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MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY REEVE, C.B., D.C.L

BY

JOHN KNOX LAUGHTON, M.A.

HONORARY FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE PROFESSOR OF
MODERN HISTORY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. II.




CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME




PORTRAIT OF HENRY REEVE AET. 68.

_From a Photograph taken by_ RUPERT POTTER, Esq.

 XIII. THE WAR IN ITALY (1859-60)

  XIV. LITERATURE AND POLITICS (1860-3)

   XV. LAW AND LITERATURE (1863-7)

  XVI. CHURCH POLITICS (1868-9)

 XVII. THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1869-71)

XVIII. THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS (1871-4)

  XIX. FOXHOLES (1874-9)

   XX. OUTRAGE AND DISLOYALTY (1880-2)

  XXI. THE FRENCH ROYALISTS (1883-5)

 XXII. RETIREMENT (1886-9)

XXIII. THE ONE MORE CHANGE (1890-5)





LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY REEVE


CHAPTER XIII

THE WAR IN ITALY


How far the murderous attempt of Orsini, on January 14th, 1858, was
connected with the political relations of France and Italy it is as yet
impossible to say. It was, and still is, very commonly believed that in
his youth Louis Napoleon had been affiliated to one or other of the secret
societies of Italy, that he was still pledged to this, was bound to obey
its orders, and that Orsini was an agent to remind him that the attainment
of high rank, far from releasing him from the bond, rendered it more
stringent, as giving him greater power and facility for carrying out the
orders he received. The independence of Italy was aimed at; and it had
been intimated to the Emperor that Orsini's was only the first of similar
messages which, if action was not taken, would be followed by a second,
with greater care to ensure its delivery.

All this may or may not have been mere gossip. What is certain is that,
during the latter months of 1858, secret negotiations had been going on
between the Emperor and Victor Emanuel, the King of Sardinia, or rather his
minister, Cavour; and that an agreement had been come to that Austria was
to be attacked and driven out of Italy. Accordingly, on January 1st, 1859,
at his New Year's reception of the foreign ministers, Louis Napoleon took
the opportunity of addressing some remarks to the Austrian Ambassador
which, to France and to all Europe, appeared threatening.

Similarly, at Turin, it was allowed to appear that war was intended; and on
both sides preparations were hurried on. In France, as in Austria, these
were on a very extensive scale. A large fleet of transports was collected
at Marseilles; troops were massed on the frontier of Savoy; and, on the
part of the Austrians, 200,000 men were assembled in readiness for action.
On April 23rd Francis Joseph, without--it was said--the knowledge of his
responsible ministers, sent an ultimatum to Turin, requiring an answer
within three days: at the expiration of that time the Austrians would cross
the frontier. The allies utilised the delay to complete their preparations;
and before the three days had ended the advance of the Franco-Sardinian
army had begun.

The campaign proved disastrous to the Austrians, whose half-drilled and
badly-fed troops and obsolete artillery were commanded by an utterly
incompetent general. They were defeated at Palestro on May 31st; at Magenta
on June 4th; and again at Solferino on June 24th. Nothing, it appeared to
the Italians and the lookers-on, could prevent the successful and decisive
issue; the Austrians would be compelled to quit Italy. Suddenly Louis
Napoleon announced that he had come to an agreement with the Emperor of
Austria and that peace was agreed on. The disappointment and rage of the
Italians were very great; but, as Louis Napoleon was resolved, and as
Victor Emanuel could not continue the war without his assistance, he was
obliged to consent, and peace was concluded at Villafranca on July 11th.

For the next eighteen months much of the correspondence refers to the
inception and result of this short war, mixed, of course, with more
personal matters, and at the beginning, with news as to the state of
Tocqueville's health, which was giving his friends the liveliest anxiety.
The Journal for the year opens with:--

_January 6th_.--We went to Bowood. It was the first time Christine went
there. The party consisted of the Flahaults, Cheneys, Strzelecki, the
Clarendons, Twisletons,[Footnote: The Hon. Edward Twisleton, chief
commissioner of the poor laws in Ireland. He married, in 1852, Ellen,
daughter of the Hon. Edward Dwight, of Massachusetts, U.S.A.; and died, at
the age of sixty-five, in 1874.] and Leslies. What agreeable people! For a
wonder we shot there on the 10th, and killed 140 head.

_January 12th_.--We had a dinner at home--Trevelyan, just appointed
governor of Madras, Phinn, Baron Martin, Huddleston, W. Harcourt, Merivale,
and Henry Brougham.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, January 3rd_.--I grieve to say Tocqueville has been worse. His
doctor dined here t'other day and T.'s brother came for him at ten o'clock.
I have as bad an opinion of the case as possible.

_Cannes, January 9th_. The Italian affair is very naturally cause of
anxiety, but I feel assured this, for the present, will pass away. I find
there is a strong feeling getting up of the Austrian army being as good as
the finances are bad, but the French finances are not likely to be very
much better. However, though the present alarm will pass away, what a sad
thing for the peace of the world to depend, not on the general opinion
and feeling, but on the caprice, or the jobbing, or the blunders of a
few individuals! Who can be quite sure that Morny's stockjobbing has had
nothing to do with the late most silly conversation? [Footnote: Presumably,
the sinister remark addressed to the Austrian Ambassador on New Year's
Day.] L. N. himself is quite clear of all such blame. He tries all he can
to prevent M. and others from their pillaging, but he never can succeed.
However, it is to the risk of more blunders that I look as placing peace in
greatest jeopardy. I don't believe L. N. or any one of them would, _if they
knew it_, run the risk of a general war (and the least war means a general
war); but they may any day get into a scrape without intending it, for they
have not the security of free discussion to warn them.

_From Lord Hatherton_

_Teddesley, January 12th_.--Do me the kindness to write me one line to tell
me what you know of the state of M. de Tocqueville. Is it dangerous? There
is no man out of this kingdom who possesses so much of my admiration and
regard.

This general lull after the late Reform agitation is very natural. There
are four parties waiting each other's moves; three, at least, exclusive of
Bright's, which is the least. There are the present Government, the late
Government, and the country--which, as I read it, has little in common with
any of them, but is at present without a leader. Any very powerful man, who
had been living by, would now have had a great field before him.

I attended the day before yesterday a very remarkable meeting of the
Birmingham and Midland Institute at Birmingham. Lord Ward [Footnote:
Created Earl of Dudley in 1860.] in the chair. The report, and all the
officials and speakers, especially those from the town, complained of the
indifference of the artisans, mechanics, and labourers of that town to
instruction and education generally. It seems, on the showing of Bright's
friends, that these fellows, the noisiest of their class about Reform, are
the most ignorant and the least desirous of improving themselves. Such is
the report of Bright's own friends. Mr. Ryland, the vice-president and
real manager of the institution, who is also Bright's friend there, is the
loudest in his complaints of this body. Ryland further told me that
he believed there was not a workman in the town who, if consulted
individually, would express his approval of all Bright's principles. Mr.
Ryland is a solicitor.

I am all anxiety to see your January number.

_To the Marquis of Lansdowne_

62 Rutland Gate, January 25th.

My dear Lord Lansdowne,--I have omitted, but not from forgetfulness, to
express to you the very high gratification Mrs. Reeve and myself derived
from your most kind reception of us at Bowood, and I am sure we shall
always retain the liveliest recollection of this most agreeable visit. But,
in truth, I waited till something should occur which might have the good
fortune to interest you, and I think the accounts I continue to receive
from France, on the present threatening aspect of affairs, may be of that
nature. M. Guizot says to me, in a letter of the 23rd inst.:--

'Jusqu'à ces jours derniers je n'y voulais pas croire. J'essaye encore d'en
douter; mais c'est difficile. Ce sera un exemple de plus des guerres faites
par embarras de ne pas les faire bien plus que par volonté de les faire.
Je suis porté à croire que l'Empereur Napoléon serait charmé de ne plus
entendre parler de l'Italie; mais pour cela il faudrait qu'il n'y eût plus
d'assassins italiens, plus de Roi de Sardaigne, plus de cousins à marier,
plus de brouillons révolutionnaires à contenter. Aujourd'hui, et malgré
toutes les paroles contraires, il me paraît probable que ces causes de
guerre prévaudront sur la modération naturelle, sur le goût du repos
voluptueux, sur l'avis des conseillers officiels, et sur le sentiment
évident du public. Que fera l'Allemagne? Le tiendra-t-elle unie? Là est la
question. L'Angleterre y peut certainement beaucoup. Je ne vois plus que là
une chance pour le maintien de la paix.'

These words are so remarkable, coming from a man whose disposition is ever
so much more sanguine than desponding, that I have quoted them at length.

We have all been greatly touched by the close of Mr. Hallam's most
honourable, useful, and I may say illustrious life. [Footnote: He died on
January 21st, 1859.] It so chanced that my sister-in-law, Helen Richardson,
who has been to him a second daughter for the last few years, came up from
Scotland on Thursday [January 20th]. On Friday she went down with Mrs.
Cator to see him. He perfectly knew her, and seemed charmed to see her
again; but before she left his bed-side the light flickered in the socket,
and he expired a short time afterwards in their presence, conscious and
without pain to the last. I thought the notice of him in the 'Times' of
Monday very pleasing, and was inclined to attribute it to David Dundas, but
I know not whether I am right....

