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				   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
	as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
					close of the nineteenth century,

						  Volume XX, 1621-1624



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
								Bourne.









CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX



	Preface
	Documents of 1621

			News from the province of Filipinas. Alonso
			Roman; Manila, [July?].
			Death of Doña Catalina Zambrano. [Unsigned];
			Manila, July.
			Letter to the king. Alonso Fajardo de Tenca;
			Manila, July 21.
			Letter from the archbishop of Manila to the
			king. Miguel Garcia Serrano, O.S.A.; Manila,
			July 30.
			Letter to the king. Geronimo de Silva; Manila,
			August 1.
			Affairs in the Franciscan province. Pedro
			de Sant Pablo, O.S.F., and others; Manila,
			1620-21.
			Letter to the king. Alonso Fajardo de Tenca;
			Manila, December 10.

	Documents of 1622

			Letters to the king. Alvaro Messa y Lugo;
			Manila, 1621 and July 30, 1622.
			Letters from the archbishop of Manila to
			the king. Miguel García Serrano; Manila,
			1621-22.
			Royal decrees regarding the religious. Felipe
			IV; Madrid, December 31.

	Documents of 1623-1624

			Letter to Fajardo. Felipe IV; Madrid, October
			9, 1623.
			Royal permission for the Dominican college
			in Manila.  Felipe IV; Madrid, November
			27, 1623.
			Expedition to the mines of the
			Igorrotes. Alonso Martin Quirante; Alingayen,
			June 5, 1624.

	Bibliographical Data.





ILLUSTRATIONS


	Autograph signatures of Valerio de Ledesma and Alonso Roman;
	photographic facsimiles from tracings in the Ventura del
	Arco MS.
	Weapons of the Igorrotes; photograph of weapons in the Colegio
	de Agustinos Filipinos, Valladolid.
	Weapons of the natives of North Luzón; photograph of weapons
	in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid.






PREFACE


The years 1621-24, although not marked by great battles, conquests,
or calamities, contain much that is of interest in the internal
development of the Philippine colony; and these documents vividly
illustrate the ceaseless play and interaction of human interests
and passions--especially in the romantic but tragic love-affair
of Fajardo's wife, in which is material for a brilliant novel. The
usual conflicts occur between the civil authorities and the friars,
and between the governor and the Audiencia; but the records of these
controversies furnish an unusual revelation of human nature and its
complicated phenomena. The alliance between the Dutch and the English
menaces this far Oriental Spanish colony with even more dangers than
it has already experienced; and its feeble defenses and insufficient
equipment of arms and men keep its people in constant dread and
anxiety. For defense against the expected attacks of the heretics
against Manila more ships and fortifications are constructed; but this
imposes additional burdens on the poor Indians, which the governor
tries to mitigate by endeavors to protect them from the oppression
that they endure from the Spaniards. Controversies arise between the
various orders, and within that of St Francis, which are settled by the
intervention of the bishop and governor. Reports made by the orders
show that over half a million of the natives are receiving religious
instruction; but the bishop deprecates the favorite missionary policy
of gathering the converts into "reductions," and advises that all the
missions should be placed under the supervision of the bishops. The
foreign population of Manila still increases beyond the safety-line,
and spasmodic efforts are made to restrict it; but corrupt and lax
officials render these of little use. The difficulties involved in
the Chinese trade and its economic effects on the Spanish colonies
are still discussed, but without any satisfactory solution to the
problem. The gold mines in northern Luzón are explored and tested,
but with meager results.

A Jesuit at Manila, Alonso Roman, gives the "news from Filipinas"
for 1621. He recounts the persecution of Christians that is still
continuing in Japan, with many martyrdoms. Various encounters between
the Dutch and English occur until, an alliance being concluded between
Holland and England, their ships unite to prey on the commerce of
China, Portuguese India, and the Philippines. The writer relates
several naval encounters, and captures of trading ships. In one of
these the Chinese, pouring melted sugar on the enemy, "sent fourteen
of the Dutch in a conserve to hell." Roman concludes his letter with
an account of the tragedy in which Governor Fajardo slays his wife and
her lover (May 11, 1621)--the latter being a renegade Jesuit, named
Joan de Messa. Another account of this affair adds some minor details.

Fajardo sends his annual despatches to the king (July 21, 1621). He
describes his measures for the prompter despatch of the trading-fleet
to Nueva España, and the recent hostile demonstration made by the Dutch
and English at Manila Bay. He takes all precautions for defense against
them, but is unable to attack them, owing to his lack of troops--a
deficiency which he proceeds to explain. Thus far, the enemy have done
little harm, especially as Fajardo promptly warned the Chinese, and
other trading countries near by, of their arrival. He learns of other
hostile fleets that are preparing to attack the islands, and takes
all possible precautions for their defense. He asks that, until the
affairs of the islands are in better condition, the Audiencia of Manila
may be discontinued, as the auditors embarrass and hinder his efforts,
and are not competent to fulfil their duties. The religious also make
the governor's duties a burden; and their exactions from the Indians
prevent the latter from serving the crown. The Dutch know betters
how to deal with the natives; they exempt the latter from tributes,
personal services, and religious instruction. Little has been done in
opening the Igorrote mines--a task which Fajardo is warned to push
forward. He has sent troops and supplies safely to Ternate. He is
having much trouble in regard to the residencia of his predecessor,
the late Juan de Silva; and complains of the shelter and countenance
given to Auditor Messa by the Dominicans. Fajardo recounts various
matters of government and his procedure therein; also the annoyances
and hindrances which he experiences from the friars. He commends,
however, the Jesuits and their work, suggesting that more of them
should be sent to the islands. He is perplexed and hindered by the
lack of soldiers, but is doing his best with his small forces. The
Council orders the viceroy of Nueva España to send every year to
Filipinas all the reenforcements in his power.

The archbishop of Manila sends to the king (July 30, 1621) an
account of ecclesiastical and some other affairs in his diocese. He
asks permission to hold an ecclesiastical council, and to hold the
feast of Corpus Christi at some other and more convenient date than
it has on the calendar. He complains of the poverty of the Manila
cathedral, and asks for aid; also of the governor's failure to consult
him regarding appointments to prebends, and of the incapacity for
canonical offices of certain royal appointees. Serrano commends the
members of his chapter, some of them individually and by name. The
two colleges in Manila are training so many students that they
cannot find positions in the church, and the archbishop is greatly
pained by their consequent poverty and humiliation. He asks for more
competent bishops to be sent to the islands; and for authority to be
given to religious ministers there to grant absolution for certain
impediments to marriage which render divorces among the natives too
easy. The friars who have charge of instructing the natives ought to
be subject to inspection by the bishops, and thus various abuses would
be corrected. Affairs in Japan are in great confusion, on account of
the persecution of the Christians; and Serrano recommends that Fray
Sotelo be not allowed to go thither as bishop of Japan. He details a
controversy that has arisen between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in
Manila over the refusal of confession to the dying Juan de Messa; the
archbishop is obliged to call an ecclesiastical council to settle the
matter, and they decide in favor of the Jesuits. Trouble arises in the
Franciscan order over the appointment of a visitor, which is quelled
by similar action on Serrano's part, and the governor's interference
in the matter. More laborers are needed for the Jesuit missions,
as well as for those conducted by the friars. Serrano urges that
the hospital order of St. John of God be established in the islands,
as the hospitals there need better care than they are receiving from
the Franciscans. He complains that the officials of the orders give
letters of recommendation too easily; that the Audiencia are lax in
their attendance at church feasts; that the ships are sent too late
to Nueva España, and also return too late to the Philippines: that
workmen in government employ in the islands are defrauded of their
pay; that the city of Manila is overrun with Chinese and Japanese,
far beyond the numbers allowed by royal edicts or regard for the safety
of the Spanish citizens there; and that private persons, by collusion
with the officials, illegally secure for themselves the best of the
Philippine trade with Malacca and other adjacent regions. At the end
of Serrano's letter is the papal bull changing the date on which the
feast of Corpus Christi may be celebrated in Oriental regions.

A letter from Gerónimo de Silva to the king (August 1, 1621) states
that one of the ships to Nueva España has been forced back to Manila
by adverse weather, which has caused great distress in the islands. The
annual relief for Ternate has been sent; attacks on Luzon by the Dutch
and English are expected, but result in the enemy capturing only
a few Chinese vessels. Silva mentions the pitiably small forces of
the colony for defense, and urges that reenforcements and other aid
be sent for this purpose. Undesirable inhabitants of the country are
being sent away, especially the Japanese, who are more dangerous than
the Chinese. Silva refers to the difficulties between the governor
and auditors, and asserts that these are due to the existence of the
Audiencia there, which is a costly and useless burden on the colony,
and a hindrance to the administration of justice and to the fulfilment
of the governor's duties.

Affairs in the Franciscan province of the Philippines are in
unsatisfactory condition; an account of them is sent to the king
(July 31, 1620) by the provincial of that order, Pedro de San Pablo,
in behalf of the province. He states that a visitor has been sent
to it from Nueva España who is not one of the discalced, and is
therefore _persona non grata_ to these (of whom are the Franciscans
of Filipinas); also that other friars "of the cloth" have slipped in
among the discalced, simply to gain admission to the regions of the
East. Hence arise factions, dissensions, and loss to their religious
interests and work; and these intruders seek to rule the others. San
Pablo asks the king to issue such decrees that only one branch
or the other of the order may send religious to the islands; thus
"there will be peace." The intruding Observantines have attempted to
deprive the discalced of the Japan missions and of the convent of San
Francisco del Monte, near Manila; and the royal authority is invoked
to restrain their encroachments. This letter is accompanied by another
(July 20, 1621) signed by San Pablo and other officials of his order,
further entreating relief and redress for their province; and by still
another letter of similar tenor (dated only 1621), complaining of
Auditors Messa and Rodriguez for their unjust and arbitrary action
in the case of the unwelcome visitor sent to the Franciscans, and
urging the king to furnish redress therein and rebuke the auditors.

A letter from Fajardo to the king (December 10, 1621) concerns various
matters of administration and business. He explains the late departure
of the ships for Nueva España, and the consequent mortality reported
on one of them. He discusses the question of diminishing the drain of
silver from Nueva España to the Orient, and recommends that the export
of silks and other fabrics to that country from the Philippines be
prohibited; but he remonstrates against the proposed abandonment of
Macao, which would surrender the Chinese trade at once to the Dutch
and English, and thus ruin the Philippine colony. Fajardo suggests
that only vessels of moderate size be allowed on the Nueva España line,
and that more definite measures be postponed until the subject of this
trade can be more thoroughly investigated. He denies the assertions
that he is interested in the shipments of goods to that country,
and places upon the auditors the fault of certain matters in which
he, as governor, has incurred blame. He also accuses the Dominican
friars of aiding and sheltering his enemies. A royal decree of 1610
has placed most of the appointments of subordinates in the hands of
the auditors and fiscals, rather than (as formerly) those of viceroys
and governors; and preference is given therein to the descendants
of conquistadors and settlers. Fajardo remonstrates against this,
adducing various arguments to show how this decree hampers the efforts
and authority of the governor, creates difficulties between him and
the auditors, disturbs the course of administration in the islands,
and injuries the public service. Fajardo seconds the demand of the
citizens of Manila that the Audiencia be suppressed, alleging that it
does more harm than good. He has sent the usual supplies to Ternate,
and has despatched a small troop of Spaniards to Celebes to fortify
a post there, with some Franciscan missionaries to minister to the
natives. He has secured the release of certain Spanish prisoners, and
is building two ships. Some of the natives have revolted, and troops
have been sent to chastise them; Fajardo tries to keep the Indians in
due subjection, yet to treat them with justice and kindness, and he
complains that his efforts to do so are hindered by the oppressive and
harsh conduct of the friars (especially of the Dominicans) toward the
natives, and by their ambition to rule in all matters. The governor
is exerting every effort to maintain the fortifications at Cavite
and Oton, and to repair and equip the few vessels at his disposal;
he has news that Dutch and English fleets are coming to harass the
Spaniards and their Chinese trade.

Fajardo's chief enemy in the Audiencia, Alvaro Messa y Lugo, writes
to the king (apparently in 1621), complaining of the governor's
official conduct as ruining the country. Messa accuses him of reckless
expenditures of public funds; of using these to invest for his own
profit in the Mexican trade; of allowing Indian claims for wages to
be sold at a third of their value, and cashed in full; of issuing too
many licenses to Chinese residents, and using these fees for himself;
and of neglecting to audit the accounts of the government. According
to Messa, Fajardo intimidates the Audiencia, interrupts the course of
justice, recklessly liberates criminals, persecutes citizens who differ
from him, neglects to observe the royal decrees, threatens even the
clergy and friars, and tyrannizes over the entire community. It may be
noted that Messa bases most of these accusations on report and hearsay,
without citing any definite authority for his statements. Messa accuses
the governor of neglecting his duties, and failing to provide for the
defense of the country, while spending the royal revenues lavishly;
and even assails Fajardo's personal character. He relates, in tedious
detail, various difficulties between himself and the governor, and
arbitrary acts of Fajardo against him; and recounts his deliverance
from prison through a miracle wrought for him at the intercession of
the Virgin Mary. Messa has taken refuge in the Dominican convent, and
entreats the king to redress his wrongs and punish the governor and his
abettors. He recounts at much length the reasons for which he supposes
the governor arrested him. In this connection Messa relates his version
of Fajardo's killing his unfaithful wife, adding much gossip of the
town that is uncomplimentary to the governor. He also states that the
Audiencia is virtually non-existent, and so there is no high court
in which justice may be sought. Messa urges the king to send a new
governor, and gives his advice as to the character of him who should be
sent. He intimates that Fajardo has illegally obtained wealth to the
value of perhaps almost a million pesos, and that even this sum will
not repay the claims held against him. Messa gives account of certain
residencias entrusted to him, and claims that all his efforts to do
this work have been blocked by the governor, especially in the case
of Juan de Silva. He complains that the authority of the governor and
that of the Audiencia conflict, especially in time of war; and that the
former has too wide a jurisdiction in that he may try cases brought
against the auditors. Messa recommends that aid for the Philippine
colony be sent in the form of men and money, and that the necessary
ships and artillery be constructed in the islands. He complains that
the Chinese traders are illegally compelled to pay assessments,
from which the fiscal, who is nominally their protector, receives
additional pay. Messa asks for honors and promotion for himself,
by way of atonement for the ill-treatment that he has received from
the governor; and closes with the request that Fajardo's property in
Mexico be sequestered.

With this letter is another by the same writer, dated July 30,
1622--a postscript to a duplicate of the preceding letter. He relates
how Fajardo has summoned him to resume his duties as auditor; but he
has no confidence in the governor's sincerity. He accuses the latter
of various illegal and crafty acts, among them sending contraband
gold and jewels to Mexico. Messa recounts the proceedings in the
Santa Potenciana scandal, blaming the governor's course therein. At
the end is a letter from the Audiencia advising the king to refuse
an increase of salary to the archbishop of Manila, with a note by
Fajardo recommending such increase.

The archbishop of Manila, Miguel Garcia Serrano, writes (1621) a report
for the first year of his term of office--which, however, he does
not send until 1622. He has been occupied in official visitations,
mainly in the city of Manila. Among the clergy therein he finds no
offenses, save that a few have gambled in public; these are promptly
disciplined. The cathedral is the only Spanish parochial church;
it cares for two thousand four hundred souls. Another curate is in
charge of the Indians and slaves of Manila, who number one thousand
six hundred and forty and one thousand nine hundred and seventy
respectively; but many of these confess at the convents of the various
orders. The Indians should have a suitable church of their own,
and Serrano recommends that the king provide one for them. At the
port of Cavite is a parochial church, which ministers to over three
thousand souls. The Indians in the archdiocese of Manila are mainly
in charge of the religious orders, as follows: Of the Augustinians,
ninety thousand souls; Franciscans, forty-eight thousand four hundred;
Dominicans, twenty-eight thousand; Jesuits, ten thousand six hundred;
Recollects, eight thousand. Besides these, twenty thousand Indians
are under the care of secular priests--making a total of two hundred
and five thousand. Serrano describes the method of government and
administration that is followed in the missions; the natives could
be more easily reached and instructed in a few large villages, but
the effort to collect them in these "reductions" has proved to be
neither satisfactory nor profitable, in the Philippines as well as in
Nueva España. Chinese converts residing in the outskirts of Manila
number one thousand five hundred souls, in charge of the Dominicans
and Franciscans. Among the Japanese who are in the islands there are
more than one thousand five hundred Christians. In the bishopric of
Cebú are two hundred Spaniards; the Indians and other people under
instruction amount to one hundred and nineteen thousand six hundred
and fifty. Of these about sixteen thousand are in the care of secular
priests; nearly fifty thousand, of the Augustinians; and fifty-four
thousand, of the Jesuits. In the bishopric of Cagayán (in northern
Luzon), there are but seventy Spaniards; the Augustinians instruct
fifty-eight thousand, and the Dominicans seventy thousand, Indian
natives. The bishopric of Camarines (in eastern Luzon) has only some
fifty Spaniards; eight thousand six hundred natives are cared for
by secular priests, forty-five thousand by Franciscans, and three
thousand two hundred by Jesuits. The total number of souls of natives
under religious instruction in the islands amounts to over half a
million--apparently not counting therein the children. But the great
number of Indians still unconverted demands many more missionaries,
whom the king is urged to send. The archbishop gives some account
of the hospitals and their management; he recommends that they be
placed in care of the hospital order of St. John of God. He also
enumerates the various religious and benevolent confraternities
in Manila, with their purposes and revenues; of these the chief is
that of La Misericordia. Serrano describes the character and present
condition of the two colleges in Manila, San José and Santo Tomás,
and of the seminary for girls, Santa Potenciana; for the former he
requests faculty for granting decrees to their students, and for
the latter substantial pecuniary aid. He states that, in general,
the Indians are well treated by their religious teachers; but he
recommends that more power over these ministers be given to the
Philippine bishops. The constant menace of the islands by the Dutch
enemy, however, lays cruel burdens upon the Indians, in ship-building
and in other preparations for war which they are compelled to make
by the royal officials. Serrano closes by answering certain questions
about prebends, curacies, etc.

A royal decree (December 31, 1622) orders the Dominicans in the
Philippines not to meddle in affairs of government. Another of the
same date confirms and enforces a previous decree (1603) of Felipe II,
ordering that all religious who are missionaries to the Indians be
examined as to their competency for such work, especially in their
knowledge of the native language, by the archbishop or some person
appointed by him. A letter from the king (October 9, 1623) directs
Fajardo to push the exploration of the Igorrote mining region, and
to send nutmeg from the islands to Nueva España. Various matters
mentioned by the governor receive perfunctory and formal answers. On
November 27 following, Felipe IV confirms the permission given by the
governor and archbishop to the Dominicans to found a college at Manila.

At the close of the year 1623, an expedition is sent to explore and
pacify the province of the Igorrotes (in northern Luzon), already
famous for its rich gold mines. The report of this enterprise,
furnished (June 5, 1624) by its leader, Alonso Martin Quirante,
narrates its progress from day to day, the plan of the campaign, the
encounters between the Spaniards and the Igorrotes, and the success of
the former in repulsing the attacks of the natives and obtaining ore
from the mines. Martin describes the country through which he passes;
the native tribes, their customs, and their methods of obtaining gold;
the mines, and the ore secured from them. He considers the general
idea of the richness of these mines incorrect and exaggerated; he
examines them, however, carefully, and obtains specimens of the ore
from each. Then follows a report of the various tests and assays made
thereon, from which the results are not very satisfactory; a table
showing the values of the metal obtained in each of the assays; and
the action of the Audiencia of Manila thereon--they deciding to abandon
further attempts to explore or work the Igorrote mines, and to send to
Nueva España for further test the ores brought by Martin to Manila;
moreover, the men now at the mines are to be sent to Nueva Segovia,
to subdue the revolted Indians there.


_The Editors_
September, 1904.






DOCUMENTS OF 1621



	News from the province of Filipinas. Alonso Roman; [July?].
	Death of Doña Catalina Zambrano. [Unsigned]; July.
	Letter to the king. Alonso Fajardo de Tença; July 21.
	Letter from the archbishop of Manila to the king. Miguel
	Garcia Serrano, O.S.A., July 30.
	Letter to the king. Geronimo de Silva; August 1.
	Affairs in the Franciscan province. Pedro de Sant Pablo,
	O.S.F., and others; 1620-21.
	Letter to the king. Alonso Fajardo de Tença; December 10.



_Sources_: The first of these documents is obtained from a MS. in
the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid; the second, from the Ventura
del Arco MSS. (Ayer Library), i, pp. 509-514; the remainder, from
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur
B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second, fourth, fifth, and
sixth, by James A. Robertson--except the Latin bull in the fourth,
translated by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the third and seventh,
by Robert W. Haight.





News from the Province of Filipinas, This Year, 1621


By letters which we have received from Japon this January, 1621,
we heard how bitterly the persecution of God's religion is carried
on in Boxu, the country of Masamune, [1] who has been accustomed
to send embassies to Spain in past years. The spread of the holy
gospel and uninterrupted preaching went on until the return of the
ambassador. Hitherto Masamune had dissimulated for reasons of state,
hoping that he would be allowed to send one ship from his kingdoms to
Nueva España, where he had large interests. Seeing that this would
not be conceded, he commenced to persecute Christians openly and
secretly. On the twentieth of September, 1620, he ordered prohibitions
and edicts to be issued in various places, in which it was ordered
that no one should receive the religion of God; and that all those
who had adopted it should abandon it, under penalty of being deprived
of the property and incomes which the chiefs of equal rank hold from
the tono [_i.e._, daimio], while in the case of the common people,
the plebeians, they should be put to death. He also commanded that
any person having any knowledge of any Christian should denounce
him; and that all preachers of the holy gospel should leave his
kingdom and state. In case that they would not abandon the religion
which they preached, the officials of Masamune commenced to execute
their orders. Many were therefore banished and dispossessed of their
property, others abandoned the faith, and to six fell the best lot
of all in giving up their lives, being beheaded for this reason.

In the city of Nangasaqui, as all its people are Christians, the
persecution is directed not so much against the Christians, for that
would utterly destroy the place, as against those who conceal the
religious who are under penalty of death.

On the seventeenth of December, they arrested two religious of
St. Francis, one a priest named Fray Pedro de Avila, [2] and another
a layman, Fray Vicente. On the twelfth of February they beheaded two
leading natives for their faith. On the thirteenth of the same month
they bound to the stake, in order to burn alive, a man who had two
religious in his house. On account of his anxiety to escape the fire,
he confessed; and leaping from it (they say) he begged them not to
kill him, saying that [_illegible in MS_.]. They cut him to pieces,
however, without mercy, and he was sent to the Lord.

At this same time they seized in Nangasaqui a servant of the father
provincial, Matheo Couros, who was washing his clothes. When he was
thus recognized, they inflicted sharp torments upon him, to make
him disclose what he knew; but he, although mangled, bravely gave up
his life in the torture rather than betray the father. There are at
present in Japanese prisons [_MS. torn_] of religious and Christians:
of the Order of St Francis there are five; of that of St. Dominic,
three or four; of the Jesuits one, Father Carlos de Espinola. There
were three, but one was burned alive for his faith; and the other,
who was a Portuguese brother, [died] [3] with the hardships of the
prison, and it is thought to be certain that [his death was hastened]
by poison.

The Dutch and English seized, on board a Japanese ship which sailed
from Manila for Japan, two religious--one a Dominican, and the
other an Augustinian--who were identified by letters and papers
that they had with them. [4] The letters [_MS. torn_] nevertheless,
presented at court, for it was not considered wrong for them to have
[_MS. torn_] a ship of Japanese, who extended them a kindly welcome
to their kingdom. They jointly presented a petition, stating to the
emperor that until [_MS. torn_] destroy Manila and Macan, there would
be no lack of religious in his [empire]; and that they should deliver
over to them in orderly manner two or three thousand Japanese, who
[_MS. torn_] will destroy these two cities. This petition was not
granted them; instead, decrees were issued in which the emperor
ordered the governor of [Nan]gasaqui to notify the tonos of Firando
and other places that under pain of [_MS. torn_] they should allow no
Japanese to embark with the Dutch and English. [_MS. torn_] It was
observed and carried out even against the wishes of the heretics,
who wished to assist [_MS. torn_] of them against us.

On the twenty-sixth of July there arrived at the port of Firando, two
Dutch [vessels] with some of their men wounded and their masts pierced
by shots; [_MS. torn_] they had fought in the Philipinas with the
ships that had come from Nueva España, and had sunk one of them. The
truth of the affair was afterward found out, that [_MS. torn_] fought
with ours, and it is presumed that one was sunk. [_MS. torn_] Not more
than two arrived at Firando, to the great pleasure of the Christians
of Japan when they heard the truth and the evil deed of the enemy.

A Dutch ship and patache sailed from Japan in February, 1620, with
the intention of lying in wait for the Chinese ships that were going
from Manila, laden with the silver which they had received for the
goods which they had sold, but during a heavy storm the vessel with
all its cargo was wrecked on Hermosa Island. Six of the Dutch were
drowned. Those who escaped seized two boats that they found on the
shore, and robbed three Chinese ships of more than three hundred
thousand pesos. The patache was never seen again, and there is not
much doubt that it was lost with all hands on board. They sent another
large ship to Bantan, where they have a factory. This vessel, loaded
with supplies, went ashore and was lost; and one hundred and twenty
Japanese and three Dutchmen were drowned.

The English and Dutch being on the point of settling their quarrel by
fighting a pitched battle off Bantan near China in which both parties
must have been destroyed, chance would have it that two despatch-boats
arrived, one from Ynglaterra and the other from Olanda, bringing
the news of the confederation which had been formed between those
two states, [5] so that their quarrel was converted to rejoicing and
merriment. Then they sent off sixteen English vessels and ten Dutch
ships. One English ship was lost on the coast of China, as a result
of trying to capture a Portuguese vessel which was on its way from
India to Macan. Nothing was ever heard of three of the Dutch ships;
but the others came to lie in wait for the Portuguese galliots loaded
with silks which the Portuguese import into Japan. They followed
these as far as Nangasaqui without being able to chase one of them,
because they were too light, whereupon the enemy took shelter in their
port of Firando. The agreement of the confederation was as follows:
In order to avoid dissensions on both sides, they were all to come
into the English Company, and they should render accounts of what
either side had lost in the wars that they had waged; and whatever was
over and above, the other side was to pay. _Item_, that both parties
could alike enter the regions conquered by them, with ships, men,
and supplies; and that anything that they should acquire by conquest
should remain in the form in which the said States [of Holland] and
the English Company had there agreed. _Item_, that the spice trade
should be equally divided, each loading as many ships as the other,
and that they should go shares in their seizures; finally, that an
English captain was to be commander of the whole fleet this first
year, and the next a Dutchman, and so on alternately in succeeding
years. This is their plan, which meanwhile is to redound to our injury,
since they intend to make themselves masters of the Philipinas, the
Malucas Islands, India, and the whole of this archipelago. There is
cause for alarm when they bring one hundred and ten ships into these
seas without any means of resistance on our part.

These pirates were fitting out an armada in great haste in Japan. The
report was current that they were going to attack Macan, while
others said that they were coming to the Philipinas, of which we
had information. The people at Macan were also warned that trip
English and Dutch allies were coming to attack them, whereupon
they set about providing supplies, and dug some trenches, which the
Chinese quickly dismantled, fearing lest that fortification was made
against themselves; for they have never consented to wall the city,
cast artillery, or make other preparations for war. The Portuguese,
seeing themselves ill-prepared for defense, decided to send out a
ship with Father Geronimo Rodriguez of the Society of Jesus, who had
been rector in the college at Macan, to ask our lord governor for some
heavy guns for their defense. He arrived at Manila toward the end of
December. He explained his errand, and the lord governor gave him six
pieces of artillery--one thirty-pounder, three twenty-five pounders,
and two eighteen-pounders--together with a good ship to convey them
there. It was sent away on the last of January. When they sailed out
of the bay they caught sight of the enemy's fleet, which was headed
for these islands. One of the enemy's ships followed it, but seeing
that they could not overtake it they retired; and our ship continued
its voyage, and in a short time arrived at Macan.

The assistance which went this year to Maluco, arrived within sight
of our forts, where three Dutch ships were waiting to seize it or
cut off their passage; but the captain of one of the largest of
our ships approached the enemy to keep him busy fighting, while the
reenforcements entered under the fire of our artillery. He fought
for three hours, at the end of which time, having seen our ships in
safety, he squared away and left the enemy tricked, because he had
a very fast vessel.

We had some trouble with the Tidorans, who have been our friends and
the enemies of the Dutch; whereupon they poisoned a well where the men
came to drink. The crime was immediately discovered, and so no harm was
done. We have made friends with them again, and we continue as before.

With six galleons the Dutch came to the Solor Islands, which are
near the Malucas, where the Portuguese have a fort. They landed more
than six hundred of their men and more than one thousand Moros of the
country, who also came in their ships. The Portuguese, who numbered
perhaps thirty soldiers, defended themselves so well that they killed
over seventy Dutch and many Moros, while many were wounded.

Another Portuguese captain, who went out to sea with some vessels,
captured some of the little galliots of the Moros and some Dutch
lanchas. They retired at this loss, the Portuguese remaining
victorious.

A Dutch ship went aground on a shoal on the island of Jolos, near
these Philipinas Islands. Being seen by the Indians and natives of
that land, the latter attacked them, and put them all to the sword,
leaving only the captain alive for the ransom that they can get for
him. For two years there have been such droughts in the Malucas Islands
that many clove-trees have been destroyed, causing a great famine.

In the beginning of February of this year, 621, nine hostile ships
arrived in the bay of Manila, five Dutch and four English, who seized
the passage by which enter the ships of all these islands from Japan,
China, Macan, Maluco, and India. The commander of this fleet was an
Englishman, according to the agreement between them. They sighted our
forts and saw how few ships we had to oppose to them; thereupon they
sailed in as if on their own seas and in a safe port. The greatest
resistance which could be made against this enemy was to take care
that they did not seize any of the China ships aboard of which much of
our wealth comes to these islands. So two ships were despatched with
all haste to the coast of China, in order to inform them of the enemy,
and warn them not to sail at such a time that they would fall into the
hands of the enemy. They did not arrive in time, so that some of the
vessels had sailed, three of which were captured by the enemy. These
were of little value, but two of some importance were taken. One
of them was sighted by a small patache belonging to the Dutch, who
were under difficulties in attacking it, because the Chinese after
their manner of fighting--with caldrons of melted sugar, and stones,
and clubs--defended themselves so well that with their boiling sugar
they sent fourteen of the Dutch in a conserve to hell. Finally it was
surrendered, after the death of one hundred and twenty Chinese. The
English commander ordered the other ship, which was the fifth, to be
set afire, because of quarrels between the Dutch and English over the
capture and division, so that their booty was diminished. The enemy,
as I have said, being masters of the sea, and the inward passage,
God chose to allow an entrance to our fathers (who were coming to a
meeting of the congregation), by permitting them to come. Scarcely
had they entered when the enemy returned to occupy his position. The
same thing happened after the meeting, and the return of the fathers,
a remarkable providence of the lord.

A few days after, three galliots arrived from Macan, laden with
a rich cargo of silks and other merchandise. They entered without
finding any obstruction, because the enemy had gone out to sea; and
the four hours of their absence were enough to enable the galliots
to enter. They had news of it, and returned at dawn the next day
to see if it was true; and were furious at seeing them anchored in
our harbors. At this same time the king's ship arrived which had
carried to Macan artillery for the defense of that city, and it
brought back a cargo of silks. Being informed that the enemy were
lying off the entrance to the port of Manila, they rowed over to an
island near here, and collected a quantity of green boughs and trees,
putting bunches of palm-leaves on the tops of the trees, so that they
seemed to be cocoa-palms, of which there is a great abundance on that
island. The stratagem worked, because the ships went about from one
tack to the other without being seen by the Dutch. In the same way,
another Portuguese galliot, also of Macan, escaped, although it cut
down its masts. The Dutch, having seen that they were likely to get
little booty on this coast, made sail for that of Macan, to lie in
wait, as we understood, for ships from India.

Last year two ships sailed from these islands for Nueva España. The
almiranta, while sailing out of a strait where these islands come
to an end, encountered seven hurricanes, so furious that it seemed
as if the sea would swallow it up; and those who were aboard gave
themselves up a thousand times for lost. They tried to make port in
Japon, but it was impossible; and they finally arrived at Manila,
rounding Cabo del Bojeador. The men arrived in very bad condition,
and many of them blinded with the salt water which had dashed into
their eyes. Three days before these tempests commenced they sighted
the capitana, but never saw her again. We do not know here what became
of her, whether she was lost or arrived safely in Nueva España.

At nine o'clock in the evening on the eleventh of May, there was an
occurrence in this city as pitiable as it was unfortunate, the cause
of it being a man who had been expelled from our Society. After having
been a member of it for seven years, he left the Society, and was
married three times, although he was not yet thirty years old. Our
Lord often brought him back, warned by bitter experience of troubles
and remorse of conscience; so that for a long time he did not dare
to go to sleep without first confessing himself--especially on the
long trip from Nueva España to these islands, where he was wrecked on
a ship which was on its way with silver and other wealth belonging
to these islands. The vessel escaped miraculously, with sails torn
by shots from three Dutch vessels, which they took for one of their
own. They ran aground, but all the silver was saved. Among others Joan
de Messa (the name of the outcast of whom I have just spoken) removed
all the silver and goods, to the value of thirty thousand pesos or
more, belonging to people in Mexico. It had been entrusted to him,
and he kept it, as was done by all, in a house and church of one of
our residences, situated where the ship happened to halt. While he
was there he proceeded as if he were a religious, both in example
and in frequenting the sacrament, until he came to this city of
Manila--where, with certain curious articles, he obtained entrance
to and communication with the wife of the governor of these islands,
Doña Catalina Sambrano, who had little care for what her position
and her dignity demanded. Their sin began on Holy Thursday, with so
little secrecy and so bad an example, that the affair was beginning to
leak out. So badly did it appear that certain persons came to one of
our fathers, advising him to warn Joan de Messa that they would kill
him. The father did, but Messa took no notice of it. The governor,
meanwhile, was informed of his wife's evil conduct; and, wishing to
detect them, he pretended to go down to the harbor and fort of Cavite,
situated two leguas from here. He had been wont to do this on other
occasions, because the enemy with nine ships was within sight of the
fort. He retraced his steps, leaving his entire retinue about a legua
from here. He entered the city with the intention of accomplishing
the deed (which he did later) in his own house; but before entering
it he was informed by a page that his wife had gone, disguised as a
man, to the house of Joan de Messa, where she had often gone in the
same dress. After receiving this information, he sought his retinue,
taking counsel with his servant and three captains, whom he placed
in four streets in order to let no one pass. The governor alone
arrived at the house at the very moment that his wife entered,
and was going upstairs with Joan de Messa, and behind them a very
noted pilot, on account of whom the ship that I mentioned above was
celebrated. The governor attacked him and pierced him with a mortal
thrust. With that he rushed out of the house, calling for confession;
but, those who guarded the street, not giving him time for that,
put him to death. Immediately Messa went up the stairs, and safely
reached a large room where two candles were burning on a buffet. If
these had been extinguished, he might have escaped. He drew his sword
and defended himself for some time. As the governor perceived that he
was clad in armor, he aimed at Messa's face and pierced him through
the neck, so that he fell down stairs, where he who guarded the door
tried to finish him; but as Messa was well-armed he could not do so
readily until he wounded him in the face. During all this time Messa
was not heard to ask confession or even say "Jesus," or any other
words, except: "Whoever you are, do not kill me; consider the honor
of your lady." While this was going on in the street, the governor
found his wife in hiding. After wounding her three times, she asked
confession; and he, as a knight and a Christian, went out to look for
a confessor, and brought one. He resigned her to the priest, urging
her to confess herself well and truly, which she did for some time,
until the confessor absolved her. With three or four more wounds, and
the words with which he aided her to die, he finished with her. The
three dead bodies remained there until seven or eight o'clock in
the morning before anyone dared to remove them. The master-of-camp,
Don Geronimo de Sylva, who had been governor of Maluco, and was
a knight of St. John, had the body of the governor's wife removed
to her house, to wrap it in a shroud; and that night she received
solemn burial by the Recollects of St. Augustine. The two bodies of
Joan de Messa and the pilot remained in the street all day, while
a multitude of people, of the various nations who are in this city,
collected to gaze at them, manifesting awe at seeing a spectacle so
new to them, and one never seen before in these regions. At night,
some members of La Misericordia carried them away, without clergy,
lights, or funeral ceremony. They carried the two bodies together on
some litters, and buried them both in the same grave. This was the
disastrous end of a poor young fellow, upon whom our Lord lavished many
and most gracious gifts--although he knew not how to profit by them,
but offended Him who had granted them. Those who will feel it most
are the owners of the property [confided to him]; for God knows when
they will collect it, because it is sequestrated. Will your Reverence
communicate this to Brother Juan de Alcazar.

_Alonso Roman_




Death of Dona Catalina Zambrano


May 12, 1621, occurred the unfortunate death of the governor's wife,
which I intend to relate here, as it is a peculiar case. The governor
of these Filipinas Islands, Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, suspected
that his wife, called Doña Catalina Zambrano, was not living as
was fitting for such a personage. One afternoon, that of May 12, he
pretended that he was going to the port of Cavite, where he generally
went because the Dutch enemy were in this bay with their fleet. The
governor went, but, leaving all the men who accompanied him, returned
alone. Entering the city secretly, he concealed himself in a house,
where a captain in his confidence brought him a young page who was
in the service of his wife--the one who carried the messages, and
knew everything that went on. The governor placed a dagger to his
breast in order to get him to tell what he knew of his wife. The page
openly confessed that she was maintaining a sinful alliance with a
clerk, an ordinary person, called Juan de Messa Suero, who had been
a member of the Society of Jesus for some years at Coimbra; and that
his wife was dressing in the garb of a man, in order to go outside of
the palace, as she had done at other times. Juan de Messa came with a
very eminent pilot. The governor's wife left the palace clad as a man,
with her cloak and sword and all went together to the square. Thence
they began to walk toward a house of Juan de Messa. The governor,
with three other men who accompanied him, went on ahead of them, and
awaited them near the door of the said house, hidden in a recess. The
governor's wife entered first, then Juan de Messa. Then the pilot
stopped to shut the door. Thereupon the governor attacked him alone,
and giving a violent push on the door, opened it. He entered, and
found himself with the pilot alone, for the other man, Juan de Messa,
with the governor's wife, on hearing the noise, fled up the stairs. It
appears that the governor stabbed the pilot in the breast. The latter
left the portal of the house, whereupon those who accompanied the
governor and had remained to guard the door, attacked and killed
him there. The governor went upstairs and found Juan de Messa in the
hall. He chased the latter around a table that held two lights. The
governor made a strong thrust at him, which almost knocked him down;
but showed that he was clad in armor. By the force that the governor
exerted in the thrust, he felt that he himself was wounded in the
hand. Apparently the pilot had given him that wound, and he had not
felt it before that. The governor's sword began to grow weak, and he
said: "Ha, traitor, thou hast wounded me." Juan de Messa lost his
head, and ran down stairs, thinking that his safety lay there. The
governor attacked him, and on the way down stabbed him in the neck,
with such force that he tripped and fell down. Below, the governor
and the guard finished killing him. The governor would have been in
great peril, both with the pilot and upstairs with Juan de Massa, had
not the miserable man lost his head. Had he at least extinguished the
candles, and stationed himself on the stairway, which was narrow, he
could have prevented the governor from ascending, and could even have
killed him. The latter went immediately to look for his wife, and found
her hidden in an attic, hanging to a beam. He stabbed her from beneath,
and passed half of his sword through her body, and at that the poor
lady fell. She requested confession. The governor restrained himself,
and said that it was a timely request. Leaving the three men whom
he brought with him as a guard, he in person going to the Franciscan
convent, which was near by, to summon a confessor, met a secular priest
on the way, who had left his house at the disturbance. He took the
latter with him and told him to confess "that person." He confessed
her very slowly, delaying more than half an hour. The governor, in
the meanwhile, was walking up and down. When the father had finished,
he stabbed his wife, telling her to repent of her sins and to confess
to God who would pardon her. This happened at nine o'clock at night. A
large crowd gathered immediately, and the alcaldes made investigation
of what was passing. The dead bodies of the two men were guarded until
next day, for justice to do its duty. That of the governor's wife
remained there until eight in the morning, when the master-of-camp,
Don Geronimo de Silva, of the habit of St. John, ordered it to be
taken up and carried to his house, in order to have it buried from
there, according to the rank of her person, and not according to the so
disgraceful event and death that had happened. They buried her body in
the Recollect convent, with the greatest pomp possible. Then the two
bodies of the men were buried, carrying them together from the street
to the grave. The royal Audiencia took charge of the matter. They
found almost two hundred notes from the governor's wife in Juan de
Messa's possession, and in hers a great number from him. A report
was made of all and sent to his Majesty. It was the first instance
in which a so common person had an alliance with so powerful a lady,
who was here as is the queen in España. [6]

Manila, July, 1621.




Letter from Fajardo to the King


Sire:

Although at present, up to the nineteenth of June, the ship "Sant
Andres," the capitana, has not arrived from Nueva España, even at
this late date, which is the one that I despatched last year to
that province, and I have no letters from your Majesty to answer,
I am making a beginning of this one in order to gain time in the
despatching of those ships, so that it may be somewhat earlier than
usual in past years--although at present, having the war on our hands
which we have, and as the ships are later from China than is usual,
and there are very few that come for fear of the war, there will
be more difficulty and labor in the despatch. [_In the margin_:
"Council; examined."]

According to the despatch which the said ship carried, measures were
to be taken to secure its preparation and departure from Acapulco
for this country without waiting into the month of April, or without
delaying more than two or three days in that month; and it was not to
depart later because of the danger of encountering contrary winds in
its voyage here, or being forced into the ports of Japon--and likewise
because this was the best, considering the course which it must steer
to make the port it was ordered to; for it was understood that the
enemy were coming back again, as they did last year, to Cape Spiritu
Santo, with a larger force of ships. This route was decided upon
with the advice of the pilots and other persons of most experience
on these seas, each one giving and signing his opinion separately,
without any one of them knowing that of the others, or any one of them
knowing which one I chose. This order I gave secretly and sealed, and
it was to be opened seventy leguas before arriving at the said port;
in which manner I have taken the precaution and preliminary steps in
so far as I have been able for its reception and protection. Hitherto
this plan has not been made known here, which has been of no small
importance in order that the enemy should not be aware of it. [_In
the margin_: "This is well, and the course which he has marked out
for these vessels has appeared good; accordingly let him exercise
in the future the care which he has shown in this, in order to
keep informed of the design of the enemies; as for the departure of
the ships, have a letter written to the viceroy directing him not
to let it run into April, as he says." _In another hand_: "Have a
letter written to the viceroy of Nueva España to the effect that the
despatch of the ships for the Filipinas shall be accomplished in any
event by the end of March, so that it shall not run on into April,
on account of the great importance of their arriving thus early,
and not having them go with those despatched later--thus compelling
them to take refuge in other ports, or be wrecked."]

In command of these ships is placed Don Fernando Centeno Maldonado,
who has served in the position of commander of the galleys both there
and here, and has served many years in these islands (most of the
time in the Maluco Islands); his services are of high repute, as are
his merits and good qualities. I am sure that your Majesty has been
informed of them, on account of the favors which he has received from
your royal hand; and in the same way I am certain that you know of
the good qualities of Captain Francisco de Salazar, who is filling
the office of admiral on the said ships. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

Besides what I wrote your Majesty last year by way of Nueva España,
with the duplicate which I send by way of India, I have added what
occurred to me in the despatch which I sent with Captain Gregorio de
Vidaña, regidor of this city, having decided to do so on account of
the accounts and news which I receive, and which your Majesty will
already have learned--of all which I now send another copy with
this. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

The news of the confederation of the Dutch and the English proved
to be correct; and on the second of February they arrived on these
coasts, with nine ships of war--seven large and two of moderate
size, five of them being Dutch and four English--with the number of
a thousand to twelve hundred men of both nations, exclusive of the
servants and Japanese; they carried between forty and forty-four
pieces of artillery, in each of the large ships, and the others
each according to its capacity. It has been learned that this is
true from the depositions of two prisoners, and from Chinese who
were in their ships; from Japanese who, while coming from their land
with provisions and supplies for this country, passed by the enemy,
saw them, and entered their vessels; and likewise from the advices
which I have received from Japon.

This matter found me well advanced in the preparation, because I had
so anticipated the news that, although they entered the bay and port
at Cavite with their fleet, they did not dare--as I had caused to be
made several trenches with stockades, and bastions with batteries of
artillery, which appeared to me sufficient; and had placed sufficient
artillery in the two vessels which were fit to receive it--to resolve
to do anything against either the ships or the land; and when they
found out that these defenses were there, and had seen them, they
went out of the bay with all their boats. Having come back to it a
few days later, and seen that the preparation of the capitana and
almiranta galleons was in good condition; and that we had also a
moderate-sized ship, another smaller, two galleys, and another on
which the work was more backward (which are the vessels that can
be made ready), they went out again--going now along the coast,
and now in the mouth of this bay, without separating or dividing the
fleet so as to be out of sight of one another. If they had done this
without guarding against encounters, I would have engaged him with
the capitana and almiranta galleons, which are the ships that could
be manned, although with difficulty on account of the few men whom I
have here; for I had to leave the maimed and sick, and some as guard
for the gates of the city, which takes as many as are necessary for
all the vessels. Even if they were not divided, I should have tried
my fortune with him, but having made all preparations and efforts,
and issued proclamations to assemble the Spaniards who could be found
for this purpose, those who gathered in Cavite, aside from the paid
soldiers, would not number seventy; nor were there more than four
hundred soldiers outside of the maimed and sick, and one company and
a detachment from another--amounting to about a hundred men, more
or less, who remained in this city, prepared also to embark. These
had been brought as detachments of the companies from Nueva Segovia,
Cibu, and Oton--all of which will appear by the depositions of paid
officers and the secretary of the governor, which accompany this, with
the papers referring to the above mentioned matter. [_In the margin_:
"The matters contained in this clause are the concern of the Junta,
and have been examined there." "Examined; the Junta is taking care to
send reenforcements; and let him be careful to maintain what he has
there in so good condition as may serve for whatever occasion may
arise there, as is expected from him. Have a letter written to the
viceroy of Nueva España, telling him to send all the best part of
the troops which he can, considering that the governor writes that
in past years so few troops have gone there that he is now almost
without any in the service; and accordingly he should decree that it
be such which he sends. Advise Don Alonso of what is written to the
viceroy of Nueva España."]

