι δε σκοπιαι τοι αδον, και πρωονες ακροι

Ὑψηλων ορεων, ποταμοι θ' αλα δε προρεοντες,

Ακταιτ' εις ἁλα κεκλιμεναι, λιμενες τε θαλασσης.

In that happy hour

The lofty cliffs, that overlook the main,

And the high summits of the towering hills,

Shouted in triumph: down the rivers ran

In pleasing murmurs to the distant deep.

The shelves, the shores, the inlets of the sea,

Witness'd uncommon gladness.

Apollo, from this circumstance, was often called επακτιος, or the tutelary God of the coast; and had particular offerings upon that account.

[809]Πεισματα τ' ἁψαμενοι πορσυνομεν ἱερα καλα

Ζηνι Πανομφαιῳ, και επακτιῳ Απολλωνι.

It was not only upon rocks and eminences that these Cippi and Obelisks were placed by the antients: they were to be found in their temples, where for many ages a rude stock or stone served for a representation of the Deity. They were sometimes quite shapeless, but generally of a conical figure; of which we meet with many instances. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice of this kind of [810]worship: and Pausanias, in describing the temple of Hercules at Hyettus in [811]Bœotia, tells us, that there was no statue in it, nor any work of art, but merely a rude stone, after the manner of the first ages. Tertullian gives a like description of Ceres and Pallas. Pallas Attica, et Ceres [812]Phrygia—quæ sine effigie, rudi palo, et informi specie prostant. Juno of Samos was little better than a [813]post. It sometimes happens that aged trees bear a faint likeness to the human fabric: roots, likewise, and sprays, are often so fantastic in their evolutions, as to betray a remote resemblance. The antients seem to have taken advantage of this fancied similitude, which they improved by a little art; and their first effort towards imagery was from these rude and rotten materials. Apollonius Rhodius, in his account of the Argonauts, gives a description of a monument of this sort, which was by them erected in a dark grove, upon a mountainous part of [814]Bithynia. They raised an altar of rough stones, and placed near it an image of Rhea, which they formed from an arm or stump of an old vine.

Εσκε δε τι στιβαρον στυπος αμπελου, εντρεφον ὑλῃ

Προγνυ γερανδρυον, το μεν εκταμον οφρα πελοιτο

Δαιμονος ουρειης ἱερον βρετας· εξεσε δ' Αργως

Ευκοσμως, και δη μιν επ' οκρυοεντι Κολωνῳ

Ιδρυσαν, φηγοισιν επηρεφες ακροτατησιν·

Ἁι ρα τε πασαων πανυπερταται εῤῥιζωντο

Βωμον δ' αυ χεραδος παρανηνεον, αμφι δε φυλλοις

Στεψαμενοι δρυινοισι θυηπολιης εμελοντο.

A dry and wither'd branch, by time impair'd,

Hung from an ample and an aged vine,

Low bending to the earth: the warriors axe

Lopt it at once from the parental stem.

This as a sacred relick was consigned

To Argus' hands, an image meet to frame

Of Rhea, dread Divinity, who ruled

Over Bithynia's mountains. With rude art

He smooth'd and fashion'd it in homely guise.

Then on a high and lonely promontory

Rear'd it amid a tall and stately grove

Of antient beeches. Next of stones unwrought

They raise an altar; and with boughs of oak

Soft wreaths of foliage weave to deck it round.

Then to their rites they turn, and vows perform.

The same circumstance is mentioned in the Orphic Argonautics[815]; where the poet speaks of Argus, and the vine branch:

Αμφιπλακες ερνος

Αμπελου αυαλιης οξει απεκερσε σιδηρῳ,

Ξεσσε δ' επισταμενως.

The Amazonians were a very antient people, who worshipped their provincial Deity under the character of a female, and by the titles of Artemis, Oupis, Hippa. They first built a temple at Ephesus; and according to Callimachus [816]the image of the Goddess was formed of the stump of a beech tree.

Σοι και Αμαζονιδες πολεμου επιθυμητειραι

Εκ κοτε παῤῥαλιῃ Εφεσου βρετας ἱδρυσαντο

[817]Φηγῳ ὑπο πρεμνῳ, τελεσεν δε τοι ἱερον Ἱππω·

Αυται δ', Ουπι ανασσα, περι πρυλιν ωρχησαντο.

Instead of an image made of a stump, the poet Dionysius supposes a temple to have been built beneath the trunk of a decayed tree.

Ενθα Θεῃ ποτε νηον Αμαζονιδες τετυχοντο

Πρεμνῳ ὑπο πτελεης, περιωσιον ανδρασι θαυμα. v. 827.

It is observable, that the Chinese, as well as the people of Japan, still retain something of this custom. When they meet with an uncouth root, or spray of a tree, they humour the extravagance: and, by the addition of a face, give it the look of a Joss or Bonzee, just as fancy directs them.

The vine was esteemed sacred both to Dionusus, and Bacchus; for they were two different personages, though confounded by the Grecians: indeed the titles of all those, who were originally styled Baalim, are blended together. This tree had therefore the name of Ampel, which the Greeks rendered Αμπελος, from the Sun, Ham, whose peculiar plant it was. This title is the same as Omphel before mentioned, and relates to the oracular Deity of the Pagan world; under which character Ham was principally alluded to. The Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks had some imperfect traditions about Ham, and Chus: the latter of which they esteemed Bacchus. And as the term Ampelus did not primarily relate to the vine, but was a sacred name transferred from the Deity, they had some notion of this circumstance: but as it was their custom out of every title to form a new personage, they have supposed Ampelus to have been a youth of great beauty, and one whom Bacchus particularly favoured. Hence Nonnus introduces the former begging of Selene not to envy him this happiness.

[818]Μη φθονεσῃς, ὁτι Βακχος εμην φιλοτητα φυλασσει.

Ὁττι νεος γενομην, ὁτι και φιλος ειμι Λυαιου.

The worship of Ham was introduced by the Amonians in Phrygia and Asia Minor: and in those parts the Poet makes Ampelus chiefly conversant.

[819]Ηδη γαρ Φρυγιης ὑπο δειραδι κουρος αθυρων

Αμπελος ηεξητο νεοτρεφες ερνος ερωτων.

He speaks of his bathing in the waters, and rising with fresh beauty from the stream, like the morning star from the ocean.

[820]Πακτωλῳ πορε και συ τεον σελας, οφρα φανειη

Αμπελος αντελλων, ἁτε φωσφορος—

Κοσμησει σεο καλλος ὁλον Πακτωλιον ὑδωρ.

In all these instances there are allusions to a history, which will hereafter be fully discussed. Ovid seems to make Ampelus a native of Thrace; and supposes him to have been the son of a satyr by one of the nymphs in that country:

[821] Ampelon intonsum, Satyro Nymphâque creatum,

Fertur in Ismariis Bacchus amâsse jugis.

But however they may have mistaken this personage, it is certain that in early times he was well known, and highly reverenced. Hence wherever the Amonians settled, the name of Ampelus will occur: and many places will be found to have been denominated from the worship of the Deity under this sacred title. We learn from Stephanus Byzantinus, [822]that, according to Hecatæus, in his Europa, Ampelus was the name of a city in Liguria. There was likewise a promontory in the district of Torone called Ampelus: a like promontory in Samos: another in Cyrene. Agrœtas mentions two cities there, an upper, and a lower, of that name. There was likewise a harbour in Italy so called. We read of a city [823]Ampeloëssa in Syria, and a nation in Lybia called Ampeliotæ: Αμπελιωται δε εθνος Λιβυης. Suidas. Also, Ampelona in Arabia; and a promontory, Ampelusia, near Tingis, in Mauritania. In all these places, however distant, the Amonians had made settlements. Over against the island Samos stood the sacred promontory, Mycale, in Ionia. This, too, was called Ampelus, according to Hesychius, as the passage is happily altered by Albertus and others. Αμπελος, μηχανη, και ακρα Μυκαλης, ηγουν ορους. From the words ηγουν ορους one might infer, that Ampelus was no uncommon name for a mountain in general: so far is certain, that many such were so denominated: which name could not relate to αμπελος, the vine; but they were so called from the Deity to whom they were [824]sacred. Many of these places were barren crags, and rocks of the sea, ill suited to the cultivation of the [825]vine. And not only eminences were so called, but the strand and shores, also, for the same reason: because here, too, were altars and pillars to this God. Hence we read in Hesychius: Αμπελος—αιγιαλος—Κυρηναιοις αιγιαλος. By Ampelus is signified the sea shore; or Ampelus, among the people of Cyrene, signifies the sea shore.

From what has been said, we may be assured that Ampelus and Omphalus were the same term originally, however varied afterwards and differently appropriated. They are each a compound from Omphe, and relate to the oracular Deity. Ampelus, at Mycale, in Ionia, was confessedly so denominated from its being a sacred[826] place, and abounding with waters; by which, people who drank them were supposed to be inspired. They are mentioned in an antient oracle quoted by Eusebius[827]: Εν Διδυμον γυαλοις Μυκαλησιον ΕΝΘΕΟΝ ὑδωρ. I have mentioned that all fountains were esteemed sacred, but especially those which had any præternatural quality, and abounded with exhalations. It was an universal notion that a divine energy proceeded from these effluvia, and that the persons who resided in their vicinity were gifted with a prophetic quality. Fountains of this nature, from the divine influence with which they were supposed to abound, the Amonians styled Ain Omphe, sive fontes Oraculi. These terms, which denoted the fountain of the prophetic God, the Greeks contracted to Νυμφη, a Nymph; and supposed such a person to be an inferior Goddess, who presided over waters. Hot springs were imagined to be more immediately under the inspection of the nymphs: whence Pindar styles such fountains, [828]Θερμα Νυμφαν λουτρα. The temple of the Nymphæ Ionides, in Arcadia, stood close to a fountain of great [829]efficacy. The term Nympha will be found always to have a reference to [830]water. There was in the same region of the Peloponnesus a place called Νυμφας, Nymphas; which was undoubtedly so named from its hot springs: [831]Καταῤῥειται γαρ ὑδατι—Νυμφας: for Nymphas—abounded with waters. Another name for these places was Ain-Ades, the fountain of Ades, or the Sun; which, in like manner, was changed to Ναιαδες, Naiades, a species of Deities of the same class. Fountains of bitumen, in Susiana and Babylonia, were called Ain-Aptha, the fountains of Aptha, the God of fire; which by the Greeks was rendered Naptha, a name given to [832]bitumen. As they changed Ain Omphe to Numpha, a Goddess, they accordingly denominated the place itself Νυμφειον, Nymphæum: and wherever a place occurs of that name, there will be found something particular in its circumstances. We are told by [833]Pliny that the river Tigris, being stopped in its course by the mountains of Taurus, loses itself under ground, and rises again on the other side at Nymphæum. According to Marcellinus, it seems to be at Nymphæum that it sinks into the earth. Be it as it may, this, he tells us, is the place where that fiery matter called naptha issued: from whence, undoubtedly, the place had its name. [834]Bitumen nascitur prope lacum Sosingitem, cujus alveo Tigris voratus, fluensque subterraneus, procursis spatiis longis, emergit. Hic et Naptha gignitur specie piceâ. In his pagis hiatus conspicitur terræ, unde halitus lethalis exsurgens, quodcunque animal prope consistit, odore gravi consumit. There was an island of the like nature at the mouth of the river Indus, which was sacred to the Sun, and styled Cubile [835]Nympharum: in quâ nullum non animal absumitur. In Athamania was a temple of the Nymphs, or [836]Nymphæum; and near it a fountain of fire, which consumed things brought near to it. Hard by Apollonia was an eruption of bituminous matter, like that in Assyria: and this too was named [837]Nymphæum. The same author (Strabo) mentions, that in Seleucia, styled Pieria, there was alike bituminous eruption, taken notice of by Posidonius; and that it was called Ampelitis: [838]Την Αμπελιτην γην ασφαλτωδη, την εν Σελευκειᾳ τη Πιεριᾳ μεταλλευομενην. The hot streams, and poisonous effluvia near Puteoli and lake Avernus are well known. It was esteemed a place of great sanctity; and people of a prophetic character are said to have here resided. Here was a [839]Nymphæum, supposed to have been an oracular temple. There was a method of divination at Rome, mentioned by [840]Dion Cassius, in which people formed their judgment of future events from the steam of lighted frankincense. The terms of inquiry were remarkable: for their curiosity was indulged in respect to every future contingency, excepting death and marriage. The place of divination was here too called [841]Nymphæum. Pausanias takes notice of a cavern near Platea, which was sacred to the Nymphs of Cithæron: Ὑπερ δε της κορυφης, εφ' ᾑ τον βωμον ποιουνται, πεντε που μαλιστα και δεκα ὑποκαταβαντι σταδιους ΝYΜΦΩΝ εστιν αντρον Κιθαιρωνιδων—ΜΑΝΤΕΥΕΣΘΑΙ δε τας Νυμφας το αρχαιον αυτοθι εχει λογος. We find that the Nymphs of this place had been of old prophetic. Evagrius mentions a splendid building at Antioch called Nymphæum, remarkable [842]Ναματων πλουτῳ, for the advantage of its waters. There was a Nymphæum at Rome mentioned by Marcellinus. [843]Septemzodium celebrem locum, ubi Nymphæum Marcus condidit Imperator. Here were the Thermæ Antonianæ. As from Ain Ompha came Nympha; so from Al Ompha was derived Lympha. This differed from Aqua, or common water, as being of a sacred and prophetic nature. The antients thought, that all mad persons were gifted with divination; and they were in consequence of it styled Lymphati.

From what has preceded, we may perceive that there once existed a wonderful resemblance in the rites, customs, and terms of worship, among nations widely separated. Of this, as I proceed, many instances will be continually produced. I have already mentioned that this similitude in terms, and the religious system, which was so widely propagated, were owing to one great family, who spread themselves almost universally. Their colonies went abroad under the sanction and direction of their priests; and carried with them both the rites and the records of their country. Celsus took notice of this; and thought that people payed too little attention to memorials of this nature. He mentions particularly the oracular temples at Dodona, at Delphi, at Claros, with those of the Branchidæ and Amonians: at the same time passing over many other places, from whose priests and votaries the whole earth seemed to have been peopled[844]. Τα μεν ὑπο της Πυθιας, η Δωδωνιων, η Κλαριου, η εν Βραγχιδαις, η εν Αμμωνος, ὑπο μυριων τε αλλων θεοπροπων προειρημενα, ὑφ' ὡν επιεικως πασα γη κατῳκισθη, ταυτα μεν ουδενι λογῳ τιθενται. As colonies went abroad under the influence and direction of their tutelary Deities; those Deities were styled Ἡγεμονες, and Αρχηγεται: and the colony was denominated from some sacred title of the God. A colony was planted at Miletus; of which the conducting Deity was Diana. [845]Σε γαρ ποιησατο Νηλευς Ἡγεμονην. This Goddess is styled πολυπτολις, because this office was particularly ascribed to her: and she had many places under her patronage. Jupiter accordingly tells her:

[846]Τρις δεκα τοι πτολιεθρα, και ουκ ἑνα πυργον οπασσω.

Thrice ten fair cities shall your portion be,

And many a stately tower.

Apollo likewise was called Οικτιστης and Αρχηγετης, from being the supposed founder of cities; which were generally built in consequence of some oracle.

[847]Φοιβῳ δ' εσπομενοι πολεας διεμετρησαντο

Ανθρωποι· Φοιβος γαρ αει πολιεσσι φιληδει

Κτιζομεναις· αυτος δε θεμειλια Φοιβος ὑφαινει.

'Tis through Apollo's tutelary aid,

That men go forth to regions far remote,

And cities found: Apollo ever joys

In founding cities.

What colony, says [848]Cicero, did Greece ever send into Ætolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily or Italy, without having first consulted about every circumstance relative to it, either at Delphi, or Dodona, or at the oracle of Ammon. And Lucian speaks to the same purpose. [849]Ουτε πολεας ῳκιζον, ουδε τειχεα περιεβαλλοντο—πριν αν δη παρα Μαντεων ακουσαι ἑκαστα. People would not venture to build cities, nor even raise the walls, till they had made proper inquiry among those, who were prophetically gifted, about the success of their operations.


I cannot help thinking that the word πατηρ, pater, when used in the religious addresses of the Greeks and Romans, meant not, as is supposed, a father, or parent; but related to the divine influence of the Deity, called, by the people of the east, Pator, as I have [850]shewn. From hence I should infer, that two words, originally very distinct, have been rendered one and the [851]same. The word pater, in the common acceptation, might be applicable to Saturn; for he was supposed to have been the father of all the Gods, and was therefore so entitled by the antient poet Sulpitius.

[852]Jane pater, Jane tuens, Dive biceps, biformis,

O! cate rerum sator; O! principium Deorum.

But, when it became a title, which was bestowed upon Gods of every denomination, it made Jupiter animadvert with some warmth upon the impropriety, if we may credit Lucilius:

[853]Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin pater optimus Divôm est:

Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars,

Janus, Quirinus, pater, omnes dicamur ad unum.

And not only the Gods, but the Hierophantæ, in most temples; and those priests, in particular, who were occupied in the celebration of mysteries, were styled Patres: so that it was undoubtedly a religious term imported from Egypt, the same as Pator, and Patora, before mentioned. I have taken notice, that the Pateræ of Curtius were the priests of Hamon: but that writer was unacquainted with the true meaning of the word, as well as with the pronunciation, which seems to have been penultimâ productâ. The worship of Ham, or the Sun, as it was the most antient, so it was the most universal, of any in the world. It was at first the prevailing religion of Greece, and was propagated over all the sea coast of Europe; whence it extended itself into the inland provinces. It was established in Gaul and Britain; and was the original religion of this island, which the Druids in aftertimes adopted. That it went high in the north is evident from Ausonius, who takes notice of its existing in his time. He had relations, who were priests of this order and denomination; and who are, on that account, complimented by him, in his ode to Attius Patera [854]Rhetor.

Tu Boiocassis stirpe Druidarum satus,

Si fama non fallat fidem,

Beleni sacratum ducis e templo genus,

Et inde vobis nomina,

Tibi Pateræ: sic ministros nuncupant

Apollinares Mystici.

Fratri, Patrique nomen a Phæbo datum,

Natoque de Delphis tuo.

He mentions, that this worship prevailed particularly in Armorica; of which country his relations were natives.

[855]Nec reticebo Senem,

Nomine Phœbicium,

Qui Beleni Ædituus,

Stirpe satus Druidûm,

Gentis Armoricæ.

Belin, the Deity of whom he speaks, was the same as [856]Bel and Balen, of Babylonia and Canaan; the Orus and Apollo of other nations. Herodian takes notice of his being worshipped by the people of Aquileia; and says, that they called him Belin, and paid great reverence, esteeming him the same as [857]Apollo.

The true name of the Amonian priests I have shewn to have been Petor, or Pator; and the instrument which they held in their hands was styled Petaurum. They used to dance round a large fire, in honour of the Sun, whose orbit they affected to describe. At the same time they exhibited other feats of activity, to amuse the votaries who resorted to their temples. This dance was sometimes performed in armour, especially in Crete: and, being called Pyrrhic, was supposed to have been so named from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. But, when was he in Crete? Besides, it is said to have been practised by the Argonautic heroes before his time. It was a religious dance, denominated from fire, with which it was accompanied.

[858]Αμφι δε δαιομενοις ευρυν χορον εστησαντο,

Καλον Ιηπαιηον', Ιηπαιηονα Φοιβον


It was originally an Egyptian dance, in honour of Hermes, and practised by the Pataræ, or Priests. In some places it was esteemed a martial exercise, and exhibited by persons in armour, who gave it the name of Betarmus. We have an instance of it in the same poet:

[859]Αμυδις δε νεοι Ορφηος ανωγῃ

Εκαιροντες Βηταρμον ενοπλιον ορχησαντο,

Και σακεα ξιφεεσσιν ὑπεκτυπον.

Βηταρμος Betarmus, was a name given to the dance, from the temple of the Deity where it was probably first practised. It is a compound of Bet Armes, or Armon, called, more properly, Hermes, and Hermon. Bet, and Beth, among the Amonians, denoted a temple. There is reason to think that the circular dances of the Dervises, all over the east, are remains of these antient customs. In the first ages this exercise was esteemed a religious rite, and performed by people of the temple where it was exhibited: but, in aftertimes, the same feats were imitated by rope-dancers and vagrants, called Petauristæ, and Petauristarii; who made use of a kind of pole, styled petaurum.—Of these the Roman writers make frequent mention; and their feats are alluded to by Juvenal:

[860]An magis oblectant animum jactata petauro

Corpora, quique solent rectum descendere funem?

Manilius likewise gives an account of this people, and their activity; wherein may be observed some remains of the original institution:

[861]Ad numeros etiam ille ciet cognata per artem

Corpora, quæ valido saliunt excussa petauro:

Membraque per flammas orbesque emissa flagrantes,

Delphinûmque suo per inane imitantia motu,

Et viduata volant pennis, et in aëre ludunt.

I have shewn, that the Pateræ, or Priests, were so denominated from the Deity styled Pator; whose shrines were named Patera, and Petora. They were oracular temples of the Sun; which in aftertimes were called Petra, and ascribed to other Gods. Many of them for the sake of mariners were erected upon rocks, and eminences near the sea: hence the term πετρα, petra, came at length to signify any rock or stone, and to be in a manner confined to that meaning. But in the first ages it was ever taken in a religious sense; and related to the shrines of Osiris, or the Sun, and to the oracles, which were supposed to be there exhibited. Thus Olympus near Pisa, though no rock, but a huge mound, or hill ([862]Περι γαρ τον Κρονιον ΛΟΦΟΝ αγεται τα Ολυμπια) was of old termed Petra, as relating to oracular influence. Hence Pindar, speaking of Iämus, who was supposed to have been conducted by Apollo to Olympia, says, that they both came to the Petra Elibatos upon the lofty Cronian mount: there Apollo bestowed upon Iämus a double portion of prophetic knowledge.