I remain always

Your obliged and faithful

H. REEVE.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, January 26th_.--I am much obliged to you for M. Guizot's
letter, [Footnote: Apparently that of January 23rd, quoted in the previous
letter to Lord Lansdowne.] which Miladi and I have read with interest, as
one always does everything he writes. I showed it to G. Lewis and C. C. G.,
feeling sure you would have no objection. It is impossible not to agree in
his gloomy view of things. It must be owned that the position the Emperor
has made for himself is one of extreme difficulty. His _idée dominante_
has been how to pacify Italian conspirators by bringing away his army
from Rome, without having the Pope's throat cut or letting in an Austrian
garrison there; and he determined that driving the Austrians out of Italy
was the indispensable preliminary step. He was urged to do this and to
think it easy both by Russia and Sardinia; and we may be sure that the
Sardinians would not have committed themselves as they have done, and
incurred such inconvenient expense, if they had not received promises of
active support. How would it be possible then for L. N. to recede? Cavour
would show him up, and fresh daggers and grenades would be prepared for
him. I look upon war, therefore, as certain. We have only to hope that
Austria may continue to act prudently, and not furnish the cause of quarrel
which her enemies are looking for, and which might turn against her those
who, for decency's sake, wish to remain neutral; and next, that Germany may
be united by a sense of common danger. This may tend to limit the area of
the war; but altogether it is a deplorable _gâchis_, out of which L. N. can
no more see his way than anyone else.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, January 26th_.--I must throw myself and the cause of law amendment
on your kindness, under a great evil which has befallen us. The 'Quarterly
Review,' under Mr. Elwin, was so favourably disposed to law reform as to
resolve upon inserting a full discussion of the subject on the occasion
of Sir E. Wilmot's volume on my 'Acts and Bills;' and Bellenden Ker had
undertaken it, and was, as a law reformer and as, under Cranworth, in
office as consolidation commissioner, certainly well qualified to do
the article. But he made such a mess of it; in fact, treating Eldon,
Ellenborough, &c., and other obstacles to law reform not introductory, but,
as I understand, making a whole article upon that. The consequence has been
that the whole has failed, and this most valuable opportunity been lost of
having the Tory journal's adhesion to law reform now. It is barely possible
they may take it up hereafter. But surely the natural place for this
statement is the 'Edinburgh Review,' and I should feel great comfort for
the good cause if I thought you would thus help us. The matter in Sir E.'s
book renders it very easy to show what has been done of late years.

Poor Tocqueville is one day a little better, another a little worse; but I
have little or no hope of his getting through it.

Shortly after this Lord Brougham made a flying visit to London. A note in
the Journal is:--

_February 26th_.--I dined at Lord Brougham's, and met Dr. Lushington, Lord
Glenelg, Lord Broughton; all--with our host--over 80.

But the state of Tocqueville's health continued, for Reeve, the most
engrossing personal consideration, and just at this time the deadly malady
took a favourable though delusive turn. Tocqueville--says M. de Beaumont
[Footnote: Gustave de Beaumont: _Oeuvres et Correspondance inédites
d'Alexis de Tocqueville_ (1861), tome i. p. 116.]--hoped for the best.
'How could he do otherwise when all around him was bursting into life? and
so he kept on his regular habits, his schemes, his work. He read, and
was read to; he wrote a great many letters, and devoured those which he
received in great numbers. There was not one of his friends who did not
receive at least one letter from him during the last month of his life.'
The following is his last letter to Reeve. The writing is painfully bad,
the letters often half formed, or crowded one on top of another; even the
orthography is imperfect; but the words and ideas flow in full volume.

Cannes. le 25 février.

Cher Reeve,--Il y a un siècle que je ne vous ai écrit. Je n'étais pas libre
de le faire. Le mois de janvier tout entier s'est passé au milieu de la
crise la plus douloureuse. Je ne crois pas qu'il y ait aucun mois de ma
vie qui mérite mieux que celui-là d'être marqué d'une croix noire dans
l'histoire de mon existence privée. Jetons dans l'oubli, s'il est possible,
des jours et surtout des nuits si cruels, et bornons-nous à demander à Dieu
de n'envoyer rien de semblable désormais, soit à moi, soit à mes amis.
Depuis trois semaines j'occupe février à réparer les méfaits de janvier. Je
vais aussi bien que possible: mes forces sont en grande partie revenues.
Les bronches semblent en voie de guérison rapide. Ainsi n'en parlons plus.

I have just been reading an excellent article on the Catacombs, in the
'Edinburgh Review.' It is a subject which has always interested me, but
very likely I should not have begun with this particular article if I had
not known it was by you. Circourt wrote to me about it, and so deprived me
of the pleasure of finding it out for myself, which I think I could have
done. But, in any case, the article is exceedingly interesting ... Though I
have been enjoying myself in following you underground, what is now going
on on the earth's surface calls for close attention. I am here hard by one
of the old military roads which have led into Italy from time immemorial,
as at this day. I hear that great preparations are being made all along
the valley of the Rhone and the neighbouring country. What I am sure of,
because it is taking place under my very eyes, is, that the railway from
Marseilles to Toulon is being pushed forward at an unheard of rate. It is
the only link wanting to complete the chain of communication between Brest,
Cherbourg, Paris, and Toulon. There was no expectation of this railway
being finished before the middle of summer; but now it is understood that
it will be ready within a few days--an instance of doing the impossible.
Such efforts presuppose some great object which it is desired to accomplish
at once.

I am told, perhaps incorrectly, that Prussia has decided to remain
neutral--at first, at any rate; and, by the same authority, that Russia
will be neutral, but in a spirit friendly to France. This would be very
serious; for Russia gives nothing for nothing. If it is so, the Emperor's
project would appear less silly. It would explain how an ambitious prince,
whose throne is tottering, who is bound to excite the admiration of France
and to gratify the national vanity, [Footnote: Fleury, one of the most
faithful and attached of the Emperor's followers wrote in words almost
identical (_Souvenirs_, tom. i. p. 330): 'C'était par une série de faits
grandioses par des spectacles flattant l'orgueil et les instincts du pays,
que Napoleon III allait, pendant de longues années, non seulement occuper,
réjouir la France, mais encore fixer l'attention, l'étonnement et bien
souvent l'admiration du monde.'] who is stopped by no scruples, might find
it an excellent opportunity for bringing on a personal war--if I may say
so; for driving the Germans across the Alps and naming himself the Dictator
of Italy. It is true that no great material advantage can result from it;
but L. N. is sufficiently well acquainted with France to know that the
glitter of such a course would probably content her. All this would be easy
to understand if Maria Theresa reigned at Vienna, Frederic at Berlin, and
Mme. de Pompadour at Versailles; in a word, if we were in the eighteenth
instead of the nineteenth century. But being, as we are, in the nineteenth
century, the designs which are ascribed to the Emperor are to be condemned
as in the highest degree treasonable to humanity and to France. Kings can
no longer claim to be guided only by their personal interests and passions;
and now--when it is agreed that England cannot remain neutral in a war
between France and a great Continental Power; when it is admitted that
a Continental war, however short, would surely awaken the hatred of all
princes and all neighbouring people, and would end in a coalition against
France--now, I say, to plunge into such an adventure would be not only the
most silly, but the most wicked thing which a Frenchman could do.

La longueur un peu désordonnée de cette lettre, mon cher ami, vous prouvera
mieux que tout ce que je pourrais dire les progrès de ma santé. Je vais
écrire à Mme Grote. Rappelez-nous, je vous prie, tout particulièrement au
souvenir de Lady Theresa et de Sir C. Lewis. J'espère que Lord Hatherton
ne m'a pas oublié. Mille et mille amitiés à tous les Senior. Je n'ai pas
besoin d'en dire autant pour Mme et Mile Reeve. Tout à vous de coeur, A. T.

Reeve replied immediately:--

_62 Rutland Gate, 1 mars_.--Votre lettre me fait le plus sensible plaisir.
Les nouvelles indirectes de votre santé qui me sont parvenues de temps en
temps m'avaient excessivement préoccupé. J'ai su que le mois de janvier
avait été mauvais, et quoique j'eusse bien des fois l'envie de prendre la
plume, elle m'est tombée des mains lorsque j'ai réfléchi que j'ignorais
malheureusement dans quel état de corps et d'esprit ma lettre pourrait
vous trouver. Pendant tout l'hiver j'ai reçu par lettre et de bouche une
infinité de demandes sur votre état. Vous ne sauriez croire à quel point
tous vos amis d'Angleterre, qui sont encore plus nombreux que ceux dont
vous avez une connaissance personnelle, m'ont témoigné pour vous d'intérêt,
de considération et d'affection. Aussi votre convalescence est une bonne
nouvelle pour nous tous--les Lewis, les Hatherton, les Grote, Knight-Bruce
et tant d'autres. Je me permets cependant de dire que le sentiment que j'ai
eu toutes les fois que je me suis transporté par la pensée à votre chambre
de malade est bien autrement profond. Mon amitié pour vous est une des
affections les plus vives qu'il m'ait été donné de conserver. Je n'ai rien
de plus cher. Et l'idée que vous souffriez tant de mal, sans qu'il me
fût possible de vous offrir le moindre soulagement, m'à été extremement
pénible. Pour un malade la lecture de mes 'Catacombes' ne me paraît pas
excessivement gai, mais je reconnais là votre aimable souvenir de l'auteur.
Bref, vous êtes en convalescence. Le soleil printanier, même dans nos
climats, luit d'un éclat extraordinaire. Déjà au mois de février les
arbustes poussaient des feuilles. Dieu veuille que cette douce chaleur de
l'année vous rende bientôt à la santé et à la Normandie.