The reason for there being so few troops is, that after the year one
thousand six hundred and sixteen, when a ship called the "Angel de la
Guarda" came, in the following year, sixteen hundred and seventeen,
there came no reenforcements of infantry, but only a patache called
the "Sant Geronimo," with the archbishop Don Fray Miguel Garcia,
and a number of friars; and in that year there died in the engagement
which Don Juan Ronquillo had with the enemy, and were drowned in the
six galleons, more Spaniards than I brought in the year one thousand
six hundred and eighteen. Since my arrival I have sent almost four
hundred soldiers to Terrenate, and this number has not come in the two
reenforcements from Nueva España which arrived in the past years of
nineteen and twenty. Then besides these--and a number who have left
with good cause and permission (although these are few), and others
who have managed to flee without permission, and others who have turned
friars--there are so many who have died in the hospital and outside of
it, that it may be said that all the soldiers in the country are found
in this jurisdiction [of Manila.]. I have wished to give your Majesty
an account of this so that it might be fully understood, and that you
may learn the truth of it; and that you may know how great is the lack
of men here, as I say. That of vessels is not so great as some people
here say, who know nothing of this matter, or who desire to build them,
on account of the money which they usually obtain from this work, or
which is paid to them--without considering the loss to the natives,
or whether the work is necessary or not. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

The enemy having seen that the equipment of the vessels which he
saw in Cavite was making progress, and not having separated his
vessels, or despatched them to get booty--on account, moreover,
of the warnings that I gave in various parts of this archipelago
whence vessels came to this place, and particularly at Macan and
several ports of China--thus far, thanks be to God, he has taken
nothing more than five Sangley ships from that country. One of these
disappeared with the guard which he had placed on it, and they have
not been able to find it again, and another of them was burned, so
that he has not taken more than three, and two of them of almost no
value, and the other not very valuable; for the rich ones remain in
China, and those that made bold to come kept to the course which I
marked out for them, and have arrived safely, making ports in this
island. Even if they arrived here, which is possible, this will be
of importance, in order to make merchandise cheaper; nevertheless,
even if no goods arrive on the ships which have come from Macan,
there is more cloth than money in the country to buy it; and, besides
them, we are expecting others from Camboja and Sian, and from Yndia,
which, if God bring them in safety, will also be of importance. [_In
the margin_: "Examined. It is hoped in God that this and other worse
things will have happened to the enemy; and let him take the greatest
care to advise the Chinese and other merchant ships which go there,
marking out the course which appears safest for them, according to
the information which they have, so that in regard to them the enemy
may fare as they have been doing, according to this statement."]

The fleet of the enemy left the place where they last halted, and came
in sight day before yesterday in the morning. Some vessels were sent
in pursuit, in order to bring me word of the course which they steer,
and whether they are together or separate, [_In the margin_: "This is
well, and let him take good care until the news from them be known."]

I have received a letter from Malaca, which Antonio Pinto de Fonseca
says that he received from your Majesty, with notice and order to
give it to me, to the effect that there and in these regions the
confederated Dutch and English were about to come with fifty-one
ships--sixteen of which had already left, and thirty-five were in
two squadrons which were being equipped. Of these the sixteen which
had left Holland have already arrived at their factories in Sunda,
whence, likewise, it was learned that they say they are expecting this
year the remainder. Fadrique Lopez de Soysa, commandant of that city
[_i.e._, Malaca], gave me almost the same information. Conformably
to this, and to several advices which I have had from Japon, and to
others which I have been able to secure through my own investigations,
it appears that these enemies are considering carrying on this war
in earnest and with energy; for with these ships which have arrived,
those which are expected, and more than sixty which I wrote to your
Majesty in the last despatch that I understood they had, those of
both nations amount to more than a hundred, without counting those
which the French have. If I had the eighth part of that number, and
sufficient men to man them, and to keep this city and the important
posts and forts of this island garrisoned, it would not trouble me
much to see them involved in the cost and expense of such a fleet;
for if I had the means with which to withstand their first attack,
or to inflict upon them some severe blow; or if they did not know my
position, and I could cause them anxiety or divert them from their
object--there is no doubt that their fleet itself would be disarmed and
destroyed. But since I lack such resources, and the time is passing
in which I expected the aid which your Majesty has offered to these
islands--having sent the pilots to Malaca to guide and bring them
here from there--I shall be obliged to make the best of the little
which I have, and to take the best precautions that I can. I am
raising and fortifying a few stretches of wall which are necessary,
expelling the Japanese, and lessening the number of the Sangleys--who,
although there appear to be a great many of them, will certainly,
by the proper management of the licenses, and care in obliging the
Sangleys to secure them, be much fewer than I found here, and than
have been here for many years, on account of those who have died and
left the country and the few who have come in my time. In every way I
shall do my best to drive out as many as I well can so that the country
may be less burdened with suspicious people; and shall likewise take
other necessary precautions which may be in my power. In these efforts
I feel sadly the lack of money; but in times of such need I have been
obliged to try to obtain it in the most guarded and cautious ways. I
am not a little glad to have with me at such a time Master-of-camp
Don Hieronimo de Silva, both on account of his good counsel and aid,
and likewise because if I should fail in this country there would
be someone to defend it; and your Majesty may be certain that he
will do this with the favor of God, and that with this everything
will turn out well. I beseech your Majesty that, confident of this,
you will continue sending the said reenforcement, and will hasten its
coming by way of Nueva España to Panama--sending infantry and money,
the things which cannot be supplied here. [_In the margin_: "This is
well; and let thanks be given him for the excellent courage which he
shows. As for the information that he gives, he has learned the reason
for the fleet not leaving, and the accident which happened to it;
accordingly, let him exercise all care to take what precautionary
measures are there necessary, as he is expected to do. As for the
Japanese and other nations that are there, let him decree what shall
seem most expedient to him for the service of God and his Majesty, and
the good of the commonwealth, as well as its guard and preservation."]

As we have to carry on the war in this way, so that the expense and
labor may bring the best results, I beg your Majesty that while it
shall last you may be pleased to discontinue the Audiencia here, as
it is this that most hinders and opposes the administration and the
government, as will appear by several depositions which accompany
this. This is the enemy which most afflicts this commonwealth, and
most causes dissensions, parties, factions, and hatreds between the
citizens--each auditor persecuting those citizens who are not wholly of
his own faction, especially those who extend aid and good-will toward
the governor, against whom, as it seems, they show themselves always
in league. They always make declarations of grievances [against him],
because they are not each one given, as used to be and is the custom
here, whatever they may ask for their sons, relatives, and servants;
and they habitually discredit the governor by launching through secret
channels false and malicious reports, and afterward securing witnesses
of their publicity. They even, as I have written to your Majesty,
manage to have religious and preachers publish these reports--to which
end, and for his own security, each one of the auditors has formed an
alliance with the religious order which receives him best. As I have
given your Majesty an account of this matter and of the actions of
the said auditors--which in God and my conscience I know to be true,
and which will be evident by the depositions and papers which I have
sent and am today sending with a letter and relation giving particulars
regarding this matter--I shall not go more into detail thereon in this
letter; I refer you for its substantiation to the said documents, and
to the fact that I consider this government much more difficult, with
the auditors of this Audiencia, than it is or would be even if there
were more war, for that war which they cause within its boundaries
appears beyond remedy, on account of their abilities and rank. If your
Majesty be not pleased to withdraw them from here I beg you, as I owe
it to your royal service, that you will take measures so that in no
way and at no time shall they be able to succeed to the government
of this land; for I hold it beyond a doubt that they will bring it
to ruin, and destroy it in a very short time, even though there came
to it no more enemies than that of their own tendencies. If I wrote
to your Majesty, in the first days after my arrival here, that the
auditors were not necessary except for the Audiencia sessions, I beg
now that more be added. It appeared to me that for the citizens and
for the affairs of these islands, those who were here were sufficient;
at present I am of the opinion that if the presence of this tribunal
must be continued, more members are necessary, in order to avoid
the difficulty which has been found to result from the alliance of
Doctors Don Alvaro de Mesa, and Don Antonio Rodriguez, for neither more
nor less justice can be secured than they choose, and they are even
disturbing the government and good order which ought to prevail. Even
if I should not attain and enjoy the benefit of this improvement, I
beseech your Majesty that, if more auditors are to be sent, they may
be persons of tried experience in Audiencia duties--to whom it would
be well to give senior rank therein, for those who are in it now are
totally ignorant of its procedure, never having had any experience
in so responsible positions, so that they could know how to act. If
they had only been able to learn from the licentiate Alcaraz, who
was experienced and very prudent! but they were estranged from him,
or rather they estranged themselves with their singular behavior--so
that, a long time before he died, he took an oath not to return to
the Audiencia, and kept it. And I myself, if I could, would do the
same, for the reasons I have given and for many others, which make me
desire to merit that your Majesty would be pleased to use me in some
other way, away from this country. To such a point has it gone, that
if this country were not involved in the perils of war as it has been,
and as they are still threatening it, I should beseech your Majesty to
place it in charge of some other person, who would be more interested
in documents. But may God not choose that I should be relieved from
the service of your Majesty, in which from the age of fifteen years I
have been engaged; and I offer this so heartily that if your Majesty
were pleased to send another governor who should labor somewhat,
and I might aid and assist him some little time, I would do so with
the greatest good-will. It would be no little pleasure to me to be
employed in naval and military affairs, and other things in which,
with my counsel and my personal aid, I might be able to help; and to
know that the matter of auditors and their demands, their rivalries,
and their faultfinding, should concern another, and that he would have
to oppose and resist those things, which would be not a little. Nor
would there be overmuch time to satisfy, quiet, and render content the
many religious--which is another labor and servitude, with which there
is no way to deal; for it is without remedy, since each one wishes
to be the sole distributer of goods and favors, the moderator and
judge of punishments, and the governor of the governor, or else his
persecutor. [_In the margin_: "Not to be read in the Junta. Join with
it the letters which the auditors write against Don Alonzo Faxardo."]

In so far as concerns the Indians, no more help can be drawn from
them for the service of your Majesty, on account of what the fathers
demand. Nor can they be exempted from labors and penalties if the
latter need their services, or wish to punish them; and may God will
that this bring not loss some day. For one of the ways with which
the enemy best succeeds in winning over the natives is that, besides
exempting them from tributes and personal services, they will not have
to support religious instruction or ministers. Although there are many
good Christians, not all are so forward in this matter. In the same
manner in which I have already stated this, I can declare, and assure
your Majesty, that there are in all these religious orders men of most
holy and exemplary life, who have gathered a great harvest of souls,
[_In the margin_: "If there are several papers on this matter, let
them be joined together and brought in."]

In the prosecution of the work of pacifying, reducing, and subduing
the Indians who are called Ygolotes, and gaining thorough knowledge of
the mines of gold that are in those countries, the riches and profit
that might be obtained from there could not be secured this year,
after the death of Captain Garcia de Aldana, who understood these
matters and had them in charge. This is due both to the loss of his
personal supervision, and to the lack of troops at this time, when the
enemy's fleet were so near; but, if it be possible, nothing shall be
lost. [_In the margin_: "He was written to concerning this last year,
as far as the matter was examined; at present let him again be charged
to continue all the care which he has been taking in the working of
these mines, and, since he sees the importance which lies in this,
let him do all in his power to find persons in every way satisfactory
to go there. Let him inform us every year of what he may be doing;
for he knows in what great straits the royal estate is, and how much is
being spent in those regions, without there being any results from it,
while so much profit lies in those mines, as we have been informed,
and as has been written to him. And let him again be charged to take
the care which is expected of him that this may have the result; let
it be known what he has done in cultivating and improving a matter
of so much importance."]

On account of word that I had of the distress in which the city of
Macan was, with the news that had been received there that the Dutch
and English were about to sack the place, and as they sent from there
to ask me to help them with six large pieces of artillery, I sent it,
and the aid reached them. The people of that city have shown themselves
grateful for this, and send in return the value of the said pieces,
invested in useful and necessary articles for the service of your
Majesty, which have already been received. Immediately upon sending
the guns I had six other larger ones cast, for from twenty-five to
thirty-pound balls, and incomparably better. For we are continually
becoming more skillful in foundry-work and in working the metals;
so that, of almost forty pieces which have been cast in my time, with
the assistance and care of Don Hieronimo de Silva, commander of the
artillery, only one has been a failure. [_In the margin_: "Let him
be thanked for what he mentions here, and let him continue to act
thus when occasion may arise. As for what he says of the artillery,
it has seemed very satisfactory; and let him continue to cast pieces
as he may have need of them, as he says he is doing."]

The reenforcements which this year went to Terrenate arrived there
safely, thanks be to God; and a small ship which routed the enemy with
two or three large ships of war, which he keeps there at the entrance
to those forts, came back thence with Captain Antonio Gomez, who had
the responsibility of conveying the succor, and collected and made
it ready very well with one galley. [_In the margin_: "This is well,
and let him always try to send to these places as much as he can, both
of troops and other things which are ordinarily sent; for he knows how
important a thing it is to keep the forts there in proper condition."]

With this was sent the ordinary quantity of rice and provisions, and
even considerably more; and likewise arms, munitions, clothes, cloth,
and money, and more than a hundred and twenty Spanish soldiers, who
are to remain there. This year I shall try to send more and better
relief than I was able to this time--and earlier than ordinary,
for then it will run less danger from the enemy.

The master-of-camp, Don Luis de Bracamonte, writes me from those parts
that he has news of many vessels of the enemy, and that he has put
those places into the best state of defense that he could--although
there was not much that he could do, because they were in good
condition before, and never so well supplied with troops, money,
and other necessary things as they have been at this time. [_In the
margin_: "Examined."]

He told me of nothing else of any importance except that he gave the
present or gratuity which is usually given in your Majesty's name to
the king of Tidore and his son, and that they are quite peaceful and
well disposed. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

He also tells me that he has negotiated and agreed with the Dutch for
the ransom of Martin de Sosa de San Pago, governor and commandant of
Fernanbuco, and Doña Angela Benegas, his wife, and their children;
of Captain Sequera y Miranda, and a father of the Augustinian order;
and of other prisoners, soldiers, and sailors, in exchange for some
of theirs, whom we had in our power. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

The purchase of cloves which was ordered was made in those
islands--which, according to the hopes that have been held out to me,
must have amounted to even more than two hundred and fifty baras
of six hundred and forty libras each. I am told that it could not
be secured in so great a quantity as I wished to send your Majesty,
on account of a crop failure, and small harvest; and the little which
was bought was used for the needs of those forts, and to have means to
satisfy and confer favors on the Portuguese--who, with their galliots,
aid our people with rice and other things. [_In the margin_: "What he
says here is well; and as he has already been told at various times
how important it is that this [_i.e._, the cloves] should be brought
here, let him again be charged to continue the endeavors that he has
exercised, in such manner that he may bring this about, since it is
so important a matter; and let him charge the governor of Terrenate
to maintain this [trade], so that it will not there be applied as he
says it is. Let him use all possible care in this, and advise us of
what he does."]

I shall take care that the accounts of Governor Lucas de Vergara
Gaviria shall be ready; and no more has been possible on account of
the many things which I wrote in regard to this matter, as will appear
to your Majesty by the copy which is brought by Captain Don Jacinto de
Quesada Figueroa. [_In the margin_: "This is well; let him advise us
of what he is doing, and tell him that those papers have not arrived."]

Of the residencias which are entrusted by your Majesty's orders to
the auditor, Don Alvaro de Mesa, he has just finished despatching that
of the fiscal, Don Juan de Alvarado Bracamonte. Unreasonable demands
have been made upon the latter, and he has suffered more than I can
tell--for as it were, behind enmities and oppositions Don Alvaro has
taken him under his jurisdiction, and has given him very good cause
for merits. [_In the margin_: "It is well."]

As for the residencia of Governor Don Juan de Silva, my predecessor,
I have not wished [Don Alvaro] to undertake or begin it, because that
business would prevent him from going out to inspect this country; and,
as this is very necessary, I had assigned that duty to him, in order
that he might accomplish it. For this reason, and for others arising
from his fearful and obstinate temper, his behavior became so furious
that one session day, the last before Palm Sunday, he drove me to such
an extremity that, losing somewhat my self-control and moderation,
we might both have ruined ourselves. But God held me in His hand,
and I am satisfied, in so far as that matter concerned me, with the
remonstrance and sufficient correction which was necessary for his
presumption, leaving it for a later time to write of it, and begin a
process in the matter, conjointly with the alcaldes-in-ordinary, as
your Majesty commands. This is being done, although in his absence
and with his opposition; for he broke from his imprisonment in
the buildings of the cabildo of the city, in which he resided, and
retired to the convent of St. Dominic, where he has been joined by a
certain Pedro de Lussarra and another named Pedro Alvarez, who was
in that of St. Francis--who were also absent, as I have written to
your Majesty in other letters. All three are there sowing discord,
stirring up feeling, and trying to make people envious of me, and
write down their envious complaints; and for this end they employ
means which ought not even to be written. They also avail themselves
of the religious of St. Dominic, and likewise in order to make and
forward such papers and despatches from the shelter and covert of
the tribunal of the Holy Office, the commissary of which here belongs
to this religious order. It is not hard to accomplish it in this way
because they have always done so, and lately with Don Joan de Silva,
my predecessor--against whom, among other despatches, they made one
with full and authenticated documents, which a friar of their order,
named Fray Francisco de Sant Joseph--who was carrying the papers,
and whom they considered a holy man--being at the point of death, and
having scruples of conscience, ordered to be thrown into the sea. As
I am making, in another letter, a longer report to your Majesty in
the matter above mentioned, referring to the auditor Don Alvaro,
I shall add nothing more in this, except to say that his case must
be dropped, and the Audiencia will be obliged to do so, through its
need of judges. The auditor Don Antonio Rodriguez has not been present
at it for a long time, although I have warned and commanded him to do
so. He gives as his excuse that he is in ill health; but it is certain
that that does not fail him for being present almost regularly for
the documents and councils made by the said doctor Don Alvaro, and
with the same intention and wish, influenced by their alliance--which
is known certainly by an investigation which I have made for your
Majesty's information, and send with this, concerning his trading and
trafficking in merchandise, with so much greediness and meanness of
spirit that that and other things which are told about him, and are
said to be well authenticated, would appear to besmirch the honor that
the robe and insignia of his office carry with them, which makes him
unworthy of it. But, as you wish me to tell what is true, I promise
myself honors and favors from your Majesty, and punishment to him who
dares to write or to say what is not true. This does not give me so
much trouble as the preparation and disposal of military affairs, and
other obligations of my office, which I could not fulfil if I had to go
about conjecturing what ill-affected persons do and write against me,
as in this case; and in verifying the facts time would be lost. I do
not know whether he will leave, even if nothing else should be done,
[_In the margin_: "Have the letters and documents in regard to this
matter joined together."]

As there is a lack of money in the royal treasury, and great need
thereof for the maintenance of all the paid sailors and troops,
measures to supply this need were decided upon in the session of
the Audiencia, for this and other objects for the service of your
Majesty--to the effect that thirty thousand pesos could be drawn
from the treasury of estates of deceased persons, lent for this
purpose. Although the orders and documents proper and sufficient
for this were despatched, the auditor Don Alvaro, judge for the
said estates, would not transact the business which pertained
to his office, and what he is under obligation to do for this
purpose. Accordingly it was necessary that the lock (of which he
held the key) be broken open. Of the acts and measures taken in this
case a copy is sent in this despatch. It is understood and likewise
said that the opposition shown by the said doctor Don Alvaro in the
case referred to, was because he was indebted for some deficiency,
to be placed in the said funds, of what should have been therein,
or had been taken from it--a thing which I do not assert, and which
indeed I do not believe (although appearances indicate it), until I
am more certainly informed. [_In the margin_: "See whether there are
documents in regard to this, and have them brought."]

The documents that are drawn up commanding that, for the present,
the license fees of Sangleys who are baptized without cutting their
hair should be paid, I send with this, as I offered to do in the last
letter to your Majesty, that you may be pleased to command that what is
the most just action in this matter shall be decided upon. I likewise
send a sworn statement of the money which various people have imported,
and that all of it has been carefully placed in the royal treasury,
[_In the margin_: "Have these papers joined and brought."]

On account of my continual occupations at various times, and other
delays due to the obstacles made by the auditors to whom this duty
belongs, whom I appointed for the council on accounts, some time has
passed since I have been able to audit the accounts. Together with
the work done thereon by the accountant and inspector of them, they
were despatched in the last session of the council up to the accounts
for the year past, nineteen. They are sent sealed with this despatch
to Nueva España. [_In the margin_: "It is well; and let him continue
this diligence, always sending the accounts to Mexico, as usual."]

The office of clerk of the court is about to be sold, having been
placed at fifteen hundred pesos. He who served in it during the last
eleven years, since the death of the proprietary incumbent, had been
treasurer and chief official of the said office since the time the
Audiencia was founded, and was the most competent and best fitted
person for it who is known in these islands, as well as a settler of
thirty years' standing here. After months of bidding, during which
there was no one who would pay the price set on it, a man obtained it
who was incapable, and lacking in talent and knowledge of the law;
wherefore he has been indicted and accused, as will be seen by the
documents of the case, which I shall try to send with this. At one
stroke the price was raised to eight thousand pesos, with the aid and
encouragement of the auditors, wherein each one of them personally
aided him, in order to hold the new clerk on his side, and to drive
out from the Audiencia a man of integrity and faithfulness. Although
the trouble which will result to them from transacting their business
with such a man as is he whom they are trying to place there will be
enough punishment for such guilt, yet looking more to the service
of your Majesty and the prompt despatch of the administration of
his royal justice, I did not interfere in the matter; but rather I
think that, if there is no other more competent person, it should be
given by purchase to him who was serving in it, even though it were
not at so high a price, because his competency and knowledge of the
law for the service of your Majesty will be very much greater. With
this object in view, he has been continually paid his salary from
the judicial expenses. [_In the margin_: "Let this clause be taken
to the fiscal. This has been done."]

The income which your Majesty orders me to give to Don Miguel de
Legaspi, grandson of the former Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, I have now
given him, assigning him an encomienda with what appeared to be a
sufficient number of Indians. [_In the margin_: "It is well."]

For some time past I have withheld the appointment to several
encomiendas which have been vacated, not only for the aid which
resulted from their tributes to the expenses of the royal treasury,
but particularly because their number was not sufficient to satisfy
and render content so many claimants as there are here--some of them
deserving, and others with a backing of auditors, ecclesiastics, and
religious. These latter are the ones whose demands are most pressing,
and who make the most outcry with their claims and complaints--going
so far as to murmur and consider it unjust that such rewards are given
to those who have not been here so long--although the services of the
latter were rendered in Terrenate, under such hardships and during
war--desiring that their longer residence in this city should be
preferred to the services of the others. [_In the margin_: "Let him
deal out justice as seems most fitting to him."]

The bishop of Camarines, Don Fray Diego de Guevara, died in his
bishopric. He had ardently desired, as he explained and told me
many times, to leave it and go to España to beseech your Majesty to
approve his departure from this country--for it appeared to him that
no bishop was necessary in that region [of Camarines], nor so many
in so small a country as are these islands--if it were not that the
disagreements and difficulties which he had with the friars of that
province obliged him to remain. There was lost in his person one of
the most zealous for the service of your Majesty that were here; and
one who labored for it with most affection, good sense, and integrity,
without aiming at private ends or his own aggrandizement. [_In the
margin_: "There is already a person appointed in his place."]

The bishop of Cebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, is likewise little or not
at all desirous of greater honors. On the contrary, according to his
own words, he desires the quiet of a cell, with scant alms from your
Majesty, for the repose of his old age; and we all believe this, for
we regard him, as he is generally reputed, as a holy man, as humble
as the latest novice of his order. [_In the margin_: "It is well."]

The archbishop of this city, Don Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano, showing
his zeal for the service of your Majesty and for procuring the
assistance and welfare of these islands, planned and offered himself
to go to that court [of España], laying aside his own repose for
the hardships of so long a voyage. In this matter, I think that the
officials of his church did not divert him from the exercise of his
office--this being my opinion, and that of many others--in order to
leave themselves freed from so much domination and authority as this
office entails, and with more free will, as they were wont to be before
[he came]; and for this reason I will not say that they were making
illegal use of that office--although they have discussed my affairs
in an unfriendly way, at the instance of someone who induced them
to do so; but, on the other hand, they have acted with great virtue
and as very good ecclesiastics. When I had consulted the Audiencia,
in their session, about the purpose of this voyage, it appeared that
it was not quite necessary, and that your Majesty therefore might not
approve of it; accordingly, this opinion was stated to the archbishop,
with many thanks for his zeal and his kind offer. According to what
I have heard, he was hurt by it; so it appears that he would have
liked better that his desires should be realized. [_In the margin_:
"Examined."]

I wrote to your Majesty concerning the auditor, Hieronimo de Legaspi,
immediately upon arriving here and making his acquaintance, what
I heard and saw of his proceedings; I will therefore dispense with
repeating that, since I am fulfilling my obligation by what I have
already written concerning him to your Majesty, and what I am doing
here, on my own part, and shall do, to curb him in his way of life
and his lawless acts. And I do not repeat what might be added,
as it is almost all of the same sort as those of which I have
written--being the effects of a depraved character, as is evident,
for his will is governed by unfitting motives. He has, moreover,
a son who is accustomed to argue with him, increasing his covetous
disposition, although there is no need for that. [_In the margin_:
"Let the papers in regard to this matter be examined."]

[In accordance with] what your Majesty has commanded that the
archbishop and I should do, calling together the provincials of the
orders resident in these islands, notice has been given them concerning
the things which your Majesty mentions concerning their methods of
procedure, and the incidental exactions and excessive fees which some
of them levy upon the Indians--for masses, burials, and suffrages;
[7] for the building of vessels, and of churches and their houses;
and for repartimientos and new impositions with which they were
loading down and harassing the natives; and charging them with the
reformation of this. It did not seem necessary to the archbishop,
but for my part I shall nevertheless carry it out, informing each one
of the provincials separately, and trying to further the royal will of
your Majesty, without allowing scandal to result by making this public,
and difficulties from such things becoming known. I would already
have done so if I were not waiting for an opportune occasion when I
should be free from the occupations that I have had--encounters with
enemies, the equipment of vessels, procuring supplies, and the many
other things for the service of your Majesty. These can be attended
to only with great difficulty, lacking the favor of the religious
orders, [which much be considered] in order not to annoy them; for
most of them are very easily irritated, especially those of the Order
of St. Dominic. For, even when they have no cause for displeasure,
there is no one who can bring them to reason, since it appears that
they regard it as their vocation to be opposed to the government
and to the governors, as they have done since their establishment
in these islands, without a single exception--unless only it be Don
Luis Perez Dasmariñas, whom, with the asperity on which they pride
themselves, and their tyrannical ways they subjected in such manner
that they ruled him. In order that those who succeed me may continue
attending to the service of your Majesty without the difficulties
and quarrels which we, the former governors and I, have experienced,
it will be expedient that your Majesty order them not to interfere so
much in the government, and that they must restrain their audacious
and insolent mode [of speech]. For this is so uncurbed and terrible
that any honorable man would fear it on account of what the friars
cast at him, to the prejudice of anyone who acts contrary to their
wishes; and this they do not only through the pulpits, but by various
other means, as I have said they did with the past governors--and
particularly with Don Juan de Silva, my predecessor--and which I
also have sufficiently experienced and suffered. [_In the margin_:
"Let him exercise care to do what is ordered in this matter, and have
it done at the first opportunity." _In another hand_: "Write a letter
to the provincial of St. Dominic, telling him that the insolence
which his friars display is known, and what Don Alonso says here,
and accordingly the provincial must convene and reprimand them,
obliging them to look after the affairs of their order alone, and the
conversion of souls, as is their duty (which is the principal reason
why they went there); and let them not mix in government affairs,
or any others not concerning their order; and have him advise us of
what he shall do." _In another hand_: "Write to Don Alonso that such
a letter has been sent to the provincial of St. Dominic, that he may
be aware of it."]

None of these things of which I have informed your Majesty and have
just written about are meant to comprehend, nor can they concern, the
fathers of the Society of Jesus; for they are judicious, prudent, and
moderate men, and, without in the least failing in their obligation to
the service of your Majesty, they attend to those of their vocation,
and to the protection of their Indians, so that each of them is
suitably occupied. To spare what I might write concerning their
well-ordered procedure, I will say that these fathers who are here
are of the same [character] as those who are under the inspection of
your Majesty and that of the supreme pontiff. They are religious who
reap a great harvest among souls in this newly-christianized land. It
would be expedient for your Majesty to order their general to send
[more of] his men here, increasing the number of them; for they are
greatly needed for the mission villages that these fathers have in
their charge, and the work which they accomplish therein, and the
other duties of their office. Nor is there anyone of that order who
talks of going back to those kingdoms without the most urgent reason
making it necessary. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

I have understood that several auditors of this Audiencia, meeting
outside of the sessions and by themselves, have written to your
Majesty, and have caused various persons to write by different methods
and routes, things against me, [accusing me of acts] unworthy of my
office, and even incredible of my character. Perhaps [they do this]
on account of what I have written to your Majesty concerning their
actions, and to satisfy their unjust resentment, uniting [against me]
for this reason and to justify themselves. As it would not be just
that, relying upon the great distance and the long time which is
necessary to clear up the truth, and on the changes and innovations
which in the course of time usually occur, any one should dare
to write letters not true of persons like myself, and especially
to your Majesty, I beseech you humbly to be pleased to entrust my
residencia and those of the said auditors to a person who would take
it from all of us, with authority to prove the facts and inflict such
punishment as shall be necessary. Copies of what has been written
against me, and of what I have written, should be produced, so that
whoever shall not prove his statements may be punished as the crime
deserves, for informing your Majesty maliciously against other people's
reputation. On account of the importance of this, whoever is to take
the residencias should be a person not belonging to this country,
and who will not have to remain here, living with these auditors,
or the auditors with him. Whether he shall find me with much or with
little property, I pledge whatever I have; whatever may be lacking
for it will oblige me to pay the cost of an inspection, and the
condemnation of the guilty. But I have no more than what I inherit,
tied up with so many debts from this voyage that I have not been
able to pay them, nor even to acquit myself of the two-thirds of my
[first year's] salary which I owe to your Majesty, as I was forced to
make use of it for my living. Although all will not be pleased at the
inspection, I assure you that, if it could be general for all classes,
there would be found plenty of things to be regulated, and much more in
the man who thinks that he is the one most secure therefrom. With this
I will end this letter, leaving it in this state until it is time to
seal it, in case anything should occur to be added. [_In the margin_:
"Have this clause taken to the fiscal." "It has been done."]

When I had written this, and the despatch of these vessels was so far
along that they would, with the help of God, pursue their way when
moon and weather should favor the voyage, His Divine Majesty (to whom
be thanks!) was pleased to rejoice and encourage this land by bringing
safely to a port of this country, near the point of Balinao, in this
neighborhood, the capitana "San Andres" which was expected from Nueva
España. Although thus far we do not know how much money comes in her on
your Majesty's account for the maintenance of affairs here, with it in
this country, however little it may be, things will go much better than
without it, and with the anxiety over its delay. [_In the margin_: "It
is well, and we thank our Lord for this news, and hope in His Divine
Majesty that we shall have other and better news from those islands."]

The reenforcement of soldiers is so scant that, even if all went to
Terrenate, there would not be many; for the enlistments of those who
came in two companies do not amount to a hundred and ten, besides
seventy convicts [_forcados_] who come for service, and I know not
how many galley-slaves. The number of those who die here ordinarily
is very great, as I have already explained, whereby the lack of
troops--which is what we most suffer from here, and can least be
supplied--becomes every day greater; and in the same degree my labor
and anxiety increase, adding to this and my obligations the fulfilment
of so many duties as this government entails, with so little means
to carry them out, and with so much as must be done to carry on
war with so many enemies as there are in these regions. With this,
and the knowledge of the misfortune and loss of the fleet which
was coming to help us, we have already ceased to consider what we
may have to bear. But nevertheless, with the help of God, I hope
that the enemy, when they come here as they have hitherto done, may
lose more than they gain. In the meantime we will exercise skill,
care, and vigilance in this matter, until the reenforcements which
I am expecting are added to our forces here, to punish the enemy,
and better results are obtained than in the past. I will nor repeat
again the many things which are necessary, as I have already done so
sufficiently; nor again state the better facilities for sending aid
regularly by way of Panama, which is the most important thing. This
must have been already examined and considered, if the letters in which
I discussed it at length have not been lost. I beseech your Majesty
to be pleased to have executed immediately what is most expedient for
the royal service in this matter. [_In the margin_: "Write to the
viceroy of Nueva España, sending a copy of this clause, so that he
may see how few troops are being sent to the governor; accordingly,
let him be charged to reenforce him with all the soldiers that he can,
since he can see how important it is that that country be fortified
and have troops; and entrust it to his care and zeal that this year
there shall be sent sufficient help, as has been written to him,
and let him continue this every year."]

The letters of your Majesty have not arrived, but we are waiting for
them and hope that in time they will come, and that these ships will
not lose the favorable weather necessary for their voyage, on account
of the great importance of securing it. If they should come with the
promptness with which I charged the person whom I sent for them, I
shall answer them in the most important matters. If not, I shall do so
as soon as possible, as befits the importance of what is contained in
them, and the service of your Majesty. [_In the margin_: "Examined."]

I have ordered in the session, several times, that careful abstracts
should be made of the enactments made therein of which it is desirable
that an account should be given your Majesty. Thus far it has not
been possible to carry this out, in which matter I did not choose,
merely in order to avoid trouble with them, to employ any repressive
measure, which might increase their ill-humor; and likewise because
I do not know that anything more has happened than what I write to
your Majesty. The reason for the auditors neglecting this matter
is well known to be that the definite account which we must make
to your Majesty from this Audiencia may not clash with that which
the auditors who met together separately have made to your Majesty
and your ministers. This leads me, every time when I speak of it, to
repeat my supplication to your Majesty, as I now humbly do, that this
may not go on without the inquiry of residencia which I have requested,
and the punishment due each one. May God protect the Catholic person
of your Majesty in accordance with the needs of Christendom. Manila,
July 21, 1621.

_Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenca_

[_In the margin_: "Examined."]

[_Endorsed_: "Examined and decreed within on the margin, that which
concerns both the Council and the Junta. On September 22, 622."]





Letter from Archbishop Miguel Garcia Serrano to the King


_Condition of the archbishopric of Manila in regard to the affairs
of ecclesiastical and secular government._

Sire:

Although I am writing to your Majesty at length informing you of
the condition of these islands regarding the enemies who come to
infest them, I cannot refrain from writing this letter apart,
in which I inform your Majesty of matters that, in my opinion,
your Majesty needs and ought to know. For, although I have written
concerning many of them these three years past, I must--inasmuch as
I have had no answer from your Majesty, not even of their receipt in
the Council--repeat what I have written, again and again, until I am
certain that my letters have reached that royal Council. Knowing that,
my mind will be at rest, and I shall be content with what your Majesty
shall be pleased to order to be done in all things.

From the time of the establishment of the faith in these islands,
no ecclesiastical council [8] has been held in them; [but this is] a
matter that is urgently recommended by the holy general councils, for
the correction of abuses and the reform of morals. It is most necessary
in this archbishopric, in order to establish the administration of
the sacraments with uniformity of ceremonies, the celebration of
holy days, and for unusual and peculiar cases that occur in this
new world. Therefore, I petition your Majesty to be pleased to
send me permission so that I, with my three suffragans, may hold
a council as soon as they reach these islands. [_Marginal note_:
"That a letter has already been sent to him regarding this matter;
and he is to follow its directions."]

The devotion, sire, to the most holy sacrament had greatly fallen
into disuse in this city, just as if we who are its residents had not
come from the Christian country of España. Consequently, as soon as
I entered upon the government of this church, I endeavored to promote
this observance, and exerted all my effort and strength--so that, by
the goodness of God, this devotion is being introduced in good earnest,
being aided by the indulgences that our most holy father [_i.e._,
probably Pope Paul V] conceded at the instance of your Majesty;
and there are few persons who do not have those indulgences in their
houses, through an edition that I caused to be printed in order that
all might receive the benefit of them. [_Marginal note_: "That it
is well, and that thanks are given him for his care in this matter;
and that he continue thus, since it is a matter that is so important."]

The principal feast [_i.e._, Corpus Christi] of this revered and
admirable sacrament cannot be held at its season, as the universal
Church has ordained, because then the rainy or winter season begins
in these regions. Consequently, but seldom has the weather given
opportunity to hold the procession in the streets, nor can the
streets be draped or adorned. It would be a very great consolation,
if your Majesty would be pleased to obtain a brief from his Holiness,
in which he concedes us authority in these islands to anticipate the
feast of the most holy sacrament, [celebrating it] on the Thursday
after the octave of Easter; or otherwise, that this feast may come
later--as his Holiness conceded for all of Yndia, in order to hold it
at the most convenient season, since its own time came during the rainy
season; in both regions the same reasons and obstacles occur so that
the feast cannot be celebrated with due and proper observance. I am
enclosing to your Majesty a copy of the brief cited. [_Marginal note_:
"Have a letter sent to the ambassador at Roma, giving him an account
of this section, and sending him a copy of the brief here cited, in
order that he may petition it from his Holiness; for it is a matter
that should be solemnized with so great propriety. Send a letter to
the archbishop, telling him that a request to this effect has already
been made, and that he will be advised of the answer."]

The poverty of this cathedral is so great that it has had no revenue
with which to furnish not only a reredos, or the necessary ornaments
as regards the colors of the seasons, but also a veil to cover the
altar during Lent. On Palm Sunday the two prebendaries who accompanied
me as assistants, when I performed the pontifical office on that day,
wore cloaks of different color from what they should have worn, as we
did not have the right ones in the church. For as the church has not
a single real of income, nor has had hitherto any other aid than the
alms that the inhabitants have given it, it suffers the need of which
I speak. The royal Audiencia has investigated this matter, on petition
of the cabildo, in order to refer it to that royal council. I humbly
petition your Majesty to be pleased to consider that this city is a
general place of concourse for all the nations of the world; that it
seems a necessary obligation that--since it is impossible to celebrate
the divine offices in the other churches of Manila with due propriety,
because of their great poverty--at least these peoples may see that
it will be done in the cathedral, the metropolitan of all the others;
since we do not act as we ought toward so great a Lord, yet as we can,
and with more propriety than in other regions. [_Marginal note_:
"Have a copy of this section sent to the governor and Audiencia,
and let them assist in a matter so necessary. They shall plan how
this may be done with due propriety, and shall advise us of their
action. Have a letter sent to the archbishop, enclosing a copy of
what is written to them, so that he may understand it."]

The cabildo of this holy church at present, through the goodness of
God and your Majesty's care in filling the prebends with such persons,
consists of excellent persons. If the reason advanced to your Majesty,
by means of which a special brief was obtained from his Holiness
for the senior bishop to govern this church--[which has been done]
through three vacancies in the see--had any justification at that time,
surely, Sire, that justification has now ceased, as the cabildo is now
filled by entirely satisfactory men. Hence your Majesty can certainly
be served by not having this government leave the cabildo in the two
vacancies that will follow hereafter; for, in truth, during the few
days while they governed in the last vacant see, before the arrival
of the senior bishop from his bishopric, they so disposed affairs
that the said bishop simply retained what they had decided, and did
not change anything that he found established. [_Marginal note_:
"Observe the custom."]

Great annoyances result because the governor does not communicate with
the archbishop as to the persons whom he presents for the dignidades
and prebends of this church, who are appointed until your Majesty
shall fill the places. For if it proves that the person is incapable or
unworthy--either because of any secret reason known to the archbishop,
or for any suit that he has pending or for any other reason--the
remedy is more easy in its beginning, by first conferring together
about the case. Your Majesty seems to have so ordered, as appears from
the presentations made by Governors Don Pedro de Acuña and Don Juan de
Silba, which read as follows: "Having communicated with the archbishop,
and having observed the order and decree of his Majesty, I present
So-and-so," etc. There it appears that your Majesty has ordered in
this matter that consultation be held thereon. It would be well to
order this again; for the governor says that he has not seen such a
decree, nor do I find it in the book of decrees. [_Marginal note_:
"Have this decree found and brought. Let them observe the decrees
regarding this. Let the governor report on what the archbishop asks."]

Two appointments from your Majesty came last year to this metropolitan
church of Manila. One was to the deanship, of Santiago de Castro,
a sick man who has not left his house for more than three years. He
is sick and old, and so deaf that he can hold no intercourse or
communication with men. Consequently, he is expecting death daily,
and he may therefore be numbered among the dead, as far as human
intercourse is concerned. This alone could hinder the execution of
his appointment, for in other things he has excellent qualifications
for the dignity. Since his condition renders him unfit for service,
and since the dean must necessarily take upon himself the management
and headship of the cabildo, much consideration should be given to
this appointment--especially as another appointment (as archdean)
came for Canon Thomas de Guimarano, an unlettered man, to whom some
years ago they did not dare to grant permission to hear confessions
on the galleys, where he was chaplain. Therefore, Archbishop Don
Fray Miguel de Benavides wrote these words to your Majesty in the
year 604, the copy of which is in my possession. "Don Pedro de Acuña
gave a chaplaincy in the seminary of Santa Potenciana to one of his
followers, who lives in his palace, one Thomas de Guimarano--a man
of so little capacity that the said archdean and commissary of the
Holy Office examined him at my order, in order that he might hear
confessions in the galley, whose chaplain he was, and did not find him
capable of doing it." Such are the words of the said archbishop as to
his ignorance. He has almost no capacity for management. If he were
seen in this dignity people would greatly blame him who should have
conferred it on him without having first notified your Majesty of his
unfitness. This is the reason why I have kept the two appointments of
the said Guimarano and Santiago de Castro sealed, as they came, and
guarded with all secrecy, until your Majesty could be advised. Your
royal will, I am sure, is that these appointments be not given to them,
thereby entailing so much loss of prestige to the Church, and scandal
to the city. On the other hand, there is no lack, the office of dean
being filled by Licentiate Don Francisco Gomez de Arellano, a man of
good conduct and of exemplary life, in approbation of whom letters
have been written to your Majesty at various times. [_Marginal note_:
"Provision has already been made herein."]

Inasmuch as your Majesty's appointment, and the favor that you were
pleased to grant him in conferring on him the dignity of treasurer of
this holy church, came for Licentiate Don Miguel Garcetas (of whose
good qualities I have written during these last years); and inasmuch
as, by his taking possession of that office, that of precentor fell
vacant, which he was filling _ad interim_: the governor presented for
it Don Juan Cevicos, a priest of good education, very great austerity
and exemplary life, and zealous for the general welfare. In him are
also found many other very excellent qualities; and he is a very
suitable man for your Majesty to confer upon him the dignity that he
holds, or what should afterward become vacant in this church, and even
of anything of greater importance. He has not been graduated; for since
the permission that is expected for the foundation of a university
(which is the intention of the college of the Society of Jesus)
has not yet reached this city, he has not yet had the opportunity to
receive a degree. I have employed him in the capacity of my provisor
[9] and vicar-general where he is of great help, for he is a man of
considerable business capacity. [_Marginal note_: "Seen."]

About seven months ago the governor presented Juan de Miranda for a
_ración_ that was vacant. He is a good ecclesiastic and necessary for
that ministry; for setting aside his virtue, example, and good life,
he is an excellent singer, and has been reared from childhood in this
church. Accordingly I gave him the office very willingly. I petition
your Majesty to be pleased to confirm it. [_Marginal note_: "Seen."]

It often happens that certain individuals, depending on their favor at
court, try to obtain prebends and dignities from your Majesty which
they do not merit. They are of such a sort that I am told of persons
who even do not know Latin. They hope to be preferred to those who
have spent all their lives in study. It would be of great importance
for the prelate and cabildo of the district of the said ecclesiastics
to inform your Majesty for these appointments, so that, having that
information, the most advisable measures for the service of God and
that of your Majesty may be taken. [_Marginal note_: "Seen."]

During the month of last December, an ecclesiastic named Don Patricio
Arcaya de Guevara, a native of Murcia, left this country for those
regions [of Europe] via India. The governor was accompanied by him
when he came here, and presented him for the treasurership of this
holy church; and in fact he served therein _ad interim_, although
the governor did not know then that he had been expelled from the
Order of St. Augustine in the province of Andalucia, and that he was
living in this country incontinently and with reproach, and with less
discretion than was fitting. I inform your Majesty, for, according to
his resolve, he was going to ask for a dignity in this or some other
church of the Yndias, for which he is not fit. [_Marginal note_:
"It is well. Attention will be given to this in the office, if the
papers regarding this man are sent."]

The wretchedness and misery suffered by my poor ecclesiastics in
this my archbishopric is very great, because of their number having
increased rapidly in these latter years, on account of the college
and seminary of the Society of Jesus, and the care that has been
taken therein to maintain its studies--teaching in the classes Latin,
the arts, and theology; besides the students who are being reared
in the college of Santo Thomas, founded about two years ago by the
Order of St. Dominic. As I say, they suffer so great poverty that I
am assured that some cannot leave their houses because they have no
cassocks to wear--and that, too, in a country where cloth is generally
so cheap. This is a matter that is breaking my heart. I have nothing
with which to employ them, since the ministries are all managed by
the religious. The poor ecclesiastics have only eight benefices of
Indians to administer, besides two Spanish curacies--namely that of
this city, which is administered by two parish priests [_curas_];
and that of Santiago, outside the walls--and one other which has in
charge the Indians and slaves of Manila. Within the last few days two
ecclesiastics, theologues, competed for a sacristy in the benefice of
Nuestra Señora de Guia, which has a salary of only ninety pesos. One
of them had taken four years of theology, and is an excellent student,
and not so fitting for other things. They competed for it only in order
to get a morsel of food, so they would not have to beg it from door
to door. Will your Majesty be pleased to have provided what is most
suitable for the service of God and your own. [_Marginal note_: "Since
he has the case in hand, let him take what measures are advisable."]