[863]Ἱκοντο δ' ὑψηλοιο Πετραν

Αλιβατου Κρονιου,

Ενθ' ὁι ωπασε θησαυρον


The word Ηλιβατος, Elibatos, was a favourite term with Homer, and other poets; and is uniformly joined with Petra. They do not seem to have known the purport of it; yet they adhere to it religiously, and introduce it wherever they have an opportunity. Ηλιβατος is an Amonian compound of Eli-Bat, and signifies solis domus, vel [864]templum. It was the name of the temple, and specified the Deity there worshipped. In like manner the word Petra had in great measure lost its meaning; yet it is wonderful to observe how industriously it is introduced by writers, when they speak of sacred and oracular places. Lycophron calls the temple at Elis [865]Λευραν Μολπιδος πετραν: and the Pytho at Delphi is by Pindar styled Petraëssa: [866]Επει Πετραεσσας ελαυνων ἱκετ' εκ Πυθωνος. Orchomenos was a place of great antiquity; and the natives are said to have worshipped Petra, which were supposed to have fallen from [867]heaven. At Athens in the Acropolis was a sacred cavern, which was called Petræ Macræ, Petræ Cecropiæ.

[868]Ακουε τοινυν, οισθα Κεκροπιας πετρας,

Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ας Μακρας κικλησκομεν.

I have shewn that people of old made use of caverns for places of worship: hence this at Athens had the name of Petra, or temple. [869]It is said of Ceres, that after she had wandered over the whole earth, she at last reposed herself upon a stone at Eleusis. They in like manner at Delphi shewed the petra, upon which the Sibyl Herophile at her first arrival sat [870]down. In short, there is in history of every oracular temple some legend about a stone; some reference to the word Petra. To clear this up, it is necessary to observe, that when the worship of the Sun was almost universal, this was one name of that Deity even among the Greeks. They called him Petor, and Petros; and his temple was styled Petra. This they oftentimes changed to λιθος; so little did they understand their own mythology. There were however some writers, who mentioned it as the name of the Sun, and were not totally ignorant of its meaning. This we may learn from the Scholiast upon Pindar. [871]Περι δε του Ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι φασιν, ὡς λιθος καλειται ὁ Ἡλιος. Και Αναξαγορου γενομενον Ευριπιδην μαθητην, Πετρον ειρηκεναι τον Ἡλιον δια των προκειμενων.

Ὁ γαρ Μακαριος, κ' ουκ ονειδιζω τυχας,

Διος πεφυκως, ὡς λεγουσι, Τανταλος,

Κορυφης ὑπερτελλοντα δειμαινων ΠΕΤΡΟΝ,

Αερι ποτᾳται, και τινει ταυτην δικην.

The same Scholiast quotes a similar passage from the same writer, where the Sun is called Petra.

[872]Μολοιμι ταν ουρανου μεσαν

Χθονος τε τεταμεναν αιωρημασι πετραν,

Αλυσεσι χρυσεαις φερομεναν.

If then the name of the Sun, and of his temples, was among the antient Grecians Petros, and Petra; we may easily account for that word so often occurring in the accounts of his worship. The Scholia above will moreover lead us to discover whence the strange notion arose about the famous Anaxagoras of Clazomenæ; who is said to have prophesied, that a stone would fall from the Sun. All that he had averred, may be seen in the relation of the Scholiast above: which amounts only to this, that Petros was a name of the Sun. It was a word of Egyptian original, derived from Petor, the same as Ham, the Iämus of the antient Greeks. This Petros some of his countrymen understood in a different sense; and gave out, that he had foretold a stone would drop from the Sun. Some were idle enough to think that it was accomplished: and in consequence of it pretended to shew at Ægospotamos the very [873]stone, which was said to have fallen. The like story was told of a stone at Abydus upon the Hellespont: and Anaxagoras was here too supposed to have been the prophet[874]. In Abydi gymnasio ex eâ causâ colitur hodieque modicus quidem (lapis), sed quem in medio terrarum casurum Anaxagoras prædixisse narratur. The temples, or Petra here mentioned, were Omphalian, or Oracular: hence they were by a common mistake supposed to have been in the centre of the habitable globe. They were also Ηλιβατοι Πετραι; which Elibatos the Greeks derived from βαινω descendo; and on this account the Petra were thought to have fallen from the [875]Sun. We may by this clue unravel the mysterious story of Tantalus; and account for the punishment which he was doomed to undergo.

[876]Κορῳ δ' ἑλεν
Αταν ὑπεροπλον,
Ταν ὁι πατηρ ὑπερκρεμασε,
Καρτερον αυτῳ λιθον
Τον αει μενοινων κεφαλας βαλειν
Ευφροσυνας αλαται.

The unhappy Tantalus
From a satiety of bliss
Underwent a cruel reverse.
He was doom'd to sit under a huge stone,
Which the father of the Gods
Kept over his head suspended.
Thus he sat
In continual dread of its downfal,
And lost to every comfort.

It is said of Tantalus by some, that he was set up to his chin in water, with every kind of fruit within reach: yet hungry as he was and thirsty, he could never attain to what he wanted; every thing which he caught at eluding his efforts. But from the account given above by [877]Pindar, as well as by [878]Alcæus, Aleman, and other writers, his punishment consisted in having a stone hanging over his head; which kept him in perpetual fear. What is styled λιθος, was I make no doubt originally Petros; which has been misinterpreted a stone. Tantalus is termed by Euripides ακολαστος την γλωσσαν, a man of an ungovernable tongue: and his history at bottom relates to a person who revealed the mysteries in which he had been [879]initiated. The Scholiast upon Lycophron describes him in this light; and mentions him as a priest, who out of good nature divulged some secrets of his cloister; and was upon that account ejected from the society[880]. Ο Τανταλος ευσεβης και θεοσεπτωρ ην Ἱερευς, και φιλανθρωπιᾳ τα των θεων μυστηρια τοις αμυητοις ὑστερον ειπων, εξεβληθη του ἱερου καταλογου. The mysteries which he revealed, were those of Osiris, the Sun: the Petor, and Petora of Egypt. He never afterwards could behold the Sun in its meridian, but it put him in mind of his crime: and he was afraid that the vengeance of the God would overwhelm him. This Deity, the Petor, and Petora of the Amonians, being by the later Greeks expressed Petros, and Petra, gave rise to the fable above about the stone of Tantalus. To this solution the same Scholiast upon Pindar bears witness, by informing us, [881]that the Sun was of old called a stone: and that some writers understood the story of Tantalus in this light; intimating that it was the Sun, which hung over his head to his perpetual terror. [882]Ενιοι ακουουσι τον λιθον επι του ἡλιου—και επηωρεισθαι αυτου (Τανταλου) τον ἡλιον, ὑφ' ῳ δειματουσθαι, και καταπτησσειν. And again, Περι δε του ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι λεγουσιν, ὡς λιθος (it should be πετρα) καλειται ὁ ἡλιος. Some understand, what is said in the history about the stone, as relating to the Sun: and they suppose that it was the Sun which hung over his head, to his terror and confusion. The naturalists, speaking of the Sun, often call him a stone, or petra.

Plate V (lower)

Pl. V. Temple of Mithras Petræus in the Mountains of Persia. From Le Bruyn

By laying all these circumstances together, and comparing them, we may, I think, not only find out wherein the mistake consisted, but likewise explain the grounds from whence the mistake arose. And this clue may lead us to the detection of other fallacies, and those of greater consequence. We may hence learn the reason, why so many Deities were styled Πετραιοι, Petræi. We read of[883] Μιθρας, ὁ θεος εκ πετρας, Mithras, the Deity out of the rock; whose temple of old was really a rock or cavern. The same worship seems to have prevailed, in some degree, in the west; as we may judge from an antient inscription at Milan, which was dedicated[884] Herculi in Petrâ. But all Deities were not so worshipped: and the very name Petra was no other than the sacred term Petora, given to a cavern, as being esteemed in the first ages an oracular temple. And some reverence to places of this sort was kept up a long time. We may from hence understand the reason of the prohibition given to some of the early proselytes to Christianity, that they should no more[885] ad petras vota reddere: and by the same light we may possibly explain that passage in Homer, where he speaks of persons entering into compacts under oaks, and rocks, as places of[886] security. The oak was sacred to Zeus, and called Sar-On: and Petra in its original sense being a temple, must be looked upon as an asylum. But this term was not confined to a rock or cavern: every oracular temple was styled Petra, and Petora. Hence it proceeded that so many Gods were called Θεοι Πετραιοι, and Πατρῳσι. Pindar speaks of Poseidon Petraios;[887] Παι Ποσειδωνος Πετραιου: under which title Neptune was worshipped by the Thessalians: but the latter was the more common title. We meet in Pausanias with Apollo Patroüs, and with [888]Ζευς Μειλιχιος, and Αρτεμις Πατρῳα; also [889]Bacchus Πατρῳος, Zeus Patroüs, and Vesta Patroa, together with other instances.

The Greeks, whenever they met with this term, even in regions the most remote, always gave it an interpretation according to their own preconceptions; and explained θεοι Πατρῳοι, the oracular Deities, by Dii Patrii, or the Gods of the country. Thus, in the Palmyrene inscription, two Syrian Deities are characterized by this title.


Cyrus, in his expedition against the Medes, is represented as making vows [891]Ἑστιᾳ Πατρῳᾳ, και Διι Πατρῳῳ, και τοις αλλοις Θεοις. But the Persians, from whom this history is presumed to be borrowed, could not mean by these terms Dii Patrii: for nothing could be more unnecessary than to say of a Persic prince, that the homage, which he payed, was to Persic Deities. It is a thing of course, and to be taken for granted, unless there be particular evidence to the contrary. His vows were made to Mithras, who was styled by the nations in the east Pator; his temples were Patra, and Petra, and his festivals Patrica. Nonnus gives a proper account of the Petra, when he represents it as Omphean, or oracular:

[892]Ομφαιῃ περι Πετρῃ

Εισετι νηπιαχοιο χορους ἱδρυσατο Βακχου.

At Patara, in Lycia, was an oracular temple: and Patræ, in Achaia, had its name from divination, for which it was famous. Pausanias mentions the temple, and adds, [893]Προ δε του Ἱερου της Δημητρος εστι πηγη—μαντειον δε ενταυθα εστιν αψευδες. Before the temple is the fountain of Demeter—and in the temple an oracle, which never is known to fail.

The offerings, which people in antient times used to present to the Gods, were generally purchased at the entrance of the temple; especially every species of consecrated bread, which was denominated accordingly. If it was an oracular temple of Alphi, the loaves and cakes were styled [894]Alphita. If it was expressed Ampi, or Ompi, the cakes were Ompai[895], Ομπαι: at the temple of Adorus[896], Adorea. Those made in honour of Ham-orus had the name of [897]Homoura, Amora, and Omoritæ. Those sacred to Peon, the God of light, were called [898]Piones. At Cha-on, which signifies the house of the Sun, [899]Cauones, Χαυωνες. From Pur-Ham, and Pur-Amon, they were denominated Puramoun, [900]Πυραμουν. From Ob-El, Pytho Deus, came [901]Obelia. If the place were a Petra or Petora, they had offerings of the same sort called Petora, by the Greeks expressed [902]Πιτυρα, Pitura. One of the titles of the Sun was El-Aphas, Sol Deus ignis. This El-aphas the Greeks rendered Elaphos, ελαφος; and supposed it to relate to a deer: and the title El-Apha-Baal, given by the Amonians to the chief Deity, was changed to ελαφηβολος, a term of a quite different purport. El-aphas, and El-apha-baal, related to the God Osiris, the Deity of light: and there were sacred liba made at his temple, similar to those above, and denominated from him Ελαφοι, Elaphoi. In Athenæus we have an account of their composition, which consisted of fine meal, and a mixture of sesamum and honey. [903]Ελαφος πλακους δια σταιτος και μελιτος και σησαμου.

One species of sacred bread, which used to be offered to the Gods, was of great antiquity, and called Boun. The Greeks, who changed the Nu final into a Sigma, expressed it in the nominative, βους; but, in the accusative, more truly boun, βουν. Hesychius speaks of the Boun, and describes it, ειδος πεμματος κερατα εχοντος; a kind of cake, with a representation of two horns. Julius Pollux mentions it after the same manner: βουν, ειδος πεμματος κερατα εχοντος; a sort of cake with horns. Diogenes Laertius, speaking of the same offering being made by Empedocles, describes the chief ingredients of which it was composed: [904]Βουν εθυσε—εκ μελιτος και αλφιτων. He offered up one of the sacred liba, called a boun, which was made of fine flour and honey. It is said of Cecrops, [905]πρωτος βουν εθυσε: He first offered up this sort of sweet bread. Hence we may judge of the antiquity of the custom from the times to which Cecrops is referred. The prophet Jeremiah takes notice of this kind of offering, when he is speaking of the Jewish women at Pathros in Egypt, and of their base idolatry; in all which their husbands had encouraged them. The women, in their expostulation upon his rebuke, tell him: Since we left off to burn incense to the Queen of heaven, and to pour out drink-offerings unto her, we have wanted all things; and have been consumed by the sword and by the famine. And when we burnt incense to the Queen of heaven, and poured out drink-offerings unto her, did we make her cakes to worship her, and pour out drink-offerings unto her without our [906]men? The prophet, in another place, takes notice of the same idolatry. [907]The children gather wood, and the fathers kindle the fire, and the women knead their dough, to make cakes to the Queen of heaven. The word, in these instances, for sacred cakes, is כונים, Cunim. The Seventy translate it by a word of the same purport, Χαυωνας, Chauonas; of which I have before taken notice: [908]Μη ανευ των ανδρων ἡμων εποιησαμεν αυτῃ Χαυωνας. κτλ.

I have mentioned that they were sometimes called Petora, and by the Greeks Pitura. This, probably, was the name of those liba, or cakes, which the young virgins of Babylonia and Persis, used to offer at the shrine of their God, when they were to be first prostituted: for, all, before marriage, were obliged to yield themselves up to some stranger to be deflowered. It was the custom for all the young women, when they arrived towards maturity, to sit in the avenue of the temple, with a girdle, or rope, round their middle; and whatever passenger laid hold of it was entitled to lead them away. This practice is taken notice of, as subsisting among the Babylonians, in the epistle ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah; which he is supposed to have written to Baruch. v. 43. Ἁιδε γυναικες περιθεμεναι σχοινια εν ταις ὁδοις εγκαθηνται θυμιωσαι τα ΠΙΤYΡΑ· ὁταν δε τις αυτων αφελκοθεισα ὑπο τινος των παραπορευομενων κοιμηθῃ, την πλησιον ονειδιζει, ὁτι ουκ ηξιωται, ὡσπερ αυτη, ουτε το σχοινιον αυτης διεῤῥαγη. This is a translation from an Hebrew or Chaldäic original; and, I should think, not quite accurate. What is here rendered γυναικες, should, I imagine, be παρθενοι; and the purport will be nearly this: The virgins of Babylonia put girdles about their waist; and in this habit sit by the way side, holding their Pitura, or sacred offerings, over an urn of incense: and when any one of them is taken notice of by a stranger, and led away by her girdle to a place of privacy; upon her return she upbraids her next neighbour for not being thought worthy of the like honour; and for having her zone not yet broken or [909]loosed. It was likewise a Persian custom, and seems to have been universally kept up wherever their religion prevailed. Strabo gives a particular account of this practice, as it was observed in the temple of Anait in Armenia. This was a Persian Deity, who had many places of worship in that part of the world. Not only the men and maid servants, says the author, are in this manner prostituted at the shrine of the Goddess; for in this there would be nothing extraordinary: [910]Αλλα και θυγατερας ὁι επιφανεστατοι του εθνους ανιερουσι παρθενους, ἁις νομος εστι, καταπορνευθεισαις πολυν χρονον παρα τῃ Θεῳ μετα ταυτα δεδοσθαι προς γαμον· ουκ απαξιουντος τῃ τοιαυτῃ συνοικειν ουδενος. But people of the first fashion in the nation used to devote their own daughters in the same manner: it being a religious institution, that all young virgins shall, in honour of the Deity, be prostituted, and detained for some time in her temple: after which they are permitted to be given in marriage. Nor is any body at all scrupulous about cohabiting with a young woman afterwards, though she has been in this manner abused.

The Patrica were not only rites of Mithras, but also of Osiris, who was in reality the same Deity.

We have a curious inscription to this purpose, and a representation, which was first exhibited by the learned John Price in his observations upon Apuleius. It is copied from an original, which he saw at Venice: and there is an engraving from it in the Edition of Herodotus by [911]Gronovius, as well as in that by [912]Wesselinge: but about the purport of it they are strangely mistaken. They suppose it to relate to a daughter of Mycerinus, the son of Cheops. She died, it seems: and her father was so affected with her death, that he made a bull of wood, which he gilt, and in it interred his daughter. Herodotus says, that he saw the bull of Mycerinus; and that it alluded to this history. But, notwithstanding the authority of this great author, we may be assured that it was an emblematical representation, and an image of the sacred bull Apis and Mneuis. And, in respect to the sculpture above mentioned, and the characters therein expressed, the whole is a religious ceremony, and relates to an event of great antiquity, which was commemorated in the rites of Osiris. Of this I shall treat hereafter: at present, it is sufficient to observe, that the sacred process is carried on before a temple; on which is a Greek inscription, but in the provincial characters: Ενδον Πατρικην Ἑορτην Φερω. How can Ἑορτη Πατρικη relate to a funeral? It denotes a festival in honour of the Sun, who was styled, as I have shewn, Pator; and his temple was called Patra: whence these rites were denominated Patrica. Plutarch alludes to this Egyptian ceremony, and supposes it to relate to Isis, and to her mourning for the loss of her son. Speaking of the month Athyr, he mentions [913]Βουν διαχρυσον ἱματιῳ μελανι βυσσινῳ περιβαλοντες επι πενθει της Θεου δεικνυουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). The Egyptians have a custom in the month Athyr of ornamenting a golden image of a bull; which they cover with a black robe of the finest linen. This they do in commemoration of Isis, and her grief for the loss of Orus. In every figure, as they are represented in the sculpture, there appears deep silence and reverential awe: but nothing that betrays any sorrow in the agents. They may commemorate the grief of Isis; but they certainly do not allude to any misfortune of their own: nor is there any thing the least funereal in the process. The Egyptians of all nations were the most extravagant in their [914]grief. If any died in a family of consequence, the women used by way of shewing their concern to soil their heads with the mud of the river; and to disfigure their faces with filth. In this manner they would run up and down the streets half naked, whipping themselves as they ran: and the men likewise whipped themselves. They cut off their hair upon the death of a dog; and shaved their eyebrows for a dead cat. We may therefore judge, that some very strong symptoms of grief would have been expressed, had this picture any way related to the sepulture of a king's daughter. Herodotus had his account from different people: one half he confessedly [915]disbelieved; and the remainder was equally incredible. For no king of Egypt, if he had made a representation of the sacred [916]bull, durst have prostituted it for a tomb: and, as I have before said, Ἑορτη Πατρικη can never relate to a funeral.





To shew that they were all originally one GOD,
the SUN.

As I shall have a great deal to say concerning the Grecian Theology in the course of this work, it will be necessary to take some previous notice of their Gods; both in respect to their original, and to their purport. Many learned men have been at infinite pains to class the particular Deities of different countries, and to point out which were the same. But they would have saved themselves much labour, if, before they had bewildered themselves in these fruitless inquiries, they had considered whether all the Deities of which they treat, were not originally the same: all from one source; branched out and diversified in different parts of the world. I have mentioned that the nations of the east acknowledged originally but one Deity, the Sun: but when they came to give the titles of Orus, Osiris, and Cham, to some of the heads of their family; they too in time were looked up to as Gods, and severally worshipped as the Sun. This was practised by the Egyptians: but this nation being much addicted to refinement in their worship, made many subtile distinctions: and supposing that there were certain emanations of divinity, they affected to particularize each by some title; and to worship the Deity by his attributes. This gave rise to a multiplicity of Gods: for the more curious they were in their disquisitions, the greater was the number of these substitutes. Many of them at first were designed for mere titles: others, as I before mentioned, were αποῤῥοιαι, derivatives, and emanations: all which in time were esteemed distinct beings, and gave rise to a most inconsistent system of Polytheism. The Grecians, who received their religion from Egypt and the east, misconstrued every thing which was imported; and added to these absurdities largely. They adopted Deities, to whose pretended attributes they were totally strangers; whose names they could not articulate, or spell. They did not know how to arrange the elements, of which the words were composed. Hence it was, that Solon the Wise could not escape the bitter, but just censure of the priest in Egypt, who accused both him, and the Grecians in general, of the grossest puerility and ignorance. [917]Ω Σολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες εστε παιδες αει, γερων δε Ἑλλην ουκ εστι, νεοι τε ψυχας ἁπαντες· ουδεμιαν γαρ εν ἑαυτοις εχετε παλαιαν δοξαν, ουδε μαθημα χρονῳ πολιον ουδεν. The truth of this allegation may be proved both from the uncertainty, and inconsistency of the antients in the accounts of their Deities. Of this uncertainty Herodotus takes notice. [918]Ενθενδε εγενετο ἑκαστος των θεων, ειτε δ' αει ησαν παντες, ὁκοιοι δε τινες τα ειδεα, ουκ ηπιστεατο μεχρι ὁυ πρωην τε και χθες, ὡς ειπειν λογῳ. He attributes to Homer, and to Hesiod, the various names and distinctions of the Gods, and that endless polytheism which prevailed. [919]Ουτοι δε εισι, ὁι ποιησαντες θεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισι Θεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας τε και τεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεα αυτων σημῃναντες. This blindness in regard to their own theology, and to that of the countries, whence they borrowed, led them to misapply the terms, which they had received, and to make a God out of every title. But however they may have separated, and distinguished them under different personages, they are all plainly resolvable into one Deity, the Sun. The same is to be observed in the Gods of the Romans. This may in great measure be proved from the current accounts of their own writers; if we attend a little closely to what they say: but it will appear more manifest from those who had been in Egypt, and copied their accounts from that country. There are few characters, which at first sight appear more distinct than those of Apollo and Bacchus. Yet the department, which is generally appropriated to Apollo, as the Sun, I mean the conduct of the year, is by Virgil given to Bacchus, or Liber. He joins him with Ceres, and calls them both the bright luminaries of the world.

[920]Vos, O, clarissima Mundi

Lumina, labentem Cœlo qui ducitis annum,

Liber, et alma Ceres.