There is no doubt that the state of public affairs is more serious than it
has been since 1851. [Footnote: _Sc._ in France, before the _Coup d'état_.]
The meaning of what has lately been going on in public, and of the secret
plots which have been hatching for a long time, is very clear. As to
France, I say nothing; for, after all, she has the chances of success,
which will smooth away many apparent difficulties. But the peace of Europe
depends on Germany and on England. Shall we succeed in maintaining it? The
attitude of England is, I think, good. Without any hostile demonstration,
she has shown very clearly that she will be no party to any breach of the
treaties. Lord Cowley's mission to Vienna has been arranged between him
and the Emperor, but I have no faith in it. It is merely a device to make
people think he is acting in agreement with the English Cabinet, and so
conceal a scheme to which the English Cabinet is totally opposed. Opinion
here is unanimous against French intervention in Italy. Unfortunately, we
are in a very bad position at home. The Cabinet is deplorably weak, and it
has just lost two of its principal members. The Reform Bill, brought in
yesterday, raises more questions than it answers; but it will probably
serve to give prominence to the dissensions in the Liberal party. 'Tis
a real misfortune; for a disunited party cannot assert any influence in
Europe.

Lord Brougham is returning to Cannes, though with little inclination to
stay among such grave causes of anxiety. So long as France is free to act
by sea, the road to Italy does not lie through Var, but in the ports of
Toulon and Marseilles. Shall you soon be hearing the guns of the second
Marengo?

The action of England at this important crisis was curious, but
characteristic. The destinies of Europe were shaking in the balance; the
fortunes of France, of Italy, of Austria, probably also of Prussia, and
very possibly of Russia, were at stake; so the English Government thought
it a suitable opportunity to tinker the constitution and introduce a Reform
Bill--which nobody seems to have wanted--mainly, it would seem, to 'dish'
the Whigs. It was, however, they themselves who were dished. Mr. Henley,
the President of the Board of Trade, resigned on January 27th. So also did
Mr. S. H. Walpole, [Footnote: Mr. Walpole died, at the age of 92, on May
22nd, 1898.] the Home Secretary, who wrote to Lord Derby: 'I cannot help
saying that the measure which the Cabinet are prepared to recommend is one
which we should all of us have stoutly opposed if either Lord Palmerston
or Lord John Russell had ventured to bring it forward.' None the less,
the Bill was introduced on February 28th. On the second reading it was
negatived; a dissolution and a general election followed; and on the
meeting of Parliament, in June the Ministry were defeated on an amendment
to the Address, and resigned.

But though the want of confidence appeared to be based on the question of
the Reform Bill, there is no doubt that there was a widespread mistrust of
the foreign policy of the Government. For some years past, perhaps ever
since Mr. Gladstone's celebrated Neapolitan letters in 1851, successive
waves of sentiment in favour of Italian independence and unity had passed
over the country; and Lord Derby, or Lord Malmesbury, had perhaps fancied
that this sentiment might be invoked in their defence. They had not,
indeed, taken any overt action, but there was a general idea that they were
inclined to favour the designs of Italy and of France. Now, to favour the
cause of Italian independence was one thing; to favour the ambitious and
grasping schemes of France was another; and the leaders of the Liberal
party were not slow to denounce the Government, which--as they alleged--was
ready to plunge the country into war for the sake of currying favour with
the master of the insolent colonels of 1858.

Reeve's own view of the questions at issue may be gathered from the letters
which he wrote to the 'Times,' [Footnote: January 19th, _The Policy of
France in Italy_; April 28th, _The Policy of France_, both under the
signature of 'Senex.'] and more fully, more carefully expressed in the
article 'Austria, France, and Italy' in the 'Edinburgh Review' of April.
In this he distinctly combats 'what is termed the principle of
"nationalities"' as unhistorical. The theory is, he says, 'of modern growth
and uncertain application;' and he goes on to show in detail that it is not
applicable to any one of the Great Powers of Europe.

'Of all the sovereigns now filling a throne, Queen Victoria is undoubtedly
the ruler of the largest number of subject races, alien populations, and
discordant tongues. In the vast circumference of her dominions every form
of religion is professed, every code of law is administered, and her empire
is tesselated with every variety of the human species.... But above and
around them all stands that majestic edifice, raised by the valour and
authority of England, which connects these scattered dependencies with one
great Whole infinitely more powerful, more civilised, and more free than
any separate fragment could be; and it is to the subordination of national
or provincial independence that the true citizenship of these realms owes
its existence.... It is the glory of England to have constituted such an
empire, and to govern it, in the main, on just and tolerant principles, as
long as her imperial rights are not assailed; when they are assailed, the
people of England have never shown much forbearance in the defence of them.
Such being the fact, it is utterly repugnant to the first principles of our
own policy, and to every page in our history, to lend encouragement to that
separation of nationalities from other empires which we fiercely resist
when it threatens to dismember our own.'

He then goes on to speak of the administration of such nationalities, and
continues:--'The spirit of the Austrian Government in the Italian provinces
we heartily deplore. All things considered, it would have been better for
Austria herself if England and the other Powers had not insisted in 1815
on her resuming the government of Lombardy, or if the Lombardo-Venetian
kingdom had been erected into a distinct State; but that consideration is
utterly insufficient to justify a deliberate breach of the public law of
Europe.'

And he adds a note:--'We believe that we are strictly correct in stating
that the Emperor Francis, foreseeing the difficulties his Government would
have to encounter in Lombardy, and anxious to avoid causes of future
dissension with France, expressed his strong disinclination to resume that
province; but it was pressed upon him by the other Powers, and especially
by the Prince Regent of England, as the only effectual mode of excluding
the influence of France from Northern Italy.'

The argument, throughout, is that the attack on Austria about to be made by
France and Sardinia was an unprovoked aggression, a violation of European
treaties; on the part of Sardinia, for lust of territory, and on the part
of France, for a desire to remodel the map of Europe, to annex Savoy--
which was to be the price of her assistance--and to carry out the ideas
'conceived at the time of his early connexion with the Italian patriots in
the movement of 1831.'

_From Lord Hatherton_

_Teddesley, March 5th._--I have been from home two days....Pray excuse my
not having thanked you before for your kind announcement of Tocqueville's
convalescence. But the same day brought me a letter from a friend of
Tocqueville's brother, ... telling me the accounts were very unpromising. I
hope and believe yours is the more reliable account.

I have not a doubt that L. Napoleon means war, and will not be baulked of
it. It is a disagreeable thing for England to know that, if he succeed,
he will have acquired some valuable experience in the embarkation and
disembarkation of an armament of 45,000 men, with as many more to follow
it; and that if they are not wanted in the Mediterranean, they may be
used elsewhere, while we are totally unprepared; and I fear, through the
weakness of our Government, from the nature of our institutions, for
purposes of defence in times of peace, are likely to remain so.

_From Count Zamoyski_

Paris, March 29th.

My dear friend, I am not surprised at your regret; my own is very keen.
Throughout his whole life Sigismond Krasinski was obliged to conceal his
true self. Out of regard for his father, who was always a pitiful courtier
of success, he denied himself the liberty of saying what he thought,
acknowledging what he wrote, or showing to whom he was attached. I was one
of those whom he supported by his zealous co-operation. You knew him as a
poet; he had become a politician, and seemed destined to exercise a
great influence. His loss is irreparable. To me he was a friend and a
brother-in-arms.

His widow, his two sons--of twelve and thirteen, and his daughter, of
seven, are here. She is occupied in collecting all her husband's writings,
with the intention of publishing all that is of value. She thinks, and
rightly, that a judicious selection of his letters would be especially
interesting as containing the secret of his life--a secret which he guarded
so carefully. If, therefore, you will send me what you have, or bring them
when you come here in a month's time, you will oblige both his widow and
friends. His sons had never been separated from him--which will assure you
that their early education has been well cared for. Their mother proposes
that they should continue their studies here, attending a college, and
having lessons in Polish history and literature, which can be had here
better than in Poland.

So it is settled that we are to have a congress! But what will it do? What
can be done in such a matter in so short a time? The 'Moniteur' has rightly
pointed out that it is necessary to 'study the questions.' For that, time
is especially wanted. It would need something like a council sitting
through years, reigns, wars, to bring about salutary and lasting results.
I am told that nowadays everything must go by steam--this, as well as the
rest. To which, I answer that the result will be nothing but water mixed
with blood....

I am sorry to see the English Press more and more unjust to the Emperor
Napoleon. It is really silly to keep on schooling France--not the
Emperor--for preferring an imperial to a parliamentary government. If
the English had the institutions which in France seem to be but the
concomitants of despotism, they would educe from them a large amount of
political liberty. But if the French--like the woman in Molière prefer
being governed, it would be wise for the English peers to accept the fact;
and instead of sneering at and irritating France whenever she wishes to
do some good, to get out of the beaten track, to conquer hearts, not
territories, it would be better honestly to co-operate with her, and thus
attain valuable results--a profitable success, and the deliverance
of France from the fatal support of Russia, which she accepts as a
_pis-aller_, but which in the long run can only be to her hurt. More than
all others, the English Press, which is so proud--which has good reason to
be proud--should assist in the 'study of the questions;' should anticipate
the negotiations; should elevate and elucidate them by judicious
suggestions, basing everything on a firm alliance of the Western Powers.