News reached this city in the month of January last of this year, of
the death of the bishop of Nueva Cáceres, Fray Diego de Guevara, of the
Order of St. Augustine; he died while visiting his bishopric. Inasmuch
as that church has no cabildo, the task of its government devolved
upon me, as does likewise that of Nueva Segovia. As the bishop of the
latter church, Don Juan de Renteria, has not arrived, I petition your
Majesty to be pleased to have notice taken that greater competency is
required for these bishoprics that are so distant from Manila--in which
counsel can [not] easily be taken on the troubles that confront the
ministry at every step, and the bishop, like him who holds the office
of magistrate, must alone determine these doubts of fuerza--than for
the very large bishoprics of España. Will your Majesty please take
the advisable measures. [_Marginal note_: "Seen and provided."]

The facility of these natives in going to law about marriage is very
great. In fact, they achieve their purpose by alleging obstacles
arising from their own illicit intercourse, before the marriage,
with the relatives of their wives. Often they maliciously conceal
this obstacle and are silent until, the wives after experiencing with
the lapse of time, during their married life, not so good treatment
as they expected from their husbands, and the husbands having
less pleasure in the marriage than they had promised themselves,
they advance their obstacles, and petition for the annulment of the
marriage. With the ease with which they find witnesses for any purpose,
they succeed in carrying their desires into effect--with the liability,
if what they have alleged and proved is false, of living throughout
life in the sin that they have committed to the wrong of marriage;
and if true, as they say, of having been unscrupulous in not having
declared the obstacle. In order to avoid these troubles, it would be
of great importance for your Majesty to be pleased to obtain from his
Holiness power for the ministers in these islands to give absolution
for all the secret obstacles of these neophytes when they come to be
married, in order to contract the said marriage. In this way it will
be managed with less offense and with more ease to the conscience
than now. [_Marginal note_: "Have the ambassador at Roma notified to
propose this matter to his Holiness; and if it be not unadvisable,
to petition him to concede it. After doing this, advise and notify
the archbishop that the matter has been sent to Roma, and that he
will be notified of the result."]

Your Majesty ordered by a decree, twice issued (the second dated
at San Lorenço, November, 603), that the bishops should inspect
the religious who give instruction, in regard to their duty of the
care of souls. It would be very advisable for so holy a decree to
be executed now, without more delay; for although the orders contain
many who attend most earnestly to the service of our Lord, there are
certain persons who allow themselves to be too easily led by their
inclinations, and who do not labor in their ministry with the devotion
and fidelity requisite. Besides the bad example thus furnished to
these natives, the latter are wronged, and without any remedy, because
there is no superior to whom they can go for vindication--for the
provincials, sometimes for private reasons, generally sustain such
subordinates. That would cease with the visit of the bishops, and
the provincials would find themselves obliged, or the bishops would
oblige them, always to station in the missions ministers of learning,
virtue, and exemplary life. That would bring a cessation of such
troubles. The friars then could not assert that they would leave the
ministries, as they did when there were no secular clergy, since that
is clearly impossible; for there are now so many seculars that they
are sufficient to administer what the orders would abandon. [_Marginal
note_: "Have the decree in regard to this sent to him, and have him
observe the order, as declared in the said decree. Despatch decrees
to the archbishop and his suffragans, in accordance with those already
despatched to the archbishop of Mexico and his suffragan bishops."]

The kingdom of Xapon is in such an upheaval, and the persecution
against Christians so bloody, that it seems rash for religious to go
there. However, those who go there from the orders, guided by the
spirit of the Lord, go clad as merchants, and go about at Manila
in the same way, some days before their passage, in order to have
the Japanese get to know them and take them for men who are going to
their country to trade. Any other method would be rash, as I say, if
they went openly as religious. Further, as Fray Luis Sotelo, of the
Order of St. Francis, tried to go with the name of bishop of Xapon,
delegate of the pope, and commissary-general (a thing prohibited by
your Majesty), and as the bulls for it have been detained by your royal
Council; and as your Council has declared that its opinion is that,
if there were an open door, there would be many things to consider
as to whether Fray Luis Sotelo should go [to Xapon], because of the
many reasons that constrain them to prevent his passage; therefore,
it is expedient for your Majesty to order that quickly; and that they
recall the said Sotelo and take him from these islands, so that he
may not go to Xapon. [_Marginal note_: "Have what was ordered in this
matter brought."]

Having to speak of the orders in particular, I feel obliged to inform
your Majesty of occurrences in this city between that of St. Dominic
and the Society. It was on an occasion of the death of a man in this
city by stabbing, who begged loudly for confession. It was not granted
to him, because a father of St. Dominic said that absolution ought
not to be given him, although the bystanders said that he had called
for confession. A father of the Society stating that absolution ought
to have been given him, there arose between the two orders a very
serious and violent controversy; for the Dominican fathers printed
certain conclusions, in which they declared that it was a rash idea,
and in practice a grave and sacrilegious offense to absolve one
who, only by the report of bystanders had begged for confession,
but was deprived of the power of speech. The fathers of the Society
of Jesus drew up other printed conclusions, in which they declared
that it was not a rash or sacrilegious idea but a very pious one to
absolve such a penitent. They persuaded the people and the orders
and so inflamed the controversy that I ordered them by a decree to
put an end to both contentions. Both orders agreeing to dispute in
my presence, I assigned judges from my cabildo, and from the orders
of St. Augustine and St. Francis, and learned persons of the city,
to be present at the disputation, and consider the arguments on each
side. This was done, and the result was that, having assembled the
other day, all the judges declared, _nemine discrepante_ [_i.e._,
"no one dissenting"], that the opinion of the Society was pious and
reasonable, and could be followed. The reverend Dominican fathers
greatly resented this decision, and tried to carry their point by
persuading the people to accept their conclusions. I thought it a
matter of scandal to condemn ministers, in an affair of the sacraments,
by asserting that they were committing sacrilege. I issued a censure,
and ordered that no one should agree to their conclusions, and that the
Dominicans should not hold them. Upon this second decree they elected
a judge-conservator who accepted the office, but did not continue
in it; so the cause was suspended, and the parties intended to have
recourse to Roma regarding the case. At this juncture the ritual of
our very holy father Paul V, with a bull of his Holiness, dated Roma,
June 17, 1614, came to my hands, in which they order absolution to
such a penitent, who asks for confession after losing his power of
speech, if he shall give signs, in person or through others, of his
desire. Upon seeing the said ritual, I ordered it to be published,
and it was done on the day of Sts. Peter and Paul, in our church of
Manila, this year of 621. A judicial record was made of all of this
matter, and authentic papers with the arguments of each party. That
alone is being sent to your Majesty as a report, in order to inform
you of everything, as is my duty. [_Marginal note_: "Seen."]

The Order of St. Francis in these islands is discalced. There
is generally a visitor from the commissaries, who is sent by
the commissary-general of Nueva España, who must be of the same
discalced. This year one came, who was not received by the provincial
and his definitors because he did not come in the way required by the
rules and privileges of this their province. Although the Audiencia
tried to admit the one from Nueva España, matters came to such a pass
and so menacing a condition that by way of authority, and in order
to avoid scandals, Don Alonso Faxardo, governor of these islands,
determined to suspend the commission, after first having conferred
with me. What I did was to assemble the orders and learned persons of
my cabildo. I found: first, that the commissary was not discalced,
although he must be so by virtue of a bull and express privilege,
which he carries in order to visit this province, or to exercise
an act of jurisdiction. The authorization borne by him was very
extraordinary and had a great excess of the ordinary warrants. There
was added a very forcible argument of administration, which is that
twenty or more of the leading friars had been sworn witnesses in
the present contention, while the commissary had given testimony
contrary to theirs, so that no good administration was looked for,
but only numerous scandals and dissensions. Then affairs almost
reached the point where the province was in hostile array, one side
against another. Accordingly, all those of the council, without any
dissenting voice, resolved that it was inexpedient for the commissary
to enter on the administration. That resolution was followed, and
the provincial proceeded with his duties in peace. Therefore, those
in Nueva España will be informed from here to send hereafter only
persons of the discalced religious and of their profession, and they
will be peaceably received. For if they are of the cloth [_paño_],
[10] the discalced religious fear that they are trying to introduce
themselves into this province and into that of Xapon, and to drive
the discalced from here; this has been attempted, contrary to what
this city has requested your Majesty several times to order--namely,
that no friars of the cloth come to these islands, but only discalced,
with whom the province has always been established. [_Marginal note_:
"Seen."]

The great service which the Society of Jesus is performing for God
and your Majesty in the conversion of souls is well known. But they
cannot continue to prosecute what has hitherto been done in this
province because of their lack of workers; for many have succumbed
to the hardships of their ministry, while others are crippled and
incapacitated from helping in the missions. Consequently there is
need of a goodly shipment of these servants of God to be sent, who
so edify and instruct by their good example and learning. For this
purpose, the order is sending Father Francisco Gutierrez as their
procurator-general. I humbly petition your Majesty to be pleased to
order that he be despatched here, so that this so urgent need may be
supplied. [_Marginal note:_ "Have us reminded of this at the time,
if the Society should request it."]

The other orders, those of St. Augustine, St. Dominic, and St. Francis,
experience the same lack of religious. They have their procurators
at that court. Will your Majesty be pleased to have them given
a goodly number of religious, so that they may attend to their
ministries. [_Marginal note_: "Have us reminded in due season."]

The hospitals--of which I am informing your Majesty in a separate
letter--need the efforts of the brethren of [St.] John of God, so that
the sick may be treated as is fitting, and which is the chief object
of those brethren. Hitherto the discalced Franciscan religious of this
province have had charge of their spiritual matters. As that is not
one of their vows, and they do not have charge of temporal matters,
the sick have suffered greatly. Accordingly, should your Majesty
be pleased to send some of those brethren from that country, and to
order them to take charge of the administration of these hospitals,
it would be a very great service to our Lord. [_Marginal note_:
"Observe what is decreed regarding this matter."]

The official investigations that are made in the royal Audiencia
are made with so little secrecy that the parties interested know
the witnesses and their depositions. The same occurs in the letters
of recommendation that are obtained from the cabildos and from some
orders--which the interested party takes to them, made out as they
desire, and only asks for their signatures. These are obtained easily,
whence follow the sinister reports that they give your Majesty, to
the harm of the public welfare. [_Marginal note_: "It is well. Let
us be advised of this on the occasions that arise."]

Although this royal Audiencia by right should attend the principal
feasts at the cathedral, they have not done so; nor have I seen them
attend in a body since I took up the government of this church--now
upwards of a year--except once only. That was on St. Andrew's day,
when a prayer was made for the coming of the ships from Mexico. I do
not know whether the reason has been the want of harmony between the
governor and the auditors, or because the governor's wife took a seat
beside her husband--a thing that has never been practiced in this city
in the time of the former governors. Will your Majesty decide what
should be done in this matter, as the governor's wife must be placated
in it; and whether the position to be occupied by her is to be before
or behind that of the Audiencia. [_Marginal note_: "Have the Audiencia
informed that they must not miss one of the prescribed days, and
are to report on the other matters. Write to the archbishop that the
Audiencia has already been notified to attend on the prescribed days."]

Your Majesty has already provided by your royal decrees that the
ships should set sail for Nueva España from this port, under any
circumstances, during the month of June, because of their peril of
having to make some port in distress, or of being wrecked, if they sail
later. It would be expedient to apply a more constraining remedy,
in order that this be executed; for were your Majesty's decrees
observed in these islands, as I have many times said, there would
be no errors made in what pertains to the service of our Lord and
that of your Majesty, the welfare of these islands, and the profit
of their inhabitants. But, Sire, as they are not obeyed, and there
is no execution of them, there is general error in what could with
so great facility be done aright. [_Marginal note_: "Have a letter
written to the governor, telling him that we have heard that those
ships that sail to Nueva España sail very late, and that consequently
they suffer in the tempests and hardships that are known; and that
now and henceforth he shall see that they sail as was the custom
before and as is ordered."]

When the city of Manila petitioned your Majesty to be pleased to have
the governors of these Filipinas make the appointments to the offices
of the ships which are despatched hence to Nueva España, from that
of commander to the least office, it was to obviate one disadvantage,
according to their opinion (and in truth not a slight one), by which
the said offices were given by the viceroys to their relatives and
retainers, thus depriving this country's inhabitants of them. That
disadvantage not only has not been corrected by this expedient--since
the governors, not heeding more than their own private interests,
give the said offices to their own followers--but has even given rise
to a greater disadvantage, respecting the return of the ships to these
islands. For, since the viceroys do not appoint to the said offices as
they did before, the result is usually a lack in the reenforcements
that are sent from there [_i.e._, Nueva España]; and there is less
care bestowed on the despatch of the said ships for the return than
is fitting. Consequently, they arrive so late that already the season
of the vendavals, the contrary winds of these islands, has set in;
and therefore the ships have been compelled to put in at Xapon, as
happened in the year 17, and last year. On that account they ran a
risk of being captured by the Dutch; for since the viceroys are not
interested, even in making those provisions, the ships sail later
than they would be permitted if the persons who have charge of the
ships were appointed by him, in whose good success would be also his
share of reputation, or the contrary. Will your Majesty be pleased
to order this to be noted, and take what measures may be most to your
royal pleasure. [_Marginal note_: "Obey the ordinances."]

One could not believe the injury that is done to the soldiers and
sailors, and to all the wage-earners, by not paying the vouchers earned
by their labor and sweat; and on the other hand, by buying these for
much less than their face value. For, being rendered desperate, they
sell vouchers valued at one thousand pesos for one hundred, and the
lamentable thing is that, if they did not sell them, they would never
be paid. Scarcely have they sold the vouchers when they are immediately
paid, and the purchasers even take the poor wretches to the office of
accounts, so that they may be present at the payment, and that it may
appear justified, by their saying that they did it of their own accord,
for which they give a receipt. As it is the price of blood, and they
see that others take that price, it is a grief and sorrow that cries to
heaven for redress, and petitions your Majesty to be pleased to have
a very effective and rigorous correction applied. [_Marginal note_:
"Have a letter written to the governor that this has been learned;
and that he accordingly must correct it immediately, if there is need
therefor, and advise us of what shall be done."]

There are at present more than sixteen thousand Chinese in this
city of Manila, who have received license to stay in the country. In
addition about one-third as many generally remain without having a
license, so that, on good computation, there are now more Chinese
in the country than there were sixteen and a half years ago, when
they revolted and made war on us--without reckoning a great number
of Japanese, whose number I have been unable to ascertain, although I
am told that it exceeds three thousand. Accordingly, in a council of
all the estates called by the governor about two months ago, in which
he asked whether it would be advisable or not to go out to fight the
enemy then in the mouths of this bay--who had seized them with nine
very strongly armed ships, while the governor had four ships (two of
them powerful galleons) and four galleys--the city forbade him to go
out under any circumstances. Among other reasons it was said that if
the governor went out, he would leave the city of Manila unprotected in
his absence, and exposed to the will of so great a number of enemies,
composed of Chinese and Japanese. That argument was not the one of
least weight in the council in determining that our fleet should
not sail against the enemy. I think that there has been neglect and
laxity in the matter of not driving out the Japanese. But, in the
case of the Chinese [it is] the greed for the eight pesos that each
one pays for the license to remain in the country, and the excessive
profits gained by the numerous agents of justice whom the governors
have introduced, unnecessarily and in violation of what your Majesty
has so piously ruled and ordained--namely, that only those remain who
cannot be spared for the service of the country, and it is certain that
we cannot live without them. If your Majesty's decrees were observed,
all would be well managed, and we would live more comfortably and in
less fear of them than we now have. I do not know, Sire, what expedient
can be adopted in this. I know only that it is advisable to execute
the orders of your Majesty's royal decrees, for that was the care
and anxiety of the former archbishops and of the entire community,
who always petitioned for this same thing. Hence I am surprised
that your Majesty has not ordered that what restraint you are able
to place should be imposed, so that your royal decrees be obeyed. I
do not know for what reason (since all or nearly all of them concern
the good government and advantage of these wretched inhabitants) they
are directed either against the governors, the Audiencia, or their
agents, tying their hands with their prohibitions. Since they are the
executors of the decrees, it results that nothing is done. Even the
city is very much interested in this matter of the Chinese remaining,
in order to get their profits and rents in their alcaicerías. Hence I
do not think that it would be worth while to petition for [limitation
of] the number of the Chinese, unless your Majesty assign that
number. Truly, with four or five thousand Chinese, the community
would be well served and the country free from danger. [_Marginal
note_: "Have a letter sent to the governor, telling him of this,
but not the writer; and that since he has charge of so important a
matter, he must see that the decrees and orders that have been issued
regarding this be obeyed. He shall advise us of what shall be done,
so that the Council may understand the matter."]

There have been many complaints, in regard to the allotment of
encomiendas, from the old and worthy soldiers who have spent their
lives and blood in your Majesty's service. It has already been enacted
in this matter, by royal decrees, what must be done. The relief that
I find is for your Majesty to be pleased to order strictly that
the regulations made in regard to it be obeyed. [_Marginal note_:
"Have the governor notified to obey what is decreed regarding this."]

For the last two years it has been customary in these islands for
private persons residing here who have money and protection to despatch
their own small ships both to Macan and to Malaca, Sian, Camboja,
and other parts of this archipelago. Since they have the authority,
they send the best sailors that we have here in those ships. Thus
it occurs that we can get no hands, nor even the best soldiers, when
it is necessary to prepare them and fleets for the occasion of your
Majesty's service; for fleeing from the annoyances and ill treatment
that they experience, many absent themselves on such occasions. Verily,
there is not a leech that sucks out the blood from the body more than
these little ships do this camp of men. It would be very expedient for
your Majesty to order what measure is most fitting for your service;
for ¡f we weaken the body by our own hands, so that it will have but
little strength in time of need, and if this land is exhausted of men,
how can the enemy be resisted when they attack us? In truth, Sire,
I understand that the neighboring kingdoms of Macan, Japon, Malaca,
Sian, Camboja, and all the other lands, have so many Spaniards that
a great troop for your Majesty's service could be formed from them
alone. [_Marginal note_: "Have sent to the governor a relation of
this, and that he accordingly take upon himself the remedy for it,
since it is so important a matter that the soldiers that he shall
have do not leave there; and that he advise us of what shall be done."]

Lastly, I petition your Majesty to be pleased to have an answer written
to me regarding the matters of this letter that require a reply. For
since some of them concern the common welfare of the ministry, others
the special welfare of this church, and others that of this city,
I shall necessarily be forced to repeat them on all occasions until
I am certain that they have come to the notice of that royal Council
of your Majesty--whose very Catholic person may our Lord preserve
for the welfare of your kingdoms with the increase of many others,
as we your humble chaplains desire. Manila, July 30, 1621.


_Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano_,
archbishop of Manila.


[_Endorsed_: "Seen and decreed within. In the Council, September
30, 622."]

[The bull mentioned in the first part of the above letter follows:]

_Copy well and faithfully drawn of the bull in which his Holiness
concedes that the feast of Corpus Christi in Eastern Yndia and the
regions subject to the crown of Portugal, be anticipated or transferred
to another and more suitable day, besides other favors and privileges._

Antonius, by the divine mercy cardinal priest of the holy _Quatuor
Coronati_, [11] to the illustrious the most serene king of Portugale
and Algarbes, health in the Lord. According to the pledge of loyalty
enjoined upon us by the apostolic see, we willingly charge ourselves
with those matters whereby divine worship may everywhere be advanced,
the devotion of the faithful of Christ increased, and fitting regard
paid to the safety of their souls in the Lord.

In truth, the petition presented to us not long ago concerning your
interests stated that, since in the regions of the Indias, Ethiopia,
Arabia, and Persia (through favor of the divine clemency lately brought
under our rule), by reason of the difference of the seasons in those
countries, the day whereon the solemn feast of the sacrament of Corpus
Christi is celebrated, falls, according to ordinance of the universal
Church, in the winter time, wherefore it cannot be celebrated at that
season with due ceremonies and solemnity--[the faithful] are desirous
that the same feast be transferred to some other season outside of
winter, that it may be kept more fittingly and with greater honor.

Moreover, since the said countries are very far away from your kingdom
of Portugal, the cities and towns and provinces therein being also
at great distances from one another, it is therefore difficult for
any Catholic prelate either to pass thither from your said kingdom
of Portugal, or, if resident there, to go from one region to another,
and therein bless whatever things be needed for divine worship, as well
as purify the churches themselves, with their burial-places, that may
have been defiled through the shedding of human blood or seed; again,
since the holy oils, which everywhere are to be consecrated each year,
cannot because of the difficulty of the voyage thither be carried from
your said kingdom of Portugal, wherefore you are unable to have them
renewed according to church ordinance; again, as in cases of apostasy
from the orthodox faith of persons who subsequently, through divine
inspiration, are moved to return, as well as in regard to the many
Turks and Mahometans, or followers of other misbeliefs whatsoever,
who are desirous to embrace the same faith, there is no recourse
possible to the apostolic see, or to others in your said kingdom of
Portugal who are especially delegated therefor: hence do you humbly
petition the same see mercifully to make due provision therein for
yourselves and the peoples of the said countries under your care,
to the effect that all and singular the rectors of churches in those
countries may be granted full and free power to bless newly erected
churches and burial-places, to purify them when defiled, as well as
to use holy oils brought from Portugal, or consecrated by any prelate
in those countries, even five years previous; that moreover the same
rectors of churches in those countries also be empowered to reconcile
apostates from the faith, absolve them, and restore them to their
former state in all things, and through all.

Therefore, while commending in the Lord your praiseworthy desires
in this regard, being inclined also to favor you as in duty bound,
through the gracious authority of our lord the pope, whose charge
we fill as penitentiary, as well as through his special and express
command given us therein _viva voce_, we hereby do grant to all
and singular the venerable fathers in Christ, by the grace of God
bishops in those countries, as well as to you [and] your successors
respectively now and for the time being, or their vicars-general in
spirituals now and for the time being, the following powers, to wit:

That with the council of their respective clergy and people they be
empowered to transfer the said feast of the most holy Body of Christ
to another season of the year, outside of winter, when it may be
celebrated with due solemnities and ceremonies. That whosoever shall
take part in the celebration of the feast thus transferred may gain,
all and singular, the indulgences and graces which they would otherwise
gain were they present on the day set by the universal Church. That in
their respective churches, all and singular, the rectors of churches
and districts for the time, being may bless vestments, crosses,
images, or other church ornaments whatsoever that are needed or proper
in divine worship--not, however, chalices and patens. Moreover, that
wherever there is not present a Catholic prelate who is a bishop, they
may purify and bless the churches themselves, with their chapels and
burial-places, should they be defiled through the shedding of human
blood or seed, or any other things that have been blessed by any
bishop, or, in the absence of a bishop, by any person constituted in
church dignity, or by a rector of any parish church actually holding
the care of souls, provided they duly employ the proper rites usually
observed in such matters. Again, that they may use the holy oil brought
from Portugal within the previous five years, and, if consecrated by
any Catholic prelate in those countries, when it is three years old.

Besides, with regard to such persons as, having once received holy
baptism with the true faith of Christ, have fallen away therefrom,
but are now desirous to return, we grant full and free leave and
power to absolve the same from the heresy that they subsequently have
incurred, as often as in any manner they may have fallen therein,
as well as from whatsoever other faults and spots wherewith by reason
of human frailty they may be stained and marked; and to receive the
same back to the bosom of holy mother Church, and to restore them to
their former state in all things and through all, with the fulfilment,
however, of salutary penance for their fault--provided, however, that
these things are to be done by a bishop as often as one is present,
in the places where there is a bishop.

[These things are granted] notwithstanding any apostolic, provincial or
synodal decrees, or customs, or constitutions and ordinances of general
or particular councils, or other things whatsoever, to the contrary.

Given at Rome at St. Peter's under the seal of office of the
penitentiary, the XV Kalends of July in the third year of the
pontificate of our lord Paul III.

I, Gabriel de Muxica Buitran, secretary of his Excellency, Don Fray
Miguel Garcia Serrano, archbishop of the Filipinas and member of his
Majesty's council, and notary-public of the ecclesiastical court of
this archbishopric, attest and witness truly that this copy was drawn
from another that appears to have been authorized by the bishop of
Malaca, Don Goncalo de Silva, signed with his signature and sealed
with a seal, which appears to be that of his arms. This is a certain
and true copy, and has been corrected, revised, and collated with
the said original copy from which it was drawn. For its validity,
Don Juan de Cevicos, precentor in the holy metropolitan church of
this city of Manila, and judge-provisor and vicar-general in it and
its archbishopric for the said his Excellency, affixed his signature,
interposing his judicial authority and decree. It is sealed with the
smaller seal of the aforesaid. As witnesses at its correction and
revision were Father Thomas Saravia, secular priest, and Luis Mendes
de Leon, gospel priest, citizens and residents of this said city,
on July last, one thousand six hundred and twenty-one.


_Don Juan Cevicos_

In witness of truth:
_Gabriel de Muxica Buitran_





Letter to the King from Geronimo de Silva


Sire:

A detailed relation of the condition and affairs of these islands
having been sent to your Majesty in the vessels despatched to Nueva
España in August of last year, God was pleased that, after some
months of navigation, the almiranta should put back in distress on the
thirteenth of November, mastless and badly racked, because of the many
hurricanes and the bad weather that it met on the high seas. That was
a most severe loss for this city, since the chief sinew of its support
at present is nothing but the trade of those two ships; for as the
times go, there is now no other recourse. It is considered as certain
that the flagship made the voyage, although there is no more certainty
than trust that God has taken it to safety; for since it was already
so late, and the monsoon of the vendavals had set in, it has not as
yet returned from Nueva España, nor has any other advice come. That is
no little cause for anxiety to this wretched city, in addition to the
ravages of enemies and other disasters that ordinarily afflict it. May
God in His mercy ordain what is most advisable for His holy service.

Governor Don Alonsso Fajardo, having despatched the vessels of
Castilla, began to undertake the aid for Terrenate; and attempted
to send it earlier than formerly, in order to guard against the
enemy, who continually await the ship at the entrance of those
forts. Notwithstanding the small amount of money and other supplies
that could be taken hence, because the misery here had become as
extreme as one can imagine, yet what was sent in men, food, and
war-supplies, was the most abundant that has entered those forts for a
considerable number of years--as the governor, being the one in charge
of all those matters, will fully inform your Majesty. With that relief
a present was also sent to the king of Macazar in your Majesty's
name, in recognition of the friendly reception and entertainment
found in his country by your Majesty's [_word illegible in MS._]
vassals, and for the great importance of preserving his friendship,
as I have stated in other letters.

Governor Don Alonso Fajardo heard by way of Japon--through an entirely
trustworthy person, who is accustomed always to give information of
very important matters--that the Dutch enemy had allied themselves
with the English, and that both nations had made an alliance to come
to pillage these coasts, and that they had prepared and well equipped
for that purpose a squadron of twelve large ships belonging to both
nations. That news caused keen anxiety in this city, inasmuch as two
so powerful nations were seen to be allied for its destruction and
ruin. The most anxious was the governor, not so much because the remedy
depended upon him, as because he found himself with so few forces,
and it was impossible to be able to prevent so serious injury as was
expected. Before anything else he tried to inform your Majesty of that
alliance, sending a despatch for that purpose by way of Portuguese
India, so that it might reach your Majesty's royal hands with the
promptness that so important a matter demanded.

Notwithstanding that there were not wanting some here who doubted
the truth of those despatches from Japon, yet the governor, being so
anxious for your Majesty's service, began to prepare and furnish all
that was necessary for the repair of the vessels stationed in the
port of Cavite, and many other things that had need of repair. At
that time, on the second of February, he heard that the enemy were
on the coast. In a very few days they entered by the mouth of this
bay with nine vessels, seven of them of great burden, and the other
two of medium size. As commander of that squadron came the Englishman
with four well-equipped vessels of his nation; and, as admiral, the
Dutchman with five vessels, no less adequately equipped and armed than
the English. They sighted the port of Cavite in order to reconnoiter
the strength of the fleet stationed there. Everything was placed in
the best state of defense that time allowed, so that any attack of the
enemy could be repulsed. But the enemy took a better resolve, namely,
to anchor in the mouths of this bay and await there the Chinese ships,
while they sent two vessels to run along the coast, in order that
those vessels that should anchor along it might not escape them.

At this juncture a vessel arrived at this city with a special embassy
from Macan to beg the governor to aid them with some large pieces
of artillery; for, as they were advised from Japon, they were hourly
awaiting that same squadron--for, as the rumor ran, they were about
to attack that city. Notwithstanding that the necessity here was more
urgent, yet it was resolved, after having called a special council of
the treasury and war, to send six large pieces of the best casting
for the defense of that city--as the governor, to whom I refer,
will inform your Majesty more minutely.

The depredations and prizes made by the enemy in all that time have
not been of great importance, since as yet it is not known that they
have captured more than five Chinese vessels, which according to the
report of the Sangleys in them were not those of the wealthy men (who
are here called Anayes). [12] Consequently, with the pillage of this
year, they will not be able to meet their obligations in Japon, for
which thanks are due our Lord. What I can affirm to your Majesty is
that all possible efforts were made, both in sending advices to China
and in carefully watching through outposts this entire coast, which
was partly the reason why the enemy failed to cause greater damage.

The founding of the artillery made here hitherto cost so much labor,
and it resulted so unsatisfactorily, that we were all in the greatest
perplexity because we could not determine where the defect lay. But,
after many different experiments in alloying the metals, it has been
God's pleasure that we hit upon it. I can also assure your Majesty that
the artillery that is cast now is as good and safe as that of Pirú,
and costs much less in metal and labor than the pieces formerly cast.

One cannot help reflecting how great and distressing would be the
anxiety and uneasiness of the governor if the enemy should attack him
and he were without possibility of collecting the forces with which to
drive him from these islands. But for all that might happen, and in
case the enemy should divide his fleet, in order to be able to make
use of any good opportunity, the governor placed in order two good
galleons--a flagship and an almiranta--two other quite small ships,
and two galleys. That represents the total strength of your Majesty's
fleet in this port and all the islands. In order to equip them with
men, the governor withdrew as many men as possible from the presidios
of Oton, Cibu, and Nueva Segovia. He sent edicts to all the provinces
to assemble the wandering Indians therein. Although the greatest rigor
was employed for this purpose, those collected amounted to so few,
that their number did not reach seventy persons. It is a pitiful thing
to see how few men your Majesty has for service in these islands, as
I can certify, since the army is in my charge. For the paid infantry
does not exceed four hundred in actual service, outside of the crippled
and sick in the hospital, where they are continually dying. Many of
those who are not on pay escape to India and other regions, without
any possibility of avoiding it. Consequently, Sire, this matter remains
in the above condition, and demands very speedy betterment, which your
Majesty should furnish by sending a number of men and the other things
needed for the conservation of all this land. For by doing otherwise,
a well-known danger is invited, as your Majesty will learn more fully
from the relation that the governor will send, to which I refer.

On the thirteenth of the month of last June, a ship from Malaca
anchored in this port, bearing news of the advices that your Majesty
ordered to be sent to Portuguese Yndia, in regard to the alliance
between the states of Olanda and Ynglaterra, and their purpose to
attack these regions with the huge fleet that was thought to have
come for that purpose. It also brought news that sixteen Dutch
ships had already arrived at La Sunda, and that the rest of the
fleet was on the way. May God, in His infinite goodness, bring their
evil plans to naught, since we here are so in need of human forces
to frustrate them. I can assure your Majesty that we will always
exercise the requisite care and vigilance here, if your Majesty
will send and provide the most important and necessary things;
this the governor has begun to do, especially in his cleansing the
country of so many people that occupy it, with whom there is very
little security. Especially is that true of the Japanese, who are
seditious and arrogant, with whom the enemy hold so intimate trade
and intercourse in their own country. For these reasons we keep
strict and careful watch over them, since the suspicions conceived
of them have been often verified. The number of Sangleys whom it is
advisable to allow to remain in this city is also being lessened,
and only those sufficient for its service are left. By that means,
I trust in our Lord that we can withstand our enemies' designs. Those
designs, as we have heard, are to besiege this city, or the forts of
Terrenate, or to establish themselves in Otton in your Majesty's fort
on the point of Ylo Ylo. I trust in His Divine Majesty that they will
not succeed in their attempt, for, although we have so few forces,
we will resist to the utmost until your Majesty shall furnish those
forces advisable for greater results in your royal service.

All of these things, although so considerable, could be endured, if
the royal treasury had the sum requisite for affairs so difficult. But
I can assure your Majesty with entire truth that the need of your
treasury is so pressing now that it is incomparable. Not less so is
the barrenness of this country, which was formerly and usually the
last resource. Consequently there is so universal misery that no
words could exaggerate it to your Majesty.

During the month of last April occurred a somewhat sharp encounter
between Governor Don Alonso Fajardo and Auditor Don Alvaro de Mesa y
Lugo, on going into the assembly hall--in which, according to report,
the auditor was somewhat lavish of words. For that reason the governor
had him arrested and imprisoned in the cabildo's halls, where he was
kept a few days, until he left his prison and retired into the convent
of St. Dominic of this city, where he still is--as your Majesty will
learn more fully by the judicial reports that were sent you in regard
to this matter, and to which I refer.

All these exhibitions of temper and anger result from what I have
pointed out to your Majesty in many other letters. They will exist
as long as there is an Audiencia and auditors in this city. I base
this assertion on the arguments and reasons that my experience
during the time of my residence in these islands has shown me. Again
referring to several of those reasons, I shall mention here only
three to your Majesty: first, that the auditors have so few causes
to judge that there are no more than those of four Indians in regard
to their houseplots and lands--in which they finally spend more in
costs than the principal over which they are litigating; the second
because the auditors are stubbornly opposed to the governors, for
which reason the latter cannot attain success in many things, and
your Majesty's service suffers. The aim of the auditors is naught
else than to get all the posts for their relatives, intimates, and
comrades; but with these many retired captains can be recompensed,
who have served and serve your Majesty here whenever necessary,
without return or pay. When their requests are not granted, these men
withdraw to their homes, which causes the country to be divided into
factions and parties. The third reason is the number of pesos that
your Majesty would save from the salaries of the auditors and other
officials of the Audiencia. With that sum, twice as much infantry
could be maintained as that which your Majesty has here. That, in
the light of present conditions, is the most important thing for the
necessary maintenance and defense of these islands. I have dared to
relate this to your Majesty because of my zeal as a loyal vassal,
and as one who looks at things dispassionately. Will your Majesty
decide as is most advisable to your royal service.

In all the letters that I have written to your Majesty in the past,
I have made a full report of the services that I have tried to
perform for your Majesty in more than forty consecutive years, not
only in these regions, but in the States of Flandes, and in Ytalia,
and in other lands, of which your Majesty already has information. At
present I only beg your Majesty to be pleased to consider that my age
is over sixty, and, although I might thereby be somewhat hindered,
still I will appreciate it more than I can express, to finish the
remainder of my life in the service of your Majesty, employed in the
post and grant that your Majesty may be pleased to confer upon me,
according to the capacity and talent found in me, as I hope from the
royal hand of your Majesty.

When I was about to seal this packet, news reached this city of the
happy arrival at these islands of the ship "San Andres," which was
expected from Nueva España. That news has caused a quite universal
happiness to this wretched community. The ship has anchored in the
province of Ylocos, eighty leguas from here, as the weather does not
permit it to come to this port. Your Majesty's letters have not yet
reached this port, and, as the vessels which are being despatched are
on the point of sailing, it will not be possible to answer them, as
the governor will more fully inform your Majesty--whose Catholic and
royal person may our Lord preserve for many years, as is necessary
to Christendom, etc. Manila, August first, 1621. Your Majesty's
humble servant,

_Don Hieronimo de Silva_





Affairs in the Franciscan Province


Sire:

I, Fray Pedro de Sant Pablo, [13] preacher and minister provincial of
this province of Sant Gregorio of the Philipinas Islands of the order
of the discalced religious of our seraphic father St. Francis, and son
of the province of Sant Joseph of the same order, who minister in the
convent of La Purissima Concepcion [_i.e._, "the most pure conception"]
in the town of Barajas, and the least vassal of your Majesty, and
your humble and unworthy chaplain, give your Majesty in the present
an account of the unhappy condition of the province, in my own behalf
and in the name of all this province. I declare that for the last few
years the province has become restless, factional, and divided into
parties, which it is a pity to see. It is one thing to see it, and
another to bear it. On account of its condition, I have often resolved
to resign my office as its head, as I was unable to remedy these ills;
but I have refrained from doing so, as I think that I am doing some
service to God our Lord therein, from whom I await the remedy. The
cause of all these troubles is the coming to this province of your
Majesty--which was established in so great discalcedness, [14] strict
observance, and poverty--of religious not discalced, or reared on that
good milk, but belonging to the cloth in those [Spanish] kingdoms,
of religious reared (although under a rule) with different principles
and mode of life. So different are these that under no consideration
can there be the remedy that they will accommodate their way to ours,
or we conform to theirs. Some of us appeal to Paul and others to Zefas
[_i.e._, Cephas] [15]--a most lamentable and injurious condition of
affairs, and the destruction of this conversion, and of our own peace
within and without. In order not to weary your Majesty, I shall not
dwell longer upon this, or spend time setting forth our losses. But
although peace--the essential thing--has fled, it has been preserved
[here] in the reform, separation from the world, poverty, and strict
mode of life which are observed among the discalced religious of those
kingdoms of España; and I think that, in poverty, this province even
exceeds [the practice of] that virtue in those kingdoms. To Indians
that appears a miraculous thing, beyond what is either acquired or
natural. To God be the thanks!

This province was established and has been preserved with holy
religious, sons of the provinces of the discalced in España;
and at present about two-thirds of these religious are from the
said provinces. But little by little, religious of the cloth have
come among them, clad as discalced religious only in order to gain
admission to these regions. So many of them have gathered here that
they are sufficient to form parties and divisions by themselves, aided
by some of our discalced religious who join their party. What most
encourages this is, that as our fathers-general, commissaries-general,
and other superiors are those who govern us, they try to favor those of
the provinces of the cloth with offices as superiors and commissaries,
and with other privileges, whereby they are advantaged and plant the
foot of superiority above others much more deserving and worthy than
they; consequently they plant their feet upon all in order to attain
their ends. In this way do they destroy the peace of one and all of
us, so that I am fain to be able to express my grief to your sacred
and royal Majesty.

This would be checked provided our said father superiors would
observe and place in execution an order and royal command, which
it is said that your Majesty gave long ago, ordering that the said
fathers of the Observance should not come to these islands, but only
the professed religious of the discalced branch. But this they do,
thinking that they comply with your Majesty's said order by clothing
those said religious of the cloth in the shabby habit of the discalced
religious, in order to pass over here--whereby your Majesty's royal
will is defrauded and your royal officials at your ports deceived.

Therefore I petition your Majesty, by the blood of Christ our Lord,
to provide the remedy. That consists in one of two alternatives:
namely, either that your Majesty order that, since there are so many
friars, no religious who has not made profession in the provinces
of the discalced religious of España shall take passage henceforth
for these islands and for Japon, and that religious who come to these
islands and provinces must go from those provinces [of the discalced],
and not from the provinces of the cloth, for the said fathers have
so many and so extensive conversions in which to employ themselves;
or that, on the contrary, no discalced religious may take passage,
but that all be of the cloth. For in this manner the one class will
decrease and the others will increase, and all will soon belong to
the one class; and, by the help of God our Lord, there will be peace.

The condition of Japon is as follows. About two years ago (that is,
in 1618), brother [_sc._ father] Fray Luis Sotelo came here with
letters from our most reverend father Fray Juan de Vivanco, confirmed
by the nuncio of those kingdoms and by our father commissary-general
of Nueva España. Entrance was gained for us by him to Japon, but
he was taken away from us by fuerza; [16] and this year, 1620, our
father commissary-general of Nueva España, Fray Diego de Otalora,
sent another in his place, a son of the province of Santiago in
España, of the cloth. We also had a letter from our most reverend
father, Fray Juan de Venido, commissary of court, dated at that
court in the year 1619. According to one clause of it, the patent
of brother Fray Luis de Sotelo, and that of Fray Francisco Ximenez,
whom they but lately sent as commissary for the said Japon, were
revoked. This province, having taken depositions in regard to it,
with the aid of the said letter, adjudged Japon accordingly. Both
of them were notified, heard the act, and asked for copies. In this
condition the affair (which is all litigation) remains; for, although
the province remains thus, the pending suit still encumbers it. For
the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, I humbly petition your Majesty,
prostrate at your royal feet, to aid us in this, so that the matter may
be confirmed in favor of the said province; for Japon belongs to it,
and was founded and planted by it, and God has watered that land with
the blood of our sons. For it is impossible by any manner or method,
or by any way or expedient, that authority can be given to pass to
that province of Japon, or that it can be preserved, except by this;
for in these two years while its condition has been as described,
this province has furnished both religious and other supplies. Besides
this, they are depriving us of a house and shrine of this province,
called Sant Francisco del Monte, used for the training of novitiates;
and they have deprived us of it, together with the said province of
Japon. Besides, there are many other troubles that they have caused us
(of which the procurator of this province will inform your Majesty)
in order that the discalced branch should not proceed with the said
conversion, which has hitherto cost it so much.

For that reason has arisen in this province the resentment that
is just, and it is commended to our Lord with many fastings and
disciplines. Will your Majesty examine this matter with those royal
eyes, so void of passion, and set it right, as I have here petitioned,
for thus will it be expedient for the royal service of His Divine
Majesty and that of your Majesty. May His Divine Majesty augment, keep,
and preserve you, as we, all these your faithful vassals, desire--who
(and I, the most wretched of them) prostrate ourselves before the
royal feet of your Majesty, which we kiss a thousand times. Given in
Sant Francisco in Manila, July 31, 1620, and by your royal Majesty's
most unworthy servant,

_Fray Pedro de San Pablo_, minister provincial.



We, the provincial and definitors of the province of Sant Gregorio
of the Philipinas Islands, of the order of the discalced religious
of our seraphic father St. Francis, the humble and loyal vassals
of your Majesty, declare that, inasmuch as our Lord God took to
Himself and allowed to die the first fathers and founders who had
come hither, with great virtue and sanctity, from the provinces of
the discalced religious of the kingdom of Castilla, those who were
in this province set about appointing some heads from the religious
reared in this country. Because of that, this holy province began
to be divided into great factions some few years ago; and it has
been so divided that it would break the heart of one who knew it
[as it was] before. The sole cause of fomenting these factions is
that the fathers of the Observance have passed to this province and
these islands, in violation of a royal decree of your Majesty, and
dwell among us wearing the habits of discalced religious, fomenting
these factions and divisions, to the great loss and ruin of all good
and reform. Those troubles are prevailing in this province because
the latter is directly governed by the father commissary-general
of Nueva España, who is of the same observance and not a discalced
religious. We are suffering great detriment at present, and many
scandals have arisen, to the great loss of our credit and the welfare
of these conversions. This is especially true of that of the kingdoms
of Xapon, which the said father commissary-general of Nueva España
has attempted to wrest from us with great violence, although that is
greatly to the disservice of His Divine Majesty, and that of your
Majesty. Such also would be the case if our holy order cannot be
established in that and other fields of conversion--discalced, poor,
and reformed, and with as great admiration as that with which it has
been hitherto established and preserved amid all these nations.

The remedy for the avoidance of these evils lies in your Majesty again
ordering that not any of the said fathers of the Observance shall
come to these regions, as they are wont to come, feigning by their
habits to be discalced religious; and in your assigning us a resident
commissary-general, subject forever to a province of the discalced
branch of Castilla, so that the said reform may be preserved, and that
he may govern the province better, as having been reared in the said
discalced branch, of which this province has more experience. If this
be impossible, then we petition your Majesty to be pleased to order
that we may be freed from obligation to the father commissary-general
of Nueva España, and to allow this province to be immediately under
the government of one of our fathers-general, a commissary-general
of all the Yndias resident in your court, as thus it is advisable.

This we humbly petition and supplicate from your Majesty. In case
that be impossible, then we petition your Majesty to hand these
conversions over to the said fathers of the Observance; for, being a
unit and being harmonious, they will attend better to the ministry
of souls. If the said fathers come to attend to these conversions,
will your Majesty be pleased to give permission and equipment to all
of us discalced religious who have come from Castilla to return to our
province. Confiding in the accustomed largess and kindness of your
Majesty, we shall say no more. May His Divine Majesty preserve and
augment your Majesty, as we, these unworthy chaplains of your Majesty,
petition and desire in our prayers and sacrifices, etc. Given in this
convent of your Majesty of Nuestra Señora de los Angeles, of Manila,
July 20, 1621.


_Fray Pedro de San Pablo_, minister provincial.
_Fray Andres del Sacramento_, [17] definitor.
_Fray Agustín de Tordesilla_, [18] definitor.
_Fray Christoval de Santa Ana_, definitor.
_Fray Antonio de Nombela_, definitor.


[_Notes at beginning_: "The minister provincial and the definitors
of the province of San Gregorio in Manila, of the Order of St. Francis.

"They mention the extortions committed on that province by some
auditors of the Audiencia, which compelled them to receive father
Fray Francisco Ximinez in your Majesty's name, although in violation
of a brief of his Holiness. It is petitioned that a remonstrance be
sent to them, so that they may not exercise similar violence on any
other occasion."]

Sire:

We, the provincial and definitors of the province of Sant Gregorio
of the Philipinas Islands of the order of the discalced religious
of our seraphic Father St. Francis, your Majesty's loyal vassals
and humble chaplains, declare that this province has been signally
injured and aggrieved, with great detriment to its general credit and
good name, and the opinion of all our order, and in particular that
of the said province, by Licentiate Hieronimo del Gaspi Chabarria,
Doctor Don Albaro de Mesa y Lugo, and Doctor Don Antonio Rodriguez
de Villegas, auditors of your royal Audiencia of these islands,
by reason of their having granted your royal aid to Fray Francisco
Ximenez, an Observantine religious. The latter came to this province
with a commission granted by the father commissary-general of our
order in Nueva España, ordering us to receive him--although he ought
not to be received, as it was in violation of the general rule of
government in our order; and in violation of a brief of his Holiness,
Gregory Thirteenth. Moreover, such action tends to the destruction
of the discalced religious, and of the reform and common welfare of
this province, and of the conversions in these new kingdoms of your
Majesty--especially when the said auditors compel this province to
receive him in your royal name, making an ill use of your name and
of the royal authority, and insulting it--and he does that, who,
under pretext of such name, practices injustices and extortions,
and who does not observe the terms of laws and ordinances; and much
more, when they are practiced against an order and province that your
Majesty has always esteemed and esteems so highly. Thus, nominally by
your royal authority, we have suffered great violence and scandals,
and it is certain that had this occurred nearer to your Majesty's pious
eyes, a most signal and exemplary chastisement would have followed. But
in these so remote regions, where redress arrives late, it is usual,
and almost necessary for us chaplains of your Majesty and the orders
to suffer these extortions; and if they did not result in detriment
to virtue and to the public welfare, by bearing them patiently we
would not lose, but rather gain much.