[921]Quidam ipsum solem, ipsum Apollinem, ipsum Dionysium eundem esse volunt. Hence we find that Bacchus is the Sun, or Apollo; though supposed generally to have been a very different personage. In reality they are all three the same; each of them the Sun. He was the ruling Deity of the world:

[922]Ἡλιε παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες.

He was in Thrace esteemed, and worshipped as Bacchus, or Liber. [923]In Thraciâ Solem Liberum haberi, quem illi Sebadium nuncupantes magnâ religione celebrant: eique Deo in colle [924]Zemisso ædes dicata est specie rotundâ. In short, all the Gods were one, as we learn from the same Orphic Poetry:

[925]Ἑις Ζευς, ἑις Αϊδες, ἑις Ἡλιος, ἑις Διονυσος,

Ἑις θεος εν παντεσσι.

Some Deities changed with the season.

[926]Ηελιον δε θερους, μετοπωρης δ' ἁβρον Ιαω.

It was therefore idle in the antients to make a disquisition about the identity of any God, as compared with another; and to adjudge him to Jupiter rather than to Mars, to Venus rather than Diana. [927]Τον Οσιριν ὁι μεν Σεραπιν, ὁιδε Διονυσον, ὁιδε Πλουτωνα, τινες δε Δια, πολλοιδε Πανα νενομικασι. Some, says Diodorus, think that Osiris is Serapis; others that he is Dionusus; others still, that he is Pluto: many take him for Zeus, or Jupiter, and not a few for Pan. This was an unnecessary embarrassment: for they were all titles of the same God, there being originally by no means that diversity which is imagined, as Sir John Marsham has very justly observed. [928]Neque enim tanta πολυθεοτης Gentium, quanta fuit Deorum πολυωνυμια. It is said, above, that Osiris was by some thought to be Jupiter, and by others to be Pluto. But Pluto, among the best theologists, was esteemed the same as Jupiter; and indeed the same as Proserpine, Ceres, Hermes, Apollo, and every other Deity.

[929]Πλουτων, Περσεφονη, Δημητηρ, Κυπρις, Ερωτες,

Τριτωνες, Νηρευς, Τηθυς και Κυανοχαιτης,

Ἑρμης θ', Ἡφαιστος τε κλυτος, Παν, Ζευς τε, και Ἑρη,

Αρτεμις, ηδ' Ἑκαεργος Απολλων, ἑις Θεος εστιν.

There were to be sure a number of strange attributes, which by some of the poets were delegated to different personages; but there were other writers who went deeper in their researches, and made them all centre in one. They sometimes represented this sovereign Deity as Dionusus; who, according to Ausonius, was worshipped in various parts under different titles, and comprehended all the Gods under one character.

[930]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat;

Osyrin Ægyptus putat:

Mysi Phanacem nominant:

Dionyson Indi existimant:

Romana Sacra Liberum;

Arabica Gens Adoneum;

Lucanianus Pantheon.

Sometimes the supremacy was given to Pan, who was esteemed Lord of all the elements.

[931]Πανα καλω, κρατερον Νομιον, κοσμοιο τε συμπαν,

Ουρανον, ηδε θαλασσαν, ιδε χθονα παμβασιλειαν,

Και πυρ αθανατον, ταδε γαρ μελη εστι τα Πανος.

Κοσμοκρατωρ, αυξητα, φαεσφορε, καρπιμε Παιαν,

Αντροχαρες, βαρυμηνις, ΑΛΗΘΗΣ ΖΕΥΣ Ὁ ΚΕΡΑΣΤΗΣ.

More generally it was conferred upon Jupiter:

[932]Ζευς εστιν αιθηρ, Ζευς δε γη, Ζευς δ' Ουρανος·

Ζευς τοι τα παντα.

Poseidon, God of the sea, was also reputed the chief God, the Deity of Fire. This we may infer from his priest. He was styled a Purcon, and denominated from him, and served in his oracular temples; as we learn from Pausanias, who says, [933]Ποσειδωνι δ' ὑπηρετην ες τα μαντευματα ειναι Πυρκωνα. He mentions a verse to the same purpose. Συν δε τε Πυρκων αμφιπολος κλυτου Εννοσιγαιου. P'urcon is Ignis vel lucis dominus: and we may know the department of the God from the name of the priest. He was no other than the supreme Deity, the Sun: from whom all were supposed to be derived. Hence Poseidon or Neptune, in the Orphic verses, is, like Zeus, styled the father of Gods and men.

[934] Κλυθι, Ποσειδαον——

Ουρανιων, Μακαρων τε Θεων πατερ, ηδε και ανδρων.

In the neighborhood of Tyre and Sidon the chief deity went by the name of [935]Ourchol, the same as Archel and Aides of Egypt, whence came the Ἡρακλης, and Hercules of Greece and Rome. Nonnus, who was deeply read in the mythology of these countries, makes all the various departments of the other Gods, as well as their titles, centre in him. He describes him in some good poetry as the head of all.

[936]Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, Αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου,

Ὑια Χρονου Λυκαβαντα δυωδεκαμηνον ἑλισσων,

Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον αιθοπι δισκῳ,

Κυκλον αγεις μετα κυκλον——

Ομβρον αγεις φερεκαρτον, επ' ευωδινι δε γαιῃ

Ηεριης ηωον ερευγεται αρδμον εερσης.——

Βηλος επ Ευφρηταο, Λιβυς κεκλημενος Αμμων,

Απις εφυς Νειλῳος Αραψ Κρονος, Ασσυριος Ζευς.——

Ειτε Σαραπις εφυς Αιγυπτιος, ανεφαλος Ζευς,

Ει Χρονος, ει Φαεθων πολυωνυμος, ειτε συ Μιθρης,


All the various titles, we find, are at last comprised in Apollo, or the Sun.

It may appear strange, that Hercules, and Jupiter, or whomever we put for the chief Deity, should be of all ages. This must have been the case, if they were the same as the boy of love, and Bacchus ever young; and were also the representatives of Cronus, and Saturn. But the antients went farther; and described the same Deity under the same name in various stages of life: and [937]Ulpian speaking of Dionusus, says that he was represented of all ages. Και γαρ παιδα, και πρεσβυτην, και ανδρα γραφουσιν αυτον. But the most extraordinary circumstance was, that they represented the same Deity of different sexes. A bearded Apollo was uncommon; but Venus with a beard must have been very extraordinary. Yet she is said to have been thus exhibited in Cyprus, under the name of Aphroditus, Αφροδιτος: [938]πωγωνιαν ανδρος την Θεον εσχηματισθαι εν Κυπρῳ. The same is mentioned by Servius: [939]Est etiam in Cypro simulacrum barbatæ Veneris, corpora et veste muliebri, cum sceptro, et naturâ virili, quod Αφροδιτον vocant. She was also looked upon as prior to Zeus, and to most other of the Gods. [940]Αφροδιτη ου μονον Αθηνας, και Ἡρας, αλλα και ΔΙΟΣ εστι πρεσβυτερα. The poet Calvus speaks of her as masculine: [941]Polientemque Deum Venerem. Valerius Soranus among other titles calls Jupiter the mother of the Gods.

[942]Jupiter omnipotens, Regum Rex ipse, Deûmque

Progenitor, Genetrixque Deûm; Deus unus et idem.

Synesius speaks of him in nearly the same manner.

[943]Συ πατηρ, συ δ' εσσι μητηρ,

Συ δ' αρσην, συ δε θηλυς.

And the like character is given to the antient Deity Μητις.

[944]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολυωνυμε Μητι.

In one of the fragments of the Orphic poetry there is every thing, which I have been saying comprehended within a very short compass.

[945]Ζευς αρσην γενετο, Ζευς αμβροτος επλετο Νυμφη,

Ζευς πυθμην γαιης τε και ουρανου αστεροεντος.——

Ζευς ποντου ῥιζα, Ζευς [946]Ἡλιος, ηδε Σεληνη,

Ζευς Βασιλευς, Ζευς αυτος ἁπαντων αρχιγενεθλος——

Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ και Ερως πολυτερπης.

Παντα γαρ εν Ζηνος μεγαλῳ ταδε σωματι κειται.

Ἑν κρατος, ἑις Δαιμων, γενεται μεγας αρχος ἁπαντων.

Whom he meant under the title of Zeus, he explains afterwards in a solemn invocation of the God Dionusus.

[947]Κεκλυθι τηλεπορου δινης ἑλικαυγεα κυκλον

Ουρανιαις στροφαλιγξι περιδρομον αιεν ἑλισσων,

Αγλαε ΖΕΥ, ΔΙΟΝYΣΕ, πατερ ποντου, πατερ αιης,

Ἡλιε, παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες.

As we have seen how the father of the Gods was diversified, it may be worth while to hear what the supposed mother of all the Deities says of her titles and departments, in Apuleius. [948]Me primigenii Phryges Pessinuntiam nominant Deûm Matrem: hinc Autochthones Attici Cecropiam Minervam: illinc fluctuantes Cyprii Paphiam Venerem: Cretes sagittiferi Dictynnam Dianam. Siculi trilingues Stygiam Proserpinam: Eleusinii vetustam Deam Cererem. Junonem alii: alii Bellonam: alii Hecaten: Rhamnusiam alii: et qui nascentis dei Solis inchoantibus radiis illustrantur Æthiopes, Ariique, priscâque doctrinâ pollentes Ægyptii, ceremoniis me prorsus propriis percolentes, appellant vero nomine Reginam Isidem.

Porphyry acknowledged, that Vesta, Rhea, Ceres, Themis, Priapus, Proserpina, Bacchus, Attis, Adonis, Silenus, and the Satyrs, were all one, and the[949] same. Nobody had examined the theology of the antients more deeply than Porphyry. He was a determined Pagan, and his evidence in this point is unexceptionable. The titles of Orus and Osiris being given to Dionusus, caused him in time to partake of the same worship which was paid to the great luminary; and as he had also many other titles, from them sprung a multiplicity of Deities. [950]Morichum Siculi Bacchum nominârunt: Arabes vero eundem Orachal et Adonæum: alii Lyæum, Erebinthium, Sabazium; Lacedæmonii Scytidem, et Milichium vocitarunt. But let Dionusus or Bacchus be diversified by ever so many names or titles, they all, in respect to worship, relate ultimately to the Sun. [951]Sit Osiris, sit Omphis, Nilus, Siris, sive quodcunque aliud ab Hierophantis usurpatum nomen, ad unum tandem Solem, antiquissimum Gentium numen, redeunt omnia.


W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

Notes to Volume I.

[1] Henry VI. founder of Eton and King's College, in Cambridge.

[2] Dr. Priestley, on Philosophical Necessity.

[3] Κατα θειον δηλονοτι χρησμον. Eusebii Chron. p. 10. See also Syncellus.

[4] Αιγυπτους—προς αλληλους τᾳ ῥηματι Αμουν χρησθαι. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.

[5] Ὁ δε συμβαλων τοις απο των αδυτων ἑυρηθεισιν αποκρυφοις ΑΜΜΟΥΕΝΩΝ γραμμασι συγκειμενοις, ἁ δη ουκ ην πασι γνωριμα, την μαθησιν ἁπαντων αυτος ησκησε· και τελος επιθεις τῃ πραγματειᾳ τον κατ' αρχας μυθον και τας αλληγοριας εκποδων ποιησαμενος, εξηνυσατο την προθεσιν. Euseb. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 9. p. 32.

[6] He makes it exceed the æra of the Mosaic creation 1336 years. See Marsham's Canon Chron. p. 1.

[7] The Rev. Dr. Barford, Prebendary of Canterbury, and Rector of Kimpton, Hertfordshire.

[8] Called also Chumus. Lilius Gyraldus speaks of the Phenician God Chumus. Syntag. 1. p. 7.

[9] Of Amanus, and Omanus, see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. and l. 15. p. 1066. He calls the temple Ἱερον Ομανου.

[10] Et Solem et calorem המה Chammha vocant (Syri.) Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. c. 8. p.247.

[11] The Sun in the Persic language, Hama. Gale's Court of the Gentiles. v. 1. c. 11. p.72.

[12] Camisene, Chamath, Chamane, Choma, Chom, Cuma, Camæ, Camelis, Cambalidus, Comopolis, Comara, &c. All these are either names of places, where the Amonians settled; or are terms, which have a reference to their religion and worship.

[13] Plutarch. Amatorius. vol. 2. p.768.

[14] 2 Chron. c. 34. v. 4. Ωρον ειωθασι Καιμιν προσαγορευειν. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris, vol. 2. p.374.

[15] I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name of the Chammerim with the priests. Zephaniah. c. 1. v. 4. From hence we may, in some degree, infer who are meant by the Baalim.

[16] Hesychius.

[17] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 42.

Ham sub Jovis nomine in Africâ diu cultus. Bochart. Geog. Sac. l. 1. c. 1. p. 5.

Αμμωνα Λιβυες τον Δια προσαγορευουσι, και ουτω τιμωσι· και γαρ και

φαιστος εν τοις Λακεδαιμονικοις επιβαλλων φησι,

Ζευ Λιβυης Αμμων, κερατηφορε, κεκλυθι Μαντι.

Pindar. Pyth. ode 4. v. 28. Schol.

[18] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. vol. 2. p. 354. Zeus was certainly, as these writers say, a title given to Ham; yet it will be found originally to have belonged to his father; for titles were not uniformly appropriated.

[19] Herodotus. l. 2, c. 49. Speaking afterwards of the people at Dodona, he says, Χρονου πολλου διεξελθοντος, επυθοντα εκ της Αιγυπτου απικομενα τα ουνοματα τα τον θεων των αλλων, Διονυσου δε ὑστερον πολλῳ επυθοντο. c. 52. It was a long time before they had names for any of the Gods; and very late before they were acquainted with Dionusus; which Deity, as well as all the others, they received from Egypt. See also l. 2. c. 59.

[20] Sanchoniathon apud Eusebium prodit Ægyptiorum Κνηφ esse Phœnicum Αγαθοδαιμονα, vel secundum Mochum, Χουσωρα. See notes to Iamblichus, by Gale, p, 301.

[21] Chusistan, to the east of the Tigris, was the land of Chus: it was, likewise, called Cutha, and Cissia, by different writers. A river and region, styled Cutha, mentioned by Josephus, Ant. Jud. l. 9. c. 14. n. 3. the same which by others has been called Cushan, and Chusistan.

[22] The harbour at Carthage was named Cothon. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189. Also, an island in that harbour. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 168.

[23] Χουσον μεν ουδεν εβλαψεν ὁ κρονος. Αιθιοπες γαρ, ὡν ηρξεν, ετι και νυν ὑπο ἑαυτων τε και των εν τῃ Ασιᾳ παντων, ΧΟΥΣΑΙΟΙ καλουνται. Josephus. Ant. Jud. l. 1. c. 6. § 2.

[24] Euseb. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[25] Sanchoniathon apud eundem. Ibid.

See Michaelis Geographia Hebræor. Extera. p. 2.

[26] Ὁ πρωτος οικησας τῃν Μεστραιαν χωραν, ητοι Αιγυπτον, Μεστραϊμ, εβασιλευσεν εν αυτῃ τῃ Μεστραιᾳ. Euseb. Chron. p. 17.

Μεστραϊμ of the LXX.

Josephus calls the country of Egypt Mestra. Την γαρ Αιγυπτον Μεστρην, και Μεστραιους τους Αιγυπτιους ἁπαντας, ὁι ταυτην οικουντες, καλουμεν. Ant. Jud. l. 1. c. 6. § 2.

[27] Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.

Hierapolis of Syria, was called Magog, or rather the city of Magog. It was also called Bambyce. Cœle (Syria) habet—Bambycen, quæ alio nomine Hierapolis vocatur, Syris vero Magog. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. § 19. p. 266.

[28] Genesis. c. 10. v. 8, 9. Hence called Νεβρωδ ὁ κυνηγος, και Γιγας, Αιθιοψ.—Chronicon Paschale. P. 28.

[29] Πρωτον γενεσθαι Βασιλεα Αλωπον εν Βαβυλωνι Χαλδαιον. Euseb. Chron. p. 5. ex Apollodoro. The same from Abydenus. Euseb. Chron. p. 6.

Εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου εταξαν (τον Νεβρωδ), και καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Cedrenus. p. 14.

Εγεννηθη δε και αλλος εκ της φυλες του Σημ (Χαμ), Χους ονομαστι, ὁ Αιθιοψ, ὁστις εγεννησε τον Νεβρωδ, Γιγαντα, τον την Βαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα, ὁν λεγουσιν ὁι Περσαι αποθεωθεντα, και γενομενον εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου, ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Chronicon Paschale. p. 36.

[30] Homer. Odyss. l. Λ v. 571.

[31] Chronicon. Pasch. p. 36.

[32] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.

[33] Gratii Cyneget. v. 527.

[34] Solinus de Situ Orbis. c. 11.

[35] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 3. c. 1.

[36] Silius Italicus. l. 3. v. 393.

[37] Seneca. Œdipus. act 2. v. 436.

[38] Sylvæ. l. 1. carm. 2. v. 226.

Dionysius of the Indian Camaritæ:

Ζωματα, και Νεβριδας επι στηθεσσι βαλοντες,

Ευοι Βακχε λεγοντες. V. 703.

At the rites of Osiris, Και γαρ νεβριδας περικαθαπτονται (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) και θυρσους φορουσι κτλ. Plutarch Isis et Osir. p. 364.

[39] Arnobius. l. 5. p. 185. edit. 1661. Ceres fessa, oras ut venit Atticas—Nebridarum familiam pelliculâ cohonestavit hinnulea.

[40] Nimrod built Babylon; which is said to have been the work of Belus. Βαβυλων'—ειρηται δ' υπο Βηλου. Etymologicum Magnum.

Arcem (Babylonis) Rex antiquissimus condidit Belus. Ammian. Marcellinus. l. 23.

Here was a temple, styled the temple of Belus.

[41] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 9. p. 32. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36. p. 40.

[42] See also the Phædrus of Plato: Ηκουσα τοινυν περι Ναυκρατιν της Αιγυπτου κτλ.

[43] Anthologia. l. 1. 91. l. 1. 29.

[44] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1, c. 10. p. 36. from Sanchoniathon.

[45] Lucan. l. 1. v. 444.

[46] Selden de Diis Syrib: Prolegomena. c. 3.

[47] Lycophron. v. 459. Scholia ibidem.

It is also compounded with Cham, as in Orchamus, a common Babylonish appellation.

Rexit Achæmenias urbes pater Orchamus; isque

Septimus a prisci numeratur origine Beli.

Ovid. Metamorph. l. 4. v. 212.

[48] Eusebii Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 36.

[49] Gruter. v. 1. 37. n. 4, 5, 6.

[50] Damascius apud Photium. c. 242.

[51] Αλωρος, Alorus, the first king who reigned. Syncellus. p. 18.

Ἁλια, Halia, was a festival at Rhodes in honour of the Sun, to whom that Island was sacred. Ῥοδιοι τα Ἁλια τιμωσιν. Athenæus. l. 13. p. 561. The first inhabitants were styled Heliadæ. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 327. And they called the chief temple of the Deity Ἁλιον, Halion. Eustath. ad Hom. Odyss. Ζ. They came after a deluge, led by Ochimus, Macar, and others.

[52] Gruter. Inscript. xl. 9. and lvi. 11.

[53] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8.

[54] Pomponius Laetus.

Camilla was in like manner attendant on the Gods.

Cælitum Camilla expectata advenis. Ennius in Medo, ex Varrone de Ling. Lat. p. 71. Edit. Dordrechti. 1619.

[55] Juba apud Plutarchum in Numa. vol. 1. p. 64.

[56] Scholia in Apollon. Rhodium. l. 1. v. 917. So Camœna was rendered Casmœna.

[57] De Amore Fraterno. p. 483.

[58] Isaiah. c. 14. v. 12.

[59] Genesis. c. 41. v. 45. and Exodus. c. 1. v. 11.

[60] Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 3. p. 392. Iablonsky. l. 2. c. 1. p. 138.

[61] Canticles. c. 8. v. 11.

Mention is made of Amon, Jeremiah. c. 46. v. 25. Nahum. c. 3. v. 8.

It was sometimes compounded; and the Deity worshipped under the titles of Or-On: and there were temples of this denomination in Canaan.

Solomon fortified Beth-Oron the upper, and Beth-Oron the nether. 2 Chron. c. 8. v. 5.

As Ham was styled Hamon, so was his son Chus, or Cuth, named Cuthon and Cothon; as we may judge from places, which, were denominated, undoubtedly, from him. At Adrumetum was an island at the entrance of the harbour so called: Hirtius. Afric. p. 798. Another at Carthage, probably so named from a tower or temple. Ὑποκεινται δε τῃ ακροπολει ὁι τε λιμενες, και ὁ ΚΩΘΩΝ.—Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.

[62] Voss. de Idol. vol. 1. l. 2. c. 17. p. 391.

[63] Apocalyps. c. 9. v. 11.

[64] The Sun's disk, styled Αιθοψ:

Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον ΑΙΘΟΠΙ ΔΙΣΚῼ. Nonnus. l. 40. v. 371.

Αιθιοπαιδα Διονυσον. Ανακρεων. αλλοι τον οινον. αλλοι την Αρτεμιν. Hesychius. Altered to Αιθοπα παιδα by Albertus.

[65] The Egyptian Theology abounded with personages formed from these emanations, who, according to Psellus, were called Eons, Ζωνες, Αζωνες. See Iamblichus, and Psellus, and Damascius.

[66] Stephanus Byzant.

[67] Scholia on Dionysius. v. 239. What it alluded to may be seen from other authors.

[68] Homer. Iliad. Ο. v. 690. Ὁ ενθερμος, και πυρωδης. Hesychius.

[69] Ηθ καρδια. Etymolog. Magnum ex Orione, in Athribis.

They express it after the manner of the Ionians, who always deviated from the original term. The Dorians would have called it, with more propriety, Ath.

[70] Horus Apollo. l. 1. c. 22. p. 38.

[71] Clemens Alexandrius from Ptolemy Mendesius. Strom. l. 1. p. 378.

It was called also Abur, or Abaris, as well as Athur. In after times it was rebuilt; and by Herodotus it is styled Cercasora. By Athuria is to be understood both the city and the district; which was part of the great Nome of Heliopolis.

[72] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 1323.

[73] Athenagoræ Legatio. p. 293.