But alas! where is the English statesman, where is even the great writer or
the newspaper capable of inaugurating such a policy? For lack of these, we
see England vying with France in courtesy to Russia--in anxiety to please
her. But to this the Emperor Napoleon does at least add his theory of
nationalities, which is sufficient to reassure us on the score of his
flirtation with Russia; does the English Government or the English press do
anything of a similar nature? Alas! Alas! England is certainly great,
but it is selfishly for herself. Will she never be able to offer other
nations--whatever the circumstances may be--anything but insults, or her
own institutions as patterns.

Pardon de ce bavardage et mille amitiés--avec tous mes compliments pour
Mesdames Reeve.

L. ZAMOYSKI.

Je joins un mot de la Ctsse. K. pour vous, reçu à l'instant.

_From the Countess Krasinska_

_Paris, 29 mars._--Le Comte Zamoyski a bien voulu me communiquer votre
lettre, monsieur, et j'ai été bien sincèrement touchée du souvenir
d'affection que vous conservez à un ami qui n'a cessé non plus, je puis
vous le garantir, de vous porter un sentiment inaltérable et sincère. Bien
souvent, en me parlant des jours de sa jeunesse, mon mari me parlait de
cette amitié qui vous unissait et qui en a été un des meilleurs rayons. Il
m'avait aussi parlé des manuscrits que vous aurez, et je vous avoue que
vous allez au-devant de mes désirs et de ma prière en voulant bien les
communiquer. Je tiens infiniment à recueillir tout ce qui a échappé à ce
grand coeur et à cette vaillante plume, et je commence un travail qui ne
sera sans doute complet que dans quelques années. Je vous serai donc on ne
peut plus reconnaissante si vous vouliez bien confier entre mes mains ce
que vous possédez, soit en copie, soit original, comme vous le voudrez,
m'engageant à vous remettre ce précieux dépôt dès que nous en aurons fait
usage, et dès que vous le réclamerez.

J'espère lorsque vous viendrez à Paris que je pourrai vous présenter,
monsieur, les deux fils de Sigismond et sa petite fille, et vous demander
pour les enfants un peu de ce coeur que vous aviez pour le père.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, April 9th_.--I fear I have but a bad account to give of poor
Tocqueville; he has been worse again, and to-day he received the Communion.
Dr. Maure has just told me he hardly thought he could live over the month,
but he (Dr. M.) has always been much more desponding than the other
physician. One great evil has befallen him. Beaumont, who had really been
a nurse to him these three weeks, is suddenly called away to Paris by
the telegraph, owing to some illness in his own family, and this is an
irreparable loss to Tocqueville.

We are all here in great anxiety about peace and war. Cavour, whose
conduct--and that of his master--is as bad as possible, has no doubt
received strong assurances of support from L. N. and his vile cousin; and
the war party at Turin are exulting, considering that the Congress can do
nothing to prevent the outbreak with Austria, upon which they reckon for
certain, and, I fear, with some reason. The utter want of good faith in L.
N. becomes daily more manifest.... Yet, though even the military men are
crying out against the war, and all other parties, without any exception,
are against him, one sees nothing that can effectually shake him, unless he
were to be defeated in the war he has been endeavouring to bring about. The
whole prospects are as gloomy as possible for the friends of freedom and of
peace.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, April 10th_.--Many thanks for your letter, which gives me
information much beyond what my other letters give, but far from agreeable
either as to home or foreign affairs. This destruction (I fear I must call
it) of the Liberal party by the personal vanity, which they call by the
higher name of ambition, of two persons is truly deplorable; and the
conduct of the Government in dissolving is such as can hardly be exceeded
in folly. We shall have an increased split, I fear, of the Liberals, and a
weaker Government than ever. I grieve to say that matters look as ill
for peace in this country and Italy as ever. The conduct of Cavour is
abominable.

I grieve to give you a worse account than ever of Tocqueville. Dr. Maure
had condemned him from the first, but Dr. Sève had sanguine hopes, at
least, of a long time being given. But I have just seen him, and he now
says it is an affair of days. So all is nearly over. Mme. T. is also very
ill, and Beaumont being forced to leave them is most vexatious.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G. C., April 10th_.--Do you chance to have a proof-sheet of that part of
your article which treats of the rights of Austria to Lombardy and Venice
and her reversionary rights to the other States, and, if so, will you lend
it to me? You have made the whole case so clear that I should like to read
it over again, as it may be necessary to say something on the subject in
the House of Lords when Malmesbury makes his statement, and I see that
the 'Edinburgh Review' will not be out till Friday, otherwise I would not
trouble you.

_G. C., April 13th_.--Many thanks for the proof-sheets, and Schwarzenberg's
despatch and Duvergier's letter, which I enclose. I was kept at home by a
slight attack of gout yesterday, and did not see Malmesbury, but on Monday
he told me that he had hopes of being able to announce a disarming of the
three would-be belligerent Powers. Until he makes that statement I shall
not believe in its probability. Palmerston and Lord John seem well aware
that any encouragement to war would be most unpopular at home, and I don't
expect that there will be much discussion on Friday.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

Orleans House, April 11th.

On my return from Claremont I find your letter. With my brothers I had just
been deploring the great loss sustained by the Liberal party. [Footnote:
The death of Tocqueville was prematurely announced a week before it
actually took place.] Of all the men of mark in our deliberative
assemblies, M. de Tocqueville was certainly the most stainless. He had the
rare advantage of not being obnoxious to any of the parties existing in
France, by which I mean all self-respecting parties, such as will be taken
into account on the day when France shall become herself again. He would
certainly have been one of the most important members of the first free
government in our country. Even as things are, he was one of our public
characters whose voice carried most weight, and who was best fitted to
enlighten the minds of others. God has taken him from us before his time.
Forgive me for retaining so much selfishness and party spirit before the
coffin of so good and amiable a man; for regretting his public more than
his private virtues.

_From M. Guizot_

_Paris, April 15th_.--... France does not understand, approve, or wish
for an Italian war now any more than she did six months ago. I persist in
thinking that in his inmost soul, and of his own judgement, the Emperor
Napoleon would also be glad to be rid of it, provided it should be quite
clear that it is not of his free will that he backs out of his promise, and
that, in remaining at peace, he is yielding to imperious necessity, to the
interest, will, and influence of Europe. On Europe, therefore, the matter
depends; and, in this, Europe is England, for Prussia will follow England.
It is, therefore, towards you that all of us who are friends of peace and
good sense now turn our eyes. Do not fall a prey to the disease which has
mastered all the politicians of the time. Do not be afraid to take the
initiative, to incur the responsibility; decide and act according to your
own opinion, instead of waiting for circumstances to decide and act for
you. On this condition alone the peace of Europe will be saved; without
it, it will not. And of this be sure: that if war does break out, we shall
feel, no doubt, that you have been wanting in the foresight and resolution
which would have prevented it....

_From Lord Brougham_

[_Cannes_] _April 17th_.--Poor Tocqueville died this morning, not at
Hyères, as the papers which announced his death a week ago say, but at a
house a mile from Cannes. His two brothers were with him; and his poor wife
is so ill that she will not long survive him.

People in high quarters in England seem bent on believing that the Congress
will do wonders. I don't expect it. There is such bad faith in the man
on whom it really all turns, and he is in such a state, by the universal
opinion of France and of Europe being against him, that I should not be
surprised at any desperate act to regain the place he has lost. You may
naturally suppose the preparations which, chiefly naval, are going on must
mean something, and he seems resolved that no restraint on them shall be
imposed when others agree to disarm. Why should he not agree to stop, and
not to add to his means--as everyone that comes from Marseilles tells us he
is doing, though gradually? The reason he will suffer no restriction to be
imposed is that the army would regard this as a concession, and he won't
risk any offence in that quarter. The worst of it is that they--the
officers--though just as averse to an Austrian war as the country at large,
would by no means dislike a dash at England, and I cannot get out of my
mind the risk there is of his making that attempt when we are unprepared.
The perfidy would be overlooked in the success, though temporary. And in
the midst of all this we have Malmesbury at the F. O. and Derby premier!

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G.G., April 19th_. I am delighted you approved of what I said last
night,[Footnote: In the House of Lords.] and much obliged to you for
letting me know it. I thought Derby's speech excellent, though perhaps a
trifle too bellicose in the latter part for John Bull, who always wants a
little preparation before he is taken over rough ground. He is under the
strict neutrality delusion just now, and has not yet thought of realising
his rôle in a European war.

Your article is attracting great attention, and seems to be working a great
deal of good. Where did you get the information contained in the note to p.
566? [Footnote: See _ante_, p. 13.] I meant to have used it, and to have
appealed to Aberdeen to confirm the statement, but thought it prudent to
ask him beforehand whether he agreed.

The article on 'Austria, France, and Italy,' in the April number of the
Review brought Reeve the following letter from Mr. Edward Cheney, till then
a mere acquaintance, though between the two a friendship quickly sprang up
which was broken only by death. Mr. Cheney had lived for several years in
Italy, and his letters--always interesting, frequently amusing--commonly
relate to Italian affairs; but he was a well-read, accomplished, and
large-minded man, and in his judgement on literary questions Reeve had
great confidence.

Audley Square, April 20th.