Therefore we petition and supplicate your Majesty to examine this
cause with your own eyes, and provide redress for the injuries
received--annulling these acts of violence and rebuking your said
auditors, so that it may serve them as a correction, and others as
an example and warning; and so that the ministers of the gospel and
the orders in these islands may not be annoyed or injured by the
evil example furnished to the newly converted, whereby they would
esteem the ecclesiastical estate and divine worship less. For such
is not the will of your Majesty. In this respect, there is in these
regions a great deficiency in all your officials; consequently the
ecclesiastical class need to have your Majesty renew your decrees
that give injunctions to your agents. By so doing your Majesty will
render a great service to His Divine Majesty, favor to all of us,
and good to these new plants. May God our Lord preserve your Majesty
for years, as we desire, and augment your happy state, as we your
least and unworthy chaplains desire, etc. Given in this convent of
your Majesty, Nuestra Señora de los Angeles, Manila, in 1621.


_Fray Pedro de San Pablo_, minister provincial.
_Fray Agustin de Tordesillas_, [_MS. uncertain_] [19] and definitor.
_Fray Andres del Sacremento_, definitor.
_Fray Antonio de Nombela_, definitor.
_Fray Christoval de Santa Ana_, [20] definitor.





Letter from Fajardo to the King


Sire:

In the ships which left here this year for Nueva Spaña I gave your
Majesty a long account of everything which, up to that time, could be
related, or which occurred to me, with duplicates of different letters,
therefore the most that I have to add today is the reception of your
Majesty's letter and your royal decrees. I have not done this before as
I had not sufficient leisure to examine them, or do so in the interval
allowed by the season. What I have to say at present concerning their
contents is, that I shall act in all respects, and carry out what your
Majesty orders therein, according to my ability, and as best I can,
and as is most expedient for your Majesty's service. In conformity
therewith and in due form, acts of obedience were rendered; and, in
some points which appear to me to demand more detailed explanation
than was given in that general answer, I will furnish it.

As to what your Majesty wrote to the Marques de Guadalcaxar, [21]
former viceroy of Nueva Spaña, in regard to [the statement] that on
the ship "San Nicolas" three hundred and thirty persons died on account
of its late departure from these islands, all that I can say is that,
since a person of his position and character undertook to write it,
he should certainly have first informed himself thoroughly in the
matter. Although I was present at the despatching of this ship and
went out with it well outside of Cavite, it did not appear to me that,
in regard to the people who were going, the ship was carrying half [of
its quota]; for at most there are accustomed to go with the officers
usually seventy seamen and gunners, more or less, according to the
tonnage of the ships, although the number mentioned is for a ship
of very large tonnage. With these there usually go as many more,
Indians from this country, as common seamen, and some slaves that
the said officers and the passengers are allowed to take with them
for their service, paying the duties which are usually paid to your
Majesty. The passengers are usually kept down to as small a number as
possible; and if so many died as is affirmed in the supposed relation,
they were not Spaniards, because of these not many died. They must
have been negroes and slaves, who were hidden after embarkation by
those who took them aboard, with an eye to the great gain which there
usually is in this, by saving the cost and the duties that they owe,
when the royal officials at Acapulco are friends of theirs, or those
who thus convey slaves are of the household of the viceroy. [22]

In so far as concerns their departure, the regulation of that is
not at present in the power of the governor of these islands; for
the enemy are accustomed to come hither, as has been evident during
the little more than three years while I have been here; they have
come twice, and I am likewise expecting them now--and always with
at least twice the fleet and troops that we have. Every day they are
gaining more strength, as is seen by the presence of so many of them
on this coast. The ships from China do not come, and it is with their
merchandise that our ships must go to Nueva Spaña. We are, moreover,
obliged to keep the small vessels which can be manned, ready for war,
in order to compel the enemy not to divide their forces and thus
inflict the damage which, without this check, they would accomplish;
and in order to fight with them, offering them an opportunity to do
so even though they might obtain from us some advantage, which might
be made up by the gain [of keeping them in check]. As we had to attend
to this and then direct our efforts to fitting up the ships for Nueva
Spaña--shutting up the gun-ports, and changing the vessels so that they
are suitable for merchant ships, and even at times enlarging them and
increasing the conveniences within, and waiting until the amount of the
merchandise has been completed, so that they may carry it--we could not
get them off so quickly as was wished, nor upon an appointed day as
before, when there was no war, and when at Christmas we used to have
thirty or forty ships from China. The viceroy can inform you of this,
for he too can ascertain this through the relations, as well as I.

As for the memorial which your Majesty orders me to send touching the
diminution of the quantity of silver which comes from Nueva Spaña to
these islands, having looked into the matter it appears to me that
not only is this design a proper one, but that it is very necessary
to bring about this result; for I judge that only with the utmost
difficulty can the drain of so much silver every year from that
country and those mines be continued. They, too, are being exhausted
like those of other countries, and the natives are diminishing; so
that the silver is obtained in the most costly and scanty fashion,
to be carried hither and go away to lie in the treasure-house of the
king of China. I did not neglect to consider this when I proposed to
your Majesty that the trade of these islands with Nueva Spaña should
be exclusive of silk and woven goods, except linen and other products
of this country, which are not of great importance; for although the
coming of silver from there would not thus be altogether stopped,
there is no doubt that it would be less, and we would avoid the
drain from España by the French, English, and Flemish, of what they
are accustomed to take away [in payment] for the linens which they
carry thither to sell, and this saving would pass to the Yndias, as
I have explained more at length in the letter which treats of this,
a copy of which accompanies the present. If this is done, there will
undoubtedly be more trade with Xapon, with the opportunity given by the
silk trade; and in this manner we might continue establishing a trade
so that the linen trade with Nueva Spaña might also be restricted,
if linens for Indias could be more advantageously provided by some
other part of España.

Although in the memorial there is a matter which demands so
much attention as the depopulation of a town like Macan, and the
difficulties are set forth arising from its occupation by the Dutch
or English, and their admission [to trade] by the Chinese--who,
with their greediness, would seek the profit which they formerly
gained from the Portuguese, thus destroying, at a single stroke, the
commerce of this country with Nueva Spaña, which is the means whereby
all who reside here support themselves--to do so would appear a matter
of the most difficulty. It would seem necessary and requisite for the
[preservation of the] Japanese trade to transport some or the greater
part of those people [of Macao] to the province of Nueva Segovia,
or to the island of Hermosa, getting a foothold there whence we might
better continue and carry on the navigation from China to that place
and from there to Xapon, and not from here; for silks are already
as high in this city as in Nangasaqui, on account of the danger from
enemies which the Chinese risk in coming here. It has appeared best
to me not to make any hasty decision in this matter without informing
myself more thoroughly and considering it, so that I may be better
able to state my judgment to your Majesty by the first ships which
shall be despatched, by the favor of God. While my opinion is that,
in the meantime, no more definite plan or decision should be adopted,
there is no more effective remedy for limiting the drain from Nueva
Spaña through this country than to regulate the capacity and cargoes of
the ships which go from here; because if they are large they are bound
to be filled, even though it be with clothing and useful articles for
households, and they must bring back the price of these things, cost
what they may. But if they are smaller vessels they cannot take on so
large cargoes, and accordingly what is bought to be carried in them,
as less has to be bought for this purpose, is cheaper, and, as not
so much is carried, it brings a higher price in Nueva Spaña; in this
manner, therefore, the investment of ten is worth as much as that of
twenty going in large ships, and it is rather profit than loss for the
citizens here, and likewise for the service of your Majesty--although
the citizens of the city of Mexico who have correspondents and secret
factors here will be affected by it, because they will not obtain so
large a portion of the investment and the cheap cargo, as the people
here will need all that the ships can carry. This is all I can say
regarding this at present.

As for what your Majesty writes me concerning the factor and inspector,
Diego de Castro Lisson, in the matter of this office of accounts,
in which relation your Majesty orders me to appoint to the office of
accountant thereof someone who is a fit person, I will say that you
may have information as to what the said Diego de Castro Lisson is,
as he was already in your service when I arrived here. I do not find
him, but in his place Luis de Vera Encalada, a person who for this
office or any other of this profession, or one of trust, ought not
to be preferred to Juan de Messa Suero, if the latter were not dead
(as I have explained to your Majesty in another letter). As for your
Majesty making the choice and appointment of this office, there will
be no other difficulty than that the salary must be larger--as the
authority will be, if the appointment is from the royal hand of your
Majesty--and the business is of so little importance and no profit;
for although he is called accountant of accounts, in my opinion
he is coming to be the director thereof, since the examination and
decision of difficulties or additions is made by us, the president,
two auditors, and a fiscal.

The offices which, being vacant, are filled in the interim until your
Majesty shall grant the appointment and favor thereof have been in
my term merely for half the salary, without the person who served in
them in this way having received any allowance for expenses, in any
manner whatsoever; nor is there anything here with which to make such
allowance, and I have understood that this has always been the case.

The memorial of the pilot Gaspar Conquero, which treats of the
exploring of the island of Oro, which is here called Rica de Oro,
has been examined; and as soon as he makes this port, or there is any
other person suitable for conducting this exploration, and to be given
the island as an encomienda, I shall do so as your Majesty orders.

As for what your Majesty orders to the effect that I should inform
you of the wound which was given Captain Matheo des Villerias, all
I can say is that on the night when it was given I sent to tell the
auditor, Don Alvaro de Messa, that he should conduct the investigation,
and take the proper measures; but he did not do so, although there
was no reason which should hinder him; accordingly, not to lose any
time in this, the auditor Hieronimo de Legaspi undertook the work,
and before him the case was tried. No guilt was charged against any
one, although the wounded man said that he conjectured that it was
Captain Silvestre de Aybar. Afterward his suspicion was changed, and
he told me personally that he suspected Admiral Don Luis de Cordova;
and, although we could not be sure that it was he, the presumption was
stronger since it was learned that Captain Villerias had spoken very
ill of matters which concerned the viceroy Marques de Guadalcacar,
to whose party the said Don Luis de Cordova belongs. Villerias had
another quarrel of this sort with the latter, after which they were
quite friendly. This is not the first trouble which has happened to
Villerias on account of having talked and interfered too much, but he
has had other and more important ones. This would not be any too small
to be worth judicial consideration if the matter could be cleared
up, and if the occasion which, it is said, he gave for his wound by
speaking thus concerning the said marques, could be ascertained.

I have not been able to learn in these islands that there are any
Jerominian, Benedictine, Carmelite, Trinitarian, or Victorian friars
here, although I have tried to exercise the care which your Majesty
directs in this regard.

In accordance with the contents of another decree of August 25, of
the past year 620, it appears that your Majesty has been informed that
the reason why the ships left these islands for Nueva Spaña later than
in past years was because the president and auditors were interested,
and principal shippers therein. The truth is, that their not leaving
earlier was due to the coming of the enemy with large fleets to these
coasts, and to the fact that the ships which bring the merchandise for
these shipments [to Nueva Spaña] were late or did not come for fear
of the enemy (as I have already written to you more at length and in
detail), and likewise on account of negotiations and agreements between
the auditors and the present president. I will swear to it that the
report which has been made to your Majesty on this point is untrue,
because I was not brought up in the households or under the instruction
of merchants, but in the good way of military exercises, as were my
ancestors. It must be evident to your Majesty, as the property that
I possess could well attest, that it would be very well for me if it
were increased by the amounts that are lacking and pledged.

As for the property of deceased persons, this treasury has a judge,
on which account I have less knowledge of its administration--although
whenever opportunity offers and it is expedient to take any action
regarding it, I do so according to my duty, and before your Majesty
orders it, as he does order in the decree which treats of this. I made
strenuous efforts not to have individual depositaries appointed for
this property; but not only in this but likewise in the court fines,
and other condemnations and various deposits which ought to enter into
the said treasury, and into the royal treasury and general depositary
in each case where it is concerned, there has been no way of forcing
the auditor Hieronimo de Legaspi to cease making the deposits with
various persons that they might have the profit thereof. For it is
plain and well known that as my occupation keeps me most of the time
encumbered with duties outside of the Audiencia, and often outside
of the city, in my absence these things are done, and others which
should not be. I attempt to correct them, although I do not hope for
amendment from the licentiate Legaspi in this matter of money and
other very unlawful things, ill-befitting his office and his age,
the illegal character of his acts eliciting many complaints which I
have received. I have received a memorial, a copy of which I send
with this, containing more than forty separate heads against him,
and offering proof of them--which, although they are not unknown
or secret things, it will be no little matter to prove against an
auditor while holding his office. Since I have given your Majesty at
other times an account of this person, although summarily, I shall not
say any more of him in this letter; yet more may be said concerning
both him and the auditor Alvaro de Messa. The latter is still in
[the convent of] Ssancto Domingo, stirring up trouble and revolution,
as is his nature, and making people jealous of me--sowing discord and
untrue and evil words to this end, and to destroy my reputation and
render null my services; and afterward to go back and gather them up
in sworn statements and depositions in documents, as a public matter,
without considering that this act of his is insubordination. With this,
and as he has gone so far as to seek false depositions against me--as
is evident from the true ones which I have sent your Majesty--I do
not think that anything further can be said concerning a professing
Christian. Nor can we live in safety and honor where such infernal
actions are committed, if they be not punished and corrected by your
Majesty's just and powerful hand--by ordering that with him shall also
be rebuked the friars of that convent, who not only keep the said
doctor in their house and aid him in his actions against my person
and office, but also give refuge with the same object to a certain
Pedro de Lussara and one Pedro Alvarez, his men, who are working in
his cause. I have given your Majesty other reports of this; but they
interfere so much in this government and in the desire to command,
that at times I have been in fear lest it was not the affairs of their
missions and the Sangleys for which they wish to do everything, and
lest some disturbance should arise that would demand punishment. If
they could be relieved from some of the excessive ardor that they have,
and the desire to go out into secular life with their own lawsuits
and quarrels, seeking to have every one fear them and esteem their
friendship, in other respects they would be the best friars which I
have seen in the Indias.

As for the review of accounts which the said factor and inspector
Diego de Castro Lisson had in charge, I refer you to the report
which he will make or has made, as he has told me, giving the
reasons why he has not continued therein. In the second place, I
have learned that it is a matter of no little importance that this
should be done quite thoroughly and fully--if not for the property
that might be taken from him, yet to put into better condition the
documents and despatches of his department, by which a great amount
will be gained at once forever. It is also equally necessary that the
intelligence and energy of him who comes for this purpose should be
greater [than that of the said factor]; and the inspector-general,
Thomas de Yvio Calderon, is not a person of sufficient prominence,
nor is he discreet enough, for an affair of the greatest importance
to the service of your Majesty--although his standing is not a poor
one, and if a higher position were conferred on him, with the honors
and favors that your Majesty might give him, everything might be
well arranged. I dare say that I have information of no other person
who is more suitable, by his abilities and qualifications, which are
well known and have been shown in the service of your Majesty; and I
have such information concerning his conduct of affairs that I should
consider him very good for you to approve for this commission. If your
Majesty shall decide to send anyone to do this work, I warn you, in
order that he may fulfil his duties with exactness, as is due to the
service of your Majesty, that he should not come as subordinate to or
dependent upon the Audiencia or the governor, if it can be avoided;
but his only business should be to separate entanglements and untie
the knots. It will be no less unadvisable to have him remain here
with an office or allowance; for in such case he would not wish to
offend many persons, but would conciliate their good-will. If your
Majesty will accept mine, you will pardon me for being longer in the
answer than was the question.

As for several points mentioned in the royal decree of your Majesty
of the twelfth of December, one thousand six hundred and ten--by
which persons who come with the viceroys, governors, presidents,
captains-general, auditors, and royal officials, are prohibited
and incapacitated from receiving the favors and rewards of offices,
encomiendas, and other things which are usually given to those who
serve and labor; and preference over other claimants is given to the
sons and descendants of conquistadors, and likewise of the settlers;
and it is directed that for the distribution of the said favors or
rewards the new order and form should be followed which your Majesty
ordains in the said decree, taking away the power from those who
before held it in this matter, and giving what was held by them to the
auditors and fiscals--it has seemed best to me to inform your Majesty
of what presents itself to me in this regard, so that concerning all
this you may provide and command what is most suitable for your royal
service, and for the divine service, in behalf of which the former
is conducted.

This country is most distant from España of any which is known in
the world and it, with the persons who inhabit and maintain it,
are today the most borne down with troubles of all the Indias; for
here is the force of the war which is not felt there, and between
so many nations as are our neighbors, who can wage and maintain it;
it seems, therefore, as if no person who is free to do what he will,
and who aspires to honor and fortune, would come here to serve,
without expectation of those rewards, if he were able to do it
nearer the eye of your Majesty and of his fatherland. For if it is
true that hitherto there have been many of this kind who have come,
it has been in the hope that after three years they could leave,
entering the honored or profitable occupations which they might
have merited. The official persons with whom they came, or to whose
land they belonged, and who were friendly, or appreciative of their
abilities and qualifications, would help them, nor did it appear
that favor would be extended unjustly. All the more now, when on
every hand is barred any one of this class of persons who would
desire to come; only those come whom some misdeed or ill-fortune
drives into this land, and those who legally come to trade and live
as merchants, and those whom the royal Audiencia of Mexico sends by
way of condemnation, besides the people for our defense, and who are
levied in companies in the markets and fairs of that city. And with
these people there would come no noblemen of good parts and honored
character, or many accomplished soldiers with merits acquired in war,
such as the viceroys, governors, and other officers of this sort who
come to serve your Majesty are accustomed to bring with them--without
any suspicion that they ought not to do so, for the importance of
having such men is already known, and is all the greater on account
of the more occasions for war and other emergencies. I assure your
Majesty that it is a well-known and evident fact that there are in
this city honored knights and persons of excellent qualities, merits,
and abilities, worthy of esteem. I assure you that it is also true
that almost all of them came attached to the persons who filled
the said offices, and attracted by their promises and expectations,
whereby this country was greatly distinguished. This could not have
been said if such persons had not come here, but we would already be
very destitute of nobility without them, and would even have forgotten
the way to carry on and fulfil their duties.

That the sons and descendants of conquistadors and original settlers
should be preferred to those who are more recent and have not rendered
greater services is a just and holy thing, especially in the peaceful
countries of the Indias. But if this preeminence in life and in the
favor of your Majesty is granted to them in consideration of the
services which their ancestors have rendered in their conquests and
pacifications, and on occasions of wars which were there carried on,
it also appears just that present services which are being rendered
in this land on occasions of war here and upon these seas, ought
not to take their position behind those of the ancestors. For it is
certain that the services of today are more important, on account
of the greater need which there is for them, and because the creole
sons and descendants of conquistadors or colonists claim the favors
entirely in consideration of this (although there are not many who
show their deserts by continuing their services), going so far as to
demand that those who served Terrenate should have no recognition in
granting the favors and encomiendas of this country, as if there were
anything to provide them with in those islands. I beseech your Majesty
to command that your royal will be declared in this matter--although,
for my part, I have understood that it is those whose services are
the greater, whether in the present or the past, who should have the
first or greater reward, considering the quality of those services,
the rank of the persons, and their abilities and character.

In the distribution of the offices, encomiendas, and other rewards
and favors which are given in the name of your Majesty to those who
serve who deserve them, the auditors and fiscals hold the authority,
and the viceroys, governors, and captains-general lose what they
used to possess. There will surely be great difficulties from this,
and much greater in this country where there is so much war, and
in others where war shall arise, than in the other parts of the
Indias, which are tranquil and quiet and enjoy peace. For if in
them all the offices and occupations are of advantage and utility,
and for that reason sought through different methods, and on this
account there are many worthy persons to receive them, among whom
to choose, therefore this new order ought to be put into operation
[there]. In this country it is different, because most of them are
engaged in the exercise and labor of war, and there are by no means
too many men for the needs thereof; it thus necessarily results that,
as certain offices are demanded for them, those who appoint to these
are importuned; but here it has to be the governor who importunes,
and who is under obligation to the persons of ability and services,
who are charged with matters which are important. And if beside this,
and besides employing them in dangerous affairs and commissions (liable
to result in an unfortunate end and the loss of life and reputation
through the mutations of fortune which they encounter), if, when they
have carried these out well, the governor cannot be satisfied with
this for them, nor with good will, being under obligation to reward
them, if they do not hold from him the other said offices which
belong to the Audiencia (which is almost always ill-disposed toward
the governor), it will bring about great trouble, not only for those
who seek to toil and win merit, but likewise for the governors, who,
without the aid of such men, could not fulfil their obligations. And
as these services and merits are for the most part acquired in war,
almost always most of these men are counting on rewards, and upon
binding in this manner their captain-general, without having recourse
to submissions or other negotiations. It will be seldom that there
is not some ill-feeling in the Audiencia--now for having proceeded
in the said manner, and again for not having complied with the claims
of every leader and proprietor--but only to the governor. If, on the
one hand, there is this annoyance, and the familiar entrance into his
house in order to seek the offices and rewards; and, on the other,
the entrance into those of the auditors and other persons mentioned
in the said decree--it would necessarily be here, where there is not
much from which to choose, that we would have to give assistance to
those who, on account of their low condition or incapacity, are not
esteemed or well known.

Besides the above arguments, I wish to furnish the latest example
of the difficulty which was experienced here is the previous year
of 617, as there were so many who had to decide the allotment of
offices. This was when Don Joan Ronquillo, with that great fleet,
went out and fought the one that the enemy maintained along these
coasts. As each one of them [_i.e._, the auditors and fiscal] sought
the best galleon and the most prominent post for his relative or
favorite, the galleons were divided among these, ignoring persons
who could manage them better than some of those who were chosen. No
admiral was appointed for the fleet, from which resulted no advantage,
but rather injury--and there might have been more if the commander
of the fleet had died, as might have happened, and each one would
have sought to take his place, as this was not specified. This
[same defect] was found in the ordinances which the Audiencia of
Mexico issued, with so many opinions, when the government was in its
charge, that your Majesty ordered them to be repealed and amended,
as they were so insufficient for such emergencies; and because it
was so evident and certain (as it likewise is to my knowledge) that
through the power which appoints those who serve, and punishes them
when they are in the wrong, they ought to be rewarded when they are
right. For otherwise the governor and captain-general would be the
man who persuades or compels them to serve and labor, and it would
be the auditors who must reward them; for it is in their power to say
who are competent and who not, without its remaining in the power of
the governor to do more than make a proposition in their favor--which
would be of no force if two auditors joined against his opinion,
as they almost always do. Such persons, therefore, would very seldom
succeed in obtaining the reward of their services; and this office
of governor and captain-general would become the most down-trodden,
wearisome, and undignified of all that your Majesty has in his pay
and service--and it should be well considered that the office today
is one of the most laborious and least profitable, when it is served
as it should be, considering its importance. Your Majesty will make
suitable provision, adding to these observations the fact that the
prestige of España has been greatly endangered by the lack of troops
and money in parts so distant from aid, and in a country which has so
many enemies--the worst in this respect being those who are nearest,
and who are able to make the most cruel thrusts at our honor, directed
and guided by the auditors, without their heeding truth or conscience,
and of which I have already often complained to your Majesty. If the
said auditors are to be given still greater authority, whether it be
for conferring benefits or taking them away, your Majesty will see how
they will treat his president and those who are helping him. Moreover,
if authority be taken away from him, in place of being given to him
for his greater honor and so that he may be able to carry on better
the labors and duties of this office [it may be doubted whether]
persons of the ability that is needed for that position will be
willing to risk inconveniences and losses so obvious--it being certain
that a man is necessary here of integrity and accomplishments and of
excellent abilities; he must also be proficient in various professions
and functions for which occasions continually arise here, so that
he must practice and exercise them. Then in regard to property the
greatest difficulty of all is touched--that is, to need it and not
to have it; for it is necessary to spend all the year and all one's
life in contriving. In regard to war it is the same thing, since
there are so many occasions for it here, and the forces and means to
enable him to carry out what he would undertake are lacking; nor can
he show who is at the head of the enterprise and has in charge what
means are available for his purposes. He must also be accomplished
with weapons, and experienced in the preparation and management of
marine affairs and artillery, for here the governor must be almost
always, and in most affairs of these islands, the head master; for
it is not the same as in España, where each office has its own man,
but in the affairs of government it is certain that this is the most
difficult office that is known. For the greater the obligation, and
the less the means for fulfilling it, so much greater is the labor and
so many more are the demands; and the less there is to give them, the
more captious and more numerous are the complaints and discontents,
which they both utter and write, that they have never seen a worse
governor. Nor are there lacking friars to help them, who preach the
same thing with great effect--all the more if by chance something
which the friars have asked for has been denied them.

Other reasons beside those that I have given could be added to this
effect, which I do not set down, as the city are doing it on their
own part. I beg your Majesty to have all these matters examined
and considered, and to decree what is most fitting for your royal
service--in attention to which it has seemed to me just, fitting,
and proper to make this representation and supplication.

I once more beg your Majesty to have examined and considered what
this city so often requested from you, for a long time before I
came here, in regard to releasing them from the Audiencia--although,
as I have said in other letters, I shall not enjoy this relief from
the burden which is resting upon and is, in every way, irksome to
all the people. I shall refrain from bringing forward this claim
again, but I assure your Majesty that the Audiencia does more harm
than good, as is manifest from the many arguments adduced in regard
to this matter; and there is justice there for no one, except when
it suits the pleasure or convenience of some auditor or auditors,
because the more care is exercised to make them administer justice,
the more they pervert it when they wish to, using the freedom to vote
which belongs to them. On the occasion of the unfortunate event which
happened to me on the night of the twelfth of May past [23]--and it
was so important and serious an affair, as your Majesty already knows,
or will learn by the judicial record and papers regarding the matter,
which I despatched by way of Nueva Spaña and am now despatching via
India--they made (although I am their president) no more demonstration
against the agents, go-betweens, and apologists who were guilty in
this affair than if it had concerned the most wretched and degraded
of the Chinamen who go about here. As it was my own case, and as I
was satisfied in regard to the principal matter that concerned me
(thanks be to God), I did not wish to exercise my authority in the
case; but it may be seen to what lengths the blindness of their
desires and passions leads them.

I have already despatched the supplies to Terrenate, and to the island
of Panay. The larger ships of this expedition will carry the cargo
that is to be brought thence, and the smaller vessels will go to
join the larger ones with the supplies from here inside of two days,
with the aid of God; may He convey in safety the relief for those
places. It is quite sufficient, and is sent earlier than in former
years--although there are not many soldiers for it, on account of
the number which I have sent in past years, and because we have here
a very small force. I have had good news from those forts that, for
the present, they have no enemies, according to what they write from
there, thanks to His Divine Majesty.

In the principal island of the Celeves, otherwise known as that of
Matheo, and by still others as that of Macazar, [24] as the chief man
of that island is lord of that region, there is, at a certain point
of it, a strait which makes an islet. This waterway was recently
discovered, and by it there is a better route to Terrenate than
was formerly followed. According to the information given me a post
can be occupied there, whereby this passage (which is very narrow)
can be guarded, and the enemy be prevented from using it. Likewise
your Majesty will have shelter for his vessels, and a foothold
in that country, which abounds with meat and rice. This would be
very useful and convenient for sending supplies thence to Terrenate,
during the whole year. During most seasons of the year the voyage from
Macazar to the islands of Panay and the Pintados, or to this island,
can be made. As there have been some Spaniards and friars there,
and this was pleasing to those Indians and their master; and as they
are receiving the water of holy baptism in considerable numbers, and
have now shown signs that they are troubled at the lack of religious;
and as the Spaniards have retired by the order of Master-of-camp
Don Luis de Bracamonte--it has appeared best to me to send again
some men and a couple of religious of the Order of St. Francis,
together with Captain Francisco Melendez Marques, who has been very
well received and is much liked by the said Indians. I ordered him
that, through friendship, or in whatever way he could best do it,
he should strive to win their good-will, so that they might not
only consent to give us a place where fortifications might be built,
which would be a sufficient foundation for greater works, but that
they should also aid in that labor; and that he should use and take
possession of the site as soon as it should be conceded to him, or
as soon and as fully as possible. Or having examined and chosen the
spot, he should leave it until I should be able to send the troops
and what was necessary therefor. For the said purpose he took nearly
a thousand pesos in money, or in stuffs and other articles which are
most valued there. I take it that this is a thing more than expedient;
and, if I had been informed of it before, I would have tried to do
this earlier. I shall be glad if your Majesty is satisfied and pleased
with it, as in all I desire to win your approval.

The chief captain of Ffernanbuc, [25] Martin Dessosa de San Pago,
and his wife and three children, who were prisoners in the hands of
the Dutch, I have had exchanged for prisoners whom I held here. He
and his household are going with their goods in the galliots which
are now leaving this city for Yndia.

I also freed from the same captivity Captain Miguel de Sequeira
Sañudo, who also has already set out for Yndia, by the "Aura" [_i.e._,
"Breeze"], of Macan. As for the stuffs and merchandise which remained
to be got out of the ship called "Nuestra Señora de La Vida," which was
wrecked, a great deal more of its cargo has been unloaded than what I
informed your Majesty of in the last despatch which I sent by way of
Nueva Spaña. All the artillery that was in it was likewise taken out;
and I have ordered it to be conveyed to a shipyard in this island,
where two ships are being built, which were already necessary to
supply the place of the old ones. There is no anxiety about raising
money for the future when the Indians are helping with a good will,
as they are doing now; and this work is being paid for, as well as
that on some galliots or little galleys, of seventeen benches each,
which also I am having built, as I save in that way half the crew,
and they are sufficient for this country and its coasts. There are no
other vessels belonging to the enemy that can secure any advantage
over them, for our vessels, to aid in fighting, can carry very
good artillery; and, as for going about where occasion arises to
punish or intimidate the Indians, they are excellent--although for
attacking the vessels with which those called Mindanaos, Xoloans,
and Camucones (who are bad neighbors of ours) usually sally out, we
need other boats like theirs. But if we had a fourth of their number,
and a couple of these galliots, they would not dare to await attack,
even though as many of their ships as could be found in their islands
were assembled, as has lately been seen; for some of these tribes
having recently been tardy [in their payment of tributes], when we
sent a galley with four or five smaller boats from here we could find
no more of them, although the sargento-mayor Don Fernando de Silva,
who went out for this purpose, is even now in search of them.

In the last few days, news has come from the province of Nueva
Segovia that some Indians on four or six of the encomiendas there
had fled to the woods, driving away the religious and burning
the churches. Although it is not a thing to create much anxiety,
I thought best to despatch immediately, without losing an hour of
time, Admiral Joan Baptista de Molina, with a sufficient number of
soldiers--some Spaniards, and some from the province of Panpanga--for
their pacification and the punishment of the leaders and the guilty
ones, for it is well to quench the fire, however small it may be,
before it extends and increases. On the other hand the enemy's
greatest desire is to see these natives disaffected toward us, and
disposed to favor them, as they have intimated to some who were in
their power, and whom afterward they set free--[telling them] that
they levy no tributes from them, nor have they any friars to flog the
Indians, nor any religious teaching; on this they base their hopes
of limiting our power in this land, which without this means they
cannot expect. It is necessary on the one hand to punish severely the
presumption of these natives, and on the other not to afflict them or
make them desperate. It is very certain, thanks be to God, that for
my own part I have kept them all contented, favored, and well paid,
without consenting that, even for the service of your Majesty, they
should suffer any oppression; and they prove this by the contentment
in which they live and with which they aid [me] in every way, as is
well known. There must be in that court [of España] enough persons,
both religious and laymen, who have gone from here who can tell
you this. But all this is not enough, nor even holding in check
the alcaldes-mayor, encomenderos, and collectors, if the ministers
in the missions will not treat them well. For it is not sufficient
to protect them from the oppressions of the passing Spaniards, who
will be forgotten, if on the other hand they are liable--on account
of their service, or for some displeasure, or for gain, or because
they do not know as much theology as the others--to be flogged or
put in the stocks, and to suffer other hardships, which they feel,
even though they are Indians. These fathers of St. Dominic are not
their least oppressors, although I do not know whether they take
from them anything which is of importance; and they favor them much
and even at times in a manner not very honorable. The friars serve as
protectors to them and inspire them to boldness; and now by this path
of protection, and again by that of punishment, the Indians are all
being brought to recognize them as powerful lords, in both spiritual
and temporal matters. So far has this gone that, if the alcalde-mayor
orders anything, even though it be just and necessary and for the
service of your Majesty, if the friar orders something else, it must
be as the latter desires, at least for the time being, until a more
urgent order is issued. Your Majesty will be pleased to consider what
is best to decree in regard to this for the future, as I am applying
the most gentle and expedient means and correctives for the present.

According to the distribution of licenses to Sangleys, it appears that
the care which I took to reduce the number of those here has had a
good effect, and that they have gone back to their own country. For,
as strict measures were taken to the effect that all those in this
country should not remain here without securing licenses, a much
smaller number of these have been issued this year than last. Likewise
a large part of the Japanese have been expelled, so that for a long
time there have not been so few of them here as now. I sent an order
and what was necessary for the fortification at Oton, and had that
port put in a state of defense. The same thing is being done with
the fort at Cavite, as I wrote to your Majesty.

In the same way we are steadily engaged in repairing and equipping the
ships, not only the capitana and the almiranta, but the ship which
this year came from Nueva Spaña, and another small ship and three
galleys. I do not know whether they can be manned, but everything
is being prepared for any emergency that may arise. What we cannot
make is money and Spaniards, the lack of the latter being the most
serious; and I have many times represented to your Majesty that the
aid from Nueva Spaña has come in scanty measure, as if from one who
was not obliged to give an account of this matter. The infantry, of
whom a very small number have come, are in such a state that I would
be glad if most of them had remained there; and, in short, counting
them all--aside from those who are crippled, and those housed in the
forts here and at Cavite--they do not amount to seven hundred and
fifty in all these companies, as appears from the certified official
statements which I send with this. Deducting those who are usually left
in the ports, and the number who are ordinarily sick in the hospital,
there will be barely enough to defend the capitana and almiranta,
two galleys, and a patache (or another galley in its place), if they
are also accompanied by some respectable citizens and persons who are
anxious to serve and merit reward. There are not yet here, however,
the usual number of unpaid soldiers--who are here called "irregulars"
[_extravagantes_] because nearly all of them are so, and serve in these
companies; but now, when there are not many troops, they are thus
far well provided and paid, and are content, thanks be to God. With
their help, when occasion arises, I hope that the soldiers will do
their duty very well; and for such time I shall collect all that I can
of those whom I have mentioned who are off duty, and likewise those
who are to return to carry on their work in the mines of the Indians
who are called Igolotes, the neighbors of those in Pangasinan. With
the help which has been offered me by Doctor Don Juan de Rrenteria,
bishop of Nueva Segovia and of that region, who displays a zeal for
the service of your Majesty conformable to his obligations, my hopes
have increased for the good results which I desire in this. May God
our Lord, for whom it is done, grant us this and all other things,
and protect the Catholic person of your Majesty, according to the
needs of Christendom. Manila, December 10, 1621.



With the arrival of a ship which has come from Xapon to the island of
Mariveles, at the mouth of this bay (whence I do not know where it
went), I received the letters which came for me. I learned by them
that nine armed ships were ready to sail from that country to join
on this coast two others which came out earlier to cruise along the
coast of China. It appears, however, that they certainly have left
Xapon, as this was made known and affirmed by a Dutch factor, who
fled from them in Malayo. His declaration accompanies this letter,
to the effect that this fleet is already equipped, and that it has
been detached merely to come to these coasts to rob the ships from
China, and to bring about an encounter with those from Nueva Spaña,
keeping a place to retire to and fit up in some Japanese ports. I
am not surprised if this also is true, as it has been learned from
many besides this factor that the Flemish and English nations have
a hundred vessels and more in these parts, besides those that are
expected, and are said to be coming. But God is before and above
all. Your Majesty will arrange and decree what is most suitable;
meantime, while I live, and remain here, I shall do what I can, and,
with the divine favor, I expect no evil result.

_Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenca_

[_Endorsed_: "See whether this letter is a duplicate, for it is old."]





DOCUMENTS OF 1622


	Letter to the king. Alvaro Messa y Lugo; 1621 and July 30,
	1622.
	Letters from the archbishop of Manila to the King. Miguel
	García Serrano, O.S.A.; 1621-22.
	Royal decrees regarding the religious. Felipe IV; December 31.



_Source_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: All these are made by James A. Robertson.





Letters from Auditor Messa y Lugo to the King


Sire:

Immediately upon my arrival in this country, I informed your Majesty,
at the first opportunity, of everything possible, both of the condition
in which I found affairs here, and of what I could conjecture in the
beginning made by the new governor, Don Alonso Fajardo--of whom I
immediately conceived suspicions and fears--and in the little that I
saw of the beginnings of his government, by which he would not satisfy
the need of the country for justice and [good] administration. Then in
my next despatch, [26] [I informed you how this idea was confirmed]
by the demonstrations which may be called want of prudence; then, at
intervals, I continued to add to my letters whatever occurred that was
more intimately connected with this particular. Thus have I been doing
on all the other occasions when ships have sailed from this country,
both for Mexico and via Yndia, in addition to what the Audiencia has
written to your Majesty. Although it has been impossible to inform
your Majesty so minutely of everything, because it must be done with
all possible caution and secrecy, in order to escape the violence and
force of the governor--who with extraordinary vigilance and solicitude
examines the mails, in order to seize the letters--and this obstacle
has been aided by the multitude of affairs, still less, Sire, can that
be attempted now when they have an exact number. But the extravagance
of the governor's actions seems to be in excess of human capacity,
and of such sort that, although it be morally impossible to point
them out, it is more impossible, even when inadequately described, to
believe them; for in my opinion it is incredible when spoken or heard,
and scarce will be believed when seen, at least to men who recognize
the loyalty that they owe to their God and their king. Accordingly,
and as it is so necessary, in order to fulfil the obligations of my
conscience, to inform my king, continuing the account that I have given
hitherto of the wretched condition to which the governor has reduced
the country (and this cannot be specific and particular, because of
the multitude of his reckless acts or excesses, as above stated), I
shall relate, as succinctly as possible, some little that will serve
as an indication of what I shall leave unsaid. Hence, Sire, I say
that, from what we see here, what the governor is doing is to expend
your Majesty's royal revenues on the one hand, uselessly, without the
careful consideration of facts which is necessary to obtain results
for the service of your Majesty, and with very indolent attention; and
on the other hand, contriving to secure with them his own advantage,
under color of service to your Majesty, by sending your Majesty's
ships to Yndia, Macan, and other regions for his own negotiations,
under pretext of sending them for military stores and other things
for the royal service. In this way he defrauds your Majesty of a
vast sum of ducados, a thing that could be given another name. In
still another direction [he acts unjustly], by giving warrants to
pay due-bills, and that not to the owners of those bills, but to
persons who buy them at one-third and less [of their face value]. To
such persons does he open the doors to pay them, while they are shut
on the wretched owners without recourse. [That is done] perhaps, in
order to make them sell their claims; for of the two-thirds or more
remaining from the face value of the due-bill for their service of
wealth, a great share of profit falls to the governor, as is openly
muttered. This is affirmed by many conjectures, and especially by
the fact that it all passes through the hands of his retainers and
partisans, and those of his household. All this is done to the neglect
of building ships and preparing the supplies necessary for the defense
and conservation of the country.

The governor is also managing to make vast profits from consignments
of goods; and--as is hinted, and even affirmed, however secretly he
attempts to keep his affairs--a great part of the consignments are
supplied by the royal treasury of your Majesty, and the royal income
from the licenses given to the Chinese to remain in the country
aids him not a little. That sum amounts nearly every year to one
hundred and thirty thousand pesos, for many of the Chinese remain,
thus incurring the risk of another insurrection, notwithstanding the
so strict decrees in which your Majesty orders the very opposite,
and prohibits their remaining. That money was formerly collected
and placed in the treasury through the intervention of the royal
officials. The governor has ordered it to be collected by one of his
servants and paid whenever the latter chooses, so that vast sums are
always due to the treasury. I have been assured that forty thousand
pesos are still owing this year, which it is said that the governor is
using for his trading, as well as even the salary which is generally
given the collectors. For that reason, when the servant receives
the money that the Chinese pay for their licenses, it is weighed,
and if it is under weight, he demands two or three reals more;
but when he delivers that part of it which he chooses to pay into
the treasury, as I have said, he does not deliver it by weight, but
by count, and thus keeps the profit of the two or three reals. That
amounts to about four thousand pesos. It is sometimes even said that
what he delivers into the treasury on the principal account he pays
in warrants bought by the schemes and channels above mentioned. So
many of these things are attributed to his master, the governor,
that I am ashamed to relate them, for I do not believe them--or at
least I suspect that they are exaggerated. For it is even said that
that servant gives false licenses instead of the true ones, which
he distributes to the Chinese at the same price as the good ones,
and keeps the money for them. It is said that the governor has money
taken from the royal treasury secretly at night. Thus do they say,
and attribute things to the governor by so many and so diverse roads,
that one is scandalized on hearing them--both about the royal revenues
and about other particular things in the matter of profit. What I know
for certain is that the governor does not have the accounts audited
annually in January, as your Majesty orders, by the president and two
auditors. On the contrary, the accounts for years before he assumed
the government are so far behind that they have not yet come to
those of his government, although he has been here three years. In
those accounts preceding--although I am one of the two auditors
whom your Majesty orders to audit the accounts together with the
president; and although I say many things about his negligence--I
have not been sufficient, for he is the one who has to take action
therein. I believe that he has not attended to this matter, but rather
has utterly neglected it; for I am persuaded that, in reaching the
accounts of his own term, he has to keep things very private for the
above-mentioned reasons. I do not know whether he fears to have the
accounts made public; and besides that I should be the judge of them,
for he knows that many worlds could not, through God's mercy, move
me one jot from my strict observance of your Majesty's service.

Also the governor tries to violate justice, and to prohibit the
punishment of evildoers, [at the same time] prosecuting and punishing
the good and innocent; for he protects the former and abhors the
latter, inasmuch as the one class do his will, while the others note
and hate the evil things that he does. To them he offers insults,
and to the others he gives offices and honors. In suits there must be
nothing done but his pleasure, even though the suits be pending in the
Audiencia, especially if they belong to persons devoted to him, or to
those whom he hates; and he acts therein with so great violence that,
when his desires are not carried out, he stops the course of the suits
and takes them to his own house, so that the Audiencia may not pass
any sentence contrary to his will. No one dares to demand justice
from him, or any clerk to notify him of the vote of the Audiencia,
while the parties to the suit call out to God in the streets. When
it suits his pleasure, he takes charge of the criminal causes, and
says that he does not wish a case to be prosecuted further, or that
such a person be punished. Consequently, the number of the evildoers
(and it is for them that he acts thus) increases so greatly that the
scandal arising from it is pitiful. Malefactors also are more numerous
because, when the whim takes him to forsake the other methods, the
governor orders the warden of the prison to let the prisoners go,
even when they are imprisoned for serious crimes; or he does this
secretly, so that no one should know it, and under pretext that
they are needed for war or your Majesty's service. But he does the
very opposite if it is a matter not to his taste, even though the
prisoners be guiltless. His actions are still more objectionable when
he goes to inspect the general prison, where he prevents the auditors
from having any vote, and they are allowed to do only what he wishes;
while he threatens them that he will dash out their brains with a club,
and other serious things.

The governor also makes a practice of neglecting and not observing
the decrees and orders of your Majesty, interpreting them to his own
satisfaction, or pretending that he has not got them, when he does
not wish them to be known, even though he should be plainly told
of them; and even if he knows it, he regards everything according
to his own pleasure and preference. If any one murmurs or says a
word, he is prosecuted, and his innocence is punished with violent
imprisonment. The governor even takes away his natural defense so
that he cannot appeal or demand justice; and the governor searches
for contrivances to annoy those who do not approve his doings.