Proserpine (Κορα) was also called Athela, ibid.

[74] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 52.

[75] Homer. Iliad. Κ. v. 37.

[76] Homer. Iliad. Ψ. v. 94.

[77] Homer. Odyss. Ξ. v. 147.

Ath-El among many nations a title of great honour.

[78] Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 5. c. 31.

[79] Valerius Flaccus. l. 2. v. 78. The chief city was Hephæstia.

[80] Universa vero gens (Æthiopum) Ætheria appellata est. Plin. l. 6. c. 30.

[81] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

[82] Genesis. c. 10. v. 18. c. 11. v. 2.

[83] 1 Kings. c. 16. v. 31.

[84] 2 Kings. c. 11. v. 1.

[85] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 5. v. 162.

So in Virgil.

Comites Sarpedonis ambo,

Et clarus Ethemon Lyciâ comitantur ab altâ.

Or, Clarus et Ethemon. Æneis. l. 10. v. 126.

[86] 1 Kings. c. 11. v. 14. Adad, the fourth king of Edom. Gen. c. 36. v. 35.

[87] 1 Kings. c. 20. v. 1.

[88] Nicolaus Damasc. apud Josephum Antiq. l. 7. c. 5.

[89] 2 Samuel. c. 8. v. 3.

[90] 1 Chron. c. 18. v. 10.

[91] Zechariah. c. 12. v. 11.

There was a town of this name in Israel. Some suppose that the Prophet alluded to the death of Josiah, who was slain at Megiddo.

[92] Plutarch. Apothegmata. p. 180. One of the wives of Esau was of Canaan, and named Adah, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. Gen. c. 36. v. 2.

[93] Αδα, ἡδονη· και ὑπο Βαβυλωνιων ἡ Ηρα. Hesychius.

[94] Macrobii Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 23.

[95] Adamantis fluv. Gangeticus.

Adam was sometimes found reversed, as in Amad, a Canaanitish town in the tribe of Ashur. Joshua. c. 19. v. 26. There was a town Hamad, as well as Hamon, in Galilee: also, Amida, in Mesopotamia.

[96] Polybius. l. 1. p. 31.

Atis, in Phrygia, and Lydia, was represented with a crown of rays, and a tiara spangled with stars, την καταστικτον τοις αστροις τιαραν. Julian. Orat. 5. p. 179.

[97] Podalia, Choma, præfluente Adesa. Plin. l. 5. c. 17.

It was compounded, also, Az-On. Hence Αζωνες in Sicily, near Selinus. Diodori Excerpta. l. 22.

[98] Herbert's Travels. p. 316. He renders the word Attash.

Hyde of the various names of fire among the Persians; Va, Adur, Azur, Adish, Atesh, Hyr. c. 29 p. 358. Atesh Perest is a Priest of fire. Ibid. c. 29. p. 366.

[99] Aziz, lightning; any thing superlatively bright, analogous to Adad and Rabrab. Hazazon Tamor, mentioned 2 Chron. c. 20. v. 2.

[100] Orat. 4. p. 150.

[101] Azaz, and Asisus, are the same as Asis and Isis made feminine in Egypt; who was supposed to be the sister of Osiris the Sun.

[102] Την ΜΟΝΑΔΑ τους ανδρας ονομαζειν Απολλωνα. Plutarch. Isis & Osiris. p. 354.

[103] Hence came asso, assare, of the Romans.

Jezebel, whose father was Ethbaal, king of Sidon, and whose daughter was Athaliah, seems to have been named from Aza-bel; for all the Sidonian names are compounds of sacred terms.

[104] Places, which have this term in their composition, are to be found also in Canaan and Africa. See Relandi Palæstina. vol. 2. p. 597. Joseph. Ant. l. 8. c. 2. Hazor, the chief city of Jabin, who is styled king of Canaan, stood near Lacus Samochonites. Azorus, near Heraclea, in Thessaly, at the bottom of Mount Œta. Hazor is mentioned as a kingdom, and, seemingly, near Edom and Kedar. Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 30. 33.

[105] Hazor in Sicily stood near Enna, and was, by the Greeks, rendered Ασσωρος, and Ασσωρον. Azor and Azur was a common name for places where Puratheia were constructed. See Hyde. Relig. Pers. c. 3. p. 100.

[106] The country about the Cayster was particularly named Asia.

Ασιῳ εν λειμωνι Καϋστριου αμφι ρεεθρα. Homer. Iliad. Β. v. 461.

Of these parts see Strabo. l. 13. p. 932.

[107] Ἱεραπολις—θερμων υδατων πολλων πληθουσα, απο του ἱερα πολλα εχειν. Stephanus Byzant.

[108] Ἱεραπολις, ὁπου τα θερμα ὑδατα, και το Πλουτωνιον, αμφω παραδοξολογιαν τινα εχοντα. Strabo. l. 13. p. 933.

[109] Damascius apud Photium in Vitâ Isidor. c. 242.

[110] At Hierapolis, Acharaca, Magnesia, and Myus. Strabo. l. 12. p. 868.

Αχαρακα, εν ῃ το Πλουτωνιον, εχον και αλσος πολυτελες, και νεων Πλουτωνος τε και Ἡρας καν το ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ αντρον ὑπερκειμενον του αλσους, θαυμαστον τῃ φυσει. Strabo. l. 14. p. 960.

[111] Plin. H. N. L. 2. c. 93. Spiritus lethales alibi, aut scrobibus emissi, aut ipso loci situ mortiferi: alibi volucribus tantum, ut Soracte vicino urbi tractu: alibi præter hominem cæteris animantibus: nonnunquam et homini; ut in Sinuessano agro, et Puteolano. Spiracula vocant, alii Charoneas scrobes, mortiferum spiritum exhalantes. Strabo of the same: Θυμβρια, παρ' ἡν Αορνον εστι σπηλαιον ἱερον, ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ λεγομενον, ολεθριους εχον αποφορας. l. 14. p. 943.

[112] Ἁπαντα μεν ουν τα των Περσων ἱερα και Μηδοι και Αρμενιοι τετιμηκασι· τα δε της Αναϊτιδος διαφεροντως Αρμενιοι. Strabo. l. 11. p. 805.

[113] Anait signifies a fountain of fire; under which name a female Deity was worshipped. Wherever a temple is mentioned, dedicated to her worship, there will be generally found some hot streams, either of water or bitumen; or else salt, and nitrous pools. This is observable at Arbela. Περι Αρβηλα δε εστι και Δημητριας πολις, ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και το πυρα, και το της Αναιας, (or Αναϊτιδος) ἱερον. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072.

Of Anait see Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. l. 12. p. 838. l. 15. p.1066.

[114] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951.

[115] Εστι και Αλησιον πεδιον της Ηπειρου, ἱνα πηγνυται ἁλας. Stephanus Byzantinus.

[116] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 618.

[117] Athanasius, who was of Egypt, speaks of the veneration paid to fountains and waters. Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλιστα Αιγυπτιοι το ὑδωρ προτετιμηκασι, και θεους αναγορευουσι. Oratio contra Gentes. p. 2. Edit. Commelin.

[118] It was an obsolete term, but to be traced in its derivatives. From Ees-El came Ασυλον, Asylum: from El-Ees, Elis, Elissa, Eleusis, Eleusinia Sacra, Elysium, Elysii campi in Egypt and elsewhere.

[119] Of those places called Lasa many instances might be produced. The fountain at Gortyna in Crete was very sacred, and called Lasa, and Lysa. There was a tradition, that Jupiter when a child was washed in its waters: it was therefore changed to Λουσα. Pausanias says, ὑδωρ ψυχροτατον παρεχεται ποταμων. l. 8. p. 685.

In Judea were some medicinal waters and warm springs of great repute, at a place called of old Lasa. Lasa ipsa est, quæ nunc Callirrhoë dicitur, ubi aquæ calidæ in Mare Mortuum defluunt. Hieron. in Isaiam. c. 17. 19.

Ἡρωδης τοις κατα Καλλιῤῥοην θερμοις εκεχρητο. Josephus de B. J. l. 1. c. 33.

Alesa, urbs et fons Siciliæ. Solinus. c. 11. The fountain was of a wonderful nature.

[120] Strabo. l. 5. p. 385.

[121] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1029.

[122] Strabo. l. 4. p. 314.

[123] Strabo. l. 6. p. 421.

[124] Strabo. l. 14. p. 951. Here was a cavern, which sent forth a most pestilential vapour. Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 278.

[125] Voyages de Monconys. Parte 2de. p. 38.


Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis.

Ovid. Tristia. l. 5. Eleg. 10. v. 3.

[127] John. c. 3. v. 23. Ην δε και Ιωαννης βαπτιζων εν Αινων εγγυς Σαλειμ· so denominated by the antient Canaanites.

[128] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535. The city Arles in Provence was famed for medicinal waters. The true name was Ar-Ales, the city of Ales: it was also called Ar-El-Ait, or Arelate.

[129] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 52.

[130] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 659.

[131] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 535.

[132] Strabo. l. 12. p. 812.

[133] Strabo. l. 12. p. 839.

[134] Gaspar Brechenmaker. § 45. p. 57

[135] Tacitus. Annal. l. 13. c. 57.

From this antient term As, or Az, many words in the Greek language were derived: such as αζομαι, veneror; αζω, ξηραινω; αζαλεον, θερμον; αζα, ασβολος; αζωπες, αι ξηραι εκ της θεωριας. Hesychius.

[136] Cyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. And Iamblich. in vitâ Pythagoræ.

Ζαν Κρονου. Lactantii Div. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. p. 53.

Ζαν, Ζευς. Hesychius.

[137] Joshua. c. 19. v. 33. Judges. c. 4. v. 11. Also Tzaanan. Micah. c. 1. v. 11. Solis Fons.

[138] Relandi Palæstina. v. 2. p. 983.

[139] Diodorus Siculus. l. 2. p. 90.

[140] 1 Samuel. c. 31. v. 9, 10.

[141] Joshua. c. 15. v. 31.

[142] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 430.

Ζανα, Ζονα, Ξοανα· all names of the same purport, all statues of the Sun, called Zan, Zon, Zoan, Xoan.

[143] Silius Italicus. l. 8. v. 421.

[144] Lactantius, de F. R. l. 1. p. 65.

Fit sacrificium, quod est proficiscendi gratiâ, Herculi, aut Sanco, qui idem deus est. Festus.

[145] Dionysius Halicarnass. Antiq. Rom. l. 4. p. 246. St. Austin supposes the name to have been Sanctus. Sabini etiam Regem suum primum Sancum, sive, ut aliqui appellant, Sanctum, retulerunt inter deos. Augustinus de Civitate Dei. l. 18. c. 19. The name was not of Roman original; but far prior to Rome.

[146] Gruter. Inscript. vol. 1. p. 96. n. 6.

Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio. n. 5.

Sanco Fidio Semo Patri. n. 7

Sanco Deo Patr. Reatin. sacrum. n. 8.

From San came the Latine terms, sanus, sano, sanctus, sancire.

Vossius derives San, or Zan, from שנד, sævire. De Idol. l. 1. c. 22. p. 168.

[147] Macrobii Saturn. l. 3. c. 8. p. 282.

Hence, perhaps, came ζωειν and ζην to live: and ζωον, animal: and hence the title of Apollo Ζηνοδοτηρ.

[148] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 24.

[149] Δουσαρη (lege Δουσαρης) σκοπελος και κορυφη ὑψηλοτατη Αραβιας· ειρηται δ' απο του Δουσαρου. Θεος δε ὁυτος παρα Αραψι και Δαχαρηνοις τιμωμενος. Stephanus Byz.

Δους, Dous, is the same as Deus. Δους-Αρης, Deus Sol.

[150] Δυσωρον καλεομενον ουρος. Herod. l. 5. c. 17.

[151] Agathias. l. 2. p. 62.

[152] Το ονομα τουτο Θρακον ἡ Βενδις· ὁυτω και Θρακος θεολογου μετα των πολλων της Σεληνης ονοματων και την Βενδιν εις την θεον αναπεμψαντος.

Πλουτωνη τε, και Ευφροσυνη, Βενδις τε κραταια.

Ex Proclo. See Poesis Philosophica. Edit. H. Steph. p. 91.

[153] Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. p. 1012.

[154] Virgil. Æneis. l. 3. v. 80.

Majorum enim hæc erat consuetudo, ut Rex esset etiam Sacerdos, et Pontifex: unde hodieque Imperatores Pontifices dicamus. Servii Scholia ibidem.

[155] Ὁι δ' Ἱερεις το παλαιον μεν δυνασται τινες ησαν. Strabo. l. 12. p. 851. It is spoken particularly of some places in Asia Minor.

[156] Pythodorus, the high priest of Zela and Comana in Armenia, was the king of the country. Ην ὁ Ἱερευς κυριος των παντων. Strabo. l. 12. p. 838.

[157] Etymologicum Magnum.

Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν ετιματο. Hesychius.

[158] Genesis. c. 14. v. 19. אל עליון קנה שמים.

Sabacon of Ethiopia was Saba Con, or king of Saba.

[159] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1074.

[160] Ptolem. Geogr. lib. 5. cap. 19 p. 165. He places very truly the Orcheni upon the Sinus Persicus: for they extended so far.

Παρακειται τῃ ερημῳ Αραβιᾳ ἡ Χαλδαια χωρα. Idem. l. 5. c. 20. p. 167.

[161] Plin. H. N. l. 6. c. 27.

[162] Ezra. c. 5. v. 6. c. 4. v. 9-17.

[163] The priests in Egypt, among other titles, were called Sonchin, sive Solis Sacerdotes, changed to Σογχης in the singular. Pythagoras was instructed by a Sonchin, or priest of the Sun. It is mentioned as a proper name by Clemens Alexandr. Strom. l. 1. p. 356. And it might be so: for priests were denominated from the Deity, whom they served.

[164] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 164.

[165] Description de la Ville de Pekin. p. 5. He mentions Chao Kong. p. 3.

[166] See Observations and Inquiries. p. l63.

[167] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 25.

[168] L. 3. c. 61.

[169] L. 7. c. 40.

Patæcion is mentioned by Plutarch de audiendis Poetis. p. 21.

Patiramphes is for Pata-Ramphan, the priest of the God Ramphan, changed to Ramphas by the Greeks.

Ram-phan is the great Phan or Phanes, a Deity well known in Egypt.

[170] Also in Asampatæ; a nation upon the Mæotis. Plin. l. 6. c. 7.

[171] L. 11. p. 794. He speaks of it as a proper name; but it was certainly a title and term of office.

[172] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 110.

[173] Aor, is אור of the Chaldeans.

[174] Proclus in Timæum. l. 1. p. 31.

See Iablonsky. l. 1. c. 3. p. 57.

Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 356.

It is remarkable that the worshippers of Wishnou, or Vistnou in India, are now called Petacares, and are distinguished by three red lines on their foreheads. The priests of Brama have the same title, Petac Arez, the priests of Arez, or the Sun. Lucæ Viecampii Hist. Mission. Evangel. in India, 1747. c. 10. §. 3. p. 57.

[175] Eubebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 34.

[176] Damascius apud Photium. c. 243.

Belus primus Rex Assyriorum, quos constat Saturnum (quem eundem et Solem dicunt) Junonemque coluisse. Servius in Virg. Æneid. l. 1.

[177] Theoph. ad Antolycum. l. 3. p. 399. Μη γινωσκοντες, μητε τις εστιν ὁ Κρονος, μητε τις εστιν ὁ Βηλος. Idem.

[178] Psalm 92. v. 10.

[179] Psalm 112. v. 9.

[180] Jeremiah. c. 48. v. 25.

[181] Luke. c. 1, v. 69.

[182] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 239.

Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo, v. 71. He mentions Minerva Κραναια, Cranæa. l. 10. p. 886.

Among the Romans this title, in later times, was expressed Granus and Grannus: hence, in Gruter Inscriptions, p. 37. n. 10, 11, 12. APPOLLINI GRANNO.

[183] The Dorians expressed it Ουπις. Palæphatus. p. 78.

[184] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3. 23.

[185] Huetii Demonstratio. p. 83.

[186] Orus Apollo. c. 1. p. 2.

Some have, by mistake, altered this to Ουραιον.

[187] Leviticus. c. 20. v. 27.

Deuteronomy, c. 18. v. 11. Translated a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer.

Tunc etiam ortæ sunt opiniones, et sententiæ; et inventi sunt ex cis augures, et magni divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob et Iideoni, et requirentes mortuos. Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c. 2. p. 48. from M. Maimonides in more Nebuchim.

[188] Justin Martyr's second Apology. p. 6.

Of serpent worship, see Eusebius. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40, 41. And Clementis Alexand. Cohort. p. 14. Arnobius. l. 5. Ælian. l. 10. c. 31. of the Asp.

Herodotus. l. 2. c. 74.

[189] 1 Samuel. c. 28. v. 7. בעלת אוב.

[190] It is called Abdir, Abadir, and Abaddir, by Priscian. He supposes the stone Abaddir to have been that which Saturn swallowed, instead of his son by Rhea. Abdir, et Abadir, Βαιτυλος. l. 1.; and, in another part, Abadir Deus est. Dicitur et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorâsse pro Jove, quem Græci Βαιτυλον vocant. l. 2.

[191] Bochart. Hierozoicon. l. 1. c. 3. p. 22.

[192] Macrobius. Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 10. p. l62.

[193] The father of one of the goddesses, called Diana, had the name of Upis. Cicero de Naturâ Deorum. l. 3. 23.

It was conferred upon Diana herself; also upon Cybele, Rhea, Vesta, Terra, Juno. Vulcan was called Opas, Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.

Ops was esteemed the Goddess of riches: also, the Deity of fire:

Ωπι ανασσα, πυρα προθυρος, πυρ προ των θυρων. Hesychius.

Την Αρτεμιν Θρακες Βενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν (καλουσι.) Palæphatus. c. 32. p. 78.

[194] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. v. 204.

[195] Sidonius Apollinaris. Carm. 9. v. 190.

[196] Αινων εγγυς του Σαλειμ. Eusebius de locorum nominibus in sacrâ Script. Ain On, tons solis. Salim is not from Salem, peace; but from Sal, the Sun, the Sol of the Latines. Salim, Aquæ solis; also Aquæ salsæ.

[197] St. John. c. 3. v. 23.

[198] Pythagoras used to swear by τετρακτυν παγαν αενναου φυσεως. See Stanley of the Chaldaic Philosophy, and Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 2. c. 1. p. 135.

Και πηγη πηγων, και πηγων πειρας ἁπασων. Oracle concerning the Deity, quoted in notes to Iamblichus. p. 299.

[199] Athenagor. Legatio. p. 293.

[200] The Amonians dealt largely in fountain worship: that is, in the adoration of subordinate dæmons; which they supposed to be emanations and derivatives from their chief Deity. They called them Zones, Intelligences, Fountains, &c. See Psellus and Stanley upon the Chaldaic Philosophy. p. 17. c. 3.

See Proclus on the Theology of Plato. l. 5. c. 34. p. 315.

[201] Edita de magno flumine Nympha fui. Ovid. Epist. 5. v. 10.

Some make her the daughter of Cebrenus; others of the river Xanthus.

[202] Plin. N. H. l. 4. c. 12.

[203] Joshua. c. 1. 19. v. 38.

[204] Macrobius. Sat. l. 1. c. 7. p. 151.

[205] Fontis stagna Numici. Virg. l. 7. 150.

Egeria est, quæ præbet aquas, Dea grata Camœnis. Ovid. See Plutarch. Numa.

[206] It is my opinion that there are two events recorded by Moses, Gen. c. 10. throughout; and Gen. c. 11. v. 8. 9. One was a regular migration of mankind in general to the countries allotted to them: the other was a dispersion which related to some particulars. Of this hereafter I shall treat at large.

[207] Νασον Σικελαν. Theocritus. Idyll. 1. v. 124.

Γυναικα τε θησατο μαζον. Homer II. Ω. v. 58.

Σκυθην ες οιμον, αβατον εις ερημιαν. Æschyl. Prometh. v. 2.

To give instances in our own language would be needless.

[208] Joshua. c. 19. v. 8. Baalath-Beer, the well or spring of Baal-Ath.

[209] The Jews often took foreign names; of which we have instances in Onias, Hyrcanus, Barptolemæus, &c.

Solinus, c. 25. mentions an altar found in North-Britain, inscribed to Ulysses: but Goropius Becanus very truly supposes it to have been dedicated to the Goddess Elissa, or Eliza.

Ab Elissâ Tyriâ, quam quidam Dido autumant. Velleius Paterculus. l. 1.

Elisa, quamdiu Carthago invicta fuit, pro Deâ culta est. Justin. l. 18. c. 6.

The worship of Elisa was carried to Carthage from Canaan and Syria: in these parts she was first worshipped; and her temple from that worship was called Eliza Beth.

[210] Sarbeth or Sarabeth is of the same analogy, being put for Beth-Sar or Sara, οικος κυριου, or κυριακη; as a feminine, answering to the house of our Lady. Απο ορους Σαραβαθα. Epiphanius de vitis Prophetar. p. 248. See Relandi Palæstina. p. 984.

[211] Damascus is called by the natives Damasec, and Damakir. The latter signifies the town of Dama or Adama: by which is not meant Adam, the father of mankind; but Ad Ham, the Lord Ham, the father of the Amonians. Abulfeda styles Damascus, Damakir, p. 15. Sec or Shec is a prince. Damasec signifies principis Ad-Amæ (Civitas). From a notion however of Adama signifying Adam, a story prevailed that he was buried at Damascus. This is so far useful, as to shew that Damasec was an abbreviation of Adamasec, and Damakir of Adama-kir.

Also Κυρεσκαρτα the city of Kuros, the Sun. Stephanus Byzant. Manakarta, Δαδοκαρτα, Ζαδρακαρτα. See Bochart. notæ in Steph. Byzantinum. p. 823.

Vologesakerta. Plin. l. 6. p. 332.