My dear sir,--At the risk of appearing intrusive, and perhaps impertinent,
I cannot resist my strong inclination to express the great satisfaction
with which I have read the article in the last number of the 'Edinburgh
Review' on the Italian question. I do not presume to attribute the
authorship to yourself, though the clearness of the style, the closeness of
the reasoning, and the candour of the deductions would naturally lead me
to that conclusion; but, in truth, its merits are far beyond its technical
excellencies, and I rejoice peculiarly on its appearance at a moment when
public attention is concentrated on the affairs of the Italian peninsula,
and when the public, too, has so much need of enlightenment. A man who
writes as the author of that article has done confers an incalculable
benefit on his countrymen; and, as one not altogether incompetent to form a
judgement on the subject, I beg to offer him my congratulations.

I have lived many years in Italy, am minutely acquainted with every part
of it. I have many friends and intimates amongst its natives. I admire the
country, and like its people; and, while doing justice to many of their
excellent and amiable qualities, I cannot be blind to the fact that most of
the misfortunes which have befallen them are attributable mainly to
their want of constancy, their want of ambition, and--the word must be
spoken--their want of courage. They are now on the eve of another and more
serious revolution; they are rushing with reckless indifference upon a
danger the extent of which they cannot realise to themselves, but which
must inevitably overwhelm them. A European war must be the consequence, a
war in which England must ultimately take a part; and the man who calmly
and dispassionately endeavours to open the eyes of his countrymen to the
truth, and who, regardless of passing obloquy, dares to assert it, is their
real benefactor; and though, at the first moment, he may share the fate
of those who tell unwelcome truths, justice will ultimately be done him,
though not, perhaps, till the cry of regret is raised that his warning and
advice were both neglected. I would conclude my letter with another apology
for having thus far intruded on your valuable time; but you yourself will
be able to suggest my best excuse in the deep interest which we both take
in the subject.

Believe me, my dear Sir,

Very sincerely yours,

EDWARD CHENEY.

_From M. Guizot_

_Paris, April 21st_.--J'ai reçu et lu votre article il y a déjà plusieurs
jours, et je l'ai trouvé excellent. Il est impossible de mieux résumer les
faits, de mieux établir les droits et de faire mieux pressentir la bonne
politique. Lord Derby et Lord Clarendon vous ont donné pleinement raison.
Ils ont gardé, l'un et l'autre, chacun dans sa position, une juste mesure,
tout en parlant avec une grande franchise. L'effet est grand ici.

The question is how to get clear of this imbroglio, the handiwork of a
lot of mischief-makers, who are at once timid and rash, obstinate and
unenterprising, conscious of their weakness, yet persisting in their folly.
We are waiting impatiently for the decisive answers from Turin and Vienna;
and then the congress; and then your elections; and then--what? I have
passed the best part of my life in doing, and am not yet accustomed to
waiting without knowing what for....

_From Lord Brougham_

[_Cannes_] _April 21st_.--I am extremely obliged to you for sending the
article, which I have read with the greatest satisfaction. There are one or
two things of minor importance on which I differ. The matter of Genoa as
connected with Piedmont, I need not say, is not one of these. Indeed, it
might have been put stronger, and without reference to Lord W. Bentinck;
for, if I rightly recollect, when I, in 1817, attacked Castlereagh on the
misdeeds of the congress in 1815, I put the surrender of Genoa to Piedmont
in the very front of the charges against the congress--independent of Lord
W. B.'s proclamation, and on the ground of the Genoese hatred of Piedmont.
I again referred to this the first night of the session.

I broke through my rule of never attending funerals yesterday. The last
time I broke it was my dear friend Follett; this time it was Tocqueville. I
should have been the only member of the Institute, but Ampere had set out
from Rome on receiving T.'s letter, and arrived the day after his death. He
is carried to Tocqueville--near Cherbourg, as you know; one of his brothers
and a nephew accompany it. Mme. T. is not nearly so ill as was believed. It
is bronchitis, not lungs; so she expects to go by slow journeys in a few
days.

_April 22nd_.--Since I wrote yesterday I have received an account which,
whether true or not, shows the opinion they have in Italy of our great
ally. A man who had stood his friend and prevented the King of Holland from
disinheriting him, has lately been at Paris, and was kindly received by
him. So far is certain, and his kindness to those who befriended him
formerly is a good quality he really possesses. But it is added that he
told him to tell his nation not to be disheartened by the congress, because
care would be taken to make proposals which must be rejected, and that he
was as ready as ever. I really believe there is nothing too base in the
way of perfidy he would scruple to do, if his resolution was fixed and it
appeared clearly to be his interest. There has, however, been a change in
him of late, as to determination. He is more easily swayed by others than
he was, and he falters more when left alone. Altogether, it is a cruel
calamity for the world to have such a person to depend upon. I wish someone
would show how much he appeals to the multitude--the mere _mob_. He is
still a socialist in practice; and if anyone will read the Robespierre
papers, he will see that there is a deliberate design to make the poor--the
persons without property--rule. One man whom I afterwards knew (Julien de
Paris), and who had been a philanthropist _exalté_, states, in one of his
reports to the Committee of Public Safety, that those who have no property
are the great majority, and therefore must govern. There could be no
greater service to France than a full exposition of these principles--the
ones which L. N. adopts; and at the same time a full account of the
abominable character of the first Napoleon, of which the materials are
abundant in the correspondence with Joseph, [Footnote: _Mémoires et
Correspondance politique et militaire du roi Joseph_ (6 tom. 8vo.
1854).] and also in the printed, but unpublished, vols. of his whole
correspondence.

[_Cannes_] _May 4th_--I suppose some folks will now have discovered what
reliance there is to be placed on a capricious and absolute man. It was
clear from the first that he had resolved upon this Italian speculation,
and that as soon as he could mitigate the universal feeling and opinion
against him, he would have his way. The congress, whether suggested by him
through Russia or not, was only one means of delay till all was ready, and
one way of putting Austria in the wrong, or making an outcry against her
as if she was--for really, except in the clumsy way of doing it, I can see
nothing to blame in her refusal. She is treated as the aggressor. Now all
she has done, or could do, was in her own defence, and nothing in the world
can be more absurd than pretending that she is the cause of the war. If
she beat the allies ever so much, she does not gain one inch of territory,
while their real object is to strip her. As for L. N. considering himself
aggrieved by her breaking off the negotiation and beginning to defend
herself, it can only be on the supposition that he has a right to interfere
on behalf of the Italians. Indeed, the same thing may be said of Sardinia.
It is considered that she is aggrieved if the other Italian States are
aggrieved; and now comes this rising in Tuscany and the smaller duchies to
embarrass one party and so far help the other. But there is no reason to
believe that any rising in Lombardy will take place.

The unaccountable part of it is the Austrians delaying their attack. It
seemed clear that their plan would be to march upon Turin before the French
could get up, and yet they have suffered 40,000 men to be landed at Genoa,
and a considerable force to cross by Mont Cenis, without doing anything.
Can it be that the sudden notice to Piedmont was an act of the Emperor
without his ministers being consulted, and that they are less prepared than
was supposed? Bunsen's son, who is in the Prussian mission at Turin, wrote
ten days ago that the Government was ready to remove to Genoa, expecting
the Austrians to come before the French arrived, and knowing Turin to be
indefensible. It now seems that there must be a battle before Turin can
be taken. All the road from Paris to Marseilles has been encumbered with
troops, and all the steamers have been taken by the Government, and
more men will be sent if wanted. The usual effect of a war has
been perceived--namely, making the multitude rally round the
Government--consequently there is less outcry against the war than there
was, except amongst thinking people and those who are suffering from the
suspension of all trade. The Emperor himself will probably join the army
when they are prepared for an advantageous movement. He is playing a game
that may be desperate. This Russian alliance is denied, but substantially
it is true, and I have little doubt that some undertaking is effected to
give leave to Russia in Turkey, on condition that she does something for
Poland (one of L. N.'s hobbies) and helps some Italian arrangement for the
cousin.

The next letter is endorsed by Reeve--'An affectionate record of a long
friendship. I have inserted it in the copy of his Journals.'

_From Mr. C. C. Greville_

_May 6th_.--I will not delay to thank you warmly for your kind note. Your
accession to the P. C. office gave me a friendship which I need not say
how much I have valued through so many years of happy intercourse, which I
rejoice at knowing has never been for an instant clouded or interrupted,
and which will, I hope, last the same as long as I last myself. It is
always painful to do anything for the last time, and I cannot without
emotion take leave of an office where I have experienced for so many years
so much kindness, consideration, and goodwill. I have told Hamilton that
I hope still to be considered as _amicus curiae_, and to be applied to on
every occasion when I can be of use to the office, or my personal services
can be employed to promote the interest of any member of it. Between you
and me there has been, I think, as much as possible between any two
people, the 'idem velle, idem nolle et idem sentire de republicâ,' and in
consequence the 'firma amicitia.' God bless you, and believe me always,

Yours most sincerely and faithfully, C. C. G.

_From Lord Brougham_

[_Cannes_] _May 18th_.--I really begin to feel anxious about the peace of
Europe, and not without some alarm as to our own position. There can be
no doubt that for the present (if not more permanently) this man [the
Emperor], working on the French feeling, has got the mob, military and
civil, with him. The war has ceased to be unpopular, and all reckon upon
victory. If they succeed, he will, for a while, be satisfied with the
gratification of his vanity and the strengthening of his power; but soon
after he will be pushed by his unruly supporters, and will try a deeper
game. Of this they are as much convinced in Germany as of his existence,
and even Prussia will not persist holding back. If she does, and if the
Russian alliance continues, she will be destroyed as soon as Austria is
weakened. I, therefore, expect to see Prussia take timely precautions. They
are prepared at Frankfort to split with her if she does not.