The governor also makes a practice of being so absolute in everything,
that he does not only what is mentioned above so summarily and in
general terms--for, as I have stated to your Majesty in the beginning,
it appears difficult in each of these subjects to enumerate the things
that he does (even, in my judgment, only the weighty and more serious
ones)--but also in regard to various other matters does he act and
proceed in the same manner. Consequently, I believe that there is no
man who will not affirm that from the time that the governor entered
this country, he has done no good thing, but all in disservice of
your Majesty, at least in the regular procedure. For if he calls
treasury meetings, if he sometimes attends the Audiencia and sessions,
or does any other act by reason of his office, there is no one who
does not understand that the ends and objects of his acts are his
own conveniences, vengeance, and passions or the conduct of his own
affairs and those of all his following--as has been apparent to me
at many times, on occasions when I have been able to be present by
virtue of my office. Yet he neither wishes the auditors to counsel or
advise or influence him, nor that a word be said about his actions. On,
the contrary he manages to get all his affairs approved especially by
those persons holding office, such as regidors, royal officials, and
others, and not only laymen but ecclesiastical persons. Consequently
he seeks with most strenuous efforts the life of those laymen who do
not approve his acts, both in public and in private. He threatens to
proceed against them, either personally or through intermediaries,
for the most remote and trifling irregularity that can be imagined;
and he brings suits without hesitating, when he finds no witnesses,
to secure others, even though they be false. To them he furnishes
offices and other accommodations for that service, as many dare to
say; and there is no longer any redress or protection, or at least
that which is usually a safeguard destroys them. Consequently they
endeavor to please him, without considering what he asks or what they
do. Hence it results that neither the royal officials nor the regidors,
nor any other persons whatever whom he may need--either that they may
give him their approval, or that they may suit his pleasure--whether
in violation of ordinance or decree of your Majesty or for whatever he
might desire, exercise their offices with freedom. Thus outraged and
tyrannized over is all this community--so much so, that I have been
told secretly that the regidors have sent your Majesty a chart of a
certain victory which they pretend that the governor has gained from
the Dutch enemy who generally frequent these coasts, in which they
pretend that the governor burned and put to flight their ships by his
plans and arrangements. God knows the truth, and whether that is so;
but I can never persuade myself of so great corruption; for such a
thing never happened, and the governor has here a sufficiently wretched
reputation. In this matter, and regarding a matter of such gravity,
it was told me that when a regidor who privately told it was asked
how they had done such a thing, he had answered by asking what they
would have done if a traitor had come to govern them. Although that is
not public, but was told in private, your Majesty will learn it there
by its effects if that chart has reached you. But what is public is
that the governor says that your Majesty should have patience; and
since you sent him here he will conduct affairs according to his own
pleasure. He either threatens ecclesiastical persons, even though
they are friars, that if they do not act the same as the laymen,
he will take from them the stipends given them by your Majesty, or
he does not pay them; and he has oppressed them so that not even
do the preachers dare to utter truths in the pulpit, both by his
threats and because he dishonors them, and says that they are living
in concubinage, and that he will have them stabbed. However, the
chief reason why they have ceased to preach, as I have been told, is
because all conclude that it is a matter that has no remedy, and that,
since they attain no results, they do not care to ruin themselves;
and so they abandon it as a matter already adjudged. By these acts of
violence on the one hand, and with the flattery of some on the other,
he obtained a guaranty to your Majesty in order, as is understood, to
screen by it, or at least to moderate, the enormity of his acts. He
also avails himself, for this purpose, of threats to the notaries,
of nothing less than the galleys and their ruin; or they are given
to understand that they must not give official statements of anything
requested from them, especially to persons who he thinks will write to
your Majesty. He has under his influence one Pedro Muñoz de Herrera,
who is clerk of court for the Audiencia, with whom he negotiates
those statements that he wishes; and there is even a very evil
rumor that the latter will give them even though they are not true,
and that he gives them from the official records as demanded, even
when these are defective--not only by what is known of the person of
each one, but because the governor has favored, protected, and placed
him by force in the Audiencia. [This has been done] both in a murder
that the governor committed on the person of his wife, and in many
other matters. Finally in violation of your Majesty's decrees which
order that the offices be sold, he has, after having granted some
gratuitously for his own objects, without selling them, refused to
adjudge the office of secretary held by Pedro Muñoz to one Diego de
Rueda, who bid eight thousand pesos for it, in order that Pedro Muñoz
might not be deprived of it; while he gave it to the latter for one
thousand five hundred pesos, which the said Muñoz had bid for it, and
that sum was paid in purchased pay-warrants, in order to give it to
him gratis, as is well known. He manages the clergy in the same way;
and, as he suspected that the cabildo of the church wrote a letter
to your Majesty last year, they have, since he learned something
of this matter, endured a little tempest until they have been able,
by certain paths that they have learned, to watch him. This present
year I fear that they will not write, in view of the extraordinary
care with which they see that the governor seizes the letters that
are sent to your Majesty. The whole country is so fearful of such
interference that each one, I think, will seek an extraordinary way
in order to save his letters. Some are thinking of putting them in
boxes of merchandise, for which reason I fear that some will be left;
and, as I have said, it might be that these will be the letters of
the cabildo of the church--not only because of the aforesaid reason,
but because, although I see that the archbishop is annoyed at the acts
of the governor, and as I understand, those affairs cause him internal
anxiety through his desire of remedying them, there is among outsiders
considerable grumbling because he flatters the governor and humors
him in many ways (which leads people to think that the cause for it is
certain accommodations for his servants and relatives that the governor
gives him); and because of certain injuries which they think could at
least be abated with less compliance [on the archbishop's part]. But
I do not agree with that, notwithstanding that I might commend [more]
effort [by the archbishop]; for I know the governor's temper.

The governor also makes a practice of neglecting and sleeping over
affairs of good government, a policy that is fitting [27] for the
conservation of the country in peace and in the service of God; and
he lives in a profound slumber, and neglects taking any precautions
whatever--although the enemy so frequently invades these coasts,
with new forces each day on the sea; while on the land are great
numbers of Chinese Sangleys and Japanese. This has long caused many
men of loyalty and high standing to be anxious with the memory of the
past insurrection of the Sangleys; and not less is the anxiety caused
by the Japanese, for they are numerous and are an extremely warlike
race. [28] And although the governor has orders and decrees from your
Majesty that only the number who would be necessary for the ordinary
service of the trades of the country shall remain here; and although
the facts are well known to him, besides that he has been often told
of this, both in and out of official meetings: yet he does not discuss
its remedy, but only talks of making outside demonstrations by which
he will accomplish much. But one would believe that he means that he
will do much evil. May God in His mercy keep that evil far away. The
governor does the same in what concerns the enemy on the sea; for
not only does he not discuss, nor has he discussed, the building
of ships in order to be prepared, as did Don Juan de Silva, to go
to meet the enemy, but on the contrary, when he reached this land,
although the galleons built by Don Juan de Silva had been wrecked,
and although the Audiencia which was then governing had ordered,
notwithstanding that the treasury did not contain a single real,
some ships to be built, so that they might be finished in place of
those which had been wrecked, yet the governor, on finding them on
the stocks at his arrival, ordered all work to cease, and only two
ships were finished. He ordered even those vessels to be reduced
in size, whereat there are not wanting those who grumbled that he
did it in order to have trading-ships instead of warships. [29] He
has not built any others during all these three years, although the
employees in the accountancy of the royal treasury assure me, and it is
without doubt so, that he has spent three millions [of pesos] of your
Majesty's royal incomes from these regions, and of the funds brought
from Nueva España, during three years. That is a very great pity here,
for it is to be presumed that he has spent a great portion of that sum
in paying due-bills bought at one-third and less [their face value],
as I have said above. The employees of the accountancy have assured
me that five hundred thousand pesos were paid in that way last year,
and that fact is very well known. It is also known that the due-bills
outstanding have been exhausted, so that now they are being sought
very anxiously in the same districts, but cannot be found.

Although we generally have six or seven months' sure notice from
Xapon before the coming of the enemy, that they are going to come, the
governor makes no preparation, small or large, nor does he build any
vessels, but allows the time to pass as if he had no such warning. When
the enemy arrive at the coast, the governor, without any intention
of going to meet them--as is known publicly and generally, and is
known by the results, as he has already spent the money--lays hands
on the inhabitants and mainly by force gets a loan of one hundred
thousand pesos from them, or what he thinks best, and has the ships
in the port repaired. Those vessels often do not exceed three, and he
spends on them a vast sum of ducados, even loading them with food and
war-supplies of all that is needed. He troubles the soldiers in making
them go and come to and from Cavite, and even making them embark. He
says with show of great courage that he is going out, although he
is told that such a thing is impossible with the ships that he has,
for the enemy have many. Having spent all the money and exhausted the
miserable inhabitants whom he has thus burdened, he calls a council
at this juncture, and asks whether it is advisable to go out. Since
the enemy are so superior they cannot tell him to go out, and in
addition they see little gain in it; accordingly it is resolved that
it is not advisable to go out. Your Majesty's royal treasury thus
remains depleted, and the enemy are left to pillage the vessels that
they seize from those who come to this city, especially those from
China. It is even asserted, although I do not know whether it is true,
that he makes underhanded efforts in the midst of all these braveries,
by the hands of certain persons who are masters of his secrets, so that
the city may come out and disapprove of, and protest against, his going
[against the enemy], and may inform many of the council of the danger
if they should say that he should go out. And it is said that thus, in
the matters above related and in many things left unsaid, the governor
wastes his time--which he ought to spend in pleasing God our Lord, and
in imploring His mercy, so that He might aid us in the conservation
of the country, in succeeding in serving our king, and in preparing
matters for his royal service--in many feasts and games, parties,
weddings, christenings, and entertainments with women, even while the
enemy are along the coasts, and often even anchored inside the bay;
for I believe, and it is understood, that the Japanese inform the enemy
of the slight preparations of the country. As a result, the governor
has acquired a wretched reputation and character, even among the
Chinese Sangleys and the Japanese of the country (who are infidels),
not only for sensuality and lasciviousness, but for other and worse
doings. We have the country in the most wretched condition that can
be imagined. Never has it been so wretched, as is affirmed openly by
the oldest residents here, as well as by me. They bewail Don Juan de
Silva, for, although they say that he was covetous and revengeful, yet
he was moderate in these faults; besides, he was prudent, and watchful
of your Majesty's service, and of the preservation [of the country]
and credit in war, and of the honor of your Spanish nation. Many
of them fear, and I with them, some great chastisement from heaven,
because of the publicity and multitude of the sins of us who live here.

In the particulars of the above matters [your Majesty's revenues]
have been and are being wasted during the time of this government,
and I fear greatly that it will continue in the same way until the
end of it; and I do not know that it can become worse. For I assure
your Majesty that I am talking with some caution, although I could
enlarge on this subject--because when I talk with my king, I am
talking with God, for the satisfaction and security of my conscience;
and because from my entrance into this Audiencia, I thought that I
would not be fulfilling my obligations unless I endeavored to do my
duty in what concerns me, and in the rest what I could, so that the
service of God our Lord and that of your Majesty might be furthered. I
thought that if evil beginnings be looked on with fear they could not
increase. I always endeavored to furnish a good example in the matter
of any actions and life, and at the same time to persuade and advise
the governor of what I deemed worthy of reform, so that reason and
not inclination might rule. I avoided conforming to his will in all
things that came to my hands by reason of my office which were not to
the service of your Majesty. By deed, example, and advice, or at least
by efficient warnings, I exerted myself, so that only your Majesty's
service should be striven for, and I am persevering in this course. I
desire and am endeavoring to be on my guard respecting matters which
concern his inclination and not his reason. For in fact, although
the governor has done what he wished in many things, because he does
not know how to conduct negotiations otherwise, at least he did not
so act with me; and because of me and the openness of my nature, he
ceased to attempt and to do other things--I persevering in my purpose,
and he in his; and, although disabusing his mind of the idea that I
would surrender myself to an evil thing, humoring him and giving him
pleasure in all that I could freely. Inasmuch as that was so little
and the matter of justice so great, because your Majesty's royal
treasury and other most important things enter into it, he readily
abandoned the path of perverting me. He said, with promises, that
he would esteem my compliance more highly than that of all others,
or than a great sum of money, besides other exaggerations (from which
I think that he did not ill judge me), and changed the course that
he had pursued by means of insults and injuries. [As an instance of
the latter], after talking to me with his usual harshness while in
his house--that which your Majesty assigns and gives to the president
[of the Audiencia] by an order that you have given to the effect that
there be houses for the president and auditors--one of the houses of
one of the auditors having become vacant because Licentiate Alcaraz
left it, the governor (although it pertained to me by my seniority,
because Licentiate Legaspi already had a house) took it from me, moved
into it, and left his own under pretext that he wished to demolish it,
because it was falling down. He has lived in both houses (for one is
near the other) for two years, although there have been most furious
winds and storms, which makes his object evident. Besides, since your
Majesty assigns a house to the president and auditors, if mine should
collapse, I would rent a house which he could not seize afterward;
and since by the mercy of God, I trust in His Divine Majesty, that all
the world could not divorce me from the service of my king, I endured
and concealed the annoyance of his having deprived me of my house. I
think that the scope of his pretensions must have increased, and that,
when I censured him more, he tried to drive me from the Audiencia by
different methods that he attempted. One was to send me to inspect the
country (where one goes mostly by sea, because of the multitude of the
islands, the great distance, and the fact that the roads pass through
the territory of the insurgent Indians) while the enemy was along the
coast; yet an order was given to all the Spaniards who were living
on their encomiendas, and others who are the chiefs--against whom,
and not the poor common Indians, the inspection is aimed--to come to
reside in this city because of the presence of the enemy. Besides,
that inspection did not pertain to me, since I was neither the oldest
nor the most recent auditor. Notwithstanding that the Audiencia
resisted, saying that it was not advisable to make that visit then,
he tried to have it done by his appointment alone, and without the
concurrence of the Audiencia, having attempted to do that last year
as well as at the present time. In order to constrain and annoy me
more, he ordered me to go out in Holy Week, notwithstanding that I
replied to him that I would go (although it did not pertain to me)
if the Audiencia concurred in it, but that without that concurrence I
could not go. In consequence, it appears that the governor desisted
for the time, but did not abandon his project; on the contrary, he
was more set on it. When the Christmas season came, the time for the
distribution of offices, in accordance with your Majesty's ordinances,
that of probate judge fell to me in my turn. But this so annoyed him
that he tried to avoid giving it, withholding the commission signed
by the entire Audiencia, for more than two months, I believe, with a
certain scandal to the city; for litigants did not know to what judge
they could have recourse, as my predecessor's time had expired. After
he had delivered me the commission, when I commenced to exercise the
office--with no greater pleasure than that of serving your Majesty,
although others solicit those offices--the death of Licentiate Andres
de Alcaraz happened, without his leaving a will. As judge, I set about
collecting his property with much diligence, involving considerable
hardship. That caused me certain fevers, for as he died in the country
outside this city in a garden his property was in great peril. Of this
I gave your Majesty an account after the property was collected and
placed in order, with the precautions that I had taken--by which,
notwithstanding the suits that had succeeded, I would continue
to retain and reserve the property in case that your Majesty were
pleased to send [some one to take] the said auditor's inspection or
residencia. In conformity with that I had sent documents both to the
probate court of Mexico and to the House of Trade at Sevilla, so that
the property that the said auditor possessed there might be collected,
and that your Majesty might be advised. Finally, I continuing in my
office and the governor in his purpose--which was stimulated by his
inability to reduce me to what I can morally believe, besides the
public rumor and report--and he being most desirous of taking from
me my office of probate judge, especially after the property had
been entered in the accounts of the probate court; and I had begun
the administration of the property of Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz:
for certain purposes, which I do not dare to state, although they are
reported, for I do not dare believe them, still by this and by many
other reasons, and more because he had seized certain of the letters
that I have written to inform your Majesty (for which, as persons in
his confidence assure me, with whom he has communicated the matter,
he has felt, and still feels, special anger and fury against me),
he resolved to remove me, even though it should be by arbitrary act,
from the Audiencia. Of that I am morally persuaded, and it is well
known. Seeking occasion for this, but not finding it, and wearied
perhaps in waiting for it, it happened one session that, while
Licentiate Legaspi and Don Juan de Valderrama, auditor and fiscal,
were at the door of the hall of his house, a message came in which Don
Antonio Rodriguez de Villegas excused himself on the grounds of ill
health. As the governor never attends the sessions of the Audiencia
except for his private ends, under pretext of your Majesty's service,
he was very angry that Don Antonio should excuse himself that day; for
he was trying to secure the passage of a resolution [by the Audiencia]
that I should go out to make the inspection--always persisting, as
I have said, in his purpose; and also because it was understood that
he had on his part managed to get the consent of Licentiate Legaspi
to it. On hearing the message, he said very angrily that Don Antonio
Rodriguez and I were always excusing ourselves from your Majesty's
service by feigning to be sick. [That he said] in the presence of many
people who were there, besides other quite unreasonable language. For
that reason I was forced to ask him why, if your Majesty gave credit to
an auditor when he excused himself, did not he have to do the same, all
this with the intention to calm and satisfy him. He abandoned himself
to a flow of words, somewhat disconnected, to which I replied, saying
that your Majesty did not order a president to treat the auditors so;
and that I served your Majesty punctually, and did not excuse myself
when I was well. If I remember correctly, I think that I made witnesses
of all; for he also came to me after all that, and told me that I lied,
and I think that he said "villain." However, I do not believe that any
besides Licentiate Legaspi and the fiscal heard that, And inasmuch as
he told me to keep still and not reply, threatening me with execrations
and oaths, I said to him with the greatest calmness, as is my custom:
"If your Lordship tells us what is not so, are we not to remonstrate
and answer you?" Thereupon he went to the meeting, where he told me
that I was the worst Christian in the world, and that I took communion
like Judas, besides other insults of like import, before Licentiate
Legaspi and the fiscal. I was silent under everything, for I only told
him that in the matter of sins I could confess many omissions; but I
warned him that witnesses heard that, just as they had also heard at
his house the other things that he said. Although he went ahead he may
perhaps have thought that I persisted in silence, and did not answer
him, in order that he might be led on to commit some imprudent act;
thereupon he must have thought that there was now much to fear, and
that he was not to find a justifiable opportunity, [for] he caught
at that word, and said that I had intended to give him the lie, as
if transgressions in thought were to be fought over--the more so,
Sire, as I did not speak another word to him; for if I had spoken
another word, I am not the man who would deny that to your Majesty
or any one else. On account of that, the governor determined to make
me the object of a lawsuit, and received his witnesses. To them he
did not fail to tell what had happened, but not the words that I had
spoken. When some wished to tell more, it is said that he insulted and
threatened them. However, he did not do that with Licentiate Legaspi
and Don Juan de Valderrama, the auditor and fiscal, whom he also
received as witnesses, and whom I warned beforehand to give witness
of everything that had passed; still, they said no more than what
the governor wished, by which I am insulted, ashamed, and surprised
beyond manner. Notwithstanding their great friendship with him, and
that they know how to gratify him and be gratified by him (of which
would to God there were not so much to murmur at in the community,
because of the great aid they render him in ruining it), still I am
consoled, and I praise God for everything. With this and, as has been
declared publicly, with the advice of an advocate, to whom he gave an
appointment so that he might be made judge of vagabonds--and who was,
as is said, urged and even persuaded for it, that such action was not
to arrest me, but only to intimidate me--the governor issued a warrant
for arrest, and seized me. This was done while all the Audiencia was
in a body, near the chapel where mass was being said, and about to
go on general prison inspection, on Palm Saturday--although he had no
sufficient reasons, as I told him so that he should not do it, as well
as to the rest of the Audiencia so that they might discuss it. He sent
me to the cabildo quarters, which are in the public prison, where he
set over me seven soldiers of the guard and a corporal, with orders
not to let me talk with any layman, especially any scrivener, and
not to let me have paper and ink to write. Besides that guard, he set
other soldiers in the street, so that I might not escape through the
windows, as I believe. I am also told that the corporal had orders to
kill me if I tried to escape, although I do not know what truth there
is in that statement. But none of the orders given were more than oral,
for the governor did not want them set on the records. Imprisoned in
the above manner--on Palm Saturday, when [even] highwaymen are set
free--he kept me prisoner during all of Holy Week and Easter, and
two whole months--with the greatest scandal that, as I have heard,
this community has ever had--until many religious, servants of God,
and the archbishop, went to him to persuade him, and to undeceive him
as to the gravity of the act that he had committed. But they obtained
no beneficial result from it; on the contrary, considering as well
founded the fears that they inspired in him, and thinking to justify
his crime, he began to take a residencia of all my life. That lasted
almost two months, and he summoned witnesses, and many of them, who
told all that they knew about me. In order to persuade them to go
into details, perhaps, as to what he desired, he proclaimed that I
was not to be set free or to be an auditor any longer in the country;
but that, on the contrary, he was going to place me aboard ship. By
those efforts, and others--not only by demands on the one hand, but
by fears that he inculcated through third parties, as has been told
me, on the other--he obtained a great number of witnesses. However,
he discharged many of these, in anger at them because they told
him, with forcible arguments, that they were Christians, and
that he should not involve them in matters with which they were
unacquainted. Others of them, who tried to say, as was thought,
many things that appeared to be in my favor, were not allowed to say
these. All that took place under the efficient management of Pedro
Muñoz, court scrivener of the Audiencia, with whom the governor was
hand in glove, as I have said. For, in order to do it, I am told that
he suppressed the heading of the process which he had before made on
account of only that word, and substituted another in its place which
comprehended in it scope all the discourses in the life of a man--so
that it might not be understood, as I believe, that he had made so
great a mistake at the beginning, and for other objects that the
governor will know. Notwithstanding that, and his cruelty, violence,
and force, and the fears of the witnesses, I trust in our Lord that
He will not have permitted them to give false testimonies against
me, although the outrageous manner in which the governor proceeds,
and the so mortal fear that all have of him, makes that much to
be dreaded. Finally, at the end of the two months of so serious
and scandalous an imprisonment, our Lord was pleased to perform a
miracle for me, through the intercession of the Virgin, our Lady,
to whom I attribute it (and that miracle is not the first that she
has performed for men as unworthy as I). It occurred thus: One day
I dressed myself in my usual manner for going to the Audiencia; and
at ten I went out among all the soldiers who were posted there, and
went down the steps at my usual gait. In the same way, while in the
prison, many people were round about, and in the public place where
one goes out of the prison were many more; but I passed through the
midst of them all to the college of Sancto Thomas. Next day I went
thence to [the convent of] St. Dominic, which is on the other side
of the wall, where I remain a refugee. [30] The convent is quite
far from the prison, and no man spoke to me at all; on the contrary,
those in the square accompanied me. Afterward the soldiers and guard
(whom God was pleased to stop, I know not how) must have returned to
their senses; and they came after me, when I was already near the
church. Ascertaining what had happened, some went to the church,
and the governor arrested others. He, as I have been told, ordered
all the camp of soldiers called to arms, as if it were for the Dutch,
with the intention, it is said, of taking me out by force, even if
he should destroy the college. However, he restrained himself to
sending two companies. It is even said, further, that all that day
and night they surrounded the college, under orders not to allow
entrance or exit to friar or anyone else, or the entrance of food,
until the archbishop, at the instance of the friars, persuaded the
governor to withdraw the soldiers. I consider as a miracle also what
happened with him. Since I have been in [the convent of] St. Dominic,
I have heard from several persons that the governor was quietly trying
to have me killed by a certain agreement, which would have been very
easy for him had not God prevented it. However, although that is
not very well known, nor do I believe it all, yet it could be feared
from him, and from his great desire to be free from my witnessing his
acts on occasions of defending the justice and service of my king,
since he could not reduce me to take a path contrary thereto. For that
reason, I have tried with peculiar care to have God's zealous servants
commend him to God, and petition Him for the governor's reformation
and prudent action, so that he may not fall into the deeper abyss of
miseries. Then the governor ordered my property to be sequestered,
and they went to my house and took an inventory of all my books and
the other treasures that I possessed, even to the very clothes of my
wife, and my salaries--just as if I were a private citizen and not next
[in authority] to your Majesty and the royal council, as I am; as if
I had committed some crime, and he had authority to proceed against
and punish me, he saying that he is the aggrieved and proper party;
and as if, besides, he could be judge with so great violence. He
had me summoned by edicts and proclaimed through the public streets,
an action that has scandalized this community. But, notwithstanding
his hostile demonstrations, he cannot satisfy himself, for all of
which I have tried to give many thanks to God, considering that I
am suffering thus for [the sake of] justice, and for defending the
service of God and of my king. In regard to that it must be considered
that, although all those lawless acts, insults, and violences to the
private person of Don Alvaro de Messa I consider as referred to God,
nevertheless it is a serious and intolerable matter to persecute a
minister for being loyal to his king. For the sake of the respect
and royal authority of your Majesty which is so offended by those
qualities in your minister, on account of the public scandal, and
for the conservation of justice and the security of the country,
and in order to avoid disservice to God and your Majesty--all which
is attained by the punishment of the guilty, by which the good would
be encouraged and those who are not good would fear--an exemplary
punishment seems very necessary for the governor, and for me a
reward and honor for the affronts and hardships that I have suffered,
especially in this country, where, because of the absolute procedure
of the governor, no attention is paid to your Majesty's royal orders,
and one trembles to displease the governor, without more reason than
that the latter desires such and such a thing. And because for many
years this has continued to increase, very justly may one fear that,
if it be not punished, it may reach such a point that the remedy
will be difficult and ever miraculous. To moderate the enormity of
the circumstances of my imprisonment and the grave scandal existing
hitherto throughout the community (and I think that it will exist
until satisfaction can be made for it), his guardian angels--one
of whom is Don Juan de Alvarado, who has been fiscal and whom your
Majesty ordered to be banished hence; and who was irritated because I
had not cloaked his residencia, about which I am writing your Majesty
in a separate letter--and others who are of the same sort, advised
the governor to make use of an ordinance which is one of those of
this Audiencia, never used and not even remembered for a long time,
and which is as follows:

"_Item_: I order that my president of the said Audiencia
try the criminal causes of its auditors, together with the
alcaldes-in-ordinary, notwithstanding the ordinance that rules
the contrary." [31] He availed himself of this to summon the
alcaldes-in-ordinary and to cause them to sign all that he decreed,
for they were present at nothing else than the signing of what he
was violating--both with witnesses and without them, when they were
not persons who were mere creatures of his; for, when persons are
elected into the cabildo, nothing but what the governor wishes is
voted. Further than this, if they were persons of greater obligations,
and more exemplary in life and conscience, I think that they would do
the same, although it might even be in a matter of greater weight;
for, as I have told your Majesty, the more than violence and force
that the governor holds over their minds and wills is incredible,
although evident. Not all dare to resist at the peril of their security
and life, and of being imprisoned, as I was, for the service of your
Majesty. They, hastily judging, differentiate between the future hurt,
which may not come to them, and the punishment which they regard as
a present hurt, namely, to suffer for God and their king. Besides,
as they also are in the deal, they have their advantages, by which
they are all blinded. For to whoever can see, and to him who desires
the light of heaven that he may succeed, not only is the ordinance
not obscure, as they say, but quite clear, since it does not give
authority or contain words for arrest or process; nor does it in
any way alter the law. Therefore, those nearest [to your Majesty],
as are the auditors, cannot be imprisoned or proceeded against except
by your Majesty or the royal Council, or by your order. Nevertheless,
the president, in virtue of his superintendency over the Audiencia,
may ordain to the auditors what may be just and reasonable in matters
that pertain to the government and its conservation; and even, in
the heated arguments that are wont to arise between the auditors,
has authority, in case the nature of the affair might require it, to
retire each auditor to his own house, until they make up the quarrel;
and, should he deem it advisable, he may inform your Majesty. For the
ordinance does not say that the president and alcaldes shall proceed,
arrest, sentence, and execute justice in criminal causes affecting
the auditors. All that, in my opinion, was meant to amend the express
privilege of law as contained substantially in the _corpus juris_
[_civilis_]; [32] and even then serious causes would have to be
understood by criminal causes; _ultra multa cum tiberº farsnaci e
regni col. 9, ttº 4, pº. 3._ [33] But it says only that the governor
shall try criminal causes, which means that, in crimes that are
not such by reason of the office, but personal and serious crimes
of the auditors, he shall investigate, together with the alcaldes,
and advise your Majesty; and the word "try," instead of meaning to
arrest and execute justice and other equivalent things, only denotes
simple jurisdiction which belongs to civil cases, and not authority,
either pure or mixed. [34] Otherwise your Majesty could avoid the
visits and residencia which you send to the Audiencia. Accordingly,
to try criminal cases means that they be treated civilly without
allowing them to be [cases for either] pure or mixed authority,
by arresting or proceeding; but only to investigate and advise your
Majesty, except in capital causes that have the capital penalty. In
such cases it would be advisable for the Audiencia, and even for the
president alone, to secure the criminals, if they should be auditors
and nearest [to the king], but not by virtue of the ordinance,
but by virtue of the ordinary authority of law, and the privileges
of public protection--citing [the paragraph] _ne delicta_, etc.,
in case that it was unable, because of the crime and the person,
to be secure in any other way than by imprisonment which befits the
crime, and in accordance with the teaching of the law _divi fratres
f fin ff de poen._ [35] Therefore the Audiencia ought to arrest the
governor for four murders that he has lately committed (and which will
be told later), solely to assure and advise your Majesty, with judicial
consideration, so that you might decree your pleasure in respect to his
person. But [they ought] to punish his accomplices, who were numerous,
and who are not near [to the king], but most of them men who, without
that crime, deserve to be severely punished for others; but they are
all passed by, in virtue of peace and harmony, by Licentiate Hieronimo
de Legaspi and Don Juan de Valderrama, the auditor and fiscal, who are
on good terms with the governor. [Indeed, these men] now constitute
the Audiencia, because Don Antonio Rodriguez has retired to his house,
and is sick because of the insults cast upon him by the governor at
a meeting (which I shall relate later); while I was arrested when it
happened, and am now in refuge in the sanctuary. In order that all that
may be done well, the governor arrests me and insults me--although,
I am, by the mercy of God, guiltless of any crime, capital, moderate,
or the least, and even without the slightest dispute in the Audiencia;
but only because my character and the obligations of my conscience do
not allow me to lack one jot in my service to my king--under pretext
that by not consenting to the things that the governor imputed to me,
I told him that what he was saying to me was not so. Had I shown any
want of prudence in my defense--which I could have done, and which I
think another would have done, who would not have endured it as did
I--I would have been excused, and he would have been guilty in making
himself the judge of his own cause--the more, as there was no fault
or injury; or, even if there were any, it was not to the tribunal
or to his dignity. I do not know, Sire, [of a case] even with full
authority from your Majesty in regard to visit and residencia, when
one has ever seen an auditor arrested and proclaimed, even though he
had committed many serious crimes; and when, as has been told me,
they shuddered with horror at the men who did it. However, I would
better leave this matter now, and put a stop to this particular, rather
reproaching myself at having digressed to discuss these private details
(although with so great limitation), since I am talking with so exalted
a tribunal, and to so many grandees and to so gifted men. For that
reason, I do not dare allege rights or continue, but only to petition
your Majesty to be pleased to have your royal provision issued with
the gravest penalties (nevertheless, I fear that those penalties will
not be sufficient, from what I know and what the community knows of
the governor), so that the governor may release me; and ordering him
not to molest me with any processes or causes whatsoever, so that I
may attend to the affairs of my office as auditor, freely, as well as
to those which your Majesty has assigned to me. [I also ask] that the
royal officials pay me all my salaries, [36] for the time while the
governor has prevented and kept me by force from exercising my office;
that the governor restore to me my property that he has sequestered;
that, if it be sold, I be paid for it; that the governor leave my
house that he has occupied for two years, pay me the rent for it,
and go to his own house, since your Majesty has assigned it to me
and the other to him; and that, if the governor should have drawn
up any acts, they be sent to the Council immediately. For I have not
been able to get them from him, nor is there any one who can get any
testimonial from him of anything. On the contrary the governor has,
since I have been in [the convent of] St. Dominic, seized certain
petitions presented in the Audiencia before Licentiate Legaspi, who
is there alone, a thing which before could not have been possible;
and has refused to return them under any circumstances, in accordance
with his usual custom in such things. I trust, God helping, that if the
governor sends the testimonies by themselves alone; without considering
his own inability to do it, his violence, and the judicial substance,
your Majesty, if so pleased, will find in them a disposition to punish
him severely, and to condemn him and the alcaldes; and to order me
to be paid many damages and costs which have been imposed on me,
rewarding me and granting me great favors and honor. For without any
other investigation or information from me, or from others, I think
that you will see very clearly the reasons and objects that, as I
have said, have moved the governor to commit so atrocious an act as
he did in my imprisonment. However, it is also well known that the
following reasons have influenced him.

First, the governor, as above stated, was angered because, when I was
judge of the probate court, it should happen that I should collect
that property of Licentiate Andres de Alcazar, because of the latter's
death. Licentiate Legaspi was angered for the same reason. For both of
them, as is very well known in this community, would have liked that
to have happened when Licentiate Legaspi should be judge, and they
know why. I dare only judge what is said, and what I see and hear
outside, although there is so much grumbling at their objects, and
at the wealth that they have retained for this, that it scandalizes
me. However, I do not dare to believe it, in order to say whether
it be true that the reputation and envy of each one of those two
men that exists in this community, obliges everyone to form his own
opinion of it. Desiring that the care of the fund and the office pass
to better hands than mine, they thought that it would be done well if
I were arrested. Accordingly, the governor took this as his guide for
action, so that, while I was a prisoner, the care of the fund might
be transferred to Licentiate Legaspi. The governor alone appointed
the latter as probate judge, although I still had one year to serve,
and at the fulfilment of that time it pertained in turn to Don Antonio
Rodriguez; and then all the Audiencia exercises it and not he solely,
by virtue of express orders and commands of your Majesty. Thereupon,
the governor, in one way or another, together with Licentiate Legaspi,
although no layman spoke to me in prison, permitted me to be notified
to deliver the keys and the property. But I, fearing, as a man, what
others feared, said that I had to give an account of that property,
and that since I was a prisoner, I could not do so; and that he should
free me, so that I could attend to my office and fulfil the commissions
with which your Majesty had charged me--namely, the residencias of
Don Juan de Silva and Don Juan de Alvarado--since I had committed no
crime for which I should be arrested; and adduced other reasons why
I could not deliver the key because of the risk that that property
would be running should the key pass through other hands. As he thought
that that was insufficient to obtain his will, they immediately added
another reason according to which it was advisable to borrow from that
fund thirty thousand pesos for your Majesty's service, under pretext
that it was to be used for the despatch of the fleet then preparing
to sail. [But this was done] in violation of a decree of your Majesty
ordering that the president and governor shall take no money, in small
or large quantity, from the fund of the probate court, for any cause
whatever. By the report of that fund your Majesty has been informed
that they are wont to draw that money for their trading and personal
advantage, as is murmured openly. That occurred in this instance,
for with the above-said and with other formalities, the governor
[broke] the lock of the chest, ordering thirty thousand pesos to
be extracted from it and the rest delivered to Licentiate Legaspi,
probate judge, whom the governor had appointed. They went to my house
to do it. They left a guard of six or seven soldiers under a corporal,
day and night, to guard the rest of the property, namely, a great
quantity of gold and jewels. Consequently, my wife was compelled to
leave her house that night, and went to the house of the widow of
Doctor Juan Manuel de la Bega, until she found a house and moved into
it, leaving the house to the governor. I think that the latter's
insults and discourtesy even produced considerable anger in the
negroes. Even yet, a period of four months, the soldiers are guarding
the chest, and will not allow me to do my duty, and do not deliver it
to Licentiate Legaspi; for as is well known, they are keeping it for
a better opportunity. This affair has much surprised this community,
and the litigants in the court are calling out, although they are
assured that it is not without foundation; for they cannot wish
to have news taken in these ships that the chest was handed over,
and that they did with it what is suspected, which will be seen
later. The thirty thousand pesos were not intended for the fleet,
for the fleet did not sail, nor is it expected that it will ever sail
during the governor's life. Neither was it used as a means of help
for the infantry, who go complaining through the streets. Indeed
I cannot tell whether any one can say with certainty what has been
done with that sum; although it is said that another very large sum,
which the governor obtained from the citizens almost by a forced loan,
was spent in the preparation of the ships in the port--but which did
not sail, as has been said. However, some assert that the governor
divided them, he himself taking thirteen or fourteen thousand pesos
on the account of future salary; and that in like manner he shared it
with Licentiate Legaspi and the fiscal. God showed me especially great
favor in my being able to keep the account-book of the fund in my own
hands through the efforts of a good Christian, the defender of probated
property, for my security of what had been placed in and what had been
disbursed from the fund. For nothing is placed in or spent from it,
except by notary's authority, and the presence as witnesses of those
who guard the fund. If they were to seize the book from me, I doubt
not, Sire, that they would do me signal harm, and because, as I have
said above to your Majesty, the governor can do whatever he wishes.

Another reason alleged for my arrest is because it is affirmed that,
the governor planning as he did to kill his wife, my presence in the
Audiencia would be a decidedly great inconvenience. For it is known,
notwithstanding the few successes and works [that I have accomplished],
through certain good desires that will have been recognized in me,
that since I have been in the Audiencia, I endeavor as much as possible
to see that affairs are managed with due regard for law; and that,
had I been present in that so serious matter, I would have done my
utmost; and what I ought to do, as would be fitting for the service
of God and of your Majesty. That incident--which, I think, I cannot
avoid relating, as one having accurate information--was as follows:

Having arrested me with the haste above mentioned, it happened that
the governor--having planned, so says common rumor, the death of his
wife--circulated the report one afternoon that he was going out of
town to a place called Cavite. Departing that afternoon, he returned
at night. Having notified the guards and soldiers to that effect,
he climbed over the wall by means of a ladder, and went to the house
of one of the companions who went with him (for many of his adherents
went with him, and some who were hired). Going with them from this
house, he stationed men at the place where he had planned that his
wife would come with a young boy whom she sheltered at her house, and
in whom she had confidence. This boy persuaded her to go out dressed
as a gallant (a very wrong act, although she had been persuaded by
the certainty that her husband had gone to Cavite), to the house of a
man named Juan de Messa, who had been brought as chief clerk by the
factor, Dionisio de Castro Licon, and whom the governor suspected
of adultery with his wife. Arrived at the place above mentioned,
the governor saw her coming with two men, one of whom is said to
have been Juan de Messa, and the other his friend. Advised by the
young lad that it was she, for he accompanied her in the street for
some time, where he left her with her companion and went to give
account of it to the governor, the latter went behind her with the
retinue above mentioned. Arrived at Juan de Messa's door, which is
quite distant from that of the governor, he let them enter, but went
in behind them before they shut the door. Mounting the stairs with
some of his men behind Juan de Messa and his wife, who had ascended,
and leaving the others below with the other friend who had come as
companion to Juan de Messa, the death of his wife followed, as did
that of Juan de Messa and of the latter's escort, a pilot who had
come from Castilla last year. They were killed up stairs and down,
as I have said, and because the governor had taken possession of the
streets, and stationed soldiers there with orders to allow no one to
pass. The soldiers killed a young lad who tried to pass, or wounded
him so severely that it is said that he died. Notwithstanding the
unseemly hour, the people came running out at the outcry and clamor
especially those from the nearest houses. They saw and noted everything
with fairness, and consequently it has been published that the chief
murderers were those whom the governor took with him, both those of
his wife and of the others. That has seemed in this community to be
a very lamentable occurrence. Then the governor went to his house
after the event and the matter was immediately known throughout
the city. Thereupon Licentiate Legaspi and Don Antonio Rodriguez
proceeded to make investigations. What they began to do was, it is
said, to furnish proofs of adultery. They have managed to do this
by great efforts, and that with the criminals free, and with the
power of the governor. And I am told that the governor ordained what
had to be done, namely, to make no investigations against the dead
woman. What is understood is, that many fine things have been done
in the records, for they say that they have expunged, erased, and
copied things according to their pleasure, the notary in the cause
being the governor's most devoted follower, Pedro Muñoz, secretary
of the Audiencia court, as above stated. In everything has always
been done what the governor has ordered and commanded--especially
by Licentiate Legaspi, for Don Antonio withdrew then and refused
to do anything further, at seeing how the governor flinched from
everything. All the criminals go about and take their pleasure, thus
occasioning much reproach. Will your Majesty consider what you shall
be pleased to order done in this matter; for there is much talk of
the hatred and great and long-standing enmity of the governor to his
wife, and of the evil life that he led her. It is said that he had
already given her poison three or four times, from which she escaped
by antidotes that she took; and that one of her women, to whom she
gave the remainder of a little chocolate [37] in which the poisons
were administered to her, died within two days or so, because she did
not take the antidote, while his wife escaped because she had done so.

Another reason alleged for my arrest is, that there might be no
occasion or opportunity of [my] giving information to your Majesty,
and that that accounts for the hastiness of the imprisonment; and that
they would not allow me to touch pen to paper, having been warned of
the letters that I wrote to your Majesty--which, as above stated, were
seized from me. These have incited him to cruelty, and increased in me
the suspicion that was told me after my arrival at [the convent of]
St. Dominic, namely, that he tried to plan my murder there. That is
the fear with which I have written, and in which are all those who
give information to your Majesty, because of the vigilant measures
taken to seize the letters.

Another reason alleged is, that I might not push forward the residencia
of the fiscal, and send it to your Majesty; for, as considered by
them, it must have been expedient for them that I should not send
it to your Majesty; and because I had not taken that of Don Juan de
Silva to his taste, awaiting an occasion for it when he should not
be present and when he should have left this city sometime, for if
he were present it would be impossible to take it.

Another reason is because, as he has seen your Majesty has been
pleased to show me the favor to commit that residencia to me, and
his conscience accuses him, he fears (as is reported) that it or
the visit is near; and fearing that your Majesty would show me the
favor to commit it to me, and fearing justice, because I am not a
person who could overlook matters against your Majesty's service,
it has seemed to him, on the one hand, that if I were arrested and
not in the Audiencia, it would be easy by active efforts to get hold
of the letters and seize and conceal the decrees. On the other hand,
he thought by means of the acts of violence and insult that he has
used to disqualify me for such a responsibility with your Majesty,
for which effect it is understood that he has also designedly made
and procured my arrest. With what has been stated above (in which I
could go into further details without charging my conscience), the
case can be duly estimated by mentioning the particulars of one point,
concerning which I have to say the following.

This country is at present in the most wretched condition
imaginable. Moreover the governor has recently obtained his desires,
namely, to be without an Audiencia, for Licentiate Legaspi is the
only one in it. For, besides having driven me from it, it seems that
he has also removed Don Antonio Rodriguez by treating him very ill
and by grossly insulting him, because the latter petitioned that the
acts by which the governor had arrested an auditor in the manner
in which he had arrested me, be placed before the Audiencia. But
the governor refused to give them; on the contrary, he has taken
away every one of several petitions presented in the Audiencia,
not wishing them to be seen publicly, for which arbitrary act
redress was demanded. The governor recognizes neither justice nor
king, but only his own absolute will and pleasure. For that reason,
shortly after my imprisonment until now, Don Antonio has been and is
quite unwell, and has less hope of going to the Audiencia for a long
time. Don Antonio does not deserve that, for in many matters and on
many occasions have I recognized in him very good desires and works
for the service of your Majesty. Consequently, even if Licentiate
Legaspi remains, that means to have no Audiencia, when one considers
the close relations that exist between these two strong arguments,
the disposition of the governor, and the way in which he treats the
service of your Majesty. For the people generally say of him that
it would be a miracle if another worse than he could be found. It
is said of Licentiate Legaspi that he is the worst official that
your Majesty has. The same has been said of Don Juan de Alvarado,
ex-fiscal, and that is known throughout the country as a public
matter. All three are so great friends that some call them "the union
of the saints," so that, of a truth, as the people understand, not
one tittle more than the governor wishes ever happens. Consequently,
a number of litigants are holding back their suits until there shall
be an Audiencia. There is much outcry at there being no one from whom
to demand justice for the insults cast on them by the governor, for,
finally, if there were men to defend the service of your Majesty,
the governor would not do whatever he wished, although they would
suffer and endure many insults for it. The fact is that if all men
had a desire and resolution to suffer hardships and even to die for
justice and the service of their king, the community would suffer less
hurt today, for the governor would not be so daring. And he would not
in that case have dared to arrest me, had not he had the consent of
Licentiate Legaspi in his grasp; and whenever he needs it he is quite
sure of it, in exchange for the advantages that, as everyone knows, the
governor has given to him and his sons and retainers--from which I have
tried many times to divert him, constraining him by the fidelity due
to his king, so that he take strength and write your Majesty. Although
I have brought him over on some occasions, my effect has lasted less
time than it would last if I had the opportunity and occasion that
such things have when one goes straight to God. On the contrary, I
think he gets along better without me in the Audiencia, both he and
Don Juan de Valderrama--to whom I said what I could say to a brother
as soon as he arrived here, because I saw the state of affairs and
thought to better them somewhat. But I have indeed done little.

My conscience has made me write at such length, and although there is
much to make me continue, I think that I shall have performed my duty
with the above, so that all may be considered, provided your Majesty
be pleased to send us redress with the haste that so serious matters
as these require, by sending us a leader who is a good Christian
and one very zealous for God's service, and who will only strive to
obtain that and to serve his king, and not the contrary. For with
that the Audiencia will have its due place, and the auditors will
attend strictly to their duties, and will conduct it for the peace
and conservation of the country, and for your Majesty's service. It
is also important that your Majesty send an inspector here, inasmuch
as the country is so full of schemes, tricks, and contrivances to
destroy it and finish its ruin; and since your Majesty, as so holy a
king, cannot abandon it, after having planted therein the holy gospel,
and consequently, having sent the so great fruit of so many souls to
heaven. Besides this, if it has peace and is free from enemies, and
religiously governed, it will give the greatest wealth and grandeur to
your Majesty that can be imagined. It is advisable that such a one be
a picked man, and that he be such a person as is necessary, as I have
written your Majesty at other times: that he be entirely disinterested,
and a good lawyer, with clean hands; that he have great authority in
regard to war and peace, and over high officials in both, and power
to suspend, in case he deem it advisable, the most serious penalties
for your service for long periods, in order to investigate the truth,
so that he may understand and learn the tricks, crimes, and criminals,
and that he may know the persons in whom he can trust--not only as
his agents, but also so that he can ascertain how your Majesty can
best provide suitable measures [for reform]. For in no other way can
the holy desires of your Majesty, which are those of God, who rewards
the good and punishes the evil, be obtained. If he be not such, he
will be confused during his inspection by schemes, impositions, and
covetousness, but if he be such, he will be the consolation of this
country, as I trust in God, and your Majesty will hold it securely in
order and justice, in peace and true obedience, and with renown. Your
Majesty will then know the evil and the good men, and the excesses
of many, and mine. You will obtain great possessions for the royal
exchequer and render great service for God our Lord. But otherwise,
if he be not such a person, he will serve as a help to the ruin of the
country, and as an encouragement to future officials, especially the
governors, so that they may act worse. And since thin country has gone
from bad to worse because of the officials that it has had, especially
the governors, until its present condition has been reached, if your
Majesty does not visit an exemplary punishment on those officials,
in accordance with each one's guilt, it is quite clear that those who
shall govern in the future will complete its ruin. For the security of
that, I think it will aid much for your Majesty to send a stringent
order to Mexico and to Sevilla, so that the property sent by the
governor, and what he has sent by third persons under various heads,
be investigated, which can be ascertained with reasonable efforts;
and that it be secured by levying an attachment on it, or at least
by placing it in a depositary; or as your Majesty may deem best to
order it, for it is understood that such property is in very great
quantity. Although I do not dare to affirm this, there are some who
with the information and even more that they have of the coming and
going of these things relating to the governor are persuaded that
the sum [thus sent away] will amount to little less than one million
[pesos], and at least to a great sum. I think that all that sum will be
necessary, if his inspection or residencia be well made, and that much
more will not suffice for the pecuniary part. To do it your Majesty
will have sufficient grounds by reason of the advices, letters, and
report that have already reached and will reach you concerning his
affairs. Will your Majesty decree what is most to your royal service.