There was No-Amon in Egypt, and Amon-No. Guebr-abad. Hyde. p. 363. Ghavrabad. p. 364. Atesh-chana, domus ignis. p. 359. An-Ath, whose temple in Canaan was styled Beth-Anath, is found often reversed, and styled Ath-An; whence came Athana, and Αθηνα of the Greeks. Anath signified the fountain of light, and was abbreviated Nath and Neith by the Egyptians. They worshipped under this title a divine emanation, supposed to be the Goddess of Wisdom. The Athenians, who came from Sais in Egypt, were denominated from this Deity, whom they expressed Ath-An, or Αθηνη, after the Ionian manner. Της πολεως (Σαϊτων) Θεος αρχηγος εστιν, Αιγυπτιστι μεν τ' ουνομα Νηϊθ, Ἑλληνιστι δε, ὡς ὁ εκεινων λογος, Αθηνα. Plato in Timæo. p. 21.

[212] Stephanus Byzantinus.

[213] Isaiah. c. 30. v. 4.

Of Hanes I shall hereafter treat more fully.

[214] Genesis. c. 34. v. 4. John. c. 4. v. 5. It is called Σηγωρ by Syncellus. p. 100.

[215] The same term is not always uniformly expressed even by the sacred writers. They vary at different times both in respect to names of places and of men. What is in Numbers, c. 13. 8, הושע, Hoshea, is in Joshua. c. 1. v. 1. יהושע Jehoshua: and in the Acts, c. 7. v. 45. Jesus, Ιησους. Balaam the son of Beor, Numbers, c. 22. v. 5. is called the son of Bosor, 2 Peter. c. 2. v. 15.

Thus Quirinus or Quirinius is styled Curenius, Luke. c. 2. v. 2. and Lazarus put for Eleasar, Luke. c. 16. v. 20. and John. c. 11. v. 2.

Baal-Zebub, Βεελζεβουλ, Matthew. c. 12. v. 24. So Bethbara in Judges, c. 7. v. 24. is Bethabara of John. c. 1. v. 28.

Almug, a species of Cedar mentioned 1 Kings, c. 10. v. 11. is styled Algum in 2 Chron. c. 2. v. 8. The city Chala of Moses, Gen. c. 10. v. 12. is Calne of Isaiah. Is not Chalno as Carchemish? c. 10. v. 9. Jerubbaal of Judges is Jerubbeseth, 2 Samuel c. 11. v. 21. Ram, 1 Chron. c. 2. v. 10. is Aram in Matth. c. 1. v. 3. Ruth. c. 4. v. 19. Hesron begat Ram.

Percussit Dominus Philistim a Gebah ad Gazar. 2 Sam. c. 5. v. 25.

Percussit Deus Philistim a Gibeon ad Gazarah. 1 Chron. c. 14. v. 16.

[216] Iamblichus says the same: Ἑλληνες δε εις Ἡφαιστον μεταλαμβανουσι τον Φθα. Iamblichus de Myster. sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.

[217] Cicero de Natura Deorum. l. 3. c. 22.

[218] Auctor Clementinorum. Hom. 9. p. 687. Cotelerii.

[219] Huetii Demonstratio Evan. p. 88.

[220] It is sometimes compounded, and rendered Am-Apha; after the Ionic manner expressed Ημηφα; by Iamblichus, Ημηφ. Κατ' αλλην δε ταξιν προσταττει θεον Ημηφ. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 158.

Hemeph was properly Ham-Apha, the God of fire.

It was also rendered Camephis, Καμηφις, and Καμηφη, from Cam-Apha. Stobæus from Hermes.

By Asclepiades, Καμηφις, or Κμηφις. Καμηφιν τον ἡλιον ειναι φησιν αυτον τον δηπου τον νουν τον νοητουν. Apud Damascium in vita Isidori. Photius.

[221] Iamblichus. Sect. 8. c. 3. p. 159.

Hence ἁπτω, incendo: also Aptha, an inflammation, a fiery eruption.

Αφθα, ἡ εν στοματι ἑλκωσις. Hesychius.

Αφθα, λεγεται εξανθηματων ειδος κλ. Etymolog. Mag.

[222] Stephanus Byzantinus.

[223] Zosimus. l. 1. p. 53.

See Etymolog. Magnum, Alpha.

[224] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 180.

[225] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 242. supposed to be named from races.

[226] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 692. or Αφνειος, as some read it.

In like manner Αφθαλα και Αφθαια, Ἑκατη. Stephanas Byzantinus.

[227] Cælius Rhodig. l. 8. c. l6. Αφητωρ, ὁ εν τοις Δελφοις θεος. Auctor Antiquus apud Lilium Gyraldum. Syntag. 7.

[228] These towers were oracular temples; and Hesychius expressly says, Αφητορεια, μαντεια. Αφητορος, προφητευοντος. Hesychius. Αφητορος Απολλωνος. Iliad. l. Α. v. 404. Προφητευοντος και μαντευομενου. Schol. ibid.

[229] See Hoffman. Lexic.

[230] Plutarch. Numa. vol. 1. p. 68. Ὑδωρ ἱερον αποδειξαι ταις Ἑστιαισι παρθενοις.

Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.

Ovid. Fasti. l. 6. v. 291.

[231] Φρατορας, τους της αυτης μετεχοντας Φρατριας, συγγενεις. Hesychius.

Απατουρια, ἑορτη Αθηνῃσιν. Hesychius. Apaturia is compounded of Apatour, a fire-tower. Phrator is a metathesis for Phar-Tor, from Phur, ignis. So Prætor and Prætorium are from Pur-tor of the same purport. The general name for all of them was Purgoi, still with a reference to fire.

[232] Iliad. Α. v. 63.

[233] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 24.

[234] Plutarch. Numa. p. 62.

[235] In Syria was Astacus, or the city of Chus: and Astacur, the city of the Sun. In other parts were Astacures, and Astaceni, nations: Astacenus Sinus; Astaboras; Astabeni; Astabus and Astasaba in Ethiopia; Astalepha at Colchis; Asta and Astea in Gedrosia; Aita in Spain, and Liguria; Asta and regio Astica in Thrace.

Doris named Hestiæotis. Strabo. l. 9. p. 668.

Παι Ῥεας, ἁ γε Πρυτανεια λελογχας, Ἑστια.

Pindar. Nem. Ode 11. v. 1.

[236] Philo apud Eusch. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10.

Arabibus Sol Talos, Ταλος, et Samasa. Lilius Gyrald. Syntag. 7. p. 280.

[237] Stephanus Byzant.

[238] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 386.

[239] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 387, 388.

[240] Abulfeda. Tab. Syriæ. p. 5. Syria Scham appellata. Dividitur Syria in quinque præfecturas, quarum unicuique nomine proprio nomen, Al Scham, scil. Syriæ, commune datur. Excerptum ex Ibn Ol Wardi. p. 176.

Abulfeda supposes, that Syria is called Scham, quasi sinistra. It was called Sham for the same reason that it was called Syria. Συρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος, the same as Σειριος. Persæ Συρη Deum vocant. Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 1. p. 5. Συρια θεα, i.e. Dea Cœlestis. Syria is called at this day Souristan. Souris from Sehor, Sol, Σειριος of Greece.

[241] Reineccii Syntagma. Class. 6. cxxii. p. 458.

[242] El-Samen was probably the name of the chief temple at Zama; and comprised the titles of the Deity, whom the Numidians worshipped. El Samen signifies Deus Cœlestis, or Cœlorum: which El Samen was changed by the Romans to Ælia Zamana.

[243] Ἱστεον δε ὁι Χαλδαιος απο του Σημ καταγονται, εξ ὁυ και ὁ Αβρααμ. Syncelli Chronograph, p. 98.

[244] Eutychii sive Ebn Patricii Hist vol. 1. p. 60.

[245] Εκ της φυλης του Σημ Χους ονοματι, ὁ Αιθιοψ. Chron. Paschal. p. 36.

[246] Ἑτερος δε ὑιος του Σημ—ονοματι Μεστραεϊμ. Theophilus ad Autolyc. l. 2. p. 370.

[247] Alii Shemi filium faciunt Canaanem. Relandi Palæstina. v. 1. p. 7.

[248] The sons of Ham; Cush and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan. Genesis. c. 10. v. 6.

Ham is the father of Canaan. Genesis. c. 9. v. 18, 22.

From Sam, and Samen, came Summus; and Hercules Summanus; Samabethi, Samanæi, Samonacodoma.

[249] Orphic. Hymn. 33.

[250] Orphic. Hymn. 7. So Ελθε Μακαρ, to Hercules, and to Pan. Κλυθι Μακαρ, to Dionusus. Also, Μακαρ Νηρευς. Κλυθι, Μακαρ, Φωνων, to Corybas the Sun.


Μελπον δ' ὁπλοτερων Μακαρων γενεσιν τε, κρισιν τε.

Orphic. Argonaut. v. 42.

[252] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 327, 328.

We read of Macaria in the Red Sea. Plin. l. 6. c. 29.

Το Τυρκαιον ορος, και Μακαρια. Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 173.

[253] Cyprus was called Μακαρια, with a town of the same name. Ptolem.

Lesbos Macaria. Clarissima Lesbos; appellata Lana, Pelasgia, Aigeira, Æthiope, Macaria, a Macareo Jovis nepote. Plin. l. 5. c. 31. and Mela. l. 2. c. 7. p. 209.

Ὁσσον Λεσβος ανο Μακαρος εδος εντος εεργει. Homer. Iliad. Ω. v. 544.

Rhodes, called Macaria. Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

A fountain in Attica was called Macaria. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 79.

Part of Thrace, Macaria. Apollonius Rhod. l. 1. v. 1115.

A city in Arcadia. Μακαριαι. Steph. Byzant.

Μακαρ, a king of Lesbos. Clement. Cohort. p. 27.

An island of Lycia, Macara. Steph. Byzant.

The Macares, who were the reputed sons of Deucalion, after a deluge, settled in Chios, Rhodes, and other islands. Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 347.

[254] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 602. He speaks of Macaria the daughter of Hercules. l. 1. p. 80.

[255] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896.

[256] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 347. Μακαρ ὁ Κρινακου. Schol. in Homer. Iliad. Ω. v. 544.

[257] Ὁι Σαννοι, ὁυς προτερον ελεγον Μακρωνας. Strabo. l. 12.

Sanni, Σαννοι, means Heliadæ, the same as Macarones. Μακρωνες, near Colchis, ὁι νυν Σαννοι. Stephanus Byzant.

[258] The same as the Cadmeum. Μακαρων νησος, ἡ ακροπολις των εν Βοιωτιᾳ Θηβων το παλαιον, ὡς ὁ Παρμενιδης. Suidas.

Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 347. Μακαρων νησοι, near Britain and Thule. Scholia in Lycophron. v. 1200.

Ἁιδ' εισιν Μακαρων νησοι, τοθι περ τον αριστον

Ζηνα, Θεων βασιληα, Ῥεη τεκε τῳδ' ενι χωρῳ.

Of the Theban Acropolis, Tzetzes in Lycophron. v. 1194.

[259] Herodotus. l. 3. c. 16.

[260] Macra, a river in Italy. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.

[261] Euripides in Ione. v. 937. Ενθα προσβοῤῥους πετρας Μακρας καλουσι γης ανακτες Ατθιδος. Ibid.

Pausanias informs us that the children of Niobe were supposed to have been here slain in this cavern.

[262] Euripides ibid. Also, in another place, he mentions

Κεκροπος ες Αντρα, και Μακρας πετρηρεφεις.

[263] Διαβασι δε τον Κηφισσον βωμος εστιν αρχαιος Μειλιχιου Διος. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 9.

[264] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 154.

[265] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 132.

[266] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 897.

[267] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 573.

[268] The country of the Amalekites is called the land of Ham. 1 Chronicles. c. 4. v. 40.

[269] 1 Kings. c. 11. v. 33.

[270] I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name of the Chamerims with the priests; and them that worship the host of heaven upon the house tops, and them that worship, and that swear by the Lord, and that swear by Malcham. Zephaniah. c. 1. v. 4.

[271] Judges. c. 1. v. 10. Joshua. c. 15. v. 13. Deuteronomy. c. 2. v. 21. Joshua. c. 11. v. 22. and c. 13. v. 12.

The priests at the Elusinian mysteries were called ανακτοτελεσται. Clement. Alex. Cohort. p. 16.

[272] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 87. It was in the island Lade before Miletus. The author adds, when the bones were discovered. Αυτικα δε λογος ηλθεν ες τους πολλους Γηρυονου του Χρυσαορου ειναι μεν τον νεκρον—κτλ—και χειμαῤῥον τε ποταμον Ωκεανον εκαλουν.

See Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3. of Anaces, Ανακτες. Τους Διος κουρους Ανακας ὁι Αθηναιοι προσηγορευσαν. Plutarch. Numa.

[273] Michael Psellus. p. 10.

[274] Psalm 28. v. 1. Deuteron. c. 32. v. 15. Isaiah. c. 17 v.10. Psalm 78. v. 35. It is often styled Selah.

[275] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

[276] Genesis. c. 17. v. 15.

[277] Tobit. c. 1. v. 22.

[278] Esther. c. 1. v. 16.

[279] Joshua. c. 13. v. 3. סרני. Judges. c. 16. v. 5.

In Samuel they are styled Sarnaim. 1. c. 29. v. 7.

[280] Ostrum Sarranum.

[281] Jeremiah. c. 39. v. 3.

[282] Isaiah. c. 37. v. 4. Jeremiah. c. 39. v. 3.

[283] It is sometimes expressed Saronas.

Est et regio Saronas, sive δρυμος. Reland. Palæstina. p. 188. Any place sacred to the Deity Saron was liable to have this name: hence we find plains so called in the Onomasticon of Eusebius. Ὁ Σαρων—ἡ απο του ορους Θαβωρ επι την Τιβεριαδα λιμνην χωρα.

[284] Plin. l. 4. c. 8.

[285] Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 4. p. 170. from Pausanias, and Aristides in Themistoclem.

[286] Σαρωνια, Αρτεμις· Αχαιοι. Hesych. She was, by the Persians, named Sar-Ait. Σαρητις, Αρτεμις· ὁι Περσαι. ibidem.

[287] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 189.

[288] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 181.

[289] Callimachus calls the island Asterie κακον σαρον. Αστεριη, ποντοιο κακον σαρον. This, by the Scholiast, is interpreted καλυντρον· but it certainly means a Rock. Hymn. in Delon. v. 225.

[290] Σαρωνιδες πετραι, η ἁι δια παλαιοτητα κεχηνυιαι δρυες. Hesych.

[291] Callimachus. Hymn to Zeus. v. 22.

[292] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 308.

[293] See Observations and Inquiries upon Ancient History. p. 196.

[294] Eusebii Præp. Evang. l. 10. c. 13. p. 500.

[295] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.

[296] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 144.

[297] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 4. p. 174.

[298] Achor, θεος απομυιος. Clement. Alexandr. Cohortatio. p. 33.

[299] Lucan. l. 8. v. 475.

[300] Και γαρ τον Οσιριν Ἑλλανικος Υσιριν ειρηκεν ακηκοεναι απο των Ἱερεων λεγομενον. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. vol. 1. p. 364.

[301] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[302] Annum quoque vetustissimi Græcorum λυκαβαντα appellant τον απο του ΛYΚΟΥ; id est Sole. &c. Macrob. Saturn. l. 1. c. 17. p. 194.

[303] Lycaon was the same as Apollo; and worshipped in Lycia: his priests were styled Lycaones: he was supposed to have been turned into a wolf. Ovid. Metam. l. 1. v. 232. Apollo's mother, Latona, was also changed to the same animal. Ἡ Λητω εις Δηλον ηλθε μεταβαλλουσα εις λυκον. Scholia in Dionys. v. 525.

People are said to have been led to Parnassus by the howling of wolves; Λυκων ωρυγαις. Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

The Hirpi were worshippers of fire, and were conducted to their settlement in Campania by a wolf. Strabo. l. 5. p. 383.

In the account given of Danaus, and of the temple founded by him at Argos, is a story of a wolf and a bull. Pausan. l. 2. p. 153. The temple was styled Απολλωνος ἱερον Λυκιου.

[304] Pausanias above: also, Apollo Λυκαιος, and Λυκειος. Pausan. l. 1. p. 44. l. 2. p. 152, 153.

[305] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

[306] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 530.

[307] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 678.

[308] Ὁι Δελφοι το πρωτον Λυκωρεις εκαλουντο. Scholia in Apollon. Rhod. l. 4. v. 1489.

[309] Stephanus Byzant. and Strabo. l. 9. p. 640. said to have been named from wolves. Pausanias. l. 10. p. 811.

[310] Λυκωρεια, πολις Δελφιδος, εν ᾑ τιμᾳται ὁ Απολλων. Etymolog. Magnum.

These places were so named from the Sun, or Apollo, styled not only Λυκος, but Λυκωρευς and Λυκωρειος: and the city Lucoreia was esteemed the oldest in the world, and said to have been built after a deluge by Lycorus, the son of Huamus. Pausan. l. 10. p. 811.

Ὑιωνος Φοιβοιο Λυκωρειοιο Καφαυρος. Apollon. l. 4. v. 1489.

Λυκωρειοιο, αντι του Δελφικου. Scholia. ibid. It properly signified Solaris.

[311] Virgil. Æneid. l. 3. v. 274.

[312] Gruter's Inscriptions. vol. 1. p. mlxxxii. n. 8.

[313] Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. p. 1012.

[314] Ctesias in Persicis.

So Hesychius Τον γαρ ἡλιον ὁι Περσαι Κυρον λεγουσιν· Hence Κυρος, αρχων, βασιλευς, ibid. also Κυρος, εξουσια.

[315] Strabo, speaking of the river Cur, or Cyrus. l. 11. p. 764.


Quid tibi cum Cyrrhâ? quid cum Permessidos undâ?

Martial. l. 1. epigram. 77. v. 11.

Phocaicas Amphissa manus, scopulosaque Cyrrha.

Lucan. l. 3. v. 172.

Κιῤῥαν, επινειον Δελφων. Pausan. l. 10. p. 817.

[317] Cyrenaici Achorem Deum (invocant) muscarum multitudine pestilentiam adferente; quæ protinus intereunt, postquam litatum est illi Deo. Plin. l. 10. c. 28. See also Clement. Alexand. Cohort. p. 33.

Some late editors, and particularly Harduin, not knowing that Achor was worshipped at Cyrene, as the Θεος απομυιος, have omitted his name, and transferred the history to Elis. But all the antient editions mention Achor of Cyrene; Cyrenaici Achorem Deum, &c. I have examined those printed at Rome, 1470, 1473. those of Venice, 1472, 1476, 1487, 1507, 1510. those of Parma, 1476, 1479, 1481. one at Brescia, 1496. the editions at Paris, 1516, 1524, 1532. the Basil edition by Froben, 1523: and they all have this reading. The edition also by Johannes Spira, 1469, has Acorem, but with some variation. The spurious reading, Elei myagrum Deum, was, I imagine, first admitted into the text by Sigismund Gelenius, who was misled by the similarity of the two histories. Harduin has followed him blindly, without taking any notice of the more antient and true reading.

[318] Stephanus Byzantinus. See also Scholia on Callimachus. Hymn. in Apoll. v. 91.


Ὁιδ' ουπω Κυρης πηγης εδυναντο πελασσαι

Δωριεες, πυκινην δε ναπαις Αζειλιν εναιον.

Callimachus. Hymn. in Apoll. v. 88.

[320] Plin. N. H. l. 5. p. 249.

[321] L. 1. c. 8. p. 43.

[322] Justin, speaking of the first settlement made at Cyrene, mentions a mountain Cura, which was then occupied. Montem Cyram, et propter amœnitatem loci, et propter fontium ubertatem occupavere. l. 13. c. 7.

[323] Conformably to what I say, Ekron is rendered Ακκαρων by the Seventy. 1 Samuel c. 6. v. 15.

So also Josephus Antiq. Jud. l. 6. c. 1. p. 312.

In Achore vestigia Accaronis: Selden de Dijs Syris. Syntag. 6. p. 228.

Ου ζητησουσι Μυιαν θεον Ακκαρων. Gregory Nazianz. Editio Etonens. 1610. Pars secunda cont. Julianum. p. 102.

In Italy this God was styled by the Campanians, Ἡρακλης Απομυιος. See Clemens. Cohort. p. 33.

The place in Egypt, where they worshipped this Deity, was named Achoris; undoubtedly the same, which is mentioned by Sozomen. l. 6. c. 18.

[324] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 44.

He quotes another, where the fate of Ephesus is foretold:

Ὑπτια δ' οιμωξεις Εφεσος κλαιουσα παρ' οχθαις,

Και Νηον ζητουσα τον ουκετι ναιεταοντα.

There is a third upon Serapis and his temple in Egypt;

Και συ Σεραπι λιθους αργους επικειμενε πολλους,

Κειση πτωμα μεγιστον εν Αιγυπτῳ τριταλαινῃ.

The temple of Serapis was not ruined till the reign of Theodosius. These three samples of Sibylline poetry are to be found in Clemens above.

[325] Achad was one of the first cities in the world. Genesis. c. 10. v. 10.

Nisibis city was named both Achad and Achar. See Geographia Hebræa Extera of the learned Michaelis. p. 227.

[326] Stephanus Byzant.

[327] Lutatius Placidus upon Statius. Theb. l. 1. v. 718.

[328] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 4. p. 175.

[329] Heliodori Æthiopica. l. 10. p. 472.

[330] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 327.

[331] Apollonius Rhod. of the Heliadæ. l. 4. v. 604.


Chamsi, seu Solares, sunt Arabice Shemsi vel Shamsi.

Hyde Religio Vet. Pers. p. 523. and 575.

Cham being pronounced Sham, and Shem, has caused some of his posterity to be referred to a wrong line.

[333] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 19.

[334] Nicander Alexipharmica. v. 11.

[335] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 827.

[336] It is, however, to be found in Euripides, under the term οχος. Theseus says to Adrastus:

Εκ του δ' ελαυνεις ἑπτα προς Θηβας Οχους. Supplices. v. 131.

[337] From Uc and Uch came the word euge: also ευχη, ευχομαι, ευχωλη, of the Greeks. Callimachus abounds with antient Amonian terms. He bids the young women of Argos to receive the Goddess Minerva,

Συν τ' ευαγοριᾳ, συν τ' ευγμασι, συν τ' αλαλυγαις.

Lavacr. Palladis. v. 139.

From Uc-El came Euclea Sacra, and Ευκλος Ζευς. Ευκλεια, Αρτεμις.