I am now satisfied that the Austrians intended only a _razzia_ to
Turin, and then to carry on only a defensive contest; and having been
prevented--partly by the floods, and partly by our untimely intermeddling,
and partly by their old error of having one head at Vienna, and another
with the army--they have now given up the _razzia_, and will act on the
defensive. This will not prevent them taking advantage of any opportunity
of attacking, should they be able to do so with a certainty of success; but
for any such dash I look rather to the French than to them. Certainly the
Man is in a great difficulty if the Austrians steadily pursue this plan;
for the expectations are wound up to a high pitch in France--especially in
Paris and the great towns--of his doing something speedily, and the French
nature is not to wait with calmness and patience. Even in this remote
quarter, the thousands of fine troops passing raises a great feeling for
the war.

_To Lord Brougham

C. O., May 21st_.--To the very best of my belief, the Queen's Speech will
not be delivered till June 7th, but I speak without authority.... I have
the greatest doubt whether it will be possible to unite all those sections
of the H. of C. which are not to be regarded as Lord Derby's supporters, in
a direct adverse vote--on the address or otherwise; and if the attempt is
made--as it probably will be I think it will fail. [Footnote: The attempt
was made, and did not fail. The Ministry was defeated on the amendment to
the address by 323 to 310.] The Government say they have 307 men on whom
they can rely, and a fair chance that fifteen or twenty more men will not
consent to take part in an active, offensive campaign. Indeed the country
gentlemen say pretty generally that they will not attempt to turn the
Government out, until they are satisfied that a more stable Government can
be formed. But how is this possible when the numbers are--on one side a
compact body of more than 300, and--on the other side, a divided body of
350? What we hope, therefore, is this: that John Russell and the Radicals
will take a course on the subject of Reform which will be resisted by
the moderate Liberals; and that the result will be a fusion between the
moderate Liberals and the large Conservative phalanx. For it is clear that
without some degree of support from the Conservatives, no other government
can be carried on. As for any lasting or sincere union between Lord
Palmerston and Lord John, it is quite hopeless, [Footnote: The event
falsified this forecast. In the Ministry which Palmerston now formed Lord
John was Foreign Secretary, and continued so till Palmerston's death in
1865.] and the desire to keep the latter out of office is so general and
intense, that it is probable he would fail to make a Cabinet, even if
the Queen sent for him--which she will certainly not do until the last
extremity. On the other hand, there is the great objection to Palmerston
that he holds language about the Italians and the French--to whom he is
entirely devoted--which is quite at variance with the convictions of every
man of sense in the country. There can be very little doubt that the
war will spread. The whole of Germany is burning with ardour to support
Austria; and if the French gain a battle on the Po, nothing will prevent
the whole strength of Germany from coming to the rescue. [Footnote: Louis
Napoleon's fear of this is a sufficient explanation of his ambiguous policy
after Solferino.] The position of France is, in reality, most critical, for
all her best troops are in Italy, and she would have great difficulty in
placing 100,000 men on the Rhine, where she may have to confront half a
million of combatants.

Hortensius' [Footnote: William Forsyth, Q.C., for many years standing
counsel to the India Office. As the author, among other works, of
_Hortensius_, and residing, as he still resides, at 61 Rutland Gate,
Lord Brougham, in writing to Reeve, invariably refers to him as either
'Hortensius' or 'your neighbour.' In 1872 he published _Letters from
Lord Brougham to William Forsyth_, with some facsimiles to show his
'extraordinary hand.' 'I think,' wrote Mr. Forsyth, 'the hieroglyphics will
puzzle most readers;' but the samples he has given are as copper-plate
compared with some of the letters to Reeve of about the same date.]
appointment was, I believe, purely an act of Lord Stanley's, and I dare say
your kindness in mentioning his name had due effect. Hortensius applied, by
letter, for the appointment, and about three weeks after came a letter to
say he was appointed.

_From Lord Brougham_

[_Cannes_] _May 24th_. I have been reading over again your excellent
article on the subject of the day, and I may say of the place; and the more
I reflect on it, I come the nearer to your view in all respects. Really the
more we consider this abominable man's conduct (and his accomplice Cavour
is quite as bad, though not so foolish), the greater indignation we feel
at the unprovoked breach of the peace. The audacity of the pretence from a
despot and usurper exceeds precedent. What can be said too of Russia, which
keeps her hold of Poland only ten years longer than the settlement of
1815! It really would be important, now that the attempt has been made to
represent [the first] Napoleon as the friend of oppressed nationalities,
that we should direct men's attention a little more to the enormities
in that man's whole history. Party motives arising out of our English
divisions to a certain degree prevented the real truth from being generally
felt respecting him. There was the usual exaggeration on both sides. One
party painted the devil blacker than he was, crediting to him crimes which
he never committed. The other, because their adversaries thus painted him,
would allow nothing against him, and exaggerated his merits--though it were
difficult to overrate his capacity, and his military genius especially. But
the more his moral guilt is examined the blacker it will appear, and the
late publication, which you call candid, I believe has been true and full
owing to careless superintendence. When I say publication I mean printing,
for it is not really published, though copies are freely given. The
publication of Joseph's memoirs is also full of important matter.

Now from these and the existing materials, a full and plain account of the
man ought to be prepared, [Footnote: This is what M. Lanfrey began to do,
and was going on with at the time of his lamented death, at the age of
forty-nine, in 1877.] and you may rely on it that great effect against the
present man would be produced; for he ostentatiously connects his policy
with the former one's, and there is the greatest care taken to suppress
attacks on Napoleon I. in the periodical publications--at least in the
newspapers. But if the English and German and Belgian press are full of the
facts, and repeatedly lay them before the world, no policy of the French
press can long keep the truth from reaching the public. However, I am drawn
away from what I had intended to mention--the present state of the public
mind on the war question in this country. The giddy and warlike nature of
the people, and his going to the army, has produced an effect not only in
removing the unpopularity of the war, but in raising a warlike spirit--at
least for the present. If victory comes, this will be increased. It is
probable he may for the present be satisfied with the strength which he
will derive from it; but the army will probably join with the mob in
wishing for further proceedings, and then we shall find that Germany will
be attacked, and I must even say that we shall do well to be prepared in
England. I believe, however, that the Austrians in Italy will make it a
lingering affair by defensive operations, and this will exhaust the French
patience. The lies of the Sardinian press, and indeed official accounts,
make it impossible to tell how far they have at the beginning suffered a
check. But I plainly perceive that, if something brilliant is not done, L.
N. will be shaken.

       *       *       *       *       *

_From Count Zamoyski_

_Paris, May 28th_. May is passing and your plans are not yet realised; we
still await your arrival. Mme. Krasinska is leaving Paris for Warsaw, and
has charged me to forward you the enclosed, in which she gives you the
address of the person here who is ready to receive the papers you have
promised her, which both she and the friends of the deceased await with
lively interest.

Having written thus much on the matter in hand, Zamoyski turned again to
politics and the discussion at some length of the situation in Italy, out
of which many of the Poles fondly hoped their freedom was to come. The
English mistrust of Napoleon, he argued, was as injudicious as unfounded,
and could do nothing but harm by forcing France into the arms of Russia.
One of the many wild suggestions afloat at the time amounted to little less
than a complete remodelling of the map of Europe. Austria, deprived of her
Italian provinces, was to be compensated on the lower Danube; as a balance
to which, Russia was to occupy Constantinople, and, to mark her friendship
to France--who was entering on the war for an _idée_--would restore
freedom to Poland. And there were some who believed it. Zamoyski was
clearer-headed; but his mind also was warped by sense of wrong, and his
fancy was as wild as the other. If England, he urged, will not act in
concert with France, let her at least emulate the noble example France is
setting. She is preparing to free Italy; let England, as her part in the
generous rivalry, free Poland. Russia is still England's enemy. This is
England's opportunity. And he seems to have persuaded himself that, if
she did not avail herself of it, she would be a recreant to the cause of
liberty and humanity. It is very curious.

_From the Countess Krasinska_

_Paris, 26 mai_.--Je vous remercie infiniment, Monsieur, de votre bonne
lettre et de tout ce que vous voulez bien me dire de celui que nous ne
cesserons pas de regretter, et qui m'a bien et bien souvent parlé de vous
et des années de jeunesse passées avec vous dans une étroite et sincère
amitié. Ce souvenir a été constant dans son coeur! Je regrette infiniment
aussi que les évènements politiques vous aient empêché de venir à Paris,
comme vous vous le proposiez. Je suis obligée de partir pour Varsovie, et
crains de vous manquer si vous venez bientôt ici. Dans tous les cas, si
vous vouliez bien confier vos précieux manuscrits [Footnote: If sent to
M. Okrynski, the letters were returned; for they were afterwards given to
Sigismond's grandson, the present Count Adam Krasinski (_see post_. p.
389).] à M. Victor Okrynski, Rue de la Pépinière 66, je vous en serai bien
reconnaissante. C'est chez lui que je laisse en dépôt ce que nous avons
rassemblé jusqu'ici.

It would seem from the following note that Lord Macaulay had spoken to
Reeve of Dr. Thomas Campbell's "Diary of a Visit to England in 1775; by
an Irishman;" a small book--little more than a pamphlet--which had been
published at Sydney in 1854. It had struck Reeve that such a "Diary"
might be the text for an interesting article in the "Review;" and the
correspondence respecting it derives a peculiar value from its near
approach to the close of Macaulay's labours.