I began to take the residencia of Don Juan de Alvarado, as soon as I
received your Majesty's decree, and I give account of it in a separate
letter that I am sending to your Majesty with it.

Of that of Don Juan de Silva, which your Majesty also ordered me to
take, I have informed your Majesty in other letters, that that order
reached me jointly with that of the fiscal, and that for certain
reasons of convenience I deemed it best to take that of the fiscal,
and afterward to enter upon that of Don Juan de Silva. The country has
been so scandalized by what occurred in that of the fiscal, Don Juan de
Alvarado, because of the violent demonstrations made by the governor in
favor of the fiscal, that many witnesses of those who swore, came to me
to ask me not to take Don Juan de Silva's residencia, because there was
not one man who would tell anything that he knew when summoned. Some of
the witnesses they tried to kill at night, and others fled the city,
having been threatened, it is said, by order of the governor, after
the charges against the fiscal were published, until which time he and
the governor thought that there could be no witness who would dare [say
anything]. On that account the demonstrations that arose were greater,
and I was requested, considering the condition of the affairs of the
country and the many objects of the governor, to do the same in the
residencia of Don Juan de Silva. [This was desired] on account not
only of the many connections that it must necessarily have with many
cases related to it, with which he has had connection during the time
while he has been here; but of other private persons, his friends,
who are involved in the residencia, especially one Josephe de Naveda
Alvarado, a relative of the fiscal, who was secretary to Don Juan de
Silva, and also served him in other offices of great danger. It is
well known that this man, for Don Juan's sake, has committed the most
dangerous and insolent acts that one can imagine, during that time
and at present. He is also secretary to this governor, whose especial
favor he enjoys. Whence I am persuaded beyond all doubt that nothing
good will be done, for what the governor would not do through Josephe
de Naveda and the others is much more than what he would do through
the fiscal. It is not many months since, because of a royal decree
that your Majesty sent to the Audiencia ordering the investigation
of the property of Don Juan de Silva and its sequestration, I found,
on attending to it, a process where it appeared that this Naveda owed
Don Juan de Silva eight thousand pesos. On taking it to the Audiencia
to have justice done there and to have it paid, notwithstanding
your Majesty's decree, the governor seized the process and kept it,
forbidding us, with frightful demonstrations [of anger], to discuss
it longer. Consequently, I thought it best to postpone taking the
residencia until I could see whether matters would mend, which God
is wont to bring about by methods unthought of--notwithstanding
that the governor, under pretext of service to your Majesty, told me
often to take the residencia, for, in the presence of the greatest
and most serious offenses, both he and his associates would come out
as if they were angels. This was the motive of the pressure that he
brought to bear; and, even though he should have more crimes than the
sea has sands, yet because of him nothing would be said against the
others. That would mean not to take the residencia, and for me not
to obey your Majesty's will, with the loss of great sums, and much
detriment, to the royal exchequer; for it is certain, Sire, that those
who would come out as if angels--and some of them, especially Naveda,
according to the report and outcry of the country--would not pay what
they owe with many lives and with many hangings. For such are the
devices that the governors have used here for the destruction both of
the royal treasury of your Majesty and of this country. However, with
the lapse of time and hoping for opportunity, I made investigations
as secretly as possible with most of the notaries in this city,
inasmuch as two or three others that remain are of the governor's
household--to the end, as I have told your Majesty, that they may
serve his purposes. They (and if there were others, it would all
be miraculous) [38] and given with the greatest fear in the world;
with which your Majesty will see that not even in secret and under
oath do men dare to speak. Then continuing, the time came in which the
governor arrested me, without considering what I had in charge at your
Majesty's command. Consequently everything is at a standstill, until
God shall remedy it. Hence, Sire, as I have said, the obligation of
conscience makes me give account to your Majesty; and I think, for a
conclusion of this matter, that I am not excused from some particulars.

The first is the news that has reached this city, by way of India, that
the enemy is sending reenforcements of fifty-five warships. Because
the governor's disposition during this time is so worthy of resentment,
as above related, it is stated publicly that, on receiving this news,
the archbishop told the governor to try to prepare some warships, to
whom he responded that he would gladly sell the few that he had. Hence
it is feared that the enemy will have been informed of that as soon
as they reached this country; and that with this opportunity, they
would write, and they thought it good to come if it is true.

Secondly, that the government of this country has more need of a man
who is a servant of God, of mature age and prudence, rather than simply
a soldier; if there should not be readily found, a man thoroughly
qualified for the warfare of this country, the least influential
citizens here understand it. There are some men of great courage,
and thus when the Audiencia was governing, it has had excellent
successes. Consequently, such a man would cost your Majesty two-thirds
less than the governor costs you. It is certain, and I consider it
assured, that all the mishaps that the affairs of this country have
experienced--both in this land, and in the fleets and succors that
your Majesty has tried to send to it from those regions--have happened
because of the multitude of offenses to God that have been committed
here in other times and are even now being committed; and that all
are derived from the disorderly lives of the governors.

Thirdly, that great damages result because of the division of
jurisdiction between the Audiencia and captain-general. For the
Audiencia tries civil cases of the soldiers and the general the
criminal; but with authority as captain-general, as he is governor
and president, he extends that jurisdiction as far as he pleases. He
interprets the decrees that your Majesty has issued for this purpose,
[to apply] even to the citizens of Manila; and when the infantry
leave this city and the citizens are stationed as guards, they are
made to assume the condition of the other soldiers. The Audiencia is
left without any jurisdiction, while the captain-general gets it all,
notwithstanding the many offenses to God which are committed--for many
wicked men are protected by the war at this time, and in a few days go
out to commit greater crimes. Since the Audiencia tries civil causes
of the soldiers with the plenary jurisdiction that it enjoys over
the citizens (and the soldiers are citizens), on the other hand it
appears most fitting that it try cases of the soldiers like those of
the citizens; and that, as appeal is made from the ordinary judges,
appeal be made to the Audiencia by the soldiers in cases civil and
criminal--at least while the soldiers are not actually fighting,
or in pursuit of the enemy. For, besides the service to God and to
your Majesty that will result from such a course, the Audiencia,
when there is one, will be respected; and the soldiers will not be so
disregardful of what their captain-general says to them in times of
peace, even though the latter be one who razes a convent to the ground.

Fourthly, that among the ordinances of this Audiencia is one (to
which I referred above) ordering the president to try the criminal
causes of the auditors With that the governor has endeavored to make
a pretext for my imprisonment. As I do not see the original signed
by your Majesty, I doubt the truth of that decree, as occasion for
it was given by people who pay little heed to conscience. With that
decree, if the governor wished to destroy [39] the country, and if
the auditor did not agree with him, he could move a question in regard
to its being cloudy and there being no sun. If an auditor should say
that he thought the sun was shining, the governor would say that the
auditor meant to call him a liar, as he said to me. By that means,
and by similar methods used toward the others, he would, destroy them,
and would keep them imprisoned three or four years, until relief came
from your Majesty; and sometimes it would be impossible to send that
relief for the damages that this country thus receives. Consequently,
Sire, it is very necessary for your Majesty to revoke that decree,
and to give the Audiencia the authority and the superiority that it
has enjoyed in other times; for by doing otherwise the Audiencia can
be very well dispensed with, as it amounts to no Audiencia. This is
truer, since it is six thousand leguas' distance to your Majesty,
and since it might happen that relief may not arrive in three
years--especially since, in strictness of law, your Majesty does
not give them the authority that they arrogate to themselves; and,
to him who cherishes malice, a slight occasion is sufficient.

Fifthly, that although it is true that it was decided to be advisable
for your Majesty to send aid to this country, as I understand that it
has been petitioned in the manner and form of reenforcement, I greatly
doubt whether it is more suitable for your Majesty to send ships by
way of the cape of Buena Esperanza; for the artillery founded here is
the best in the world, as are the ships built here, as I have been
well informed. Besides, the artillery and ships of the quality and
size necessary here cannot be sent from that country, for it has been
found that war is made more securely here and the enemy frightened more
by the very large galleons (much larger than those sent from there),
which will withstand heavy artillery, such as those built by Don Juan
de Silva. Further, the woods [used here] resist the balls better;
and the ships are built with special strength and by the best master
in the world, as I have been told. With money and care, the rapidity
with which those ships can be built is remarkable. Consequently,
I think that if what is spent on the fleet be sent in money, and
soldiers, and sailors, by way of Nueva España in trading fleets,
and by way of India in the ships that sail from Lisboa, it would be
more expedient--notwithstanding that it is said that the infantry
that come by way of Nueva España desert at their arrival there; for
with good judgment and care that difficulty would be remedied. Will
your Majesty decide what is most advisable.

Sixthly, that the fiscal of this Audiencia fills the office of
protector of the Indian natives, and of the Chinese Sangleys who
come from China to this country, for their advantage and trade,
by virtue of a decree issued by your Majesty. Your Majesty assigns
him no salary, for it seems to be your intention to have him attend
to that duty with his salary as fiscal. The governors here, in order
to control the fiscals, so that the latter may not oppose the things
that the former wish when these are in violation of your Majesty's
service, assign them an annual salary of eight hundred pesos at the
cost of the Chinese Sangleys. For that purpose a communal fund has
been established, and each Chinese is obliged to deposit, I believe,
two reals apiece annually in that fund, and from that fund is assigned
the salary of the fiscal as protector. As the Chinese are so numerous,
the sum amounts to considerable, although it it not all paid to the
fiscal. In the collection and method used, considerable annoyances
are experienced. Besides, there is no authority to levy that money,
for your Majesty has not assigned it, nor is the governor able to do
it, although he give your Majesty a pretext for it. The worst thing
is that that sum has never served, nor does it serve, other purpose
than to flay the Sangleys, for besides that it seems incompatible for
one to be a protector on the one hand, and one who seeks to act as
prosecutor on the other, it seems that the true protector is the good
judge, the Audiencia [or] the good governor. But as with the protector
they never escape from spending their money, but rather, I think, spend
more, and the most who have suits, waste their poor resources on the
procurators and lawyers, it seems to be a matter worthy of reform,
and that the Sangleys either should have no protector who is not a
protection to them, but a trouble (or at least for most of them),
or that your Majesty order that he perform the duties of the office
with his salary as fiscal; for I certify that many offenses to God
will cease. And since they claim that it is not an office of honor,
there is a mystery therein, especially since I, having charged against
Don Juan de Alvarado that he was taking that salary without orders
from your Majesty, the succeeding fiscal knowing that, and Don Juan
de Silva having revoked that communal tax, the preceding fiscal has
agreed with the present governor that the communal tax on the Chinese
be again established, and that the salary be assigned from it. That
is a very flimsy pretext, so that the fiscals may not perform their
duties faithfully against the governor. Will your Majesty order what
shall be most suitable for this particular, and for whatever else is
mentioned herein.

Lastly, I have made known by other letters to your Majesty that from
my arrival in this country, although I keep about, I have ever been
ill and a sufferer from sickness, besides which I have had several
dangerous illnesses in bed, so that I cannot serve your Majesty
here as I desire. I trust, God willing, that I shall have better and
better occasions to serve your Majesty in another place, for which
reason I petition your Majesty to be pleased not to consider my slight
services, but only my good desires by promoting me to the occupation
of greater favors and honors, and especially to satisfy me for the
insults that the governor has cast on me in your Majesty's service,
and for the many dangers through which I have passed in my endeavors
to have your Majesty served and obeyed loyally and as is fitting.

As to what pertains to the seizure above mentioned of the great
quantity of property that the governor is said to possess in
Mexico, I must warn you that, in addition to what was said, the
report originated publicly, in the beginning, in this city that the
governor was to go in a ship that he was intending to despatch by way
of the cape of Buena Esperanza, with a quantity of cloves which he was
expecting from Terrenate. That was founded on what they say about his
knowledge of how serious are the things that he has done, and that,
fearful of punishment from your Majesty, he did not intend to await
it; and also because this year he has sent whatever he could to Nueva
España in the ships that sailed, lessening even his number of horses,
as is said; and [it was rumored] that he was about to go by way of
the cape of Buena Esperanza with the cloves that he was awaiting
from Terrenate. But inasmuch as the cloves from Terrenate did not
come, it is now said that he is not sending the ship, and that he
must have taken new counsel. Consequently although the flagship of
the two ships that were going to Nueva España was wrecked, still in
the advice-ship that he despatched later the governor sent a huge
quantity of goods. He sent in the almiranta which got away safely
and took the lead, a person to look after and care for everything,
namely, Don Fernando Falcon, whom he made captain of infantry, and
to whom he gave great profits for that purpose. It is said that he
had orders to look after everything, and to ship as much as possible
to Castilla; as also, because he must fear that it will be possible,
on account of his great offenses, for your Majesty to be informed
of the great wealth that he has sent and his conscience will accuse
him. Will your Majesty order those goods to be sequestered--as is said
here, all that [he has], without taking account of the one hundred
and thirty or so boxes, which, as is notorious in this city, he lost
in the flagship. This is added new to the letter that I sent in the
ships of Nueva España, of which this letter is a copy, and which I
am sending by way of Yndia. Will your Majesty provide, etc.

_Licentiate Don Alvaro Messa y Lugo_

Sire:

The letters that will accompany this letter are duplicates of last
year, both of what I wrote via Mexico and via Yndia; and although at
that time I wrote as I did in them many more and better things can be
said now. For besides the fact that lawless acts are so prevalent,
they are increasing with the presence of their master, who, to be
explicit, is the governor. It is advisable for the honor and respect of
your Majesty, to put a stop to as much as possible. For that reason,
I shall merely touch upon the following particulars of what is new,
with all possible brevity; for in order to satisfy your Majesty some
things are requisite. Hence, Sire:

1. First, after fifteen months of imprisonment and retreat, while I was
very heedless, and distrustful that the governor would take such action
(although very confident in the mercy of God), the governor sent an
order to me at St. Dominic to come out and assume my duties. Although
I hesitated considerably about going out on account of the great peril
in which I was placing myself, the force of your Majesty's service drew
me out, a fortnight or thereabout before the arrival of the ships from
Acapulco. I was encouraged considerably by the religious who assured
me that the whole town was clamoring for me to go out, except certain
persons who hate justice. Consequently I persuaded myself that I would
be doing your Majesty a service, and for that I did not think that
I was doing much in endangering myself, since I shall do my duty in
losing my life. It seems miraculous, and there are few who understand
how the governor came to do this, for, although it is true that he fell
out with Licentiate Legaspi, on finding that the latter while enjoying
so great friendship with him, had written against him; and because of
the great friendship between Licentiate Legaspi and Licentiate Juan
de Baiderrama the governor's displeasure was also extended toward the
said Licentiate Baiderrama: still they maintained friendly relations,
although the governor ceased to extend to him the accommodations and
profits of former times. Although it is reported that the governor
made numerous investigations, I have not heard from one who knew the
whole truth that he did it with violence, but with great mildness,
giving the witness liberty to make his deposition. On the contrary I
have always understood, Sire, that he made no further investigations,
nor has he wished to do so; and I even believe that it was done for
reasons of state, in order not to irritate Licentiate Legaspi too
much, in case that the latter should take part in his residencia,
for the governor must consider him as a revengeful and hot-headed
person. But Licentiate Legaspi, fearing that the governor intended to
arrest him, withdrew into the [convent of] the Society of Jesus. It
is said that on that account he allowed me to come out. All persons
of good judgment are not sorry for it, especially since they know the
inclination of the governor, who, it is feared, would not lose much
pleasure if all the world were destroyed--although in his falling out
with Licentiate Legaspi, a matter that began some four or five months
ago, it is understood that that has aided considerably in his having
repented of my imprisonment and the affronts that he put upon me; for
it is understood that his chief counselor and instigator was the said
Licentiate Legaspi under pretext of desiring, and advising him of,
his welfare, as to an associate in the matter of his duty. For that
reason he did not wish me to be present, as I would be a considerable
hindrance, as I write your Majesty in the duplicates. The same is said
of Don Juan de Balderrama, although it is also understood that he did
it with moderation; for all does not seem sufficient for the governor's
relenting toward me. Consequently I consider it more correct to ascribe
everything to the great goodness of the Lord, who well knows how to
plan all things. What I can say, Sire, is that notwithstanding all the
above, I do not believe the governor's intention a sincere one, because
of what is known concerning him. I have never seen him do anything,
although a good act, that did not have a private aim. Consequently I
think that if he took me from prison it was for his own end. The same
is true of the investigations concerning, and his falling out with,
Licentiate Legaspi, notwithstanding that he says he is zealous for
your Majesty's service in it, and although it is true that the deeds
of Licentiate Legaspi are many and very serious.

2. Secondly, that although the governor, while I was in the Audiencia,
tried to deprive the Audiencia of all authority, and the auditors gave
him considerable opportunity for it (with the exception of me only, and
as such he expelled me), however, during the time of my absence, he has
gained such foothold and influence over everything, that scarcely has
one liberty to live in the Audiencia. This is especially so in regard
to myself; for although I desire and try to secure your Majesty's
service, I cannot feign or dissimulate in the things in which I am
unable to secure your service, although I try to flee any occasion
of dispute with him, with extraordinary endeavor. Consequently, for
my part, Sire, I declare that in many offenses that concern him,
the punishment is deferred, with great regret, until your Majesty
send a remedy; besides, there are many other criminals whom he has
sent from here, so that they should not harm him.

3. The third, which is of the manner of the above, namely, that it
is said that one Gregorio de Vidaña, whom the governor despatched
to Yndia during that time on his private business at the expense of
your Majesty's authority--for, in violation of your royal will and
your royal decrees that prohibit the sale of offices, the governor
gave Vidaña an appointment as regidor gratuitously, in order that the
cabildo might appoint him as procurator (for which he schemed) and
that they give him a considerable number of ducados--obtained or stole
in Yndia certain letters written to your Majesty by the Audiencia
and despatched via Yndia in the time of Don Antonio Rodriguez,
which were the duplicates of others written via Nueva España. He
directed them to this city, together with other letters written by
the inhabitants and religious. The governor opened and read them,
with so little fear and respect that one of his adherents went about
the streets publicly reading to private persons the letters that the
Audiencia wrote to your Majesty. Consequently he has taken occasion
to write to your Majesty with tricks and cunning, as is said.

4. The fourth is that, in consequence of this and other things,
occasion was given for it to be said very openly, this year, that he
opened the packets from your Majesty, which were handed to him first,
and extracted whatever he wanted, if they contained anything that
answered his purpose; and then resealed them and ordered the person
who bore them (and whom he sent for them) to return very secretly as
he had entered, and to enter a second time publicly with the packets
damp, so that it could not be seen that they had been opened. In this
too was involved your Majesty's new seal which they said would be
found in one of the packets, but it does not appear. Therefore they
charge the governor with concealing it; and all that is without the
aid of authority to make investigation.

5. The fifth is that your Majesty orders by a decree that came to the
Audiencia this year that the vessels that sail hence to Acapulco be
not despatched late. The fact of the matter in this is, Sire, that the
Audiencia is powerless to remedy that, beyond the repeated telling of
it to the governor. If they should do more, besides not being obeyed
by a single man, at the least little thing, the governor would seize
the auditor who said it and clap him into prison; and, as he is the
sole and absolute ruler, he is, notwithstanding what has been said to
him this year, despatching the vessels when he wishes, and answers
that he is attending to it very well and is doing his duty. It is
said that, this year as in others, he has made a great cargo by the
schemes and methods mentioned in the duplicates. Others say that he
has done it, because it is common talk that news came to him that in
Acapulco a small casket of gold in bars, and jewels and pearls, had
been confiscated from him as contraband goods, although the officials
did not know the owner of it; and that one Don Fernando Falcon,
who took under his charge a considerable amount of the governor's
property last year, went to Piru from Acapulco with most of it, and
the governor is obliged to claim compensation. Because of awaiting
ships from Macan to make chests, the ships are not yet despatched,
and it is the thirtieth of July; nor does anyone imagine that they
will leave the islands even by the fifteenth of August. That, the
governor says, is because of the enemy. Thus and with other schemes,
although certain new pretenses are alleged, and with absolute power,
does the governor act just as he pleases. It is impossible to remedy
matters unless the governor be a man who fears God and your Majesty;
for if he wishes to send depositions that the sun gives no light,
as one might say, [he can do it]. What occurs to me, Sire, is that,
since it is sufficient for the good sailing of the ships that they
sail by the middle of July, if unable to sail before, your Majesty
should set a time-limit by ordering that they sail between the
middle of June and the middle of July, if they cannot sail before;
and that they shall not sail after that. In that way, since it will
be known that they have to sail, all those interested in the cargo,
even though it be the most influential persons, the governors, will
have their despatches ready. But they will not do it in any other
way, for although your Majesty says that they shall not sail late,
the governors do what they wish in this matter. Will your Majesty be
pleased to order your pleasure.

6. The sixth is that your Majesty orders the Audiencia to send a
relation of what occurred in certain crimes at Santa Potenciana. Since
the Audiencia writes it through its president, namely, the governor,
scarcely could he refrain from telling the truth in order not
to lie. Consequently I think it advisable to answer that in this
letter. What passes, Sire, and it is the truth, is that the seminary
called Santa Potenciana is a house of retreat, not for religion but
for single or married women, and almost without retirement, as it has
relaxed considerably. For that reason it is a cause for wonder that
there are men who some years are willing to leave their wives there
during their absence. Consequently, the majority of women there are
mestizas. It happened perchance that Lucas de Vergara Gaviria left his
wife there when he went to Terrenate as governor, as did another who
went later, namely, Sargento-mayor Antonio Carreño de Baldes. It was
said (and not covertly, but quite openly) that the governor solicited
the wife of Lucas de Bergara, but that he was angered at her purity
and virtue. Also it was said that the same thing occurred with the
wife of Carreño de Baldes, although she is not considered a person of
so great virtue as the other woman. And this being so, they say that
Licentiate Hieronimo de Legaspi, while I was on that occasion in bed
indisposed, proceeded against one Juan de Mohedano, because it was said
that he had entered Santa Potenciana to hold carnal communication with
a married woman. Upon my recovery, and when I went to the Audiencia, I
found that Juan de Mohedano was presenting a petition challenging their
jurisdiction by saying that he was a soldier. When I learned the cause,
I wondered, for the woman was married and one of the chief women here,
namely, the wife of the said Antonio Carreño de Baldes, who was in
Terrenate. I resolved to investigate the matter, as it was only verbal,
so that it might not become public. The Audiencia had made a judicial
writ and secret information and merits, by a secret and outside method,
without arresting Mohedano in order to exile and punish him, so that it
might not be known; for by any other way it would have been contrary
to law, and would have meant the irreparable loss and deprivation
of the honor of an influential woman and to the blamelessness of
her husband if perchance she has secretly committed certain acts
of imprudence, or written papers, or made pretensions, and I do not
know whether such were more than indications. At that juncture the
governor took up the matter, by whom it is said Mohedano was persuaded
to challenge the jurisdiction [of the Audiencia], by promises to free
him; he did it, as was seen, thus deceiving him in order to avenge
himself, as it is said, as soon as he had the woman with him. Thus
the governor came to the session, and, with his usual heat, caused
the case to be remitted to him without greater justification, as he
was the captain-general. Licentiate Legaspi and Licentiate Alcazar
did it through compulsion, but I, Sire, for the reason above stated,
did not agree to it, and so voted in the meeting. Being then, Sire,
the leader in the cause against Mohedano and that wretched woman,
he proceeded therein, as well as in another that he began against
one Don Fernando Becerra for the same thing. This he did with an
alcalde-in-ordinary, or with Don Hieronimo de Silva, or with both,
going and coming to and from Santa Potenciana with soldiers and the
torture-rack, besides indulging in other demonstrations, as they
affirm, that scandalized the city--where, as this city is but small,
everything was instantly divulged. And as evil men are not wanting,
there was one who gave notice of a certain slander against General Don
Juan de la Vega, son of Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega, ex-auditor of
this Audiencia. There was a certain report of meetings with the wife
of Lucas de Vergara, auditor of Terrenate. Since the governor was
also angered by her said purity and virtue, which truly are great,
it is said that he considered it a good opportunity for vengeance. He
himself, seeing the door opened by Licentiate Legaspi in the case of
the other woman, conducted the cause. In the case of Mohedano and Don
Fernando Bezerra, there was dispute; while that of Don Juan de la Vega
came on appeal to the Audiencia. Since this is so small a place, and
was so scandalized, and these households were ruined (for the matter
was all immediately made known publicly), the Audiencia thought,
since only the husband can take action in an adultery suit, and since
all that had been done was illegal, because the women were immediately
published, together with the investigations and intent [_yntencion_],
that also in consequence of that, and the lack of proof, and because
of other considerations, it would be advisable, besides doing justice
in what came to their hand, to repair the honor of those influential
men and women. Consequently the Audiencia acquitted Juan de la Vega,
whereat the whole city rejoiced, for all were persuaded that such
accusations were lies. However, as this matter is so serious, when the
husbands learned of it upon their arrival, they refused to live with
their wives or to enter an adultery suit, for the adultery could not
be proved. Consequently, even with such an effort by the Audiencia,
those families are ruined; although it is quite true that, if the
governor had executed the sentence, it is regarded as certain that
they would have killed their wives. This is the truth, Sire, and it
could not be written in the Audiencia's letter. If other things have
been written to your Majesty by the governor, they must be a part of
his schemes to bleed himself safely, under pretext of your Majesty's
service, as all see that he is doing.

The residencia of Licentiate Don Juan de Saavedra for the period of
his fiscalship, which your Majesty orders me to take, has come to my
hands. I am resolved to take it on the departure of the ships, for this
residencia does not have the troubles of that of Don Juan de Silva and
of Don Hieronimo de Silva, as these duplicates of the letters of the
past year which I wrote your Majesty and which will be in these letters
that I am writing [will relate]. In those residencias I shall make, as
I say in the duplicates, efforts to take them, proceeding throughout as
in duty bound, looking to the greater service of God and that of your
Majesty. Thefts committed by the soldiers because they are not paid,
and many other calamities of the country, I shall not relate because
of what I have promised, and as that would be impossible. And also
because that aids in putting an end to sorrow and just resentment,
will your Majesty give what orders you please in everything.

I petition your Majesty for God's sake to please give me satisfaction
for the insults and injuries that I have received from the governor
for your Majesty's service, and also to withdraw me from this country,
honoring me and showing me favor, for I have no strength to serve
your Majesty here. May God preserve the Catholic person of your
Majesty. Manila, July 30, 1622.

_Licentiate Don Alvaro Messa y Lugo_


Sire:

The archbishop of these islands presented a petition in this royal
Audiencia, in which he requested that depositions be accepted
for him, by order and officially, in which he claims that your
Majesty conceded to him an increase of his salary of three thousand
Castilian ducados per year, in order that he may be able to support
himself for the reasons that he alleges. Having officially received
the depositions, what seems to have resulted from it, in brief, is
that if the archbishop would regulate himself in the ostentation and
authority that he exercises in imitation of others, his predecessors,
he could live on his salary of three thousand ducados. Nevertheless
they [_i.e._, those making depositions] consider the said ostentation
and authority as suitable to what is due the archiepiscopal dignity;
and that, in order to sustain that dignity that he exercises and
enjoys, an increase of his salary will be necessary, because the
prices of articles for the sustenance of human life have increased,
as appears by the said deposition, which, if your Majesty please,
you will order to be examined.

On considering the above and other reasons of your Majesty's service,
this Audiencia believes that, if your Majesty wish, you may avoid the
increase of the said salary. May God preserve the Catholic person of
your Majesty. August 14, 622.


_Licentiate Don Alvaro Messa y Lugo_
_Licentiate Don Juan de Saavedra Valderrama_


[_Endorsed_: "The Audiencia of Manila in regard to the pretensions
of the archbishop of that island."]



For the same reasons that move the Audiencia to present information
that it will be just to increase the salary of the prebendaries of
this church, the governor thinks it proper to increase that of the
archbishop to the sum that your Majesty may be pleased; and not in
the last place, since his obligations are in the first place.

_Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença_





Letters from the Archbishop of Manila to the King


Sire:

In compliance with what your Majesty ordered in your royal decree
of May eighteen, 619, countersigned by your secretary, Juan Ruiz
de Contreras, I shall inform your Majesty in this letter [40]
of the matters pertaining to the ecclesiastical government of this
archbishopric, that are mentioned in the said royal decree, and I shall
answer and satisfy each section in the same order as set forth therein.

_Possession of the archbishopric and residence therein_. [41] I took
possession, Sire, of this archbishopric, July 23, 620, and I have
always resided therein without having absented myself therefrom.

_Visitation of the ecclesiastical cabildo, clergy of Manila,
and province of Pampanga_. From the said day on which I took
possession of this archbishopric, I have busied myself in this city
of Manila, its metropolis, visiting my cabildo, clergy, hospitals,
and confraternities, and bestowing confirmation and attending to other
duties in my charge, until April 20, 621, when I set out to visit
the province of Pampanga. In that and in administering the sacrament
of confirmation, I was busied somewhat more than one month. Then I
returned to Manila, where I have resided until now, without having
gone to visit the rest of my diocese, because of nine Dutch vessels
that were in the mouth of the bay, and because of other events which
have hindered me. I shall do so, God willing, as soon as the vessels
about to go to Nueva España have set sail.

Thanks to God, the inspection of my cabildo resulted in not finding any
offense for which charges ought to be brought against any prebend; nor
against the other clergy of this city was anything proved that merited
punishment, except that three or four had gambled with some publicity,
for which they were punished. Some cases of open concubinage of lay
persons have caused and are causing remark in this city; and as this
city is so small, they cannot be very well hidden. In order that such
might be avoided, I have made and am making all the efforts possible.

_Parochial church of Manila and number of souls under its
direction_. Inside the walls of Manila there is only one Spanish
parochial church, namely, the cathedral. Hitherto it has had but
one curate; and inasmuch as I found the curacy vacant, and thought
it advisable for the better administration of the parishioners, I
discussed with the governor the matter of having two. He agreed to it,
and consequently a proclamation was published and the appointments
given by competition to two virtuous and learned clerics, who today
serve in the said curacy. In that parochial church are directed in
confession two thousand four hundred Spaniards, both men and women,
among whom are to be counted a few mestizos. One thousand are male
inhabitants and transients, eight hundred and sixteen regular soldiers,
and five hundred and eighty-four women. In the above number neither
the religious, priests, nor children, are included.

_Curacy of Indians and slaves inside Manila_. There is also one curate
who has charge of the Indian natives of this city and the slaves and
freedmen living within the city. He ministers to about one thousand six
hundred and forty Indians who make confession; and one thousand nine
hundred and seventy slaves, among whom are some few freedmen. Although
that seems considerable for only one curate, he can comfortably take
care of them, for the majority of them confess in the convents of
St. Augustine, St. Francis, St. Dominic, the Augustinian Recollects,
and the college of the Society of Jesus of this city. The said Indians
are ministered to, although with much inconvenience, in a chapel of
the royal Spanish hospital, and are buried in the church or cemetery
of the cathedral. If your Majesty so wish, they can have a church of
their own, and the expenses therefor can be secured from the royal
treasury, as is done in the villages outside Manila, where tribute
is collected, since they and the freedmen pay it to your Majesty.

_Parochial church of Santiago, a suburb of Manila, and the souls cared
for therein_. In the village of Bagumbaya, which is a suburb of this
city, is the parochial church of Santiago, in charge of a beneficed
secular priest. There one hundred and fifty Spaniards (one hundred and
twenty of whom are men), besides another hundred and fifty mestizos
and freedmen, and four hundred Indians and slaves are ministered to.

_Parochial church of the port of Cavite and the souls directed
therein_. In the port of Cavite, three leguas from Manila, there is
a parochial church in charge of a beneficed secular priest. In it
four hundred and thirty Spaniards are cared for; fifty of these are
soldiers of the fort, fifty women, and all the others sailors, some
of whom are mestizos. The said beneficed priest also ministers to two
thousand four hundred Indians and some slaves and people of various
nations, who number about four hundred. The religious of St. Francis,
St. Dominic, the Society of Jesus, and the Augustinian Recollects,
who own convents in the said port, assist him.

_Benefices, and mission villages of Indian natives in the diocese of
the archbishopric of Manila both in charge of the secular priests and
of religious; and the number of souls cared for in the archbishopric_.

The missions of the Indian natives of all this archbishopric are
in charge of secular priests and of religious of St. Augustine,
St. Francis, St. Dominic, the Society of Jesus, and Augustinian
Recollects.

Those of the secular priests are divided into twelve benefices,
among which are the three above-mentioned, namely, Manila, Bagumbaya,
and Cavite. Altogether, twenty thousand souls of the said natives
are ministered to.

_Order of St. Augustine_. The Order of St. Augustine has thirty-two
convents, all of which contain together fifty-six priests, who minister
to ninety thousand souls.

_Order of St. Francis_. The Order of St. Francis has thirty-eight
convents of _guardianías_ [42] and presidencies, in which are
forty-seven priests, who all together minister to forty-eight thousand
four hundred souls.

[_Order of St. Dominic_.] The Order of St. Dominic has three
convents. They minister to three thousand souls and have five
religious. The rest of their religious are stationed in the bishopric
of Nueva Segovia. In the province of Pangasinan, the Order of
St. Dominic has ten convents, with sixteen priests, who minister to
twenty-five thousand souls. [43]

_The Society of Jesus_. The Society of Jesus has three residences,
with eight priests, who minister to ten thousand six hundred souls.

_Augustinian Recollects_. The religious of the Augustinian Recollects
have three convents with six priests, who minister to eight thousand
souls.

Consequently the number of souls of the natives alone, who are cared
for in the territory of this archbishopric of Manila, amounts to two
hundred and one thousand six hundred. [44]

_Method of administration and direction of the villages and
missions_. The benefices of secular priests, and the convents and
residences of religious, above mentioned, are directed and instructed
as follows. Some have only one village; while for others--the most
common--besides the capital or principal village, there are two,
three, four, or five small villages, and in some even more, all of
which attend the church of the capital, when they are near it and
in a place suitable for that--which is generally the case, as the
distance is short, and can be traversed by waterways of lakes and
rivers. But when the distance is great, in the said villages (or in
some of them) there are churches where the priests go to celebrate
mass, on holy days and other days, from the capitals when there are
two or more priests; and they teach and administer the sacraments. But
when there is only one priest, as in the benefices of the seculars
and some of the orders, he says one mass in his capital, and another
in another village or visita of his district where all or almost all
of the people of it are gathered. In some districts, inasmuch as the
distance is considerable, the minister lives two or three months in
one village of his district and two or three in another, and in this
way goes the round of his benefice.

The orders have their distinct districts assigned in provinces,
and thus by their contiguity those of each order are a mutual aid
among themselves.

Although it is impossible to deny that the natives would be better
instructed and would live in more orderly ways if the small villages
were to be reduced to the capital, making one or two settlements of
each benefice, they consider it such an affliction to leave their
little houses where they were born and have been reared, their fields,
and their other comforts of life, that it could only be attained with
difficulty, and little fruit would result therefrom. Thus has the
experience of assembling the people into communities in Nueva España
proved, and so has what little of it has been attempted here. However,
in the visit that I shall make in this archbishopric, I shall try to
reduce them to as few settlements as possible.

Inasmuch as I deem it greater prolixity than is advisable for what
your Majesty desires to know about the missions of the Indians, if I
set down the name and number of their settlements, I have refrained
from doing so.

_Sangley missions of the diocese of the archbishopric of Manila, and
the number of souls directed in them_. Besides the said missions to the
natives, the Order of St. Dominic has in the town of Binondo, which
is near Manila on the other side of the river, Christian Sangleys,
most of whom are married to Indian women of this island, while others
are married with women of other nations. At present they number five
hundred Sangley mestizo inhabitants, who are cared for in their own
language in the convent of the above-mentioned order in the said town.

Besides the said Sangleys of Binondo--who cannot return to their own
country, because they are married, and have no cues, and have become
residents here--some have been baptized these last four years who
have retained their long cues, without binding them not to return
to their own country. Some of these are ministered to in a church
in charge of the Order of St. Dominic, near the Parián; and others
in two other churches almost in the suburbs of Manila, and in one
other somewhat farther away--all three of which are in charge of
the Order of St. Francis, and number about one thousand Sangleys,
who are directed in their own language.

_Japanese missions, and the number of souls ministered to therein_. In
the parochial church of Santiago, and in the villages of Dilao and
San Miguel, which are suburbs of Manila, and in the part of Cavite,
most of the Japanese in these islands are instructed. Some of them
are married, and although, because they are a people who go to and
fro to their own country, they have no fixed number, at present there
are more than fifteen hundred Christians.

And now, Sire, I have given your Majesty a report of the souls
ministered to in the territory of this archbishopric, as exactly,
accurately, and clearly as I have been able. Inasmuch as your Majesty
will be pleased to have me report likewise on the three bishoprics
of these islands that are suffragan to this archbishopric of Manila,
although that report be summary, a brief relation of it is here
appended, which has been abstracted from the reports given to me by
the provincials of the orders and other persons.

_Benefices and missions of the bishopric of Zibu, and the number of
souls ministered to_.

In the bishopric of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus in the city of Zebu--the
residence of the bishop--there is one Spanish parochial church, namely,
the cathedral, whose benefice is served by one secular priest. He
ministers to one hundred Spaniards (fifty of whom are soldiers, and
twenty are women), and to two hundred and fifty Malucans, Ambuenos,
and those of other nations.

In the same city of Zebu is one other benefice, also served by a
secular priest, where one thousand six hundred souls, counting Indian
inhabitants, wandering Indians, and Sangleys, are directed. They
are attended to by the convent of St. Augustine, and the residence
[_colegio_] of the Society of Jesus in that city.

In the city of Arebalo, which is situated in the province of Oton,
and which belongs to the same bishopric, is a parochial church for
Spaniards, who, counting the women, number about one hundred. In the
island of Caraga are fifty Spanish soldiers, to whom, together with
four hundred Indian natives, one secular priest ministers.

Besides the said benefices of Zebu, Villa de Arebalo, and the island
of Caraga, that bishopric has twelve secular benefices which minister
to fifteen thousand four hundred souls. The Order of St. Augustine
minister to forty-eight thousand souls of the Indian natives in
the fifteen convents with their visitas that they maintain in that
bishopric. The Society of Jesus minister to fifty-four thousand souls
in their residences. They give the name of residence to the college
or chief place to which the fathers of that district, who have other
houses and churches of their own where they live, are subject.

Thus the souls of the Indian natives ministered to in the bishopric of
Zebu total one hundred and nineteen thousand six hundred and fifty,
including the few Malucans, Ambuenos, and those of other nations,
as above stated.

_Missions of the bishopric of Cagayan, and the number of souls cared
for therein_.

The bishopric of Cagayan, whose capital is the city of Nueva Segovia,
has twenty Spanish inhabitants and fifty soldiers in the said city.

There is not a single secular benefice in all that bishopric, and it
is administered by the orders of St. Augustine and St. Dominic.

The Order of St. Augustine has fifteen convents, in which fifty-eight
thousand souls of Indian natives are cared for.

The souls of the natives ministered to in the said bishopric of
Cagayan amount to one hundred and twenty-eight thousand.

_Benefices and missions of the bishopric of Camarines, and the number
of souls instructed therein_.

In the bishopric of Camarines, whose seat is in the city of Caceres,
there are at present only twelve or fifteen Spanish inhabitants,
the alcalde-mayor, some few soldiers whom he takes with him, and the
collectors of tribute for that province, all of whom do not number
fifty men. They are ministered to in the cathedral by one secular
priest, who has in charge two small villages near by, where live two
hundred souls of the natives.

That bishopric has five secular benefices, where eight thousand four
hundred souls of natives are ministered to.

The Order of St. Francis owns twenty-four convents with guardianías
and presidencies, and ministers to forty-five thousand souls.

The Society of Jesus has one residence, where they minister to three
thousand two hundred souls. Hence the souls of the natives cared
for in the said bishopric of Camarines amount to fifty-six thousand
eight hundred.

_The number of souls of Indian natives ministered to in the Filipinas
Islands_. According to the evidence of this relation, the souls
of Indian natives ministered to in this archbishopric and in its
suffragans, the three above-mentioned bishoprics, amount to five
hundred and six thousand. [45]

_The need of ministers, which explains why many souls of Indian
natives remain to be converted to our holy religion_. The number
would be far greater, Sire, were there more ministers. Through lack
of them a considerable number of those already pacified and who pay
tribute remain to be converted. There are some of these even among
the Indians who are Christians, especially in the bishoprics of Zibu
and Cagayan; while even in the bishopric of Camarines there are some
pagans, but not so many, and those of this archbishopric of Manila
are still fewer. Consequently it will be very advisable that religious
of the said orders come to these islands, so that they may attend to
this instruction and conversion, for all the islands are in pressing
need of them.

_The arduous work of the ministers in the conversion of the
Indians_. One would not believe how arduously the ministers to the
Indians in these islands work, and how they should be esteemed; for
not only do they attend to their baptisms, confessions, communions,
marriages, and burials, but also--and this is of far greater labor,
work, and occupation--to the daily instruction of all in the church
(even though they be the children and grandchildren of Christians)
in the prayers and whatever is necessary so that they may know and
understand our holy faith, in order that the holy sacraments may be
administered to them.


_Hospitals_

_Royal hospital of Manila, where Spaniards are treated_. There is,
Sire, within the city of Manila, the royal Spanish hospital, where
all the ailments of only the Spanish men are treated. It is maintained
from your Majesty's royal treasury, the medicines, delicacies, wine,
and some other things being brought from Nueva España, while the rest
are bought here. There are generally from seventy to one hundred sick
men, most of them soldiers of this camp. As the needs of the royal
treasury have been so great these years, the sick have so little
comfort that for lack of it many of them die. The hospital is in
charge of a steward appointed by the governor, and has its physician,
surgeon, apothecary, barber, and other paid helpers. The Order of
St. Francis administer the sacraments to the sick. One or two priests
of that order live in the hospital, and two others, lay brethren,
act as nurses. It would seem advisable that that hospital and the
others be placed under the charge of the brothers of St. John of God
(who have the care of hospitals as an object of their profession),
if a sufficient number of them came from España.

_Hospital of La Misericordia, where slaves and Spanish women are
treated_. In another hospital, called that of La Misericordia,
[46] also inside the walls of Manila, sick slaves are treated for
all ailments--both men and women, in separate quarters. There are
generally from eighty to one hundred sick persons in it. It has one
separate room where poor Spanish women are treated, which generally
has from twelve to twenty women. That hospital is in charge of the
Confraternity of La Misericordia ["mercy"], which bears all the
expenses and keeps the hospital very well supplied with medicine and
delicacies. It is administered by religious of St. Francis.

_Hospital of the natives_. Five hundred paces from the wall of Manila
stands the hospital of the native Indians, where only Indian men
and women are treated (in distinct rooms), for all ailments. It has
generally from about one hundred to one hundred and fifty sick. Five
hundred ducados are given to it annually from the royal treasury by
the order of your Majesty, besides one thousand five hundred fanegas
of uncleaned rice, one thousand five hundred fowls, and two hundred
blankets [_mantas_] from Ylocos, while the medicines brought from
Nueva España are shared with them. With the above and four toneladas
of the cargo which are given in the ships that ply to and from Nueva
España (which are sold), some income that it possesses from the rent
of certain lands, and a farm for large stock, there is enough for the
treatment and care of the sick. However, at present the hospital is
short, because the toneladas of the cargo have been worthless during
these last years; and because of the needs of the royal treasury the
five hundred ducados have been owing for more than three consecutive
years. The hospital is in charge of a steward appointed by the
governor, and is administered by the Order of St. Francis.

_Hospital of the Sangleys_. In the town of Binondo, which lies near
Manila on the other side of the river, is the hospital of San Gabriel,
where the Sangleys, both Christian and pagan, are treated. Although the
sick who go thither are very few when compared with the so great number
of that nation in these islands, since the sick generally do not exceed
thirty in number--and perhaps quite naturally, for since they have no
hospitals in their country, they shun and despise them--yet very great
results are obtained there; for very few or none at all die without
the water of baptism, while of those cured the most become converts,
thanks to the preparation of the usual and familiar conversation
and intercourse that they hold with the religious of the Order of
St. Dominic, who minister to the said hospital, and endeavor most
earnestly to convert them. That hospital is sufficiently maintained
by the money collected from the tolls of the Sangleys themselves,
who pass from one district to the other opposite the Parián, [47]
and with some income that it possesses. Although the said tolls
are collected from the Indian natives of these islands, it would be
just to allow the latter to pass freely, as do the Spanish, slaves,
freedmen, and those of other nations; for the natives ought not to
be, in this matter, placed on a worse footing [than the others],
especially since the money so obtained from them is only converted
to the benefit of the Sangleys who are treated in the said hospital.

_Hospital of Los Vaños_ [_i.e._, "the baths"]. On the shore of the
Laguna de Bay, twelve miles up stream from Manila, stands a hospital
called Los Vaños. It was established there a few years ago, as it
was found by trial that the hot water that bubbles up from certain
springs was good for those having humors, buboes, and colds. Hence
many Spaniards, natives, and those of other nations, both men and
women (who have separate quarters), are treated in that hospital,
for the said ailments. Most of what is expended there is derived from
the royal treasury and royal magazines, but because of the scarcity
of funds in these times it is not as well looked after now as it
was some years ago. Consequently, it is in debt and suffers great
need. The steward who has charge of it is appointed by the governor,
and religious of the Order of St. Francis conduct it.


_Confraternities of Manila_

The confraternities, Sire, in this city of Manila are as follows:

_Of the most Holy Sacrament_ [_Santisimo Sacramento_]. The
Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament, in the cathedral; with only
thirty pesos income, which, with the alms procured by the brethren
and others, is spent for wax.

_Of the Souls_ [_Las Animas_]. That of the Souls in Purgatory, in the
same cathedral. It has an income of one hundred and ten pesos. With
this and the alms that are collected, they furnish the solemn mass
and its responses Monday of each week, and perform other suffrages
and anniversary masses.

_Of the most Holy Name of Jesus_ [_Santisimo Nombre de Jesus_]; _the
Nazarenes_ [_Los Nazarinos_]; _and the Solitude_ [_La Soledad_]. The
confraternities of the most Holy Name of Jesus, of the Nazarenes,
and of the Solitude of our Lady, are established in the convents of
St. Augustine, the Recollects, and St. Dominic. They have no incomes,
except alms that the brethren gather. That is spent in wax and
ornaments by the said convents, each convent buying one day every week
during Lent the wax for the sermons that are preached, and the floats
of the passion that are carried in the processions of the discipline
during Holy Week, in which the brethren and others take part.