Ευκλος, Διος ἱερευς, εν Μεγαροις και εν Κορινθῳ. Hesychius, so amended by Albertus and Hemsterhusius.

[338] Iliad Α. v. 69.

[339] Iliad. Ζ. v. 76.

[340] Iliad. Ρ. v. 307.

[341] Iliad. Ο. v. 282.

[342] Iliad. Η. v. 221. It occurs in other places:

Λευσσει, ὁπως οχ' αριστα μετ' αμφοτεροισι γενηται.

Iliad. Γ. v. 110.

Τις τ' αρ των οχ' αριστος εην. συ μοι εννεπε, Μουσα.

Iliad. Β. v. 76l.

Also Odyss. Θ. v.123. and Ω. v. 428.

[343] In the Hymn to Silenus, that God is called Σιληνων οχ' αριστε. And in the poem de Lapidibus, the Poet, speaking of heroic persons, mentions their reception in heaven:

Αμωμητοι Διος οικοι

Χαιροντας δεξαντο θεηγενεων οχ' αριστους.

Hymn 35. v. 2. and περι Λιθων. Proem. v. 14.

[344] Genesis. c. 45. v. 21.

[345] Josephus. Antiq. Jud. l. 8. c. 6.

[346] See Relandi Palæstina. vol. 1. c. 41. p. 265.

[347] Plin. l. 8. c. 46.

[348] Plin. l. 5. c. 9.


Ευρυτατη φιαλη τις ιασπιδος εκτομος ακρης.

Paulus Silentiarius. part 11. v. 177. See Relandus above.

[350] Plin. l. 5. c. 18.

[351] Athanasii Epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes. p. 658.

[352] Epiphanius adversus Hæres. l. 2. tom. 2. p. 719.

[353] See the learned Professor Michaelis in his Geographia Extera Hebræor. p. 134, 135.

[354] The Ionians changed this termination into e. Hence Arene, Camissene, Cyrene, Arsace, Same, Capissene, Thebe, &c.

[355] Colchis was called Aia simply, and by way of eminence: and, probably, Egypt had the same name; for the Colchians were from Egypt. Strabo mentions Ιασονος πλουν τον εις Αιαν. l. 1. p. 38. And Apollonius styles the country of Colchis Aia.

Αια γεμην ετι νυν μενει εμπεδον, ὑιωνοι τε

Των δ' ανδρων, ὁυς ὁστγε καθιστατο ναιεμεν Αιαν. l. 4. v. 277.

[356] Lib. 5. c. 14.

[357] Coronus is to be met with in Greece. He is mentioned as a king of the Lapithæ, and the son of Phoroneus; and placed near mount Olympus.

—Ὡν εβασιλευσε Κορωνος. ὁ φορωνεως. Diodorus. l. 4. p. 242.

[358] Upon the Euphrates.

[359] A city in Parthia.

[360] Calamon, or Cal-Amon, was a hill in Judea; which had this name given to it by the Canaanites of old. Cyril mentions—αφικομενοι τινες απο του ΟΡΟΥΣ Καλαμωνος—in epistolâ ad Calosyrium.

[361] 1 Kings. c. 15. v. 27.

[362] In Canaan was a well known region called Palæstine.

So Tan-agra, Tan-is, Tyndaris.

Tin, in some languages, signified mud or soil.

[363] Ptolemy. l. 4. p. 112.

[364] See Amos. c. 9. v. 7.

[365] Jeremiah. c. 47. v. 4. speaks of the island of Caphtor in Egypt.

[366] Theocritus. Idyll. 2. v. 45. Scholia.

It is still common in the Arabian Gulf, and in India; and is often expressed Dive, and Diva; as in Lacdive, Serandive, Maldive. Before Goa is an island called Diu κατ' εξοχην.

[367] Βαιθηλ, οικος Θεου. Hesychius.

Βαιθηλ, θεοις ναος. Suidas.

[368] Elisa, called Eliza, Elesa, Eleasa, Ελεασα. 1 Maccab. c. 9. v. 5. and c. 7. v. 40. often contracted Lesa, Lasa, &c.

[369] Pocock's Travels. vol. 2. p. 106.

[370] Iablonsky. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 1. p. 4. de Gulielmo Tyrio, ex libro 21. c. 6.

[371] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 41.

[372] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167.

[373] Ταυτα μεν ουν Ερατοσθενης ἱστορηκεν· την δε μεγαλην μαχην προς Δαρειον ουκ εν Αρβηλοις—αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γενεσθαι συνεπεσεν· σημαινειν δε φασιν οικον Καμηλου την διαλεκτον. Plutarch. vita Alexand. vol. 1. p. 683.

Strabo says the same. Εστι μεν ουν τοπος επισημος ὁυτος, και τ' ουνομα· μεθερμηνευθεν γαρ εστι Καμηλου οικος. l. 16. p. 1072.

[374] Ὁι μεν τα πλειστα συγγραψαντες λεγουσιν, ὁτι ἑξακοσιους σταδιους απεχει, ὁιδε τα ελαχιστα, ὁτι ες πεντακοσιους.

Αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γαρ γενεσθαι την μαχην προς τῳ ποταμῳ Βουμαδῳ λεγει Πτολεμαιος και Αριστοβουλος· πολις δε ουκ ην τα Γαυγαμηλα, αλλα κωμη μεγαλη, ουδε ονομαστος ὁ χωρος, ουδε εις ακοην ἡδυ το ονομα.

Arrian. Expedit. Alex. l. 6. p. 247.

[375] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072.

[376] Strabo acknowledges the failure of his countrymen in this respect.—Πολλα μεν ουν και μη οντα λεγουσιν ὁι Αρχαιοι Συγγραφεις, συντεθραμμενοι τῳ ψευδει δια της μυθολογιας. l. 8. p. 524.

[377] All thy fortresses shall be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth Arbel in the day of battle. The mother was dashed in pieces upon her children. Hosea. c. 10. v. 14. Ar in this place does not signify a city; but אור, the title of the Deity: from whence was derived ἱερος of the Greeks. The seventy, according to some of their best copies, have rendered Beth Arbel οικον Ιερο-Βααλ, which is no improper version of Beth-Aur-Bel. In some copies we find it altered to the house of Jeroboam; but this is a mistake for Jero-Baal. Arbelus is by some represented as the first deified mortal. Cyril contra Julian. l. 1. p. 10. and l. 3. p. 110.

There was an Arbela in Sicily. Stephanus, and Suidas. Also in Galilee; situated upon a vast cavern. Josephus seized and fortified it. Josephi Vita. p. 29.

[378] See Strabo. l. 11. p. 774. l. 15. p. 1006. l. 1. p. 41. p. 81.

See also Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 34 Iamblichus. § 7. c. 5.

[379] Diodorus Siculus. l. 17. p. 538. He makes no mention of Gaugamela.

[380] Strabo. l. 10. p. 724.

[381] Macrobius. Saturn. l. 3. c. 8. p. 284.

[382] Servius in lib. 11. Æneid. v. 558.

[383] Plutarch in Numâ. p. 61.

[384] Gruter. p. lvi. n. 11. vol 1.

[385] Gruter. vol. 1. p. lvi. 12. also p. xl. 9.

[386] Or else Beth-Arbel was another name of the same temple.

[387] Syncellus. p. 55.

[388] Eusebii Chron. p. 14.

[389] Etymologicum magnum. Ἡρακλης.

[390] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 124.

[391] Geog. Nubiensis. p. 17.

Michaelis Geog. Hebræorum Extera. p. 154.

[392] 2 Kings. c. 17. v. 6. and c. 18. v. 11. also 1 Chron. c. 5. v. 26.

[393] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1070.

[394] Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 175.

[395] Strabo. l. 7. p. 505. So also Herodotus and Pausanias.

[396] Σελλοι, ὁι Δωδωναιοι. Steph. Byzantinus.

αμφι δε Σελλοι

Σοι ναιουσ' ὑποφηται. Homer. Iliad. Π. v. 234.

[397] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l66.

[398] It is called Chau-On, Χαυων, by Steph. Byzantinus, from Ctesias. Χαυων, χωρα της Μηδιας. Κτησιας εν πρωτῳ Περσικων. Chau-On is οικος ἡλιου, the house of the Sun, which gave name to the district.

[399] Strabo. l. 4. p. 270. and p. 282.

[400] 1 Maccab. c. 9. v. 62, 64.

[401] Judith. c. 7. v. 3.

[402] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 91.

[403] There were many places and temples of Baal, denominated Caballis, Cabali, Cabala, Cabalia, Cabalion, Cabalissa, &c. which are mentioned by Pliny, Strabo, Antoninus, and others. Some of them were compounded of Caba: concerning which I shall hereafter treat.

[404] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 282.

Strabo mentions Caucones in Elea. l. 8. p. 531. The Caucones are also mentioned by Homer. Odyss. γ. v. 366.

Caucane in Sicily was of the same purport, mentioned by Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 4.

[405] Apollonius Rhodius styles it Cutais: Κυταϊδος ηθεα γαιης. l. 4. v. 512.

[406] See De Lisle's curious map of Armenia and the adjacent parts of Albania, &c.

[407] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 40.

There was a river Acheron in Elis. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530. And the same rites were observed in honour of the θεος μυιαγρος, that were practised in Cyrene. Clement. Cohort. p. 33.

In Pontus was a river Acheron. Ειθα δε και προχοαι ποταμου Αχεροντος εασιν. Apollon. Argonaut. l. 2. v. 745. also ακρα Αχερουσια. The like to be found near Cuma in Campania: and a story of Hercules driving away flies there also. Ῥωμαιοι δε απομυιῳ Ἡρακλει (θυουσι). Clementis Cohort. ibid.

[408] Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 5. p. 49. altered to Novella by some, contrary to the authority of the best MSS. See Scaliger's notes. p. 81. edit. anno 1619. Dordrechti.

See Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. c. 2. p. 174. In vetustioribus excusis de Re Rusticâ non Novella, sed Covella legitur. Covella autem Cœlestis, sive Urania interpretatur.

[409] Ennii Annal. l. 1.

[410] The Persians worshipped Cœlus; which is alluded to by Herodotus, when he says, that they sacrificed upon eminences: Τον κυκλον παντα του Ουρανου Δια καλεοντες. l. 1. c. 131. To the same purpose Euripides;

Ὁρας τον ὑψου τον δ' απειρον' αιθερα,

Τον γην περιξ εχονθ' ὑγραις εν αγκυλαις;

Τουτον νομιζε Ζηνα, τον δ' ἡγου Δια.

Clement. Alexand. Strom. l. 5. p. 717. Plutarch. p. 369. p. 424.

Aspice hoc sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem. Cicero de Naturâ Deor. l. 1.

[411] Αλλ' Αθηναιοι μεν Κελεον, και Μεγανειραν ἱδρυνται Θεους. Athenag. Legat. p. 290.

[412] Abulfeda. Tabula Syriæ. p. 5.

Nassir Ettusæus. p. 93. apud Geog. vet.

[413] The city Argos was in like manner called Κοιλον. Πολλακις το· Αργος Κοιλον φησι, καθαπερ εν Επιγονοις. Το ΚΟΙΛΟΝ Αργος ουκ ετ' οικησοντ' ετι.—ετι και εν Θαμυρα, Αργεϊ Κοιλῳ. Scholia in Sophoc. Œdipum Colon.

[414] Iliad. Β. v. 615.

[415] Strabo. l. 8. p. 529.

[416] Strabo. l. 8. p. 534.

[417] Janus Gulielmus Laurenbergius, Antiquarius.

[418] Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι των Δωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες. Herod. l. 6. c. 54.

Of their original and history I shall hereafter give a full account.

[419] Ὁποσα δε ᾳδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστι αυτων ἡ Δωριος. Pausanias. l. 5. p. 4l6.


Tum primum subiere domos; domus antra fuere.

Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 121.

[421] Strabo. l. 8. p. 564.

It is mentioned by Thucydides: Ες τον Καιαδαν, ὁυπερ τους κακουργους εμβαλλειν ειωθεισαν (ὁι Λακεδαιμονιοι.) l. 1. c. 134.

It is expressed Κεαδας by Pausanias; who says that it was the place, down which they threw Aristomenes, the Messenian hero. l. 4. p. 324.

[422] Strabo. Ibidem.


Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater: illius atros

Ore vomens ignes, magna se mole ferebat. Virgil. Æn. l. 8. v. 193.

[424] Strabo. l. 8. p. 564.

[425] Iliad. l. 1. v. 266.

[426] Iliad. Β. v. 581.

Odyss. Δ. v. 1. Ὁιδ' ιξον ΚΟΙΛΗΝ Λακεδαιμονα ΚΗΤΩΕΣΣΑΝ.

[427] Strabo says as much: Ὁιδε, ὁτι ὁι απο των σεισμων ρωχμος Καιετοι λεγονται. l. 8. p. 564.

[428] Hence the words cove, alcove; and, perhaps, to cover, and to cope.

[429] Strabo. l. 5. p. 356.

[430] Καταδε φορμιας της Ιταλιας Αιητην τον νυν Καιητην προσαγορευομενον. l. 4. p. 259.

Virgil, to give an air of truth to his narration, makes Caieta the nurse of Æneas.

According to Strabo it was sometimes expressed Cai Atta; and gave name to the bay below.—Και τον μεταξυ κολπον εκεινοι Καιατταν ωνομασαν. l. 5. p. 3?6.

[431] Scholia Eustathij in Dionysij περιηγησιν. v. 239. and Steph. Byzantinus. Αιγυπτος.

[432] Χασμα δε γεννηθεν—εδεξατο τον ποταμον—ειτα εξεῤῥηξεν εις την επιφανειαν κατα Λαρυμναν της Λοκριδος την ανω—Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη κτλ. Strabo. l. 9. p. 623.

It is called Anchia by Pliny. N. H. l. 4. c. 7. As, both the opening and the stream, which formed the lake, was called Anchoe; it signified either fons speluncæ, or spelunca fontis, according as it was adapted.

[433] 1 Corinthians, c. 15. v.47, 48.

[434] Cluverii Germaniæ Antiq. l. 1. c. 13. p. 91.

[435] Beyeri Additamenta to Selden de Diis Syris. p. 291.

Achor near Jericho. Joshua, c. 15. v. 7.

[436] Ptolem. lib. 5. c. 18. p. 164.

[437] Plato in Cratylo. p. 410.

[438] See Kircher's Prodromus Copticus. p. 180 and p. 297.

[439] Ibidem, and Jameson's Specilegia. c. 9. § 4.

[440] Pionius. Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. 4. p. 173.

Pior Monachus Ægyptiacus. Socratis Hist. Eccles. p. 238.

Piammon. Sozomen. H. E. p. 259.

Piambo, or P'ambo. Socratis Eccles. H. p. 268.

It was sometimes expressed Po, as in Poemon Abbas, in Evagtius.

In Apophthegmat. Patrum. apud Cotelerii monumenta. tom. 1. p. 636.

Baal Peor was only Pi-Or, the Sun; as Priapus was a compound of Peor-Apis, contracted.

[441] Gennad. Vitæ illustrium virorum. l. 7. Pachomius, a supposed worker of many miracles.

[442] Antonius Diogenes in Photius. cod. 166.

[443] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. v. 1. p. 355.

Paamyles is an assemblage of common titles. Am-El-Ees, with the prefix. Hence the Greeks formed Melissa, a sacred name as of Ham El-Ait, they formed Melitta, the name of a foreign Deity, more known in Ionia than in Hellas.

[444] Plutarch: Quæstiones Græcæ. v. p. 296.

[445] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 83. Amphilucus was a title of the Sun.

[446] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 4. in like manner, ταφοι των Ιφιμεδειας και Αλωεως παιδων· Pausanias. l. 9. p. 754.

[447] Proclus in Platonis Parmenidem: See Orphic Fragment of Gesner. p. 406.

A twofold reason may be given for their having this character; as will be shewn hereafter.

[448] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 896. Many instances of this sort are to be found in this writer.

[449] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 143.

[450] See Reland, Dissertatio Copt. p. 108.

Jablonsky Prolegomena in Pantheon Ægyptiacum. p. 38. Also Wesselinge. Notes on Herod. l. 2. c. 143.

[451] This was certainly the meaning; for Plato, speaking of the Grecians in opposition to other nations, styled Βαρβαροι, makes use of the very expression: Πολλη μεν ἡ Ἑλλας, εφη, ω Κεβης, εν ῃ ενεισι που αγαθοι ανδρες, πολλα δε και τα των βαρβαρων γενη. In Phædone. p. 96.

[452] Kircher. Prodromus Copticus. p. 300 and p. 293.

[453] Kircher. Prod. p. 293.

[454] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 37.

[455] Damascius: Vita Isodori, apud Photium. Cod. ccxlii.

[456] Jablonsky; Pantheon Egypt. v. 2. l. 5. c. 2. p. 70.

[457] Ausonius. Epigram. 30.

Kircher says, that Pi in the Coptic is a prefix, by which a noun is known to be masculine, and of the singular number: and that Pa is a pronoun possessive. Paromi is Vir meus. It may be so in the Coptic: but in antient times Pi, Pa, Phi, were only variations of the same article: and were indifferently put before all names: of which I have given many instances. See Prodromus. Copt. p. 303.

[458] Virgil. Æneid. l. 7. v. 679.

[459] Cicero de Divinatione. l. 2.

[460] See also v. 28, 29, 31, and 32.

[461] Gruter. Inscript. lxxvi. n. 6.

[462] Ibid. lxxvi. n. 7.



Gruter. Inscrip. p. lxxxviii. n. 13

[463] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 1020.

[464] Propertius alludes to the same circumstance:

Nam quid Prænestis dubias, O Cynthia, sortes?

Quid petis Ææi mœnia Telegoni? l. 2. eleg. 32. v. 3.

What in the book of Hester is styled Purim, the seventy render, c. 9. v. 29. φρουραι. The days of Purim were styled φρουραι—Τῃ διαλεκτῳ αυτων καλουνται φρουραι. so in c. 10. The additamenta Græca mention—την προκειμενην επιστολην των φρουραι, instead of φουραι and Πουραι: from P'Ur and Ph'Ur, ignis.

[465] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 4. and l. 2. c. 52.

Επειτα δε Χρονου Πολλου διελθοντος επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτου απικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων.

[466] So δαιμων from δαημων; Απολλων from ἡ ὁμου πολησις· Διονυσος quasi διδουνυσος from διδοι and οινος, and οινος from οιεσθαι. Κρονος, quasi χρονου κορος. Τηθυν, το ηθουμενον—with many more. Plato in Cratylo.

Ægyptus παρα το αιγας πιαινειν. Eustath. in Odyss. l. 4. p. 1499.

[467] Poseidon, ποιουντα ειδην. Tisiphone, Τουτων φωνη, Athene quasi αθανατος. Hecate from ἑκατον centum. Saturnus, quasi sacer, νους. See Heraclides Ponticus, and Fulgentii-Mythologia.

See the Etymologies also of Macrobius. Saturnalia. l. 1. c. 17. P. 189.

Μουσαι· quasi ὁμου ουσαι. Plutarch de Fraterno Amore. v. 2. P. 480. Δι' ευνοιαν και Φιλαδελφιαν.

Πασιφαη, δια το πασι φαινειν τα μαντεια. Plutarch. Agis and Cleomenes. v. 2. p. 799.

[468] Eustathius on Dionysius: περιηγησις.

Ut Josephus recte observat, Græcis scriptoribus id in more est, ut peregrina, et barbara nomina, quantum licet, ad Græcam formam emolliant: sic illis Ar Moabitarum est Αρεοπολις; Botsra, Βυρσα; Akis, Αγχους; Astarte, Αστροαρχη; torrens Kison, Χειμαῤῥος των Κισσων; torrens Kedron, Χειμαῤῥος των Κεδρων; et talia ὡσει κονις. Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 2. c. 15. p. 111.

We are much indebted to the learned father Theophilus of Antioch: he had great knowledge; yet could not help giving way to this epidemical weakness. He mentions Noah as the same as Deucalion, which name was given him from calling people to righteousness: he used to say, δευτε καλει ὑμας ὁ θεος; and from hence, it seems, he was called Deucalion. Ad Antol. l. 3.

[469] Plato in Cratylo. p. 409.

[470] Suidas, Stephanus, Etymolog. Eustathius, &c.

So Coptus in Egypt, from κοπτειν.

[471] See Callimachus. vol. 2. Spanheim's not. in Hymn. in Del. v. 87. p. 438.

[472] Cumberland's Origines. p. 165. so he derives Goshen in the land of Egypt from a shower of rain. See Sanchon. p. 364.

[473] Hyde de Religione veterum Persarum. c. 2. p. 75.

[474] Genesis. c. 22. v. 20.

[475] Universal History, vol. 1. b. 1. p. 286. notes.

[476] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. l. 1. c. 18. p. 443.

Sandford de descensu Christi. l. 1. §. 21.

See Gale's Court of the Gentiles, vol. 1. b. 2. c. 6. p. 68.

[477] Huetius. Demonst. p. 138.

[478] Hebræa, Chaldæa, &c. nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum—Antverpiæ, 1565, Plantin.

[479] Pliny. l. 3. c. 8.

Ætna, quæ Cyclopas olim tulit. Mela. l. 2. c. 7.

[480] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 30. p. 560.

[481] Ibidem. p. 565, 566.

[482] Ibidem. p. 565, 566.

[483] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. p. 406.

[484] Ibidem.

[485] P. 412.

[486] P. 415.

[487] P. 388.

[488] P. 381.

[489] P. 435.

[490] P. 414.

[491] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. p. 381.

[492] P. 385.

[493] P. 408. or from Mazor, angustiæ.

[494] Ibidem. p. 258.

[495] Simonis Onomasticon.

[496] Michaelis Spicilegium Geographiæ Hebræor. Exteræ. p. 158.

[497] Gale's Court of the Gentiles. vol. 1. b. 2. p. 66.

[498] Genesis. c. 4. v. 22.

[499] Philo apud Eusebium. Præp. Evan. l. 1. c. 10.

[500] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. l. 2. c. 2. p. 706.

[501] Marcellinus. l. 22. c. 15. He was also called Eloüs. Ελωος, Ἡφαιστος παρα Δωριευσιν. Hesych. The Latine title of Mulciber was a compound of Melech Aber, Rex, Parens lucis.