_From Lord Macaulay_

Holly Lodge, Kensington, June 1st.

Dear Reeve,--Before you determine anything about Dr. T. Campbell's Diary,
you had better read it. I have lent my copy, which is probably the only
copy in England, and do not expect to get it back till next week. When it
comes, I will send it to you, and we will then talk further. Ever yours
truly, MACAULAY.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, June 11th_.--... On the Continent, it seems to me, there is
now only one question--Will Austria remain obstinate? If she does, if she
is determined to fight on, although beaten; not to give up her Italian
possessions, although she has lost them in Italy, and to impose on
the conquerors of Milan the necessity of being also the conquerors of
Vienna--in that case the actual beginning of the war is a trifle; we are
advancing towards a general war and European chaos. The mere continuance of
the struggle will be quite sufficient to make it impossible for anyone--for
Lord Derby as much as for Lord Palmerston--to stop it or to foresee
where it will lead. Has Austria the will and the strength to prolong the
struggle? Or will she be alarmed and intimidated by her first defeats, and
be persuaded to make such concessions as will give, if not Italy herself,
at least her patrons for the time being, a decent pretext to declare
themselves satisfied, and to retreat in triumph? I repeat this seems to me
the only question. If I were to judge by the reports that reach me from
Germany, no doubt is there felt. Austria, both emperor and country, are
said to be perfectly determined to fight to the last extremity, being
convinced that in their extreme peril, and when, in their persons, European
order is endangered, they will find allies and a chance of safety. But I
do not put much faith in rumours which promise a somewhat heroic firmness.
Great things are apt to come to nothing nowadays, and it may well be that
the Italian question will fall through, and all this noise end in some
transaction which will be neither a true nor lasting solution. Italy has
long been the scene of events that end thus....

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G.C., June 13th_.--You have always taken such a kind and friendly concern
in my affairs that I think you will like to know how I stand. Palmerston,
by the Queen's desire, insisted on my returning to the F.O., and I felt
that, though most unwilling to accept the offer, I had no sufficient plea
for declining it. But when Palmerston very properly placed any office at
the disposal of Lord John, he claimed the F.O. as his right. I gladly
recognised that right and the superiority of his claims to my own.

I was most warmly pressed by Palmerston and my former colleagues to take
any other office; but for that I saw no necessity, and I was sure I should
best consult the public taste by making way for some one who had not been
in Palmerston's former Government. The Queen sent for me, and very kindly
tried to shake my determination; but it had not been lightly taken, and she
did not succeed. So I am still free, and great is my happiness thereat.

_From Lord Macaulay_

_June 27th_.--If I were to renew my connexion with the "Edinburgh Review"
after an interval of fifteen years, I should wish my first article to be
rather more striking than an article on Campbell's Diary can easily be. You
will, no doubt, do the thing as well as it can be done.

Some other hand, therefore, supplied the article on "A Visit to England in
1775" which appeared in the October number of the "Review."

_To Madame de Tocqueville_ 62 Rutland Gate, June 30th.

Dear Madame de Tocqueville, [Footnote: Mme. de Tocqueville was an
Englishwoman, and the correspondence was naturally in English.] I reproach
myself exceedingly for having delayed so long to express to you, or,
rather, to endeavour to express to you, how strongly Mrs. Reeve and myself
participate in that sympathy and sorrow which your irreparable loss
has inspired to the whole world, but most of all to those to whom the
friendship of your husband was one of the blessings of life. I cannot
accustom myself to the thought that the intercourse I had the happiness to
maintain with him for twenty-five years is really at an end; and that
the events of the world in which he took so constant and enlightened an
interest are still rolling onwards, while his pure intelligence has passed
to some higher and nobler sphere. We now look back, indeed, with a pleasure
that heightens our regret, to those delightful days we spent at Tocqueville
in 1856, and to his visit to England in 1857. Nothing, indeed, was wanting,
either to his fame or to the love he inspired those who knew him; and to
both these sacred recollections our thoughts will be directed as long as we
survive. What, then, must be the loss and the void to you, who lived, as
it were, _in_ that light? I dare not think of it, were it not that your
thoughts will rise to that source which has consolation for all earthly
sorrows. I have heard of you, and seen your admirable letters to Mrs. Grote
and Mrs. Merivale, which assure me of the resignation and piety that still
support you. Mrs. Reeve and Hopie desire to join in the cordial expression
of their affectionate regard; and I remain Your most faithful servant,

H. REEVE.

The Journal here notes:--

In August I left town for Ambleside and Abington, to shoot. Thence I went
to the George R. Smiths', at Relugas; near Forres. Shot there, and then
crossed the Moray Firth to Skibo and Uppat. Then I went on to Langwell, in
Caithness, which the Duke of Portland had lent the Speaker (E. Denison),
and spent some days with him. Returned to town by sea from Aberdeen.
Shooting in September at Chorleywood and Stetchworth--the latter
first-rate; then to Roxburghshire; afterwards to Raith.

_To Lord Brougham_

_Relugas, near Forres, August 26th._--Your very kind note of the 23rd has
followed me here, where I am spending a few days on my way to Sutherland.
Towards the latter end of October I shall be returning to England, with
Mrs. Reeve and my daughter, and if you are still at Brougham at that time,
and disposed to receive us for a day or two in this patriarchal fashion, it
will give us the greatest pleasure to come.

Louis Napoleon's amnesty appears to me to be the most judicious act of his
reign, and, if he would only follow it up by giving a more legal character
to his administration, I think he would soon rally many persons to himself.
All that the French seem at this time to require is that the Government
should observe the laws it enforces on other people--a very moderate
request.

I will endeavour to find out about the Chancery Evidence Commission. It
is a monstrous absurdity that your name should not appear in a commission
destined, if anything, to give effect to the principles you have so long
and constantly advocated.

_C.O., September 26th_.--I sincerely hope that, whatever day the Edinburgh
banquet takes place, I may have the honour of attending it. I shall
probably be at Raith at the time. Considering what you have been, for more
than half a century, to the "Edinburgh Review," and the connexion which was
thus so long maintained between yourself and Edinburgh, I am most anxious,
as the humble representative of that journal at the present time, to
do anything in my power to contribute to a mark of respect paid you in
Edinburgh; and I should have gladly attended the dinner, even if I had not
been, as I probably shall be, within easy reach of it.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Brougham, September 27th_.--Many thanks for your great kindness about
the Edinburgh dinner, which I look forward to with some dismay; for the
requisition, which was signed by the heads of all parties, and in very
kind terms, makes it impossible not to attend, and, beside the plagues
incidental to all such proceedings, I have the excessive suffering from
the blanks by which I shall be surrounded. To go no further than what you
allude to, it may possibly be October 25th, and certainly not later than
26th; and that is the anniversary of the "Edinburgh Review" fifty-seven
years ago. Then Jeffrey, Horner, Smith, Allen, Murray, Playfair,
Thomson--all gone; and of later years, Cockburn, your father, Eyre. It
is really a sad thing. And then, beside our set, there were A. Thomson,
Moncreiff, T. Campbell, Cranstoun, Clerk, D. Stewart, W. Scott--all, except
Horner, Playfair, and Scott, D. Stewart and A. Thomson, T. Campbell, alive
in 1834, when I was last in Edinburgh. I must struggle the best I can, but
this feeling nearly overpowers me.

I send you by this post a Paris paper I have just received, evidently sent
on account of the article marked, which is so far gratifying that it is by
a very eminent man, who signs it; but I chiefly value it on account of
the attack upon England for not having raised a monument, [footnote: Lord
Brougham was at this time greatly interested, and indeed excited, about a
proposed monument to Sir Isaac Newton. His letters frequently allude to
it.] and on account, also, of the statement that he was the greatest of all
men--which will not be very agreeable to our friends of the Institute.

The Journal records:--

Lord Brougham was elected Chancellor of the University of Edinburgh. I
attended a banquet given him there on October 26th. I then went from Raith
to Brougham and Appleby, High Legh, and Teddesley, shooting at all
these places, and at Crewe likewise, where I began to shoot with a new
breech-loading gun. I must have shot thirty-five or forty days this year,
and paid a great number of visits in country houses. We did not go abroad.

Lord Macaulay had meantime received some further particulars as to the MS.
of the 'Visit to England,' and sent them to Reeve with the following:--

Holly Lodge, November 11th.

My dear sir,--I have just received the enclosed letter, which may, perhaps,
interest you. It might be worth while to put a short note at the end of the
next number of the 'Edinburgh Review.'

Very truly yours,

MACAULAY.

_Endorsed_--Lord Macaulay. His last note to me. He died December 27th
[really 28th].

The note referred to appeared in the number for January 1860, with the
sympathetic remark: 'This very note was, in fact, his last contribution to
these pages, made within a short time of his death.'

_To Lord Brougham_

62 _Rutland Gate, December 29th._--I communicated to Mrs. Austin your very
kind intention of writing some notice of Mr. Austin in the 'Law Review,'
and she has sent me the enclosed paper--very striking, I think it,
especially considering the state of physical exhaustion and mental grief in
which she lies. Nothing can equal her devotion to his memory. She has, I
think, omitted to state that one portion of the lectures delivered by Mr.
Austin at the London University were published by Murray in 1832, under the
title of 'The Province of Jurisprudence Determined' You are aware that
this book retains a very high position, and, as John Austin never would
republish it in his lifetime, copies of the volume fetch seven or eight
guineas. I hope now it will appear again, with additions, as all the drafts
of his lectures are in existence, most carefully elaborated by himself.
Hortensius has written a very nice article for the 'Edinburgh' on the
progress of legal reform and on your bills. I hope you will like it. The
Review will be out on January 14th.