_Of the Rosary_ [_El Rosario_]. The Confraternity of the Rosary of
our Lady, which was founded in the convent of St. Dominic, has some
income bequeathed it by pious persons, from which, together with the
alms gathered by the brethren, four or six orphan girls are married
yearly, to each of whom three hundred pesos are given as a dowry.

_Brotherhood of the Confraternity of La Misericordia_ ["mercy"]. In
the year five hundred and ninety-three, the Confraternity of La
Misericordia was started in this city. It has continued to increase
daily to greater estate, until now it is of the utmost importance in
the city, because of the many needs that it succors and relieves, and
the charitable works that it undertakes. It was founded with the same
rules and for the same end as that of the city of Lisboa, and others
that were begun in imitation of the latter in Portuguese India--whence
it must have been introduced here on account of its nearness to,
and communication with, these islands. It has two hundred brethren,
and every year twelve of these are chosen, who are called "brethren of
the bureau of accounts." They, together with one brother, who is their
chief, have charge of the government of the said confraternity. They
beg alms two days of every week and collect whatever they get from
this source and from the bequests left by most of the dying. They
spend annually on the average more than twelve thousand pesos, which
includes three thousand six hundred of income that they now possess,
that was bequeathed them by certain persons. That sum they use for the
general support and relief of self-respecting poor men and women who
live uprightly; on the poor of the prison, whose suits they urge;
on helping many of the girls sheltered in the seminary of Santa
Potenciana; on the support of certain collegiates who study in the
convent of Santo Thomas of the Order of St. Dominic, and in that of
San Joseph of the Society of Jesus; in marrying girls and orphans; on
the support of the hospital built by them where slaves are treated,
and which I mentioned above; on the alms for masses, and for other
similar purposes. Many of the dying appoint the brethren of the bureau
of accounts as their executors, and they carry out the terms of the
wills with great strictness. They attend to the burial of the poor,
and of the bones of those who are hanged, which duty they see to once
each year.


_Colleges of Students_

_College of the Society of Jesus, called San Joseph_. There are two
colleges for students. One was founded by Captain Estevan Rodriguez
de Figueroa, and is named San Joseph. It is in charge of the Society
of Jesus, and the collegiates go to attend lectures at the residence
[_colegio_] of the same Society (which is close by) in grammar,
philosophy, and ecclesiastical and moral theology. At present it has
twenty collegiates who wear the _beca_. [48] Some of them pay their
tuition, but others are aided by the Confraternity of La Misericordia;
for the income of the founder falls somewhat short now of sustaining
the college, because of expenses in erecting the buildings of the
said college.

_College of Santo Thomas, which is in charge of the Order of
St. Dominic._ The college is called Santo Thomas de Aquino. It
is in charge of the Order of St. Dominic, and is very near their
convent. For two years it has had collegiates. It was founded by the
alms of deceased persons and by other contributions from the living,
which the fathers have procured and collected. It has some income and
is continuing to increase. At present it also has twenty collegiates
who wear the beca, some of whom also pay their tuition, and others
are supported by the Confraternity of La Misericordia and certain
persons. They take lectures in grammar, philosophy, and theology in
the same college, where they have a rector and masters belonging to
the Order of St. Dominic.

These two colleges aggrandize the city greatly and the sons of the
inhabitants of these islands are being reared in them in culture,
virtue, and learning. It will be of the utmost importance to the
city's progress for your Majesty to honor them by granting them
authority to give degrees in the branches that they teach.

_Seminary of Santa Potenciana._ Many years ago the seminary of Santa
Potenciana was founded in this city at your Majesty's command, in
order to maintain in it poor girls, both Spaniards and mestizas,
who being reared there in a safe retreat and under good teaching
might leave it virtuous, and as such be sought as wives. It has
been supported hitherto by an income of one thousand pesos that it
possesses, and with eight hundred pesos which is about the value of
an encomienda granted it by your Majesty, besides three toneladas
of the cargo given it annually by allotment in the ships despatched
hence to Nueva España, and certain alms bequeathed to it by certain
dying persons. For some few years past the seminary has been greatly
in debt, both because of increasing the number of their girls,
and because the toneladas of the cargo have had no value, and on
account of the greatly increased cost of living; and it is suffering
so great need that it has not enough for the ordinary maintenance
of the fifty girls who are there at present, some of whom are aided
by the Confraternity of La Misericordia. It will be advisable, since
the work is so consecrated to the service of God and so suitable to
that of your Majesty, whose royal person is patron of that seminary,
for you to order the governor to aid it from the royal treasury,
or--and this would be more secure--apportion to it more Indians, so
that a work so holy and necessary in this community may continue to
advance, since it is served by slave women and has never been served
by Spanish women. It is certain that if this retreat, from which the
girls go out married, were to fail, they would perish and be lost.

_How the Indians are treated by the curates and ministers._ The
Indians, Sire, of this archbishopric are generally treated with
mildness, love, and zeal for their salvation, by the priests and
ministers who instruct them. Whenever the contrary is heard from
anyone, he is corrected, admonished, and punished--by myself if he is a
secular. If he is a religious, his superior does it, when he deems it
best; for I (even though the case be one of the ministry and care of
souls) alone have power to warn and ask his superior to remedy it. In
regard to that, it would be greatly advisable that the bishops of the
Philipinas have more power over the ministers of souls in their charge,
and that the latter be obliged to give account. But, however this may
be, it is not a matter from which results any considerable annoyance
or harm to the Indians, except that of the bad example which they
might derive from it, if they saw their priest and teacher do the
contrary of what he teaches them and censures them for by word of
mouth. The most powerful cause, then, that destroys and consumes the
Indians of Philipinas is the same one that has destroyed and consumed
the Spaniards. All have been ruined by the continual and large fleets
with which the Dutch enemy persecute us, and because our forces are
so few to oppose them, as I have represented in other letters that
I am writing to your Majesty. It is impossible to prevent us all
from suffering, and even perishing very speedily, if your Majesty's
most powerful hand does not help and defend us. Consequently, Sire,
I consider as inexcusable the vexations that have come and are coming
upon the Indians in the building of ships and the making of other
preparations to defend us; for these would be very much less if the
Indians were paid for their work as your Majesty orders, if they
were placed in charge of disinterested persons, and if compassion
were shown them.

_Preachers for the Indian natives._ There are as many preachers for
the Indians as there are priests who minister to them; for although
the chief and most important instruction which can be preached to them
is to make the Indians understand the ministers of our holy religion,
and for the minister that he know the language thoroughly, there is
no difficulty in preaching to them, if one does it (and thus it is
advisable) simply and plainly.

_Preachers for Spaniards._ There is not any lack of preachers for the
Spaniards either, for generally each of the convents of St Augustine,
St. Francis, St. Dominic, the Society of Jesus, and the Augustinian
Recollects of this city have two preachers, who are erudite fathers
and of exemplary life. Besides, there are certain others, who by
reason of living in the convents and surrounding missions attend to
the preaching of several sermons during the year. These with holy
zeal reprehend vices with thorough modesty and prudence, and tell
us what is suitable for our salvation. But your Majesty is assured
that the chief preacher and teaching for the inhabitants of Manila,
and the best method of banishing public sins from it, is the good
example and life of the governors. With that, and with the affability
and love that they would exercise toward the virtuous, and with the
displeasure and asperity with which they would treat the vicious,
there would result, at least in the exterior court, the good or
evil conduct of the inhabitants of this community. Inasmuch as the
community is small, and all its inhabitants need the governor and
are watching him, they will try to imitate him.

_In regard to sending a relation of the persons worthy and
capable of being appointed prelates._ Your Majesty ordered me in
the said royal decree to send a separate and very secret relation
of those persons most worthy and capable in this archbishopric of
being appointed to prelacies--recounting their virtue, morals, and
example, character, prudence, age, and modesty; and of the intellect,
learning, degrees, and governing ability of such persons, besides
other circumstances. Obeying the commands of your Majesty, I report
all that in a separate letter, and I shall continue to do so in the
form and manner in which your Majesty may advise me.

_Whether there are vacant prebends or benefices._ At present, Sire,
there is no vacant prebend in the cathedral of this city, although
some are being filled by appointments by the governor until your
Majesty shall confirm them or shall appoint to these posts persons
who are pleasing to you. In regard to that, I refer to what I
am writing to your Majesty in a separate letter. The benefices
are appointed by competition as soon as they become vacant, in
the manner prescribed by the holy council of Trent, in accordance
with the royal patronage and last royal decree of your Majesty that
treats of this matter. Consequently, throughout this diocese there
is no vacant prebend or benefice. As soon as any become vacant,
I shall take care to provide for them as speedily as possible, as
your Majesty so piously orders me.

_Regarding the number of curacies and missions, and of the persons
who administer them._ In regard to the relation and report that your
Majesty orders me to make of the curacies and missions of this diocese
(both of Spaniards and of Indians); of the persons who serve them, and
the manner of their presentation, whether of seculars or of friars,
and of what orders; the age of each, and his length of service in
those curacies and missions; and whether he serves with the good-will,
humility, unworldliness, and good example to which he is bound;
as well as of other things contained in the section that treats of
this. I refer to what I have said in my letter, without going into
particulars regarding the names and ages of the ministers; for that
appears to be less necessary, since the benefices at present held by
seculars in these islands are so limited in stipends and obventions
that nearly all of them are compelled to beg for these, in order not to
desert their benefices. In the missions in charge of the religious, the
same persons do not live continuously, for their provincials remove and
change them from one to another, according as they deem most advisable.

_That this relation shall be continued on all occasions._ I shall
have the care that your Majesty orders, in sending duplicates of
this relation until I am advised that your Majesty has received it,
and I shall add to it whatever occurs later. When I learn that your
Majesty has received it, I shall observe the order given me, to refer
to what I shall have written in what may not be new matter, increased
and corrected by the past relations as far as may be advisable. I
shall continue to do that without awaiting any new order for it from
your Majesty, whose very Catholic person may our Lord preserve for
the increase of new kingdoms and the prosperity of those which you
possess, as is necessary to Christendom, and as we your Majesty's
humble chaplains desire. Manila, August, 1621.

This, Sire, is the relation of that I wrote to your Majesty in the past
year of 1621. I found nothing to correct except the section treating
of the number of the convents in charge of the Order of St. Dominic,
which is amended in its place in the margin. Manila, July last, 1622.


_Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano_,
archbishop of Manila.





Royal Decrees Regarding the Religious



Ordering the Dominicans Not To Meddle in Government Affairs


The King. Venerable and devout father provincial of the Order of
St. Dominic of the Philipinas Islands: I have been informed that
the religious of your order are living with great lack of restraint,
and are meddling in the government of those islands, from which have
resulted and are resulting very great difficulties. Moreover, the
honor and procedure of those who have been men of those islands have
suffered; for, both in the pulpit and in other ways, the religious
are trying to sully the reputation of those persons when they are not
acceptable to them. Now inasmuch as that is unworthy of any person
whatever, and more so of religious who have to furnish an example to
all by their retirement from the world and their method of procedure;
and inasmuch as it is very advisable to reform that efficaciously:
therefore after examination of the matter by my Council of the
Indias, it has been deemed best to charge and order you, as I do,
to summon immediately all the religious of your order. By the best
method that you shall deem advisable you shall censure them for their
irregularities, and represent these to them; and warn them to engage
only in their devotions and the conversion of souls according to their
obligations--which is the main purpose for which they went there--and
that they shall not meddle in government matters, or in any other
matter that does not concern their order. You shall advise me of what
you shall do in this matter. Given at Madrid, December thirty-one,
one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. [49]


_I The King_

By order of the king, our sovereign:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the Council.


[_Endorsed_: "To the provincial of the Order of St. Dominic of
the Philipinias Islands, ordering him to summon the religious of
his order, and censure them for their irregularities, warning them
to engage only in their devotions and conversion of souls, without
meddling in government matters or in any other matter that does not
concern their order."]



Ordering the Archbishop of Manila To Examine Religious


The King. Very reverend father in Christ, the archbishop of the
metropolitan church of the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands,
and member of my Council: The king, my sovereign and father--may
he rest in peace--by his decree dated November fourteen of the past
year, six hundred and three, charged the archbishop then governing
that church [_i.e._, Benavides], that in accordance with the rules
and ordinances he should not permit or allow any religious in the
missions in charge of the orders to enter upon or exercise the duties
of a priest [_cura_] unless he had first been examined and approved
by the said archbishop or by the person appointed for that purpose,
so that such religious should have the necessary competency, and know
the language of the Indians whom he should have to instruct--as is
contained more minutely in the said cedula, which is of the following
tenor.

"The King. Very reverend in Christ, the father archbishop of the
metropolitan church of the city of Manila of the Philippinas Islands
and member of my Council: Although it has been stringently ordered that
the ministers appointed to the missions of the Indians, both seculars
and friars, must know the language of the Indians whom they are to
instruct and teach; that they be possessed of the qualities required
for the office of priest [_cura_] which they are to exercise; and
that the teachers among the religious, in so far as they are priests
[_curas_] be visited by the secular prelates: I have been informed that
those orders have not been observed as is needful; that you prelates
do not exercise the fitting care in examining the said religious
teachers in order to be assured of their competency and thorough
knowledge of the language of those whom they are going to instruct;
and that in the visitations many of their omissions and irregular acts
in the administration of the sacraments and in the exercise of their
duties as priest are not remedied. That is a matter of considerable
annoyance. And because the Indians suffer greatly, in the spiritual
and temporal, from those appointed by their superiors, both in this
and in the choice of persons less careful than they should be; and
because it is advisable for the service of God our Lord, and for our
service, and for the welfare of the Indians, that the ministers of
instruction be such as are required for that ministry, and that they
know the language of the Indians: therefore I charge you straitly,
in accordance with the rules and ordinances, not to permit or allow
any religious to enter upon or exercise the duties of the office of
priest in the missions in charge of the religious in the district of
that archbishopric, unless he first be examined and approved by you
or the person whom you shall appoint therefor, in order to satisfy
yourself that he has the necessary competency, and that he knows the
language of the Indians whom he is to instruct. In the visitations
that you shall make you shall remove those whom you shall find to
be incompetent, or lacking in the ability and good morals that are
requisite, and those who do not know sufficiently the language of
the Indians whom they instruct; and you shall advise their superiors
of it, so that they may appoint others who shall have the requisite
qualifications, in which they are also to be examined. You shall
advise me of whatever is done in the matter. Given in San Lorenzo,
November fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three.


_I The King_

By order of the king, our sovereign:
_Juan de Ybarra_."


And inasmuch as my intention and will is that the orders and
commands on the said subject be obeyed and executed exactly, I
request and charge you to examine the said decree, above inserted,
and to observe and obey it _in toto_, exactly as is contained and
declared therein. Such is my will, notwithstanding that, in the course
of time and with the claims of the prelates, any other custom may
have been tolerated or introduced. That shall not be allowed, under
any consideration whatever. In order that the above order may have
more complete effect, I am having the Audiencia there ordered, by
another decree of the same date with this, to give you the necessary
protection and aid for it. You shall advise me of all that is done
in this matter. Given at Madrid, December thirty-one, one thousand
six hundred and twenty-two.


_I The King_

By order of the king, our sovereign:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the Council.


[_Endorsed_: "To the archbishop of Manila, that he observe the decree
above inserted, so that the religious of the missions shall be examined
in the language of the Indians."]

[_Endorsed_: "_Id._ To the bishop of Nueva Segovia in
Philipinas." "_Id._ To the bishop of Nueva Cáceres." "_Id._ To the
bishop of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesús."]





DOCUMENTS OF 1623-1624


	Letter to Fajardo. Felipe IV; October 9, 1623.
	Royal permission for the Dominican college in Manila. Felipe
	IV; November 27, 1623.
	Expedition to the mines of the Igorrotes. Alonso Martin
	Quirante; June 5, 1624.



_Sources_: The first of these documents is obtained from the "Cedulario
Indico" in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the second, from
_Algunos documentos relat. Univ. de Manila_, p. 21, and Pastells's
edition of Colin's _Labor evangélica_, iii, p. 565; the third, from
a MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: All these are made by James A. Robertson.





Letter from Felipe IV to Fajardo


The King. Don Alonso de Tenza, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my
governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president
of my royal Audiencia thereof: The letter which you wrote me on August
20, 1622, containing information regarding the state of those islands,
has been received; and in my royal Council of the Indias the points
that belong to their province have been considered, and you will be
furnished with the resolutions adopted thereon.

You mention the revolt and retreat to the hills of certain natives
of the provinces of Pintados, Nueva Segovia, and Cambales, and the
reason which you think they had for it. I appreciate the care which
you have exercised in that matter, since on other occasions when
you have been directed to see that the Indians be treated as well
as possible, you have endeavored to have my orders carried out, for
in this way they will be preserved as we desire. Again I charge you
that you inform the superiors of the convents, and religious who are
busied in the conversion and teaching of the Indians, how important
it is to treat them well.

Since you were unable to attend to the mines of the province of
Pangasinan, in the mountains and the lands of the Ygolotes, on account
of the press of business which you have had, you will now carry on
their exploration, since you see that it is desirable to accomplish
this enterprise. [50] As for the efforts that you have made to discover
certain fruits of the land, and your assertion that a considerable
quantity of nutmeg [51] has been discovered similar to that from
the Malucas Islands, you will make the necessary investigations
to ascertain this accurately. I also charge you to continue what
you have begun, and to send a quantity of the said nutmeg to the
officers of my royal exchequer in the City of Mexico in Nueva España,
so that they may send it to these kingdoms; and there also shall the
investigation be made, according to the orders sent in my decree.

As regards your remarks concerning the Licentiate Geronimo de Legaspi,
auditor of that Audiencia, you will execute your orders in the matter,
and I shall await the result. What you write in response to my decree,
which was sent you on June 8, 1621, that you should investigate the
mode of life of the wives of the auditors and other officials therein
mentioned, is noted; and all this is placed in your charge and on your
conscience. You are to correct the abuses which you find existing,
no matter whom they concern, and shall read this section in the
Audiencia, so that they may know my will.

I am advised of what you say, and have often represented, as to the
necessity that the persons who are appointed to that Audiencia shall
be well-known and approved. I am also advised as to what you say of
the person of Don Geronimo de Silva, and the assistance which you have
had from him. The embassy for Japan--with a gift, which shall not seem
an acknowledgment--you say, could not be sent off last year, which
is well. In the future, you will execute your orders in this matter.

All the other sections which your letter contains have been considered,
and now nothing remains but to make suitable provisions regarding
them. [Madrid, October 9, 1623.]


_I The King_

By order of the king, our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_





Royal Permission for the Dominican College in Manila


By license of the ordinary and the governor of the Filipinas Islands,
and the consent of our royal Audiencia therein, the religious of
the Order of St. Dominic in the city of Manila founded a college,
where grammar, the arts, and theology, are taught. In it they
established two religious for each subject, and they have twenty
secular collegiates. From this has resulted and now is resulting a
great advantage to the youth, to the preaching of the holy gospel,
and to the instruction of the sons of the inhabitants. We order that
now, and until we order otherwise, the said religious make use of the
said license given them by the governor to found the college, and to
study the said branches. This is and shall be understood to be without
derogation or prejudice to any decrees concerning like foundations, in
order that they may not be established and begun without our express
permission, which must be observed throughout our Indias, without
any exception. [Given in Madrid, November 27, 1623, by Felipe IV.]



The King. Inasmuch as Fray Matheo de la Villa, procurator-general
of the Order of St. Dominic in the Philipinas Islands, has reported
to me that a college was founded in certain houses that they held as
theirs in that city, by the license of the ordinary and of Don Alonso
Faxardo de Tenca, my governor and captain-general of those islands,
where grammar, the arts, and theology are taught; and that there are
two religious of each department in it for that purpose, and twenty
secular collegiates; and that from it has resulted, and is resulting,
great advantage to the youth, the preaching of the holy gospel,
and the instruction of the sons of the citizens: and petitioning me,
in consideration of the above, and of the fact that the license which
was conceded to them was on condition that they obtain my confirmation
of it, if I should be pleased to give it; and the matter having been
considered in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered it
advisable to give the present. By it I order that for the present,
and until I order otherwise, the said religious of the Order of
St. Dominic enjoy the license that the said my governor gave them to
found the said college and to teach in it the said branches; and such
is my will. Given in Madrid, November twenty-seven, one thousand six
hundred and twenty-three.


_I The King_

Countersigned by Juan Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the members
of the Council.






Expedition to the Mines of the Igorrotes


_Relation of the discovery of the mines and of the pacification of
the Ygolotes in the province of Pangasinan_

Relation of the voyage and entrance that I, Captain and Sargento-mayor
Alonso Martin Quirante, made by order of the governor and
captain-general, Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, during this present
year, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, to the province and
mines of the Ygolotes; and the tests or assays made of the metals
there by various miners; the nature of the country, and what I was
able to learn of its inhabitants.

First, I left the city of Manila by order of the said governor and
captain-general, to attain the said entrance, on December twenty-two,
one thousand six hundred and twenty-three, and went overland to the
province of Pangasinan. I reached that province on January first,
six hundred and twenty-four, and took over the offices of justice and
war from Captain and Sargento-mayor Antonio Carreño de Valdes. As he
notified me of the royal decree ordering his residencia to be taken,
in fulfilment thereof I took it, and sent him to the said city on
the fifth of the following February.

On the eleventh of the said month of January, the champan which was
despatched at my departure from the said city, laden with the infantry,
ammunition, and other war-stores necessary for the said entrance,
reached the port and storehouses of Arrimguey.

From the said day, January first, until the eleventh of the following
February, when I reached the said town and storehouses of Arriguey
[_sic_] I collected and gathered provisions and everything else
important for the success of the said expedition. Likewise, together
with the preparation that I made of food in the said time, in the said
month of February, I caused to be collected, in addition to the seventy
Spanish soldiers and officers of my company, fourteen adventurers
[_extravagantes_] or substitutes [_sobresalientes_], besides two
sailors (one of them a miner), two Japanese miners, and one armorer;
a clerk [_tenedor_] and notary; eleven of his Majesty's negro slaves,
and nine Indians imprisoned for crimes; forty-seven Sangley carpenters,
smiths, and sawyers; and one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight
other Indians--eight hundred and ninety-three from the province of
Ylocos, formed into twelve companies; and eight hundred and fifty-five
from the province of Pangasinan, formed into ten other companies--who
in all totaled one thousand nine hundred and three rations. Father
Fray Raymundo Beger [52] of the Order of Preachers, and Licentiate
Augustin Tabuyo Baldecañas, who was supplied by the bishop of Nueva
Segovia, also went with us as our curas and vicars for the success
of the said expedition.

On the fourteenth of the said month, I made a muster and enrolment
of the said men. The next day rations were given to all of them for
a fortnight, and I began to despatch them by troops in the manner
and order following. On the sixteenth of the said month of February,
I despatched Adjutant Andres Tamayo with twenty soldiers and two
hundred Pangasinan Indians, a chosen and light troop, in order that
being unencumbered or discommoded by their rations, arms, and tools
they might open and clear the road, arranging camping-places along it
during the assigned marches. They were given orders to stop in those
quarters only over night, so that afterward and without joining them
the second troop who were to follow could occupy the same. On the
next day, the seventeenth, after having formed three divisions from
the other men, with eighteen soldiers in charge of my sargento and of
a corporal, I despatched five hundred and sixteen of the Indians of
each province--all except their officers with their packs--with orders
to follow the first divisions. They were to make the same marches,
but were not to unite with the first troop, nor with the following
one. This was in order to avoid the confusion and obstacles that
might arise from both troops, since they were men of so little reason,
both in camp and in marching; since they had to go by only one path,
where because of its narrowness and poor condition they had to go in
single file.

I despatched the third troop consisting of a like number of natives
with seventeen Spanish soldiers, on the eighteenth of February, in
charge of another corporal, ordering them to follow the other two
preceding divisions, in the same order and marches.

The next day, February nineteen, having assigned eight soldiers under
a half-pay alférez, and twenty-five Pangasinan Indians under their
captain, as a guard to the said storehouses--and having despatched
the master-of-camp of the province of Ylocos for more men, in order
to exchange them after a month with those who had gone out before,
who, I feared, were already beginning to desert in part--I started
with the rest of the men that were left. I went to pass the night at
the place called San Juan, two leguas along the road, where, at the
foot of a cross set up there, I found a letter from the troop ahead,
announcing that they had found the quarters burned to the ground,
and that they did not know who had set the fire, but suspected it
was the Ygolotes.

I left the above place on the twentieth, and went to pass the night
with the said last division at the site of Duplas, located about four
leguas along the road. I also found the camp and the country round
about burning, the said Ygolotes having set it afire only a short
time before.

Next day, Wednesday, the twenty-first of the said month, after
the conclusion of sprinkling ashes on all the soldiers, I left the
said place and went to pass the night at another place called San
Francisco. On that day not more than one and one-half leguas could
be made, because of the many rivers.

On Thursday, the twenty-second, at noon, after another one and one-half
leguas made as above, my said division and I reached Buena Vista,
where I found all three divisions had halted because the Ygolote
Indians had occupied the road; and they were building forts at a
narrow passage on it, with a stockade, where, when the said adjutant
tried to pass ahead, they wounded him and some of the other Spaniards,
and some Indians who accompanied him.

Next day, the twenty-third, I went out with thirty soldiers and about
one hundred and fifty Indians to the said pass that the Ygolotes were
defending; and although they resisted for some time, and killed some
soldiers and natives, I gained the pass and destroyed the fort, so
that the enemy could not remain in it longer or make any other sortie,
as it was all unsheltered.

Saturday, the twenty-fourth, I left the said place of Buena Vista,
and went with all my troops united to pass the night at Los Pinos,
a march of three leguas. That distance was made with some difficulty
as the roads in some parts are very closely grown with reed-grass;
and in the bad passes are fallen trees which form the best defense
that the Ygolotes can have, so that if we were perceived they could
attack us in safety or could shelter themselves.

Sunday, the twenty-fifth, I went to pass the night, on account of
the convenient supply of water, at Rio Frio [_i.e._, "Cold River"]
with my said men, marching through the extremely hot sun for one
and one-half leguas. Next day, Monday, February twenty-six, about
one o'clock, I reached the new mines called Galan by their natives,
located about three leguas from Rio Frio. As the Ygolotes had learned
of our approach, or had seen us about to set fire to some houses--about
two hundred which they had located in various places about the said
mines and hill--they sought shelter without leaving anything except
some small heaps of metal which they were digging in order to work.

Next day, the twenty-seventh, having reconnoitered the said place,
and having seen that it was suitable and secure, and that within
a stone's throw on the same elevation were the mines and veins of
most importance that are yet known to exist among the said Ygolotes,
according to the information given by men who already had experience
of them before, I determined to establish a camp and fortify myself
in them. That I did, locating in a place where in no direction could
we fail to succor and overlook all the paths and ravines where any
danger could be feared, or any difficulty of getting food and water
close at hand and in the quantity desired. In the course of the said
march, I saw and noted that from the time of my departure from the said
village of Arringuey, we were always going from one peak to another,
until we reached that of Los Pinos, from which other higher ones
were discovered; while some small streams were passed on the way,
not of great volume, but to some extent shut in with mountains and
lands full of reed-grass.

Up on the said peak the mountains were almost everywhere destitute
of forests; for except in the very damp ravines, reed-grass does not
grow, or any tree except pines. For that reason, wherever one looks
from the height, very many mountains are to be seen, so jagged, steep,
and near together that it seems impossible for men or any other living
thing to exist on them.

The climate of those mountains is cold rather than temperate, and
less healthful than sickly. The winds that usually prevail are north
and south, and the south winds generally bring rain, accompanied
by extremely violent thunder-storms. Dense fogs always prevail,
and generally make the country very damp.

Certain streamlets of water issue from the springs of those mountains,
from which people drink; and these waters are so cold and thin that, if
one does not eat sufficient, they do him much harm. For that reason it
must be that birds do not breed there; for, since the first is lacking
to them, those that can escape do not await their destruction. Only
certain little birds like linnets are seen, and at times some crows,
which must be foreign to them.

None of the most common useful and fruit trees, which abound in all
the neighboring provinces, are found there; and less any of new or
old España; nor any other that yields either known or wild fruits: so
that the mountains are covered only with a great quantity of pines,
whose roots do not penetrate the ground more than half a vara. The
ground to that depth is black, but below that red and so hard [53]
that the roots, not being able to penetrate it, are very easily torn up
at any violent wind. All the said peaks are so cleared and despoiled
of trees that they do not hinder one from noticing and seeing, for
a great distance below the pines, whatever preparations are being made.

The houses in which those Ygolotes protect themselves from the
inclemencies of the weather--which is intolerable, both because of
the sun when it shines, and from the rains and cold--are very small,
built of straw and short wood. They have no walls, for the roofs serve
as everything, extending from above even to the ground. They sleep
high up, on some boards or planks roughly put together. The doors of
their houses, which are very small, are so low that one must get down
on hands and knees in order to enter them.

Their settlements are established on the peaks of the mountains, and
on the roughest of them, whence afar off they can see all the paths,
so that no one can approach them without being seen by their sentinels,
who always guard their posts day and night. If there is any danger,
they can easily retire without being seen, leaving behind nothing
more than their miserable huts; and, not fearing whether any go to
seek them, they defend themselves as they may by hurling down huge
rocks which they have suitably placed, sharp-pointed reeds, [54] and
stones; and especially do they seek the sure and convenient site. In
the rainy season they fear firearms but little, for they know that
they are of less effect than none at all.

The usual dress and clothing of that people is a loose shock of
disheveled hair that reaches below the ears, and certain bands
about one _jeme_ [55] wide made from the bark of trees. Having wound
these about the waist, they twist them so that they cover the privy
parts. They call these _bahaques_, and they are worn by all classes of
people, men and women. Besides the said bahaque, the chiefs wear Ilocan
blankets, which they have inherited from their ancestors; this garment
is crossed from the shoulder to the waist, where they knot it. Thus
do they go, without any other clothes or shoes. [56] The chiefs of
those natives are not differentiated from the rest of the people in
other things than in the possession of more bones of animals that they
have killed in their feasts, more clothes, and greater age. There are
more chiefs than in other nations, for there is one in every ten or
twelve houses, who is head of his kinsfolk. They inherit from father
to children, or by blood, and do not recognize one as greater than
the other. Those chiefs generally insert gold in the teeth, which is
so well fitted that it does not hinder their talking or eating at all.

The Ygolotes are in general a very active people, bold, well
built, and feared by the other nations surrounding them. As they
have discovered that, and that others, even when numerous, always
run from them, the Ygolotes attack with but few men. Whenever they
kill anyone, scarcely has he fallen before his head is cut off. On
that account they make many feasts, and at night light many fires
on many peaks. They make cups of the skulls, from which they drink
in their feasts and revelries; and leave them as household effects
to their heirs. If any of them are killed, and they can conceal it,
they endeavor to do so; for they grieve greatly and consider it as
a very great insult if the bodies of their dead are not carried away.

The arms used by them consist of a pointed lance one-third of a vara
long, which they generally carry, well polished, and set in a handle
of strong wood more than one braza long. They have others with which
they usually fight, made from heavy green poles, larger than the
above. At the head they insert a bamboo knot, with its point well
sharpened into two edges. They cover themselves with their shields,
which consist of certain short and very light boards, about four or
five palmos long and two or more wide. They use many sharp-pointed
stakes with which they sow the ground, particularly about their haunts,
and wherever harm might come to them. [57]

The Ygolotes are an idolatrous race. They say that their god is
the sky, whom they call Cabunian; and they offer and sacrifice to
him, in their banquets and feasts, swine and carabaos, but under no
consideration cows or bulls. The method of sacrifice practiced by them
is [as follows]. Having tied all the animals not prohibited about the
house of the sacrificer, after the ceremony an old man or old woman,
having placed on the ground a painted cloth that resembles a surplice,
and which they call _salili_, they continue to kill the animals, and
make a great feast. They keep that up for two or three days until they
have finished eating what they have, when their feast or _magunito_
also finishes. He who keeps up such entertainment longest and kills
most of the said animals is most respected.

Their sages or philosophers are the oldest men and women, whom they
respect and obey in an extraordinary manner, and most when they are
occupied in the said feasts; for they say that then and even ordinarily
those persons are wont to talk with the devil, who keeps them blinded.

That race lacks all good natural reasoning power. They cannot read,
nor do they know what day, month, or year, or the increase and decline
of the moon, signify. They govern themselves by one star that rises in
the west, which they call _gaganayan_, while they call the natives of
their neighborhood by the same name. On seeing that star they attend to
the planting of their waste and wretched fields in order to sow them
with yams and camotes, which form their usual and natural food. They
do not have to plow or dig, or perform any other cultivation than
that of clearing the land where they are to plant.

When any one of those barbarians dies, they do not bury him for many
days, for, as they say, they pass one month, during which period they
amass quantities of food about the deceased, to whom they give his
share as well as the others. Then they continue to prick the body,
and, as they say, they draw off or suck out the humors until the body
is left dry. When that time comes they wrap it in their blankets, and
fasten buyos and other things about the waist for the journey. Some are
buried in a sitting posture and placed with their backs against their
shields, in caves under the rocks, the mouths of which are stopped
with stones. Others they set in the trees, and they carry food for
so many days after having left them in either one of those places.

It is not very easy to ascertain the number of those people, who are
scattered, for they are so intractable, and do not let themselves
be seen, moving from one place to another on slight pretext, without
any hindrance; for their houses, to provide which would be the chief
cause of anxiety, they easily build anywhere, with a bundle of hay,
while they move their fields of yams or camotes (on which they live
well) from one place to another without much effort, pulling them
up by the roots--for, because of the dampness of the country, these
take root wherever they are placed. In the same manner, they carry
their ornaments or bones; [58] and since their arms and clothes are
but little or nothing, they are not embarrassed, because they always
carry these with them. Yet it is known that, if those called Ygolotes
reach one thousand men, that is a great number. They can scarcely
gather in one body or live on friendly terms with one another. For
those of Banaco and those of Atindao, villages of the same mountains,
have little or no communication with them, as neither do those of Aytuy
and Panaquy, villages on the other side of the said mountain-range--to
whom it is said that they pay tribute or a sort of recognition; but
both are hostile to those of Alrade, Vigan, and Oyrraya, so that, all
those Ygolotes being so separated, cautious, malicious and treacherous,
no message or despatch can at all be sent them. For if it be done
with few Indians, they secure and kill them; and if there are many,
they fight them, and will not listen to or believe them. If Spaniards
go with an interpreter to talk to them, as I have sometimes attempted
to do, they anticipate them on seeing them and no one remains in his
house, but they flee from the Spaniards. Then, if perchance they hear
some arguments that are shouted out to them, they laugh, and answer
that we are deceiving them, and that they will not trust us; that
they know us for people of bad faith; and that we must lay aside our
firearms if we wish them to approach. And if we did that, they would
employ their usual treachery and evil methods, as they generally do.

In the rainy season, that wretched race, most of whom are miners,
unite with their wives and children to wash the sand of the streamlets
that flow from the mountains, where with less work than in their mines,
by avoiding the digging and crushing of the metal, they get some gold,
although very little. [59] With what all of them get in one way or
another, they go down peacefully to the villages nearest to them,
to trade for certain animals or cattle. They do not trade the gold
by weight, but by sight. Those cattle are the ones that they eat,
with the solemnity above described, in a general assembly; for they
do not breed any kind of cattle or any other living thing for their
feast or sustenance, except certain small and very wretched dogs
which we have often had a chance to see.

It is not easy for us or even for them to ascertain the strata,
veins, or ores whence that product is yielded, since it is well
known that it does not originate or form in the sand, which does not
contain nurseries for it, since so many streamlets descend from so
many ravines and slopes. For it is not yet known that, moving about
ordinarily and having signs of that product, without ascertaining
or knowing any other in all the country, the natives have discovered
more than five elevations or hills within a distance of five or six
leguas, which they have worked during the dry season, in order to
support themselves so wretchedly as is known. Besides, those Ygolotes
are indebted to the natives of the villages who are our friends,
and are unable to pay those who give them credit; the wealth and wit
of both peoples being so small and restricted that, although those
people have no other kind of expenses, or other thing to attend to,
than the product of their mines, they are very generally in debt--a
sure proof of the mistake made in believing that the gain is much,
or the said mines of much importance, as has been and is demonstrated
by experience.

On one of the five elevations which I have said that the Ygolotes
worked, namely, the said new one called Galan (it being the chief
one, as I have said), I camped, and built the fort of Santiago,
under whose advocacy [_i.e._, of Santiago or St. James] they say
it was before. Retaining with myself about two hundred natives from
both provinces [_i.e._, Pampanga and Ilocos], with the Sangleys and
prisoners whom I took with me, I sent back all the others with thirty
soldiers on the twenty-eighth of the month of February, to get more
provisions, ammunition, and other necessary things, at the village
and storehouses of Arrimguey, although afterward some Ylocos Indians
deserted in the one month and six days while I occupied that place,
the natives having returned by a third path. In all three months,
their provisions amounted to two thousand and eighty-seven baskets
of rice, each of fifteen gantas; and for the rations of all the men
from January sixteen (when food began to be issued at my account)
until March twenty-four following, were consumed two thousand and
ninety-four baskets. These rations were given to all the said natives,
and to seven hundred and sixty others besides, who were brought
from Ylocos by the said master-of-camp in order to exchange with
the first, as has been said. On the said day, March twenty-four,
I mustered all the men, and paid and despatched them, except about
one hundred and twenty from both provinces, thirty-one Sangleys,
and about five adventurers [_estravagantes_] and substitutes who
remained with me to aid and accompany us.

Having despatched the said men, I ordered the lieutenant of the
province of Pagasinam not to advise me of anything unless it were a
matter of great importance until the fifteenth of May, when he should
send me four hundred other natives [from Pangasinan] and one hundred
from the said province of Ylocos, all laden with beans and other things
necessary for the sustenance of the men of the said presidio. That was
done in order that I might more freely attend to the investigation of
the mines of the said Ygolotes and what substance they contained. For
that purpose I immediately ordered Martin de Vergara, my alférez,
Rodrigo Lopez Orduña, Juan de Mugaburu, Graviel Molinero, and Diego
de Tovar, soldiers of my company and all miners, and other persons
who understood something [of mines] to investigate and reconnoiter
the said new mines where the said Ygolotes were working. The mouths
of those mines are in the northern part [of the ridge], about a
stone's throw from the said fort, and the mine discovered extends
from above downward in the manner of a horizontal vein or shell for
the distance of a musket-shot from northwest to southeast, and then
twists about for another equal distance to the direction that looks
toward the northwest and west, until it disappears into the depths
of a ravine or watercourse where there is but little sun. That is
not the case with the one that extends northwest and southeast,
for it is flooded with sunlight most of the day. When I reached that
place the Ygolotes were working the said mines through many mouths or
passages that they had opened, following the metal of one large vein,
from which they were taking out the ore that was softest and easiest
to dig, although it contained blue iron pyrites that contain antimony.

Having investigated and examined the above-mentioned, I judged it best
to open a trial place or mouth high up, and in the middle of all the
mine works that the said Ygolotes were carrying on, in order to get all
the body of the metal from the top which is more than one braza wide,
and from the crust of the earth. On the fifth of March following,
we began to open it, and, following the opening for ten estados, we
encountered the said mines that the Ygolotes were working, by which
our field of work was enlarged much more on the level, at the sides,
and vertically; and we continued to get metal for assaying.

The second hill or mine is that called Arisey and Bugayona, which is
but little more than three leguas from the new one above. It issues
from the same ridge or elevation, where the old fort Del Rosario
[_i.e._, "of the rosary"] was established, which was destroyed
by fire in November of the past year one thousand six hundred and
twenty-three. It is on the slope facing west, and the sun floods it
from nine until four. It has a descent of one-half legua that is very
troublesome as it is very steep, with two divisions and ravines at the
side, and precipices along both slopes and also in front; for it is
very steep, with a hollow in the middle, in which a spring of water is
enclosed, that rises near the place where the said fort stood. [There
is] a slope which is at the foot of the work where the natives washed
[gold], and gathered certain small stones known to them, which they
crushed for their profit; for in no other way is there any known or
constant source from which to obtain the metal--but only loose dirt
with certain ores, and those of the said red metal, which traverse the
soil--without digging down to the bottom. Nor can this dirt be worked
without danger of caving in, as was the case in all the veins and works
that were on that elevation. Nothing more of these remained than only
the indications of having been opened and worked from the vertical
within the elevation; for they do not follow the level and center
as that has been found to be of no benefit. From that one is led to
believe that the mines were abandoned long ago. Yet from the mouths
of those sunken mines, inasmuch as no other place was found whence
one might get ore, about fifteen small baskets of ore were obtained
by the said miners, Alférez Martin de Bergara, Rodrigo Lopez Orduña,
Juan de Mugaburu, and Diego de Tovar, from that which appeared best
for assaying and examining its nature or the benefit that could be
derived from it.

The third elevation and mine is that called Baranaban, which is about
one legua from the said fort and mine of Arisey, on a barren hill
that faces south, which is flooded by the sun all day long. Through
it runs a vein about one vara wide, extending east and west for
some distance. There are some works and openings there, narrow,
and distinct one from the other. Thence were taken fifteen baskets
of gravel and dirt, which has the color of coal, in order to assay
it. One can get a quantity of it from the said vein, although with
little security from the earth caving in unless the works be propped
up; for all of them are of shifting dirt, which is easily undermined,
for which reason the said works have caved in, and bear the aspect
rather of neglect than of having been worked.

The fourth hill or mine is that of Antamog, which is perhaps more than
two leguas from the said old fort and mine of Arisey, and five and
one-half from our fort of Santiago, which faces south from a large
hill whose peak extends east and west, the said elevation having
been undermined by one of its springs, and traversed by very narrow
small threads of white and yellow metal; while all the elevation is
traversed by and filled with passages, which are found intermixed,
opened sidewise from the vertical and inward, and dipping downward
scarcely at all, as the threads of the metal are not deep. In order
that these may not cave in, they are propped up with stakes and boards;
for otherwise, inasmuch as the dirt is so loose, they would not remain
at all secure, as has happened to those unpropped, since we saw some
that were blocked up and caved in. The said works are very narrow,
and all were examined without finding metal, because of the high level,
or sides, or any kind of vein, except at the entrance of the openings
whence they were drawn.

From the said threads they obtained a kind of brass-colored and less
dirty earth, in order to wash it in another large placer, that they
had at one side of the said elevation, with a small stream that rises
on top of the elevation, where they had a small settlement. They
could, to all appearances, obtain but little profit, and with great
difficulty, even with the community so near by. According to the signs,
it was a long time since those workings and mines had been worked,
and they were more neglected than the others; yet they produced the
best (or the best-appearing) ore that could be found. Twenty baskets
of it were obtained by the said miners to assay and investigate its
nature, and determine what it might be.

The fifth and last elevation, hill, or mine is that called Conog,
which is about one-half legua from the preceding and located in the
same chain. It is flooded by the sun all day long, as is the other. The
said elevation, turning, extends toward the north. In it are to be
seen five or six openings or passages, that differ but little from
those of Antamog. No considerable or fundamental vein was found,
but only brass-colored earth that contained some small bits of blue
metal containing iron pyrites, all of them very soft. In one passage
that was lower was found on the level a small stream of clear water
which empties through another opening lower down than it, both of those
openings having been made for one excavation. To all appearances those
mines were abandoned long ago; and although they were not being worked,
and were seen to be so neglected, they contained the best-appearing
metal that was seen. The said miners got about ten small baskets of
it to assay.

The tools with which those Ygolotes worked, or work, their mines are
certain stakes of heavy wood fashioned like pickaxes, with the knot
of the said stake larger at the end of it, where, having pierced
it, they fit into it a small narrow bit of iron about one palmo
long. Then seated in the passages or works, as the veins prove,
they pick out and remove the ore, which having been crushed by a
stout rock in certain large receptacles fixed firmly in the ground,
and with other smaller stones by hand, and having reduced the ore to
powder, they carry it to the washing-places. For that purpose they
have some small streamlets near at hand, with two or three hollows
in their beds. There passing the said ore from one to the other
until they clean away the mud from it, by means of the sunlight,
which floods everything, they discover and collect some dust or
grains of gold. Then they again crush the large grains of ore, and
wash and rewash it, until, having passed through the said basins,
what remains at last is entirely useless. To judge by the tools that
have been seen and which the said Ygolotes have, as above said, the
most usual and only working that they give their ores is the above,
and nothing further. With their little ability for discovering these,
if nature and poverty--which reduces them to subjection without any
expense--did not compel them, they would vainly spend their time,
in one way or another, in searching for something to eat, which they
do not possess or produce.

All the hills and elevations, mines, passages, veins, and works above
mentioned have been examined and entered by the said miners. They have
obtained and assayed metals with the greatest care possible. Each
assay is set down separately so that it will stand as a testimony
and token of service, with the day, month, and year, just as they
have been made, in the following manner.

_Refinement_ [_of metals_]. 1. First, on Palm Saturday, on the night
of the thirtieth of March, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four,
a refining fire was made by the said Alférez Martin de Vergara and
the other miners. Upon it and seventeen libras of lead was fed the
dust and sediment of one-half quintal of ore that was obtained from
the hole which I have said was opened in the veins and new mines of
Galan, at a depth of ten estados. A grain of the appearance of silver,
and weighing as much as one real, was obtained.

_Quicksilver_. 2. On the said day, April six, of the said year, three
quintals of ore from the same hole and veins were incorporated with
three libras of quicksilver and compounded with salt. On the tenth of
the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold was obtained
that weighed one-half real. In the said assay ten onzas of quicksilver
were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 3. On the said day, April six, three libras of
quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the
said hole and vein, which was obtained at a depth of ten estados;
and the mixture was compounded with salt. It was washed on the tenth
of the said month, and a small grain of gold of the weight of one-half
real was obtained. Eleven onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 4. On Sunday, April seven, two quintals of the same
ore from the said hole and vein were incorporated with two libras
of quicksilver, having roasted the ore while in the form of stone,
before crushing it. On the eleventh it was washed, and a small grain
of gold of the weight of one-half real was obtained. Six onzas of
quicksilver were lost.