[502] Τιμᾳται δε παρα Λαμψακηνοις ὁ Πριαπος, ὁ αυτος ων τῳ Διονυσῳ. Athenæus. l. 1. p. 30.

[503] Το αγαλμα Πριηπου, του και Ωρου παρ' Αιγυπτιοις. Suidas.

[504] Numbers. c. 25. v. 3. Deuteronomy. c. 4. v. 3. Joshua. c. 22. v. 17.

Kircher derives Priapus from פעור פה, Pehorpeh, os nuditatis.

[505] Phurnutus de naturâ Deorum. c. 17. p. 205.

[506] Orphic Hymn 5. to Protogonus, the same as Phanes, and Priapus. See verse 10.

[507] Phurnutus. c. 17. p. 204.

[508] Παρ' Αιγυπτιοισι δε Παν μεν αρχαιοτατος, και των οκτω των πρωτων λεγομενων Θεων. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 145.

Albæ Juliæ Inscriptio.



Gruter. v. 1. p. xcv. n. 1.

[509] Agathias. l. 4. p. 133.

[510] See Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 2. p. 357.

[511] See Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 32. He mentions applying to a great number of authors, in Phenicia.


Πολλην εξερευνησαμενος ὑλην, ουχι την παρ' Ἑλλησι.

Philo apud Euseb. P. Evang. l. 1. c. ix. p. 32.

[513] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 1. p. 356.

[514] Eusebij Præp. Evang. l. 10. c. 4. p. 471.

Του ωφελησε Πυθαγοραν τα Αδυτα, και Ἡρακλεους στηλαι.

Theophilus ad Autol. l. 3. p. 381.

[515] Plato in Timæo. Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 426.

Ω Σολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες αει παιδες—κτλ.

[516] Theophilus ad Autolycum. l. 3. p. 390.

[517] See Eusebius. Præp. Evan. l. 10. c. 4. p. 469. and c. 5. p. 473. also Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361. Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 62, 63. and p. 86, 87.

[518] Καθολου δε φασι τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι τους επιφανεστατους Αιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. l. 1. p. 20.

See here a long account of the mythology of Egypt being transported to Greece; and there adopted by the Helladians as their own, and strangely sophisticated.

[519] Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ των Ἑλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικια Βαρβαρων ὑπηρξε το παλαιον. Strabo. l. 7. p. 321.

[520] Οδε μεταξυ χρονος παραλελειπται, εν ᾡ μηδεν εξαιρετον Ἑλλησιν ἱστορηται. Theopompus in Tricareno.

[521] How uncertain they were in their notions may be seen from what follows: Alii Cadmum, alii Danaum, quidam Cecropem Atheniensem, vel Linum Thebanum, et temporibus Trojanis Palamedem Argivum, memorant sedecim literarum formas, mox alios, et præcipue Simonidem cæteras invenisse. Lilius Gyraldus de Poetis. Dialog. 1. p. 13. Edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696.

Τοτε ὁ Παλαμηδης ἑυρε τα ις γραμματα του αλφαβητου, α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, ς, τ, υ· προσεθηκε δε Καδμος ὁ Μιλησιος ἑτερα γραμματα τρια, θ, φ, χ—προς ταυτα Σιμωνιδης ὁ Κειος προσεθηκε δυο, η και ω. Επιχαρμος δε ὁ Συρακουσιος τρια, ζ, ξ, ψ· ὁυτως επληρωθησαν τα κδ στοιχεια. Eusebii Chron. p. 33. l. 13.

[522] Ου γαρ μονον παρα τοις αλλοις Ελλησιν ημεληθε τα περι της αναγραφηι, αλλ' ουδε παρα τοις Αθηναιοις, ὁυς αυτοχθονας ειναι λεγουσι, και παιδειας επιμελεις, ουδεν τοιουτον ἑυρισκεται γενομενον. Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 439. Their historians were but little before the war with the Persians: doctrina vero temporum adhuc longe recentior—hinc tenebræ superioribus sæculis, hinc fabulæ. Marsham. Chron. Canon. p. 14.

[523] The Arundel Marbles are a work of this sort, and contain an account of 1318 years. They begin from Cecrops, and come down to the 160th Olympiad. So that this work was undertaken very late, after the Archonship of Diognetus.

[524] See Diodorus above. p. 19, 20.

[525] —Τις ου παρ' αυτων συγγραφεων μαθοι ῥαδιως, ὁτι μηδεν βεβαιως ειδοτες συνεγραφον, αλλ' ὡς ἑκαστοι περι των πραγματων εικαζοιντο· πλειον γουν δια των βιβλιων αλληλους ελεγχουσι, και εναντιωτατα περι των αυτων λεγειν ουκ οκνουσι—κτλ· Josephus contra Apion. vol. 2. l. 1. c. 3. p. 439.

Ὁμοιως δε τουτῳ (Εφορῳ) Καλλισθενης και Θεοπομπος κατα την ἡλικιαν γεγονοτες απεστησαν των παλαιων μυθων· ἡμεις δε την εναντιαν τουτοις κρισιν εχοντες, και τον εκ της αναγραφης πονον ὑποσταντες, την πασαν επιμελειαν εποησαμεθα της αρχαιολογιας. Diod. l. 4. p. 209.

[526] Plutarch de Audiendis Poetis.

See Strabo's Apology for Fable. l. 1. p. 35, 36.

[527] Πλην γε δε ὁτι ουκ ακριβη εξηταστην χρη ειναι των ὑπερ του Θειου εκ παλαιου μεμυθευμενων. Arrian. Expedit. Alexandri. l. 5.

Herodotus puts these remarkable words into the mouth of Darius—Ενθα γαρ τι δει ψευδος λεγεσθαι, λεγεσθω· του γαρ αυτου γλιχομεθα, ὁι τε ψευδομενοι, και ὁι τῃ αληθηιη διαχρεωμενοι. l. 3. c. 72. We may be assured that these were the author's own sentiments, though attributed to another person: hence we must not wonder if his veracity be sometimes called in question; add to this, that he was often through ignorance mistaken: Πολλα τον Ἡροδοτον ελεγχει (Μανεθων) των Αιγυπτιακων ὑπ' αγνοιας εψευσμενον. Josephus cont. Ap. l. 1. c. 14. p. 444.

[528] Ταρσος επισημοτατη πολις Κιλικιας—εστι δ' αποικος Αργειων. Steph. Byzantinus, and Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089.

[529] Ωνομασται δ' απο του πηλου. Strabo. l. 17. p. 1155.

According to Marcellinus, it was built by Peleus of Thessaly. l. 22. c. 16. p. 264.

[530] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328.

[531] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328. built by Actis.

[532] Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 62. Clemens. l. 1. Strom. p. 383. from Aristippus.

[533] See Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 3. p. 439.

[534] Ὁι γαρ Ἑλληνων λογοι πολλοι και γελοιοι, ὡς εμοι φαινονται. Apud Jamblichum—See notes. p. 295.

[535] Πολυν αυτοι επηγον τυφον, ὡς μη ῥαδιως τινα συνορᾳν τα κατ' αληθειαν γενομενα. He therefore did not apply to Grecian learning—Ου την παρ' Ἑλλησι, διαφωνος γαρ αυτη και φιλονεικοτερον ὑπ' ενιων μαλλον, η προς αληθειαν συντεθεισα. Philo apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. c. ix. p. 32.

See the same writer of their love of allegory. p. 32.

[536] Πλατων ουκ αρνειται τα καλλιστα εις φιλοσοφιαν παρα των βαρβαρων εμπορευεσθαι. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 355.

—Κλεπτας της βαρβαρου φιλοσοφιας Ἑλληνας. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 2. p. 428.

Clemens accuses the Grecians continually for their ignorance and vanity: yet Clemens is said to have been an Athenian, though he lived at Alexandria. He sacrificed all prejudices to the truth, as far as he could obtain it.

[537] Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες εισι νεοτροποι, και αττοντες φερονται πανταχη, ουδεν εχοντες ἑρμα εν ἑαυτοις, ουδ' οπερ δεξωνται παρα τινων διαφυλαττοντες· αλλα και τουτο οξεως αφεντες παντα κατα την αστατον ἑυρεσιλογιαν μεταπλαττουσι. Βαρβαροι δε μονιμοι τοις ηθεσιν οντες, και τοις λογοις βεβαιως τοις αυτοις εμμενουσι. Jamblichus. sect. 7. c. 5. p. 155.

[538] Δοξης γαρ κενης και ματαιου παντες ὁυτοι ερασθεντες, ουτε αυτοι το αληθες εγνωσαν, ουτε μεν αλλους επι την αληθειαν προετρεψαντο. Theophilus ad Autol. l. 3. p. 382.

[539] Παρ' ἡμιν δε της κενοδοξιας ὁ ἱμερος ουκ εστι· δογματων δε ποικιλιαις ου καταχρωμεθα. Tatianus contra Græcos, p. 269.

[540] Τους μεν Σακας, τους δε Μασσαγετας εκαλουν, ουκ εχοντες ακριβως λεγειν περι αυτων ουδεν, καιπερ προς Μασσαγετας τον Κυρου πολεμον ἱστορουντες· αλλα ουτε περι τουτων ουδεις ηκριβωτο προς αληθειαν ουδεν, ουτε τα παλαια των Περσων, ουτε των Μηδικων, η Συριακων, ες πιστιν αφικνειτο μεγαλην δια την των συγγραφεων ἁπλοτητα και την φιλομυθιαν. Ὁρωντες γαρ τους φανερως μυθογραφους ευδοκιμουντας, ωηθησαν και αυτους παρεξεσθαι την γραφην ἡδειαν, εαν εν ἱστοριας σχηματι λεγωσιν, ἁ μηδεποτε ειδον, μητε ηκουσαν, η ου παρα γε ειδοτων σκοπουντες· δι αυτο δε μονον τουτα, ὁτι ακροασιν ἡδειαν εχει, και θαυμαστην. Ραδιως δ' αν τις Ἡσιοδῳ και Ὁμηρῳ πιστευσειεν Ἡρωολογουσι, και τοις τραγικοις Ποιηταις, η Κτησιᾳ τε και Ἡροδοτῳ, και Ἑλλανικῳ, και αλλοις τοιουτοις. Ουδε τοις περι Αλεξανδρου δε συγγραψασιν ῥαδιον πιστευειν τοις πολλοις· και γαρ ὁυτω ῥαδιουργουσι δια τε την δοξαν Αλεξανδρου, και δια το την στρατειαν προς τας εσχατιας γεγονεναι της Ασιας πορρω αφ' ἡμων· το δη πορρω δυσελεγκτον. Strabo. l. 11. p. 774.

Græcis Historicis plerumque poeticæ similem esse licentiam. Quinctilianus. l. 11. c. 11.

—quicquid Græcia mendax

Audet in Historiâ. Juvenal.

Strabo of the antient Grecian historians: Δει δε των παλαιων ἱστοριων ακουειν ὁυτως, ὡς μη ὁμολογουμενων σφοδρα. ὁι γαρ νεωτεροι πολλακις νομιζουσι και τ' αναντια λεγειν. l. 8. p. 545.

Παντες μεν γαρ ὁι περι Αλεξανδρον το θαυμαστον αντι τ' αληθους αποδεχονται μαλλον. Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[541] —Αλλα ἑκαστος ἑκαστῳ τ' αναντια λεγει πολλακις· ὁπου δε περι των ὁρασθεντων ὁυτω διαφερονται, τι δει νομιζειν περι των εξ ακοης. Strabo. l. 15. p. 1006.

See also l. 771, 2, 3, 4. And Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 63. Of Herodotus and other writers—Ἑκουσιως προκριναντες της αληθεις το παραδοξολογειν.

[542] Ου θαυμαστον δ' ειναι περι του Ὁμηροι· και γαρ τους ετι νεωτερους εκεινου πολλα αγνοειν, και τερατολογειν. Strabo. l. 7. p. 458.

[543] Φημι ουν Ορφεα και Ὁμηρον και Ἡσιοδον ειναι τους ονοματα και γεννη δοντας τοις ὑπ' αυτων λεγομενοις θεοις· μαρτυρει δε και Ἡροδοτος—Ἡσιοδον γαρ και Ὁμηρον ἡλικιην τετρακοσιοις ετεσι δοκεω πρεσβυτερους εμου γενεσθαι, και ου πλειοσι. Ὁυτοι δε εισιν, ὁι ποιησαντες θεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισι θεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας και τεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεα αυτων σημαινοντες· ἁι δε εικονες μεχρι μηπω πλαστικη και γραφικη, και ανδριαντοποιητικη ησαν, ουδε ενομιζοντο. Athenagoræ Legatio. p. 292. See Herodotus. l. 2. c. 53.

[544] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809. Clemens mentions Αγυιεα θυρωρος τῳ Ἑρμη. Cohort. p. 44.

Οσα μεν αδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστιν αυτον ἡ Δωρικη. Pausanias. l. 5. p. 416.

[545] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 828. of Phaënnis and the Sibyls.

[546] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809. of Phæmonoë and antient hymns.

[547] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 809, 810. Ωλην.

[548] Jamblichus de Mysteriis. Sect. vii. c. 5. p. 156.

In like manner in Samothracia, the ancient Orphic language was obsolete, yet they retained it in their temple rites: Εσχηκασι δη παλαιαν ἱδιαν διαλεκτον ὁι Αυτοχθονες (εν Σαμοθρακῃ) ἡς πολλα εν ταις θυσιαις μεχρι του νυν τηρηται. Diodorus. l. 5. p. 322.

[549] Jamblichus de Myster. sect. 7. c. 5. See notes. p. 295.

[550] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 5. p. 676.

Such was Aristæus Proconneisius: Ανηρ γοης ει τις αλλος. Strabo. l. 13.

[551] Thus it is said in Eusebius from some antient accounts, that Telegonus reigned in Egypt, who was the son of Orus the shepherd; and seventh from Inachus: and that he married Io. Upon which Scaliger asks: Si Septimus ab Inacho, quomodo Io Inachi filia nupsit ei? How could Io be married to him when she was to him in degree of ascent, as far off as his grandmother's great grandmother; that is six removes above him. See Scaliger on Euseb. ad Num. cccclxxxi.

[552] Παρ' οις γαρ ασυναρτητος εστιν ἡ των Χρονων αναγραφη, παρα τουτοις ουδε τα της ἱστοριας αληθευειν δυνατον· τι γαρ το αιτιον της εν τῳ γραφειν πλανης, ει μη το συναπτειν τα μη αληθη. Tatianus. p. 269.

[553] Νυν μην οψε ποτε εις Ἑλληνας ἡ των λογων παρηλθε διδασκαλια το και γραφη. Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 364.

[554] Ὁι μεν ουν αρχαιοτατην αυτων την χρησιν ειναι θελοντες, παρα Φοινικων και Καδμου σεμνυνονται μαθειν. Ου μεν ουδ' επ' εκεινου του χρονου δυναιτο τις αν δειξαι σωζομενην αναγραφην εν ἱεροις, ουτ' εν δημοσιοις αναθημασι. Joseph. cont. Apion. l. 1.

[555] Των δε της αληθειας ἱστοριων Ἑλληνες ου μεμνηνται· πρωτον μεν δια το νεωστι αυτους των γραμματων της εμπειριας μετοχους γεγενησθαι και αυτον ὁμολογουσι, φασκοντες τα γραμματα ἑυρησθαι, οι μεν απο Χαλδαιων, ὁι δε παρ Αιγυπτιων, αλλοι δ' αν απο Φοινικων. δευτερον, οτι επταιον, και πταιουσι, περι θεου μη ποιουμενοι την μνειαν, αλλα περι ματαιων και ανωφελων πραγματων. Theoph. ad Autol. l. 3. p. 400.

Plutarch assures us, that Homer was not known to the Athenians till the time of Hipparchus, about the 63d Olympiad, yet some writers make him three, some four, some five hundred years before that æra. It is scarce possible that he should have been so unknown to them if they had been acquainted with letters.

[556] Eusebius. Chron. p. 24.

[557] Eusebius. Chron. p. 19. Syncellus. p. 148, 152.

The kings of Sicyon were taken from Castor Rhodius.

[558] Και χρη τον νουνεχη συνιεναι κατα πασης ακριβειας, ὁτι κατα την Ἑλληνων παραδοσιν ουδ' ἱστοριας τις ην παρ' αυτοις αναγραφη· Καδμος γαρ—μετα πολλας γενεας. κλ. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 274.

[559] Clemens Alexand. l. 1. p. 352. and Diogenes Laertius, from Dicæarchus, and Heraclides.

[560] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1160.

[561] Ælian mentions, that the Bull Onuphis was worshipped at a place in Egypt, which he could not specify on account of its asperity. Ælian de Animalibus. l. 12. c. 11.

Even Strabo omits some names, because they were too rough and dissonant. Ου λεγω δε των εθνων τα ονοματα τα παλαια δια την αδοξιαν, και ἁμα την ατοπιαν της εκφορας αυτων. l. 12. p. 1123.

[562] Μετα ταυτα πλανην Ἑλλησι αιτιαται (ὁ Φιλων) λεγων, ου γαρ ματαιως αυτα πολλακως διεστειλαμεθα, αλλα προς τας αυθις παρεκδοχας των εν τοις πραγμασιν ονοματων· ἁπερ ὁι Ἑλληνες αγνοησαντες, αλλως εξεδεξαντο, πλανηθεντες τῃ αμφιβολιᾳ των ονοματων. Philo apud Eusebium. P. E. l. 1. c. x. p. 34.

[563] Bozrah, a citadel, they changed to βυρσα, a skin. Out of Ar, the capital of Moab, they formed Areopolis, the city of the Mars. The river Jaboc they expressed Io Bacchus. They did not know that diu in the east signified an island: and therefore out of Diu-Socotra in the Red-Sea, they formed the island Dioscorides: and from Diu-Ador, or Adorus, they made an island Diodorus. The same island Socotra they sometimes denominated the island of Socrates. The place of fountains, Ai-Ain, they attributed to Ajax, and called it Αιαντος ακροτηριον, in the same sea. The antient frontier town of Egypt, Rhinocolura, they derived from ρις, ρινος, a nose: and supposed that some people's noses were here cut off. Pannonia they derived from the Latin pannus, cloth. So Nilus was from νη ιλυς: Gadeira quasi Γης δειρα. Necus in Egypt and Ethiopia signified a king: but such kings they have turned to νεκυας: and the city of Necho, or Royal City, to Νικοπολις and Νεκροπολις.

Lysimachus in his Egyptian history changed the name of Jerusalem to Ιεροσυλα: and supposed that the city was so called because the Israelites in their march to Canaan used to plunder temples, and steal sacred things. See Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c. 34. p. 467.

[564] I do not mean to exclude the Romans, though I have not mentioned them; as the chief of the knowledge which they afford is the product of Greece. However, it must be confessed, that we are under great obligations to Pliny, Marcellinus, Arnobius, Tertullian, Lactantius, Jerome, Macrobius; and many others. They contain many necessary truths, wherever they may have obtained them.

[565] Ennii Annales. l. 2.

[566] Ennii Annales. l. 1.

[567] Apud Ennii fragmenta.

[568] Genesis. c. 10. v. 5.

[569] Strabo. l. 5. p. 346.

[570] Virgil. Æn. l. xi. v. 785.

[571] Servius upon the foregoing passage.

[572] Cluver. Italia. l. 2. p. 719.

[573] Livy. l. 1. c. 49. Pompeius Festus.

[574] Not far from hence was a district called Ager Solonus. Sol-On is a compound of the two most common names given to the Sun, to whom the place and waters were sacred.

[575] Dionysius Halicarnassensis. l. 3.

[576] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 138.

Θυουσι δε και ὑδατι και ανεμοισιν (ὁι Περσαι). Herodotus. l. 1. c. 131.

Ridetis temporibus priscis Persas fluvium coluisse. Arnobius adversus Gentes. l. 6. p. 196.

[577] Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλιστα ὁι Αιγυπτιοι προτετιμηκασι, και Θεους αναγορευουσι. Athanasius adversus Gentes. p. 2.

Αιγυπτιοι ὑδατι Θυουσι· καιτοι μεν ἁπασι καινον τοις Αιγυπτιοις το ὑδωρ. Lucian. Jupiter Tragœd. v. 2. p. 223. Edit. Salmurii.

[578] Julius Firmicus. p. 1.

[579] Gruter. Inscript. vol. 1. p. xciv.

[580] Senecæ Epist. 41.

[581] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 181. The true name was probably Curene, or Curane.

[582] Vitruvij Architect. l. 8. p. 163.

[583] Pliny. l. 4. c. 4. p. 192. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 2.

[584] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 117. Εστι γε δη και Απολλωνος αγαλμα προς τῃ Πειρηνῃ, και περιβολος εστιν.

Pirene and Virene are the same name.

[585] Pur, Pir, Phur, Vir: all signify fire.

[586] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 312.

[587] Diodorus Siculus. l. xi. p. 17.

[588] Strabo. l. 6. p. 412.

[589] Stephanus says that it was near Mount Casius; but Herodotus expressly tells us, that it was at the distance of three days journey from it.

[590] Απο ταυτης τα εμπορια τα επι θαλασσης μεχρι Ιηνισου πολιος εστι του Αραβικου. Herodotus. l. 3. c. 5.

[591] Τοδε μεταξυ Ιηνισου πολιος, και Κασιου τε ουρεος, και της Σερβωνιδος λιμνης, εον ουκ ολιγον χωριον, αλλ' ὁσον επι τρεις ἡμερας ὁδον, ανυδρον εστι δεινος. Herodotus. ibidem.

[592] Go-zan is the place, or temple, of the Sun. I once thought that Goshen, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Gozan, was the same as Cushan: but I was certainly mistaken. The district of Goshen was indeed the nome of Cushan; but the two words are not of the same purport. Goshen is the same as Go-shan, and Go-zan, analogous to Beth-shan, and signifies the place of the Sun. Go-shen, Go-shan, Go-zan, and Gau-zan, are all variations of the same name. In respect to On, there were two cities so called. The one was in Egypt, where Poti-phera was Priest. Genesis. c. 41. v. 45. The other stood in Arabia, and is mentioned by the Seventy: Ων, ἡ εστιν Ἡλιουπολις. Exodus. c. 1. v. 11. This was also called Onium, and Hanes, the Iänisus of Herodotus.

[593] Isaiah. c. 30. v. 4.

[594] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. p. 124. p. 137.

[595] D'Anville Memoires sur l'Egypt. p. 114.

[596] Travels. vol. 2. p. 107. It is by them expressed Ain el Cham, and appropriated to the obelisk: but the meaning is plain.

[597] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 35. p. 638.

[598] See page 72. notes.

[599] Dissertation of the influence of opinion upon language, and of language upon opinion. Sect. vi. p. 67. of the translation.

[600] Scholia upon Apollonius. l. 2. v. 297.

[601] Strabo. l. 10. p. 700.

[602] Orphic Hymn. 4.

[603] Ὁι Θεολογοι—ενι γε τῳ Φανητι την δημιουργικην αιτιαν ανυμνησαν. Orphic Fragment. 8. from Proclus in Timæum.

[604] Συ μοι Ζευς ὁ Φαναιο, ἡκεις. Eurip. Rhesus. v. 355.

Φαναιος Απολλων εν Χιοις. Hesych.

[605] Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 120.

[606] Λουτρα τε παρεχει το χωριον θερμα, γηθεν αυτοματα ανιοντα. Josephi Antiq. l. 18. c. 14.

[607] Lucretius. l. 6.

[608] Justin Martyr. Cohort. p. 33.

[609] Mount Albanus was denominated Al-ban from its fountains and baths.

[610] Strabo. l. 8. p. 545.

[611] Strabo. l. 4. p. 290. Onesa signifies solis ignis, analogous to Hanes.

[612] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1072. see also l. 11. p. 779. and l. 12. p. 838. likewise Plutarch in Artaxerxe.

[613] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 678.

[614] Horace. l. 1. sat. 5. v. 97.

[615] Pliny. l. 2. c. 110. p. 123.

[616] Strabo. l. 6. p. 430.

The antient Salentini worshipped the Sun under the title of Man-zan, or Man-zana: by which is meant Menes, Sol. Festus in V. Octobris.

[617] Thucydides. l. 6. c. 2. p. 379.

[618] Orphic Fragment. vi. v. 19. from Proclus. p. 366.

Μητις, divine wisdom, by which the world was framed: esteemed the same as Phanes and Dionusus.

Αυτος τε ὁ Διονυσος, και Φανης, και Ηρικεπαιος. Ibidem. p. 373.

Μητις—ἑρμηνευεται, Βουλη. Φως, Ζωοδοτηρ—from Orpheus: Eusebij Chronicon. p. 4.

[619] Ισιδος ενταυθα Ἱερον, και αγαλμα, και επι της αγορας Ἑρμου—και θερμα λουτρα. Pausan. l. 2. p. 190.

[620] Pausanas. l. 4. p. 287.

[621] Ὁιδ' ὑδωρ πιοντες, καθαπερ ὁ εν Κολοφωνι Ἱερευς του Κλαριου. Ὁιδε στομιοις παρακαθημενοι, ὡς ἁι εν Δελφοις θεσπιζουσαι. Ὁιδ' εξ ὑδατων ατμιζομενοι, καθαπερ ἁι εν Βραγχιδαις Προφητιδες. Jamblichus de Mysterijs. sec. 3. c. xi. p. 72

[622] Τοδε εν Κολοφωνι μαντειον ὁμολογειται παρα πασι δια ὑδατος χρηματιζειν· ειναι γαρ πηγην εν οικῳ καταγειῳ, και απ' αυτης πιειν την Προφητην. Jamblichus. ibid.

[623] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 659. Ανελοντος του εν Κολοφωνι και Ελεγειων ποιηται ψυχροτητα αδουσι.

[624] Callimachus: Hymn to Delos.

Strabo l. 10 p.742.

[625] Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 122.

[626] Pliny above.

Ὁτι πυρ εστιν εγγυς Φασηλιδος εν Λυκιᾳ αθανατον, και ὁτι αει καιεται επι πετρας, και νυκτα, και ἡμεραν. Ctesias apud Photium. clxxiii.


Παντες, ὁσοι Φοινικον εδος περι παγνυ νεμονται,

Αιπυ τε Μασσικυτοιο ῥοον, βωμον γε Χιμαιρας. Nonnus. l. 3.

[628] Strabo. l. 12. p. 812. For the purport of Gaius, domus vel cavitas. See Radicals. p. 122.

[629] Patinæ Numismata Imperatorum. p. 180. l. 194.

[630] He was called both Peon and Peor: and the country from him Peonia and Pieria. The chief cities were Alorus, Aineas, Chamsa, Methone: all of oriental etymology.

[631] Παιονες σεβουσι τον ἡλιον· αγαλμα δε ἡλιου Παιονικον δισκος βραχυς ὑπερ μακρου ξυλου. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 87.

Of the wealth of this people, and of their skill in music and pharmacy; See Strabo. Epitom. l. vii.

[632] Rufus Festus Avienus, Descrip. Orbis. v. 1083.

[633] Juliani Oratio in Solem. Orat. 4. p. 150.

Ἱερωνται δε αυτοι (Εδεσσηνοι) τῳ θεῳ ἡλιῳ· τουτον γαρ ὁι επιχωριοι σεβουσι, τῃ Φοινικων φωνῃ Ελαγαβαλον καλουντες. Herodian. l. 3.

[634] Edesseni Urchoienses—Urhoe, ignis, lux, &c. Theoph. Sigefredi Bayeri Hist. Osrhoena. p. 4.

[635] Ur-choë signifies Ori domus, vel templum; Solis Ædes.

Ur in Chaldea is, by Ptolemy, called Orchoe.

[636] Etymologicum magnum. The author adds: αρσαι γαρ το ποτισαι, as if it were of Grecian original.

[637] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 287.

[638] Αρσηνη λιμνη, ἡν και Θωνιτιν καλουσι—εστι δε νιτριτις. Strabo. l. xi. p. 801.

[639] Πρωτον μεν απ' Αρσινοης παραθεοντι την δεξιαν ηπειρον θερμα πλειοσιν αυλοις εκ πετρης ὑψηλης εις θαλατταν διηθειται. Agatharchides de Rubro mari. p. 54.

Ειτα αλλην πολιν Αρσινοην· ειτα θερμων ὑδατων εκβολας, πικρων και ἁλμυρων. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1114.]

[640] Some make Ephesus and Arsinoë to have been the same. See Scholia upon Dionysius. v. 828.

[641] Strabo. l. l6. p. 1074. See Radicals. p. 50.

[642] Pliny. l. 6. c. 27. Euphraten præclusere Orcheni: nec nisi Pasitigri defertur ad mare.

[643] Ptolemy Geog.

Isidorus Characenus. Geog. Vet. vol. 2. p. 7.

[644] Cellarii Geog. vol. 2. p. 80.

[645] Strabo. l. 12. p. 868, 869. and l. 13. p. 929-932.

Εστι δε επιφανεια τεφρωδης των πεδιων.

Strabo supposes that the Campus Hyrcanus was so named from the Persians; as also Κυρου πεδιον, near it; but they seem to have been so denominated ab origine. The river Organ, which ran, into the Mæander from the Campus Hyrcanus, was properly Ur-chan. Ancyra was An-cura, so named a fonte Solis κυρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος. All the names throughout the country have a correspondence: all relate either to the soil, or the religion of the natives; and betray a great antiquity.

[646] Ptolemy. Geog. l. 2. c. 11.

[647] Mentioned in Pliny's Panegyric: and in Seneca; consolatio ad Helv. l. 6. Aristotle in Meteoris.

[648] Here was one of the fountains of the Danube. Ιστρος τε γαρ ποταμος αρξαμενος εκ Κελτων και Πυρηνης πολιος ῥεει, μεσην σχιζων την Ευρωπην. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 33.

[649] See Cluverii Germania.

[650] Beatus Rhenanus. Rerum Germanic. l. 3.

[651] It is called by the Swiss, Le Grand Brenner: by the other Germans, Der gross Verner.

Mount Cænis, as we term it, is properly Mount Chen-Is, Mons Dei Vulcani. It is called by the people of the country Monte Canise; and is part of the Alpes Cottiæ. Cluver. Ital. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 32. p. 337. Mons Geneber. Jovij.

[652] See Marcellinus. l. 15. c. 10. p. 77. and the authors quoted by Cluverius. Italia Antiqua above.

They are styled Αλπεις Σκουτιαι by Procopius: Rerum Goth. l. 2.

Marcellinus thinks, that a king Cottius gave name to these Alps in the time of Augustus, but Cottius was the national title of the king; as Cottia was of the nation: far prior to the time of Augustus.

[653] Pliny. l. 3. c. 20. Cottianæ civitates duodecim.

[654] Scholia upon Apollonius. l. 2. v. 677.

[655] Τουτων δε εστι και ἡ του Ιδεοννου γη, και ἡ του Κοττιου. Strabo. l. 4. p. 312

[656] Tacitus de Moribus Germanorum.

[657] Gruter. vol. 1. p. 138.

[658] Fulgentius: Mytholog. l. 1. c. 25. p. 655.

[659] Lactantius de falsa Relig. vol. 1. l. 1. c. 11. p. 47.

To these instances add the worship of Seatur, and Thoth, called Thautates. See Clunerii Germania. l. 1. c. 26. p. 188 and 189.

[660] 2 Chronicles. c. 8. v. 4.

[661] Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. p. 262. Edit. Cantab. 1655.

He speaks of Zoroaster: Αυτοφυες σπηλαιον εν τοις πλησιον ορεσι της Περσιδος ανθηρον, και πηγας εχον, ανιερωσαντος εις τιμην του παντων ποιητου, και πατρος Μιθρου. p. 254.

Clemens Alexandrinus mentions, Βαραθων στοματα τερατειας εμπλεα. Cohortatio ad Gentes.

Αντρα μεν δη δικαιως οι παλαιοι, και σπηλαια, τῳ κοσμῳ καθιερουν. Porphyry de Antro Nymph. p. 252. There was oftentimes an olive-tree planted near these caverns, as in the Acropolis at Athens, and in Ithaca.

Αυταρ επι κρατος λιμενος τανυφυλλος Ελαια,

Αγχοθι δ' αυτης Αντρον.

Homer de Antro Ithacensi. Odyss. l. ε. v. 346.

[662] Lycophron. v. 208. Scholia.

[663] Pausanias. l. x. p. 898. I imagine that the word caverna, a cavern, was denominated originally Ca-Ouran, Domus Cœlestis, vel Domus Dei, from the supposed sanctity of such places.

[664] Strabo. l. 9. p. 638.

Ενθα παρθενου

Στυγνον Σιβυλλης εστιν οικητηριον

Γρωνῳ Βερεθρῳ συγκατηρεφες στεγης.

Lycophron of the Sibyl's cavern, near the promontory Zosterion. v. 1278.

[665] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 5. 275.

[666] Scholia upon Aristophanes: Plutus. v. 9. and Euripides in the Orestes. v. 164.

[667] Lucan. l. 5. v. 82.

[668] Μουσων γαρ ην Ἱερον ενταυθα περι την αναπνοην του ναματος. Plutarch de Pyth. Oracul. vol. 1. p. 402.

[669] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 877.

[670] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 387. Sama Con, Cœli vel Cœlestis Dominus.

[671] Strabo. l. 12. p. 869. l. 13. p. 934. Demeter and Kora were worshipped at the Charonian cavern mentioned by Strabo: Χαρωνιον αντρον θαυμαστον τη φυσει. l. 14. p. 961.

[672] Lucian de Deâ Syriâ.

[673] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 87.

[674] Vaillant: Numism. Ærea Imperator. Pars prima. p. 243, 245, 285. and elsewhere.

[675] Hyde. Religio Veterum Persarum. c. 23. p. 306, 7, 8.

[676] See PLATE ii. iii.

[677] Le Bruyn. Plate 153.

See the subsequent plate with the characters of Cneuphis.

[678] Kæmpfer. Amœnitates Exoticæ. p. 325.

[679] Mandesloe. p. 3. He mentions the sacred fire and a serpent.

[680] Sir John Chardin. Herbert also describes these caverns, and a serpent, and wings; which was the same emblem as the Cneuphis of Egypt.

[681] Le Bruyn's Travels, vol. 2. p. 20. See plate 117, 118, 119, 120. Also p. 158, 159, 166, 167.

[682] Thevenot. part 2d. p. 144, 146.

[683] Ὁι τα του Μιθρου μυστηρια παραδιδοντες λεγουσιν εκ πετρας γεγενησθαι αυτον, και σπηλαιον καλουσι τον τοπον. Cum Tyrphone Dialog. p. 168.

[684] He speaks of people—Πανταχου, ὁπου τον Μιθραν εγνωσαν, δια σπηλαιου ἱλεουμενων. Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. p. 263.

[685] Justin Martyr supra.

[686] Scholia upon Statius. Thebaid. l. 1. v. 720.

Seu Persei de rupibus Antri

Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithran.

[687] Plutarch: Alexander. p. 703. and Arrian. l. vi. p. 273.

[688] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 187.

[689] Thevenot. part 2d. p. 141, 146.

Some say that Thevenot was never out of Europe: consequently the travels which go under his name were the work of another person: for they have many curious circumstances, which could not be mere fiction.

[690] Clemens Alexandrinus. l. 6. p. 756.

[691] Hyde de Religione Vet. Persar. p. 306.

[692] See Radicals. p. 77.

[693] Petavius in Epiphanium. p. 42.

[694] Herbert's Travels. p. 138.

[695] Procopius. Persica. l. 1. c. 24.

[696] Ovid. Fast. l. 6. v. 291.

[697] Similis est natura Naphthæ, et ita adpellatur circa Babylonem, et in Astacenis Parthiæ, pro bituminis liquidi modo. Pliny. l. 2. c. 106. p. 123.

[698] Callim. H. to Delos. v. 201.

[699] Pliny. l. 2. c. 22. p. 112. He supposes the name to have been given, igne ibi primum reperto.

[700] Callimachus. H. to Delos. v. 325.

[701] Herodotus. l. iv. c. 69.

[702] Και θυουσι Περσαι πυρι, επιφορουντες αυτῳ την πυρος τροφην, επιλεγοντες, Πυρ, Δεσποτα, εσθιε. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. p. 83.

[703] See Lycophron. v. 447. and Stephanus. Κυπρος.

Κεραστιδος εις χθονα Κυπρου. Nonni Dionys. l. iv.

[704] Hospes erat cæsus. Ovid. Metamorph. l. x. v. 228.

[705] Ovid. Metamorph. l. x. v. 228.

[706] Strabo. l. 10. p. 684.

[707] Solinus. cap. 17. Pliny takes notice of the city Carystus. Eubœa—Urbibus clara quondam Pyrrhâ, Orco, Geræsto, Carysto, Oritano, &c. aquisque callidis, quæ Ellopiæ vocantur, nobilis. l. 4, c. 12.

[708] Εν τοις Κασταβαλοις εστι το της Περασιας Αρτεμιδος ἱερον, ὁπου φασι τας ἱερειας γυμνοις τοις ποσι δι' ανθρακιαν βαδιζειν απαθεις. Strabo. l. 12 p. 811.

[709] Μιθρας ὁ ἡλιος παρα Περσαις. Hesych.

Μιθρης ὁ πρωτος εν Περσαις Θεος. Ibidem.

Mithra was the same. Elias Cretensis in Gregorij Theologi Opera.

[710] Elias Cretensis. Ibidem. In like manner Nonnus says, that there could be no initiation—Αχρις ὁυ τας ογδοηκοντα κολασεις παρελθοι. In Nazianzeni Steliteutic. 2.

[711] Και τοτε λοιπον εμυουσι αυτον τα τελεωτερα, εαν ζησῃ. Nonnus supra.

[712] Account of Persia, by Jonas Hanway, Esq. vol. 3. c. 31, 32. p. 206.

[713] Εικονα φεροντος σπηλαιου του Κοσμου. Por. de Ant. Nymph. p. 254.

[714] Μετα δε τουτον τον Ζωροαστρην κρατησαντος και παρ' αλλοις δι' αντρων και σπηλαιων, ειτ' ουν αυτοφυων, ειτε χειροποιητων, τας τελετας αποδιδοναι. Porph. de Antro Nymph. p. 108. The purport of the history of Mithras, and of the cave from whence he proceeded, I shall hereafter shew. Jupiter was nursed in a cave; and Proserpine, Κορη Κοσμου, nursed in a cave: ὡσαυτως και ἡ Δημητηρ εν αντρῳ τρεφει την Κορην μετα Νυμφων· και αλλα τοιαυτα πολλα ἑυρησει τις επιων τα των θεολογων. Porph. ibid. p. 254.

[715] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. Leviticus. c. 26. v. 30.

[716] 2 Kings. c. 16. v. 3, 4.

[717] 1 Kings. c. 22. v. 43. 2 Kings. c. 12. v. 3. c. 15. v. 4-35.

[718] There were two sorts of high places. The one was a natural eminence; a hill or mountain of the earth. The other was a factitious mound, of which I shall hereafter treat at large.

[719] Numbers. c. 22. v. 41. and c. 23. v. 14-28.

[720] Preface of Demetrius Moschus to Orpheus de Lapidibus—Θειοδαμαντι του Πριαμου συνηντησεν Ορφευς—κτλ.

[721] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1064.

Περσας επι τα ὑψηλοτατα των ορεων θυσιας ερδειν. Herodotus. l. 2. c. 131.

Some nations, instead of an image, worshipped the hill as the Deity—Επεφημισαν δε και Διι αγαλματα ὁι πρωτοι ανθρωποι κορυφας ορον, Ολυμπον, και Ιδην, και ει τι αλλο ορος πλησιαζει τῳ Ουρανῳ. Maximus Tyrius Dissert. 8. p. 79.

[722] Appian de Bello Mithridatico. p. 215. Edit. Steph. He, by an hyperbole, makes the pile larger than the apex on which it stood.

[723] Virgil. l. 5. v. 760.

[724] Hist. Japan. vol. 2d. book 5. c. 3. p. 417.

[725] Παν δε ορος του Διος ορος ονομαζεται, επει εθος ην τοις παλαιοις ὑψιστω οντι τῳ Θεῳ ην υψει θυσιας ποιεισθαι. Melanthes de Sacrificijs. See Natalis Comes. l. 1. 10.

[726] Ομφη, θεια κληδων. Hesych. It was sometimes expressed without the aspirate, αμβη: hence the place of the oracle was styled Ambon, αμβων. Αμβων, ἁι προσαναβασεις των ορων. Hesych.

[727] Τον Ομφιν ευεργετην ὁ Ἑρμαιος φησι δηλουν ἑρμηνευομενον. Plutarch: Isis et Osiris. vol. 1. p. 368.

[728] Ολυμποι εισιν ἑξ—κλ. Scholia upon Apollonius Rhodius. l. 1. v. 598.

[729] Many places styled Olympus and Olympian.

In Lycia: Ολυμπος μεγαλη πολις, και ὁρος ὁμωνυμον. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982.

Ολυμπη πολις Ιλλυριας. Stephanus Byzantinus.

In Cyprus: Αμαθος πολις, και ορος μαστοειδες Ολυμπος. Strabo. l. 14. p. 1001.

Ἡδε ακρορεια καλειται Ολυμπος. Strabo. Ibidem.

Josephus mentions the temple of Olympian Zeus at Tyre. Antiq. Jud. l. 8. c. 1.

At Megara in Greece: Τεμενος Ολυμπειον. Pausanias. l. 1. p. 97.

In Elis: Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 42.

In Attica: Ναος Κρονου, και Ῥεας, και τεμενος την επικλησιν Ολυμπιας. Pausan. l. 1. p. 43.

In Achaia: Διος Ολυμπιου ναος. Pausan. l. 2. p. 123.

At Delos: Ολυμπειον, τοπος εν Δηλωι. Stephanus Byzantinus. Εστι και πολις Παμφυλιας.

Libya was called Olympia. Stephanus Byzant.

The moon called Olympias: Ἡ γαρ Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριως Ολυμπιας καλειται. Eusebii Chron. p. 45. l. 10.

The earth itself called Olympia by Plutarch, who mentions της Γης Ολυμπιας ἱερον in Theseus, by which is meant the temple of the Prophetic Earth.

Many other instances might be produced.

[730] Sophocles: Œdipus Tyrannus. v. 487.

Ομφαλον εριβρομου Χθονος. Pind. Pyth. Ode 6. v. 3.

Ορθοδικαν Γας ομφαλον κελαδητε. Pind. Pyth. Ode 11. antist.

[731] Euripides in Ione. v. 233.

Μεσομφαλος Εστια. v. 461.

[732] Titus Livius. l. 38. c. 47.

[733] Strabo. l. 9. p. 642.

[734] Varro de Ling. Lat. l. 6. p. 68.

Pausanias gives this account of the omphalus at Delphi. Τον δε ὑπο Δελφων καλουμενον ομφαλον λιθου πεποιημενον λευκου, τουτο ειναι το εν μεσῳ γης πασης αυτοι λεγουσιν ὁι Δελφοι· δεικνυται τε και ομφαλος ΤΙΣ εν τῳ ναῳ τιταινωμενος. Pausan. l. 10. p. 835.

It is described by Tatianus, but in a different manner. Εν τῳ τεμενει του Λητοϊδου καλειται τις ομφαλος. Ὁδε ομφαλος ταφος εστιν Διονυσου. p. 251. Oratio contra Græcos.

[735] Plutarch περι λελοιπ. Χρηστηρ.

[736] Horus Apollo. § 21. p. 30. edit. 1729.

[737] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 141. It is spoken of Phliuns, far removed from the centre of the Peloponnesus.

[738] This omphalus was near the Plutonian cavern. Diodorus. l. 5.

Τρις δ' επι καλλιστης νησου δραμες ομφαλον Εννης.

Callimachus: Hymn to Ceres. Cicero in Verrem, 4. c. 48.

[739] Homer. Odyss. l. α. v. 50.

[740] Stephanus Byzantinus. The natives were also styled Pyrrhidæ; and the country Chaonia from the temple Cha-On, οικος ἡλιου.

[741] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7.

[742] Strabo. l. 8. p. 542.

[743] By Livy called Aliphira. l. 32. c. 5.

In Messenia was a city Amphia—Πολισμα επι λοφου ὑψηλου κειμενον. Pausan. l. 4. p. 292. The country was called Amphia.

[744] Αλφει