[5.] That day, the eleventh of the said month, in a second refinement,
the dust and sediment that remained from a quintal of the same ore
was put on the fire. On being fused with twenty-three libras of lead,
nothing was obtained from the said assay.

_Quicksilver_. 6. Saturday, the thirteenth of the said month of April,
one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two and one-half
arrobas of ore obtained from certain excavations found below the
earth inside a little hut, near our fort and the said mine, which was
burned by the Igolotes. On the eighteenth of the month it was washed,
and a grain of gold weighing one real was obtained; and three onzas
of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 7. Tuesday, the sixteenth, four libras of quicksilver
were incorporated with four quintals of ore obtained at a depth of
ten or eleven estados in the said mine and hole. Having made that
assay in a stove, on the twenty-second of the said month of April
they washed the said four quintals of ore, and obtained a grain of
gold of the weight of one real. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 8. Wednesday, the seventeenth, one libra of quicksilver
was incorporated with one quintal of the said ore, obtained at a depth
of eleven estados. Having been treated in a reverberating furnace, on
the twenty-second of the said month it was washed and a small grain
of gold of barely the weight of half a real was obtained. Three and
one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 9. Thursday, April eighteen, they recrushed and washed
the sweepings and residue of the first three quintals of ore which
had been compounded with quicksilver. With the one quintal that
resulted therefrom, they incorporated on the said day one libra of
quicksilver. On the twenty-second it was washed, and for the second
time a small grain of gold was obtained of the weight of one-quarter
real. Two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 10. Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of the said month of
April, four libras of quicksilver were incorporated with four quintals
of ore, obtained from a passage or opening carefully concealed in
the bed of the streamlet, almost at the end of the said vein, and at
the end of the other openings in it on the northwest side, where it
obtains but very little sun and considerable dampness. It is an ore
that contains a quantity of antimony, and one can obtain much of it,
to judge from the works that the Ygolotes had, and those that we were
making, as it seemed an ore of fairly good appearance. Compounding
the assay of the said four quintals with salt and magistral, [60] the
compound was washed on the second of May following, and a grain of gold
of one-half real weight obtained. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 11. On the twenty-ninth of April, three libras of
quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained
from a washing-place made by the Ygolotes below the openings, and near
the preceding place. The compound was washed on the fifth of May, and
a grain of gold weighing one and one-half reals was obtained. Eight
onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 12. On the third of the said month of May, one libra
of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from
the said hole and vein as the four preceding assays. Having been
crushed and burned in the openings before being incorporated with
the said quicksilver, it was washed on the sixth; a small grain of
gold, weighing less than one-half real, was obtained from that assay,
while three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 13. April twenty-nine, one libra of quicksilver was
incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the old mines,
of which I have made mention, called Baranaban. On May sixteen it
was washed, and a small grain of gold obtained of one-quarter real
weight. Three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Arisus. Quicksilver._ 14. Tuesday, April thirty, one libra of
quicksilver was incorporated with another quintal of ore obtained
from the said old mines called Arisey and Bugayona. On May seven
following it was washed, and a small grain of gold, weighing less
than one-quarter real, obtained. Two and one-half onzas of quicksilver
were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 15. The first of the said month of May, one libra of
quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from
the said old mines and from those called Antamo. On the eighth of the
said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold about as large
as the head of a pin, which could not be weighed, obtained. Six onzas
of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 16. The said day, May first, one libra of quicksilver
was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said old
mines--from the one called Conog. On the eighth of the said month it
was washed, and another small grain of gold obtained, of the same
size as the preceding. Four onzas of quicksilver were lost in the
said assay.

_Quicksilver_. 17. May two, one-half libra of quicksilver was
incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from the vein and works
of the streamlet at the new mine mentioned above as being near our fort
of Santiago. Compounding that assay and calcination with magistral,
nothing was obtained. Three onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 18. The said day, May two, another one-half libra of
quicksilver was incorporated with another half libra, I mean one-half
quintal, of ore obtained from the preceding opening and vein. It
was washed on the sixth of the said month, as also was the preceding
assay. Only a small grain of gold weighing one-fourth real was obtained
from that [mass] which was only compounded with quicksilver. Two and
one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 19. On the fifth of the same month of May three libras
of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the
first hole and mouth opened near our fort, as above stated. On the
twelfth of the said month it was washed, and a grain of gold weighing
scarcely one real obtained. Two onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 20. Saturday, May eleven, one-half libra of quicksilver
was incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from an enclosure
found at one-half legua's distance from our fort and the new mine, on
the edge of a river. It was washed on the sixteenth of the said month,
but nothing was found in it. One and one-half onzas of quicksilver
were lost.

_Quicksilver_. 21. On the fourteenth of the said month one libra of
quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from a
passage which was discovered to have been worked by the Ygolotes in the
same vein and new mine, in its western part of which mention has been
made. The said vein extends to the southwest. The mixture was washed on
the eighteenth of the said month, and a small grain of gold, weighing
one-half real, was obtained. One-half onza of quicksilver was lost.

_Quicksilver_. 22. On Thursday, May nine, three libras of quicksilver
were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained from the first
hole and vein of the new mine, of which mention has been made. May
nineteen it was washed, and a small grain of gold, of one-third real
weight, obtained. Twelve onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Smelting_. 23. Monday, the twentieth of the said month, another
assay was made by fusing one quintal of litharge [61] and two of ore
obtained from the said hole and vein preceding. From the said mixture,
although they tried it several times, it was impossible to fuse or melt
the said ore. On the contrary, there was a loss of the lead consumed
with the said litharge, and the mixture continued to be consumed;
so that having been exhausted and the oven having become clogged,
it was necessary to stop without succeeding with the said assay. They
attributed that to the said ore being unfit for smelting.

_Quicksilver_. 24. Thursday, May twenty, two libras of quicksilver
were incorporated with one and one-half quintals of ore obtained from
a depth of fourteen estados in the said vein and hole which was opened
as above stated. On the twenty-fifth of the said month it was washed,
and a small grain of gold, weighing one-half real, was obtained. Two
onzas of quicksilver were lost.

_Smelting_. 25. Sunday, May twenty-six, a second assay by smelting
was made with three quintals of litharge and one of _tesmiquitate_,
[62] refined; both were fluxed with three quintals of ore obtained from
the second hole or passage above mentioned as being near the level of
the streamlet in the said vein and new mine. That was a second and
different compound and was made by smelting and with the said flux;
but they were unable to fuse the ore, although many efforts were
exerted. It was useless because of the poor quality that the miners
ascribed to the said ore. Finding that there was considerable loss
and waste of the lead, they had to desist.

_Smelting_. 26. Monday, May twenty-six, a third assay was made by
refining or smelting, by feeding the dust that was left from one
quintal of ore, obtained at a depth of fourteen or more estados from
the first vein and hole which, I have said, was opened in the said
new mine. Having consumed twenty-five libras of lead, upon which the
metal melted, a grain resulted that resembles silver, and weighs one
and one-half reals. [63]

The said tests or assays having been made and finished, the lay
of the land, and its natives and mines, having been examined, and
having obtained a quantity of ore from all the mines, I left the
said presidio and fort of Santiago well fortified with a garrison of
fifty-six Spaniards and fifty Indians--twenty-five from the province of
Pangasinan and twenty-five from that of Ylocos--eleven galley negroes,
and one armorer, with food and all other things necessary for more
than fifteen months. Then, with the said last division of the said
five hundred Indians, who, as I have made mention, were to be sent me
by a lieutenant by the twenty-fourth of May, I set about my descent,
carrying with me, by the end of the said month, one hundred quintals of
the said ore; this I am sending to the city of Manila in four hundred
small rice-baskets, each numbered with the mine whence it was taken,
so that proof may be made there of the efforts mentioned above;
since it is the self-same ore, the governor and captain-general,
the royal Audiencia, and the royal officials can confirm it anew and
make the tests again, so that, understanding the said mines fully,
they may report to his Majesty, and resolve upon the measures that
they deem fitting in regard to the holding of the said presidio in
a land of so little or no profit as is that land.

_Alonzo Martin Quirante_



_Act_. In the camp of new mines and the fort of Santiago of the
Ygolotes, on the twenty-ninth day of the month of March, one thousand
six hundred and twenty-four, Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin
Quirante, chief magistrate of the province of Pangasinan and military
commandant of that province and of that of Ylocos, in whose charge is
the conquest or pacification of the Ygolote Indians, and the discovery,
working, and opening of their mines, declared that inasmuch as he was
ordered by Governor and Captain-general Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença,
he has come for the said purpose of the said conquest, pacification,
and discovery of the said mines. And inasmuch as he had been informed
by experienced men that the productive mines, to which the said natives
are giving most attention at the present time, are the new ones among
them called Galan, he has located and planted upon them the said camp
and fort of Santiago, so that, having made a fort among them and
placed in safety his men, food supply, and other military stores,
he might make expeditions and explore the other mines of which he
has or may have information that the said Ygolotes have profitably
worked, or can work, throughout all this region. He declared that it
should be ascertained what ore could be obtained from those mines,
and the amount of metal that should result from them, and the loss of
materials that should be allotted for their treatment. He ordered me,
the present scribe, to make and prepare a blank book in which to set
down as evidence, with the day, month, and year, the assays of the
said ores obtained from such mines, and the materials used in their
treatment; and that this act be placed at the head of such evidence,
which should therefore be given, in the said manner, so that it might
be seen for all time. Thus did he decree and order, and he affixed
his signature. I, the said scribe of this said camp of mines and
forces of Santiago, attest it.

_Alonso Martin Quirante_

Before me:

_Alonso Callexas_

_Attestation_. 1. I, Alonso Callexas, scribe of these new mines of
Santiago of the Ygolotes, in fulfilment of the order given me by the
said act above declared, having made this blank book, do hereby attest
faithfully and truly, that today, Saturday, at ten o'clock at night,
or thereabout, the thirtieth of this current month of March, one
thousand six hundred and twenty-four, the first assay was finished
by Alférez Martin de Vergara, of the company of the said captain
and sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, in the presence of Juan
de Mugaburu, Rodrigo Lopez Orduña, Grabiel Molinero, and Diego de
Tovar, all miners. The assay was for one-half quintal of ore which
was obtained from a hole made in these new mines from the crust of
the earth to the openings and veins whence the said Ygolote Indians
evidently had been and were obtaining it, and when we had dug down
about ten estados. The said assay was made by refining, by feeding
[the dust of the ore] upon sixteen libras of lead. From it was
obtained a grain that resembled silver, which, having been weighed
by me, weighed a trifle more than one real. In order that that may
be evident, I gave the present at the petition of the said captain
and sargento-mayor, who, together with the said alférez, affixed
his signature. Witnesses were Licentiate Augustin Tabuyo Baldicañas,
cura and vicar in this said camp and fort, Adjutant Andres Tamayo,
Alférez Don Joseph de Renteria, and many others who were present at
this royal camp and fort of Santiago, where this is dated on the said
Saturday, March thirty, one-thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

_Alonso Martin Quirante_

_Martin de Vergara_

Before me: _Alonso Callejas_, scribe.

[Twenty-five other attestations, one for every following assay after
the first, all similar to the above, follow. The document continues:]

_Attestation_. 27. I, Alonso Callejas, scribe of these said new mines
and fort of Santiago among the Ygolotes, attest and witness truly
that the twenty-six assays contained in these six leaves and in this
form, are of the mines and ores declared therein; and that from the
said mines, in my presence, of which I give attestation, one hundred
quintals of ore, besides that used in the said assays, were taken by
order of Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, in order
to send them to the city of Manila, by Alférez Martin de Vergara,
Juanes de Mugaburu, Graviel Molinero, Rodrigo Lopez Orduña, and Diego
de Tovar, all miners. Accordingly that ore, having been weighed by
me, is being carried in four hundred small rice-baskets of an arroba
apiece--so that, since they are from the same ores as those from which
the said assays have been made, the governor and captain-general, Don
Alonso Faxardo de Tença, and the royal officials may have the assays
made again in the said city; and so that, with verification of the
efforts that have been made in these mines, they may understand and
see the truth concerning and the possibilities of the mines of the
Ygolotes of which we have as yet had notice, and that have been worked
or may be worked all about this said camp and for some leguas about
it. And so that it may be evident, I gave the present at the petition
of Captain and Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, who affixed
his signature together with the above mentioned miners. Witnesses
were Licentiate Agustin Tabuyo Baldecañas, Captain Joan de Salinas,
and Adjutant Andres Tamayo, while in this camp of new mines and the
fort of Santiago, where this is dated on the twenty-seventh day of
the month of May, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four.

_Alonso Martin Quirante_
_Martin de Vergara_
_Juanes de Mugaburu_
_Rodrigo Lopez Orduña_
_Diego de Tovar_
_Graviel Molinero_


Before me:

_Alonso Callejas_, scribe.

By order of the captain and sargento-mayor, Alonso Martin Quirante,
chief justice of this province of Pangasinan and military commandant
of it and of the province of Ylocos, I, the present scribe, ordered
to be drawn and drew this copy of the original attestations and
investigations which were made for the said purpose. It is a true
and faithful copy, and has been collated and revised with the said
originals which were sent to the said governor and captain-general
of these islands, Don Alonso Fajardo de Tenga. In the copy, for its
greater validity, the said captain and sargento-mayor interposed his
authority and judicial decree in due form, and so that it might be
credited in and out of court. And he affixed his signature, witnesses
being Alférez Alonso Tellez de Prado, Sargento Domingo Ruiz, and
Captain Joan de Salinas, who were present in this village of Alingayen,
where this is given on the fifth day of the month of June, one thousand
six hundred and twenty-four.


_Alonso Martin Quirante_

I sealed it in testimony of truth:

_Gaspar de Los Reyes_, notary-public.


_Quicksilver that was lost_

No. 1. It is silver.

10. No. 2. It weighed scarce one maes, or nine diezmos, of the fineness
of eighteen or nineteen carats, alloyed with silver. It is worth on
this occasion four reals. [64]

11. No. 3. It weighs two and one-half diezmos. Ten diezmos make one
maes of the same gold of the above standard. It is worth one and
one-half reals.

6. No. 4. It weighs one and one-half diezmos of the same fineness as
the first. It is worth twenty-four maravedis.

3. No. 6. It weighs one maes and one diezmo of gold of twenty carats
fine. It is worth five and one-half reals.

12. No. 7. The gold weighs one maes two diezmos of eighteen or nineteen
carats fine. It is worth five and one-half reals.

3. No. 8. The gold weighs five and one-half diezmos of eighteen carats
fine. It is worth two reals and twenty-four maravedis.

2. No. 9.

32. No. 10. The gold weighs six and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats
fine. It is worth three reals.

8. No. 11. The gold weighs two maes four diezmos of twenty-two carats
fine. It is worth thirteen reals twenty-four maravedis.

3. No. 12. It weighs two diezmos of sixteen carats fine. It is worth
one real.

3. No. 13. It weighs two large diezmos of eighteen carats fine. It
is worth one real.

2 1/2. No. 14. It weighs one large diezmo of eighteen or nineteen
carats fine. It is worth twenty-four maravedis.

6. No. 15. It weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats
fine. It is worth six maravedis.

4. No. 16. It weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats
fine. It is worth six maravedis.

3. No. 17.

2 1/2. No. 18. It weighs one diezmo of eighteen carats fine. It is
worth one-half real.

2. No. 19. It weighs nine and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats
fine. It is worth three reals twenty-four maravedis.

1. No. 21. It weighs four diezmos of eighteen or nineteen carats
fine. It is worth two reals.

1/2. No. 22. It weighs three diezmos of fourteen carats fine. It is
worth one real.

2. No. 24. It weighs six and one-half diezmos of metal [but of a]
very base alloy; to judge by its points, there is no standard with
which to compare it. All the rest is copper.

No. 26. It is silver. Pelayo Hernandez. All of it is worth 5 pesos
6 tomins.

In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth of July, one thousand six
hundred and twenty-four, while Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo of
his Majesty's council and his auditor in the said royal Audiencia,
who exercises the office of its president; and Don Geronimo de Silva,
captain-general on sea and land and of the artillery of these islands;
Licentiate Juan de Saavedra Balderramas, Licentiate Don Matthias
Flores, and Licentiate Zapata de Galvez, auditors and fiscals of
the said royal Audiencia; and the judicial officials of the royal
revenues, Diego de Castro Lizon, factor and overseer, and Martin Ruiz
de Salazar, accountant--were in the hall of the Audiencia; and while
they were thus assembled: the said president declared that inasmuch as
a quantity of ores had been brought from the mines of the Ygolotes,
so that the tests might be made here, in order to ascertain whether
they conformed to those made there, of which Sargento-mayor Alonso
Martin Quirante, chief magistrate and commandant of the province
of Pangasinan, sent a relation and attestation, it was advisable to
discuss it and determine whether it would be advisable to send the
ore brought thence to Nueva España in the ships which are next to be
sent thither. Inasmuch as there are many persons skilled in mines and
assay of ore in that kingdom, they might perhaps be able to furnish
the accurate tests there that had not been arrived at here. If they
did not succeed in ascertaining its quality there, that would be a
greater proof of the disillusion that is talked of here. He trusted
that what might be done in this matter be most expedient for the
service of the king our sovereign. The assembly having discussed
and conferred upon the question put by the said president, all were
unanimously and harmoniously of one accord and opinion. They declared
and voted that for the present the expenses and costs that are being
incurred in the working of the mines of the Ygolotes be curtailed;
that the officials and workmen there be withdrawn and disbanded; that
the one hundred _chiculetes_ [_sc._ quintals] of ore and dirt which
are in this city, together with the gold obtained, from the assays
and tests which were made there, be sent in those vessels next to be
despatched to Nueva España, to the royal officials of the City of
Mexico; and that the matter be entrusted to the royal officials of
this city--not only to attend to it, but to send a relation of all
that has taken place and of the efforts expended in the working of
those mines, and the results thereof. Thus they may there prove it,
and attempt to make new efforts to know whether the greatest profit
has been obtained from what was got here--for it is understood that
there are persons there of greater experience in that art--so that
advice of it may be given to the royal Council of the Indias, and
may also be sent to the said royal officials of this city.

The president also declared that the infantry stationed in the city
of Nueva Segovia are very needy and destitute, as it is many days
since any aid has been sent to them from this city; and, as the
greater part of that province has revolted, his Majesty does not
possess in it any royal revenues with which to be able to sustain
the soldiers. [Accordingly, it should be considered] whether it
would be advisable that the infantry established in the presidio at
the mines be assigned to the province of Nueva Segovia, so that,
with greater forces, our purpose to subdue the natives who have
revolted there might be attained, since the said mines are in the
middle of the path. He also declared that, above all, the said men
present at the meeting should give their opinion, so that whatever
might be voted be carried out as might be most advisable for his
Majesty's service. The said men in the assembly having discussed
and conferred concerning the proposition of the said president, all
were unanimously and uniformly of one mind and opinion. They declared
that four installments of pay be sent to the infantry established in
the presido at the city of Nueva Segovia; and that the royal judges
and officials send directions for the order that must be observed in
relieving them. In what pertains to the infantry established in the
presidio of the mines being taken to the city of Nueva Segovia, they
declared that that be referred to the captain-general, so that he may
take what measures are most expedient for his Majesty's service. They
gave their opinion in writing, and affixed their signatures.


_Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo_
_Don Geronimo de Silva_
_Licentiate Don Juan de Saavedra Balderrama_
_Licentiate Don Mathias Delgado Flores_
_Licentiate Marcos Zapota de Galvez_
_Diego de Castro Lizon_
_Martin Ruiz de Salazar_

Before me: _Pedro Alvarez_

Collated with the original minute: _Pedro Alvarez_

Between lines are: "me;" "in;" "they find;" "that was brought from
the old mines called;" "corrected;" "me;" "who;" "should be worth;"
"erased;" "Ygolotes;" "in-[_des_];" "ten;" "it is not worth."

Revised with a copy of the originals that is in this royal accountancy,
to which we refer. Manila, August eleven, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-four.


_Diego de Castro Lison_
_Joan Perez Descalona_
_Martin Ruiz de Salazar_






BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla, the pressmark of each being thus indicated:

1. _Letter by Fajardo_ (July 21).--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos
en el Consejo; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

2. _Letter by Serrano_ (1621).--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila vistos en
el Consejo; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

3. _Affairs in Franciscan province_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros
de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1,
leg. 38."

4. _Letter by Silva_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha Audiencia
vistos en el Consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

5. _Letter by Fajardo_ (December 10).--The same as No. 1.

6. _Letters by Messa y Lugo_--The same as No. 4.

7. _Letters by Serrano_ (1622).--The same as No. 2.

8. _Decrees regarding religious_.--"Audiencia de Filipinas; registro
de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidos á las autoridades del distrito
de la Audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."

9. _Expedition to Igorrotes mines_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de Manila
vistos en el Consejo; años 1623 á 1641; est. 67, caj. 16, leg. 30."

The following is from a MS. in the collection "Papeles de los
Jesuitas," in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid:

10. _News from province of Filipinas_.--"Tomo 87, n_o_ 48."

The following is taken from the "Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo
Historico Nacional, Madrid:

11. _Letter by Felipe IV_.--"Tomo 40, fol. 7, verso, n_o_ 15."

The following is found in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library):

12. _Death of Doña Catalina_.--In vol. i, pp. 509-514.

The following document includes two, as thus indicated:

13. _Royal permission for Dominican college_.--From _Algunos documentos
relat. Univ. de Manila_ (Madrid, 1892), p. 21; and Pastells's edition
of Colin's _Labor evangélica_, iii, p. 565.







NOTES

[1] According to the _Diary_ of Richard Cocks, this prince was the
father-in-law of Calsa Sama, the youngest son of the shogun Hidétada.

[2] Pedro de Avila joined the Franciscan missions in the Philippines
in 1616, and immediately requested from his superiors permission to
go to Japan. This was finally granted; he went there in 1619, but was
imprisoned for preaching the faith, in 1620, and, after nearly two
years of most painful and wretched imprisonment, was burned at the
stake at Nangasaqui, on September 10, 1622, at the age of thirty years.

[3] The original MS. of this document is badly worn, in places;
and the words enclosed in brackets, in the two following paragraphs,
indicate the conjectures of the transcriber.

[4] These priests were Pedro de Zuñiga, an Augustinian, and Luis
Flores, a Dominican. In 1622, they, with the Japanese captain of
the vessel, were burned to death by a slow fire, and the crew were
beheaded. The Japanese shogun appropriated the cargo of the ship,
leaving only the empty hull for the Dutch and English. (See Cocks's
_Diary_, i, pp. xxxvi and xxxvii.)

[5] As a result of this alliance, the English and the Dutch East India
Companies were united; "a combined fleet of English and Dutch ships,
sailing under the modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped
for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and diverting the
trade of China from the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English
settlements; in other words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese
ports and seize as many of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In
the two expeditions to the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before
the English and Dutch again separated, they captured many prizes." (See
E.M. Thompson's preface to Cocks's _Diary_, i, pp. xxxi-xxxvi.)

[6] La Concepción (v, pp. 106, 107), in reporting this incident says
that the amour of the governor's wife was with a "distinguished subject
of this community," that is, Manila, and that the latter was not killed
but escaped across seas. Montero y Vidal (_Historia_, i, pp. 177, 179),
who had evidently not seen the documents of the text, and partially
following La Conceptión's error and improving on it, lays the time of
Fajardo's vengeance in 1624, and says that the paramour was unknown
and escaped by jumping from a window, later probably finding means to
get to America. Montero y Vidal is usually more careful of his dates.

[7] _i.e._, for prayers or works for the benefit of the souls in
purgatory.

[8] Serrano apparently overlooks the diocesan council convened in 1600
by Bishop Agurto at Cibú (see _Vol_. XIII, pp. 133-135). Addis and
Arnold's _Catholic Dictionary_ says (p. 46): "Provincial councils,
owing to the difficulties of the times, have been less frequent in
recent times than formerly; but, by the Council of Trent, metropolitans
are bound to convene them, every three years."

[9] The ecclesiastical judge to whom the bishop delegates his authority
and jurisdiction for the determination of the suits and causes
pertaining to his jurisdiction; and hence a synonym for vicar-general.

Rev. T.C. Middleton, in a recent communication, says that the term
"provisor" was apparently used only by the Spanish and Spanish
colonies. It is not to be found in Ferrario, Moroni, or Soglia,
and has no legal equivalent in English. It generally appears linked
with another term as "provisor y vicario capitular" or "provisor y
vicario general." An archbishop or bishop usually had his "provisor"
whose powers were apparently the same as a vicar-general's or a
vicar-capitular's. The nomination, or creation, of a vicar-general is
in the hands of an archbishop or bishop; whereas a vicar-capitular
is chosen only when a see becomes vacant, the cathedral chapter
naming the person, who is to rule (during the said vacancy) with
title of "vicar-capitular." In the United States, since there are
no cathedral chapters, there are in consequence no vicars-capitular,
their place, etc., being taken by an administrator, who is chosen by
the metropolitan, unless already named by the former occupant of the
vacant see.

[10] The discalced Franciscans were founded by St. Francis of
Assisi, under the name Friars Minor, and the rule was very binding
and strict. Under the immediate successor of St. Francis, Elias of
Cortona, sprang up a branch of the order, made up of former members
who wished a less strict rule, and those who wished to preserve the
strict rule were persecuted. The members of the relaxed branch became
known as "Conventuals" or "Minors Conventual" in contradistinction to
the Friars Minor (or Minorites), who are known also as "Observants"
or "Observantines." Three great branches sprang later from the
Friars Minor: Reformed Minors, founded in 1419, by St. Bernardino of
Siena; the Recollects, founded in 1500, by John of Guadalupe; and
the Alcantarines, founded in 1555, by St. Peter of Alcantára--but
all under one head or chief superior, termed minister-general. The
Alcantarines wore a white habit, the others brown, except in England
and Spanish countries, where they wear gray. In 1897, Pope Leo XIII,
by his Bull _Felicitate quadam_ ordered the Observants, Reformed,
Discalced, or Alcantarines, and the Recollects, to unite under the
same general superior, to use the same constitutions, to wear the same
habit, and to bear the same name, viz., "Friars Minor." The Conventuals
and Capuchins were to remain distinct orders as heretofore. The term
_paño_ in the text refers to the Conventuals, the less strict branch
of the Franciscans, who were wont to dress in what one might call
"fine raiment"--habits of cloth, as distinguished from the coarse
serge-like stuff of the others. Cf. Addis and Arnold's _Catholic
Dictionary_.--_Rev. T.C. Middleton_.

[11] Referring to the church and convent of Santi Quattro Incoronati
(one of the titular churches of Rome), which was founded by Honorius I
(A.D. 622), on the site of a temple of Diana, in honor of four painters
and five sculptors who all were martyred for refusing to paint and
carve idols for Diocletian. See historical and descriptive account
of it in A.J.C. Hare's _Walks in Rome_, pp. 230-232.

[12] Argensola (_Conquista_), p. 317, mentions the Anhayes merchants,
and speaks of them as coming from Chincheo. See _Vol_. XII of this
series, pp. 155, 277; the word is there spelled _avay_ and auhay,
because thus written in the Spanish transcription from the original.

[13] Pedro de San Pablo made his profession in the Franciscan
province of San José, and in 1606 went to the Philippines, where
he was appointed conventual preacher of Naga. In 1609 he went to
Manila as preacher, and at the same time had charge of Santa Ana de
Sepa. October 29, 1611, he was elected definitor, and in 1616 minister
of Santa Ana de Sepa once more. He became provincial August 3, 1619,
and held that office until March 15, 1622, when he embarked for Mexico,
but died at sea. See Huerta's _Estado_.

[14] Spanish, _descalces_; literally, "barefootedness;" a term
applied to monastic organizations whose members are not permitted to
wear shoes.

[15] A reference to I Cor. i, 12, and possibly to iii, 22.

[16] Huerta says of Sotelo (p. 393): "As the preparations for his
journey to Japan were not made so promptly as he desired, he retired
to our convent of San Francisco del Monte, where he occupied himself
in the practice of all kinds of virtues until the year 1622, when
he succeeded in reaching Japan." Fuerza here apparently refers to
ecclesiastical interference with Sotelo's plans, to which reference
has been several times made in preceding volumes.

[17] Andres del Sacramento was a native of a small village in the
valley of Sayago. He made profession in the province of San Pablo,
and reached the Philippines in 1611. In October of that year he was
assigned to the village of Ligmauan, whence he went to Tacboan. At the
chapter held August 3, 1619, he was elected definitor. He afterward
ministered at Manila, Minalabag, Polangui, and again at Minalabag. He
became provincial November 18, 1628, and held that office until January
17, 1632. In that time he projected and partly executed the opening of
a navigable canal from Nueva Cáceres to the port of Pasacao. After 1632
he ministered in several villages, and was elected provincial for the
second time September 16, 1639, holding the office until January 17,
1643. He died in the convent at Manila in 1644. See Huerta's _Estado_.

[18] Agustin de Tordesillas was born in Tordesillas in 1528, and
in his childhood served as acolyte in the parochial church, where
he learned to play the organ. In 1558 he took the Franciscan habit
as a lay brother, and made profession in the Observantine province
of La Concepcion in 1559. He was finally ordained a priest, and
became a confessor. He afterward joined the province of San José,
and arrived with the first Franciscans at Manila in 1577, and was
appointed first president of the convent there. On May 20, 1579, he
went to China, returning thence at the beginning of 1580. That year
he was appointed first master of novitiates, first chaplain of the
royal hospital of Manila, and vicar-general of all the archipelago,
which last office he held until the arrival of Bishop Salazar in
1581. In 1582 he went to China again, whence he went to Siam in
1583, via Macao. Returning to Macao he was appointed guardian of the
convent there, but returned to Manila in 1586. There he labored in the
hospital until he was elected definitor at the chapter of September
15, 1594, after that being guardian one or more times of the convents
at Manila, San Francisco del Monte, and Cavite, besides having charge
of Sampaloc. He lived to the age of one hundred and one years, dying
in the Manila convent, having been the last one of the first mission
to die. He wrote a relation of the expedition of the Franciscans to
China. See _ut supra_, and _Vol_. VI, p. 131. note 31.

[19] In the MS. at this point the text apparently reads _pol_ desta
pos; but it is uncertain what these words refer to, especially as
Tordesillas was not at the time provincial of the Franciscan province,
but was probably minister at Sampaloc, near Manila (Huerta, p. 504).

[20] Huerta's lists contain no one of this name; but he gives a sketch
of Alonso de Santa Ana, missionary in the Philippines from 1594 until
his death in 1630. This priest, however, was absent in Mexico and
Europe from 1617 until 1621, when he returned to Manila.

[21] Diego Fernandez de Córdoba, marques de Guadalcázar, was viceroy
from 1612 to 1620. The Audiencia of Mexico then assumed rule, which
lasted until the arrival (August, 1621) of the new viceroy, Diego
Carrillo de Mendoza y Pimentel, marques de Gelves. He was a just,
stern, and efficient ruler, who reformed many abuses and protected
the poor and the Indians; but he thus incurred the enmity of corrupt
men in high position, and even that of the archbishop, Juan Perez
de la Serna. In consequence, Gelves was excommunicated by Serna
(January, 1624), and soon afterward deposed by popular clamor and
riots; the Audiencia then governed until the following October, when
a new viceroy came, the marques de Cerralvo. By his efforts, Gelves
was vindicated in every respect, and honorably returned to Spain.

[22] Bancroft (_History of Mexico_, iii, pp. 28, 38) characterizes
the viceroy Guadalcázar as a weak and somewhat indolent ruler, in
whose term corruption flourished; but of Gelves he says: "He broke
up effectually the trade in contraband goods between Acapulco and
Peru.... He removed the royal officials having charge of the supplies
for the Philippines, putting clean-handed men in their places; and
in consequence the amount of supplies sent to that colony was greater
than ever before.... [_Note_:] In 1622 the value of these supplies was
nine hundred thousand dollars, and in the following year two-thirds
of that amount."

[23] Alluding to the death, by Fajardo's own hand, of his unfaithful
wife and her lover; see the first two documents of the present volume.

[24] Celebes was long almost unknown to Europeans, and its deep
indentations by gulfs led to the notion, long entertained, that it
was a group of islands, rather than one. It has an estimated area
of some 57,000 square miles, but its soil is generally poor, and its
population thin and scanty. The two leading and more civilized people
of Celebes are the Macassars and Bugis, who inhabit its southwestern
peninsula. The Macassar nation (in their own language, Mangkasara)
conquered the Bugis in the sixteenth century, and became converts
to Mahometanism early in the seventeenth. They were conquered by the
Dutch in 1669, and the latter nation has since then been nominal ruler
of Celebes Island. By the name Macassar is commonly meant the Dutch
fortified town of Rotterdam, on the western shore of the peninsula
above mentioned; the Dutch made it a free port in 1847. See the full
descriptive and historical account of Celebes by Valentyn, _Oud en
Nieuw Oost-Indien_, part iii, book ii, pp. 128-235.

[25] Pernambuco, one of the most important of the Portuguese colonies
in Brazil, was founded early in the sixteenth century. It was captured
and plundered in 1593 by the English, under Sir James Lancaster,
and again seized by the Dutch in 1630; but the Portuguese drove out
the Dutch in 1654, after which time Brazil remained in possession
of Portugal, until the peaceful revolution of that colony, and the
formation of the present republic.

[26] In the original, the order of these two letters is the reverse of
that given here. Although the letter presented here first is undated,
sufficient internal evidence attests that its date is earlier than
the other letter, and that it is the duplicate of a letter sent by
the ships of an earlier year.

[27] So in original; evidently an ironical comment.

[28] Our transcript reads "_gente Religiosissima_," "a most religious
race," which is evidently intended for "_gente Belicosissima_."

[29] Colin, _Labor evangélica_, p. 159, in discussing the events of
Fajardo's government of the islands says: "And inasmuch as there were
many complaints of the annoyances imposed upon the Indians during Don
Juan de Silva's term, because of the construction of so many and so
great galleons, he was charged to moderate that, and to endeavor to
give relief to the natives; in consequence of which, as soon as he had
entered by the strait of San Bernardino, he ordered two galleons which
he found on the stocks there to be reduced in size. During his entire
government he was very favorable to the Indians, and relieved as many
of their burdens as possible. Therefore they loved him as a father. He
also favored particularly the progress of the Spanish community,
endeavoring to get worthy soldiers to become citizens there--to whom,
for that purpose, he granted encomiendas and offices. By that means
the soldiers were reformed, and many daughters of Spaniards who were
without protection were married."

[30] _Retraido_: one who has taken refuge in a sacred place.

[31] See this and other regulations concerning suits that affect
auditors, in "Foundation of the Audiencia," _Vol_. V of this series.

[32] The reading of this and following legal quotations of this
document are due to the kindly cooperation of Dr. Munroe Smith, of
the School of Political Science of Columbia University; Mr. Joseph
FitzGerald, of Mamaroneck, New York; and Rev. José Algué, S.J.,
of the Manila Observatory. The passages allow for the most part,
of only conjecture, while some portions are unintelligible.

[33] Mr. FitzGerald conjectures that _ultra multa cum tiber farsnaci_
is equivalent to "many [passages, texts, authorities?] besides in
Tiberius Farsnaci."

_Regni col[lectio]._ Possibly the citation is from the _Nueva
Recopilación_ of 1567. In some contemporary Latin commentaries
the _Nueva Recopilación_ is described as _Regiæ Constitutiones_;
in others as _Collectio legum Hispania_. Book 9, title 4 of the
_Nueva Recopilación_ deals with "_los officiales de la Contaduria
mayor_." _Regni collectio_ would naturally refer to the Castilian
law. Possibly, however, the reference is to some collection of
laws for the colonies. The _Recopilación de las leyes de Indias_
was not published till 1680; but, according to Antequera (_Hist. de
la Legislacion_, p. 564), a previous collection of the colonial laws,
down to 1596, was made "_en cuatro tomos impresos_;" also, early in the
seventeenth century, "_Se publicó como provisional el libro titulado
'Sumarios de la Recopilación' general de leyes_."--_Munroe Smith_.

[34] _No ymperio, ni mero, ni misto. Imperio mero_ [_i.e.,_ pure
authority], the authority that resides in the sovereign, and by
his appointment in certain magistrates, to impose penalties on the
guilty, with the trying of the cause; _imperio mixto_ [_i.e._, mixed
authority], the authority that belongs to judges to decide civil cases,
and to carry their sentences into effect. See _Novísimo Diccionario
de la Lengua Cast_. (Paris, 1897).

[35] ff = Digest (ff was a Lombard form of D), and the reference is to
Justinian's _Digest_, book 48, tit. 19 (_de poenis_) fragment 27, which
begins "_Divi fratres_." The last paragraph of this fragment empowers
the Roman governor (_præses_) to arrest and imprison any of the leading
citizens (_principales_) who have committed felonies. It is cited as
a precedent in favor of the Spanish president.--_Munroe Smith_.

[36] At this point the following citation occurs in the margin: _ultra
plures cum Cobb lib. 3, variar, c. 13, nº 6. Bartol alias ex conducto
et item cumquidam ff locat e inl c et divus ff de uauj e ex trah i
egruti p. totum maxime n° 15 luias De penia in l i c de principal
lib. 12_. Much of this is unintelligible and there have evidently
been many errors in transcription due to the illegibility of the
original MS. The following conjectures and information, however,
clear up certain portions of the passage.

Mr. FitzGerald conjectures _ultra plures_ to be "several [authors]
besides." _Cobb._ is read _Codieibus_ by Father José Algué, S.J.

_Ex conducto et item cumquidam ff locat_. The reference is to
Justinian's Digest, book 19, tit. 2 (_locati conducti_), fr. 15, which
begins "_ex conducto_" and especially to the passage in the middle of
fr. 15 (§ 3 of modern editions) which begins "_cum quidam_." It reads:
"When a certain person alleged a conflagration on the (leased) land
and desired a remission (of the rent), the following rescript is sent
to him: 'If you have tilled the soil, relief may not undeservedly be
given you on account of the accident of a sudden conflagration.'" The
transcription of the following reference to the Digest: _Divus
ff_: is too hopelessly muddled to identify. Before these is a
reference to Bartolus, and at the end a reference possibly to Cujas
(Cujacius). Bartolus was the leading civilian of the fourteenth
century; Cujacius of the sixteenth.--_Munroe Smith_.

_In l_ is for _in loco_, and _l i c_ for _loco ibi citato_.--_Jose
Algue_, S.J.

[37] Chocolate was at that time supplied to the Philippines from Nueva
España; but the cultivation of the cacao-tree (_Theobroma cacao_),
of which chocolate is a product, was introduced into the islands
about 1665 by the governor Diego Salcedo, at the instance of the
Jesuit Juan de Avila, according to Delgado (_Hist. de Filipinas_,
p. 535). Blanco says (_Flora,_ p. 420), citing Gaspar de San Agustin,
that this honor belongs to a pilot named Pedro Brabo de Lagunas,
who brought cacao plants to Manila in 1670.

[38] There is evidently a slip of some sort here, due either to
mistranscription or to a slip between Messa's hand and brain. The
sense seems to require some such phrase as "depositions were given
with great fear."

[39] There is a probable play on words here, the original reading
_asolar_, literally, "destroy;" but the writer may have used it in the
sense of "to deprive the earth of the sun," in view of the succeeding
remark, _sol_ being the word for "sun."

[40] This letter is published, in an abridged form, by Rev. Pablo
Pastells, in his edition of Colin's _Labor evangélica_, ii, pp. 688,
689; but he there dates the letter July 25, while the Sevilla MS. (here
followed) makes it August, in 1621.

[41] The italic side heads and center heads throughout this letter
appear in the margin of the original, and were made either by the
archbishop himself or by a government clerk.

[42] _i.e._, guardianship: the district allowed to each convent in
which to beg.

[43] This last sentence is evidently the correction in the margin
noted by the archbishop in the last clause of the present letter.

[44] The numbers given in the text (all written out in words, not
figures) amount to 205,000.

[45] The numbers given in the text, for the various bishoprics,
amount to 509,450.

[46] Conducted by the confraternity of that name; see letter of
Audiencia regarding the objects and work of this association, in
_Vol_. XIV, pp. 208-313. See also Dasmariñas's account of the royal
hospital, in _Vol_. X, pp. 28-40.

[47] At that period the (new) Parián, as shown by a plan of 1641,
was opposite the city of Manila on the other side of the Pasig
River. Evidently, then, the Chinese and Indians were obliged to pay
tolls for crossing the river to the city.

[48] See _Vol_. XIII, p. 185, note 33. _Beca_ is most suitably
translated "sleeves."

[49] A decree of like tenor was sent to the Audiencia on the same
date. It is quite probable that similar decrees were sent to all
the orders.

[50] Regarding this, Fajardo wrote thus to the king, on August 17,
1623 (a letter found in the Sevilla archives): "The expedition to
take possession of the gold mines of the Ygolotes, which border on
peaceful lands of this island, has been accomplished, although it
has entailed some expense, not a little labor, and some bloodshed;
for those barbarians are so indomitable, and occupy fortifications,
in which are Spaniards and Indians belonging to the peaceful vassals
of your Majesty. The indications of the mines, the disposition of
the ridges, and the quality of the earth where they were, promise
more richness than do the trials which have been made thus far by
washing and separating the gold. Until all the tests which are used
for this purpose have been made, it can not be certainly said what
their value, will be--although it appears to me that that cannot
be small, considering the large amount of gold which these natives
take from the mines and barter with the friendly Indians. Even if the
profit is not large enough to make it expedient to administer it on
your Majesty's account, in pacifying and reducing to obedience these
Ygolotes Indians there will be no little advantage, besides the taxes,
from reducing them to the vassalage of your Majesty, and to instruction
in our holy Catholic faith, which they have never received."

[51] "The nutmeg [_Myristica fragrans_] grows naturally in Cebu and in
Laguna province, and will grow in all parts of the islands cultivated"
(_Report_ of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, p. 271).

Delgado states (_Historia_, p. 537) that in 1737 he found the nutmeg
growing wild in Leyte, a native of the Visayas Islands. He adds:
"It could be cultivated in these islands, if the natives would apply
themselves to this work--or at least if the alcaldes-mayor would
compel them to do so, as they do now in La Laguna of Manila, from
which results to the people of the islands no little benefit."

[52] Probably the same as Ramón Beguer, who arrived in the islands
in 1615, and ministered in various missions in Pangasinan. Finally
he retired to the Dominican convent in Manila, where he died in 1661
(_Reseña biog. Sant. Rosario_, i, p. 348).

[53] George F. Becker in his "Report on Geology of the Philippine
Islands"--in _Twenty-first Annual Report_ of U.S. Geological Survey
(Washington, 1901), part iii, pp. 487-625--cites (p. 622; cf. also
p. 517) the geologist R. von Drasche thus: "Layers of tuff [or tufa--a
volcanic rock formed of agglutinated volcanic earth or scoria]
are also exposed (_Fragmente zu einer Geologie der Insel Luzón_,
pp. 29-31) at many points between Aringay and Benguet, but these
tuffs toward the interior, even at Galiano, are 'no longer earthy,
but quite hard, crystalline, and sandstone like.'" This probably
explains Martin's description of the hard ground.

Ariñgay is located on the northwestern coast of Luzón, at the mouth
of Ariñgay River, in the province, of Unión.

[54] Bacacayes; see description of these weapons in _Vol_. XVI, p. 55,
note 26.

[55] The distance from the end of the thumb to the end of the
forefinger (both extended)--about equivalent to the English span.

[56] For the dress of the Igorrotes, see Sawyer's _Inhabitants of the
Philippines_, pp. 254, 255, and the names of their various articles
of dress, p. 264.

Concerning the Igorrotes, Bulletin No. I, of the _Census of
the Philippine Islands: 1903_, "Population of the Philippines"
(Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census: 1904)
contains the following (p. 6): "Of the other wild tribes in the
Philippine Islands, one of the most important is the Igorot, which
inhabits the central Cordillera from the extreme north of Luzón
south to the plains of Pangasinán and Nueva Ecija. Under this general
name there are various subgroup designations, such as the Gaddans,
Dadayags, or Mayoyao. Another branch of the Igorot tribe is the
Kalinga, along the Cagayán river, near Ilagan, in the province of
Isabela. To the westward, in the sub-province of Bontoc, is another
branch of the Igorot people, who are said to be the most famous of
the head-hunters. Another branch is the Tinguian, inhabiting the
provinces of Nueva Ecija, Ilocos Sur, Lepanto-Bontoc, and Abra."

[57] See Sawyer, _ut supra_, p. 263. The spear described is probably
the _say-aug_. The sharp-pointed stakes are of bamboo, and are called
_sayac_ or _dayac_.

[58] That is, the bones of the animals that they had killed for
their feasts, and which they hung up in their houses as ornaments
and display.

[59] See Becker's account of the gold-producing districts in Luzón,
their geological conditions, and the native methods of mining
(_Twenty-first Annual Report_ of U.S. Geological Survey, part iii,
pp. 576-580). He states that the Igorrotes have always refused,
even to the present day, to allow any outsiders, of any race, to
visit the quartz mines in their country.

[60] "Roasted and powdered copper pyrites added to ores of silver when
reduced to the state of a magma [_i.e._, a thin paste], in order to
reduce the horn silver; formerly so called at the Spanish mines of
Mexico and South America" (Webster's _Dictionary_).

"The _magistral_ is a mixture of pyritous copper and sulphuretted salt,
roasted for some hours in a reverberating oven, and slowly cooled"
(Humboldt's _New Spain_, Black's trans., iii, p. 260).

[61] Spanish, _greta_, an old word used for _almártaga_; oxide of
lead in the form of small scales, and lustrous; commonly called
"litharge of silver," or "of gold," as it resembles those metals.

[62] Also written _temesquitato_; a Mexican word, applied to the
dross from the surface of lead into which pulverized silver ore
is introduced.

[63] See Humboldt's account of the mining methods and processes in
vogue in Nueva España, in his _New Spain_ (Black's trans.), iii,
pp. 231-280.

Various laws and ordinances concerning the discovery and operation
of mines in the Spanish colonies may be found in _Recopilación de
leyes_. mainly in lib. iv, tit. xix, xx, and lib. viii, tit. xi.

[64] The first figure refers to the number of onzas loss of
quicksilver, and the second to the number of the assay. Thus ten
onzas of quicksilver were lost in the second assay.