I forgot to say just now that, as Mrs. Austin and I have no copy of the
enclosed paper about her husband, we should be much obliged to you to
preserve and return it to us.

The pamphlet 'Le Pape et le Congrès' has certainly astonished the world. My
Catholic friends call it the pamphlet of the Emperor Julian; and certainly,
considering what the Pope has done for him, and he has done for the Pope,
it is an act of apostasy. To engage in a contest with Rome is, however,
still no small enterprise, and I question if the Emperor has strength of
purpose to carry it through. The Popes protested, in their day, against the
Treaty of Westphalia and the Treaty of Vienna; _multo magis_, will they
protest against the decisions of the Congress of Paris? It must be
acknowledged that matters look more favourably than they did for our own
policy and influence in the Congress.

_From Lord Brougham

Cannes, January 1st_, 1860.--First of all accept for yourself and Mrs.
R. all the good wishes of the season from all here. Next, let me say how
gratified I am with the very interesting, and, in the circumstances,
extraordinary communication of Mrs. A. It is of the utmost importance, and
confirms me in the design I had newly formed, of making my account follow
this. It could be made for the next number of the 'Law Review;' in the
present number giving a short notice, lamenting the great loss, and
announcing a full article for next number. I had intimated the probability
of this to Francis--the editor--and what I have received this morning
from you strongly confirms me. There will, therefore, be only a general
statement this time. Really I feel the deepest interest in the subject,
when I regard the strong and stern virtues of the man, beside his great
talents and learning.

Poor Macaulay, I would give as a foil--of course, only to yourself,
privately. He had great abilities; and though I widely differed with him in
his views of history--which I, being of the science school, thought should
be different from an anecdote book, yet I admit the great merits of his
work, and especially of his essays. But I much objected to his running away
from our death-struggle in 1834, though his defence was that his sisters
would have to go out in the world as milliners if he stayed to fight with
us. I had myself made such sacrifices that I felt entitled to complain.
However, I pass over that on the ground he gave. But, then, what is to be
said of two sessions in the House of Lords without one word of help to the
Liberal cause, or indeed to any cause? What but that it was owing to the
fear of making a speech which would be thought a failure--that is, would
be injurious to his former speeches. Now, such a consideration as this J.
Austin was wholly incapable of allowing even to cross his mind. He acted on
what he conceived were just principles, and sacrificed to them all regard
for himself. How differently did those men act of whose set Macaulay
was!--his father, Stephen, H. Thornton, &c. However, his loss is a very
melancholy one, because he goes out of the world in full possession of his
faculties, and in more than just appreciation of his merits.

The Journal for 1860 begins:--

The new year opened at Chevening on a visit to Lord Stanhope. The party
consisted of the Morleys, Hayward, Goldwin Smith, and afterwards the
Grotes.

I went to Chevening again in 1862; and for a third time, with Christine, in
1885; the host changed, but the same hospitality.

We sent a round-robin to the Dean of Westminster, begging that Macaulay
might be buried in the Abbey. He was buried there on January 9th. I was
there. The same day we started for Paris by Southampton. Saw the Circourts,
Rauzans, Guizots, &c.

Charles Greville had introduced me to Fould, then minister of finance. On
Sunday, January 15th, Fould told me of the conclusion of the treaty of
commerce with England, and the same evening we all dined at M. Chevalier's,
with Cobden, Lavergne, Passy, Parieu, and Wolowski--the promoters and
authors of the treaty. The next day (16th) I dined with Fould at a state
dinner; Metternichs, Bassanos, Auber, Ste.-Beuve, Bourqueney. I took down
Mrs. Baring. Lord Brougham was also in Paris.

Albert Pourtalès, my old fellow-pupil at Geneva, was now Prussian
ambassador; saw a good deal of him. This was a very interesting visit to
Paris.

In some very rough notes, Reeve jotted down the particulars he learned at
this time. They amount to this: That between January 16th and 21st, 1859,
a treaty was signed between France and Sardinia, by the 5th, 6th, and 7th
articles of which Savoy was to be ceded to France when Lombardy and Venetia
were conquered and given to Piedmont. Nice was to be ceded when Piedmont
got the rest--of what, is not stated--presumably, of Italy. This treaty
was known only to the Emperor, Niel, and Pietri, in France, and in Sardinia
to the King and Cavour. It was afterwards made known to Villa-Marina, on
condition that he should seem to know nothing about it.

On July 8th, 1859, when the Emperor returned to Valeggio from Villafranca,
he told the King of Sardinia that peace was made. The King said he would
not accept it, and would continue the war on his own account. The Emperor
shrugged his shoulders and said 'Vous êtes fou.' Afterwards, however, in
telling the story to the Queen of Holland, he declared that he only said
'Vous êtes absurde.'

It appears to have been in conversation with Pourtalès, on January 17th,
that Reeve picked up this curious story. During the past few years many
State papers at Berlin had been stolen: amongst others, a letter from the
Tsar to the King of Prussia, written in the summer of 1855, to the effect
that Sebastopol could not hold out another month. This was sent to Paris
by Moustier just in time to revive the drooping spirits of the French
Government, after the repulse of June 18th.

Supposing this to be true--as Reeve certainly believed it to be--it was
only paying off Prussia in her own coin; for at least under Frederick
II.--the Prussian agents had shown a remarkable skill in obtaining secret
intelligence, either by purchase or by theft. In one case, in 1755, ten
important papers and the key of the cipher were stolen from the Count de
Broglie, the French ambassador, by his colleague and intimate friend, Count
Maltzahn, the Prussian ambassador, who obtained access to his rooms in his
absence. 'There is no doubt,' wrote De Broglie, 'that we are indebted for
this to the King of Prussia. I am quite sure that Maltzahn would not have
done it without an express order.' [Footnote: Le Secret du Roi, par le Duc
de Broglie, tom. i., p. 131]

_From Mr. C. C. Greville

January 15._--I am very glad to hear that Fould has responded with such
alacrity, and I shall be most anxious to hear from you again after your
interview and dinner with him. I told him in my letter that you had been
acquainted with the Emperor when he resided in England, and I hope he will
report your arrival to H.M., and that you will be summoned to the imperial
presence; it would be very interesting to have a conversation with the
great man himself, and you might enlighten his mind, and correct some
of the erroneous impressions he is likely to have formed from Cobden's
conversation.

So far as I understand the line taken by our Cabinet, they are acting
properly enough. I suppose France will want our support for the annexation
of Savoy, and Palmerston will be for giving that, or doing anything else to
obtain the transference of the revolted states and provinces to Piedmont;
the aggrandisement of Sardinia and the humiliation of Austria being his
darling objects, for which he will sacrifice every other consideration,
unless he is kept in check, and baffled by the majority of the Cabinet. In
the beginning of this week there was very near being a split amongst them,
which might have broken up the Government; but I conclude matters were
adjusted, though I do not know exactly how. P., J. R., and Gladstone go
together, and are for going much further in Italian affairs than the
majority of the Cabinet will consent to; and, as the latter know very well
that their views will be supported by public opinion, I trust they will get
the better of this triple alliance. As Austria appears to have admitted her
inability to draw the sword again, the Pope seems to be left without any
resource; but it does not follow that Austria will consent to such an
aggrandisement of the King of Sardinia as France may be willing to consent
to, and, as we shall, I suppose, earnestly advocate. She would probably
more easily consent to the promotion of a new North Italian kingdom; and I
much doubt if Tuscany really wishes for annexation to Piedmont. She would
probably much prefer the promotion of a fresh state, of which Florence
would be the capital, and Tuscany the most influential member. How
impossible it is to form any opinion as to the tortuous, ever-shifting
policy of L. N.! The only thing we ought never to lose sight of is to keep
quite clear of him, and to be always on our guard. If the natural limits
of France are to be extended again to the Alps, how long will it be before
they are extended to the Rhine also?

I went to see Mrs. Austin yesterday, and found her very well and in very
fair spirits; very anxious to talk about him, and much gratified at the
letters she has received from various friends, bearing testimony to his
great merits and high qualities, particularly one from Sir William Erle.
Brougham is writing a notice of him for the 'Law Magazine.' She seems very
unsettled in her plans, and says she changes her mind continually. Lady
Gordon is better, and Mrs. Austin is going to Ventnor, to her, in a short
time. She means to be much occupied with the papers he has left, which
appear to be all about law, and it is very doubtful whether they will, if
published, be very interesting to the world in general.

The Journal notes:--

We returned to London on January 23rd. Parliament opened next day. London
dinners began. Dined at Thackeray's, Milman's, Galton's, Lansdowne House.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, February 2nd._--I am much obliged to you for De la Rive's
_brochure_ [Footnote: Le Droit de la Suisse, by William de la Rive, son of
the celebrated physicist, Auguste] which is written with great force and
spirit; he makes out an excellent European case for the slice of Savoy he
claims for Switzerland, and he manages to gives an agreeable impression of
those unpleasant people, the Swiss. It is a valuable work at this moment;
for the annexation of Savoy to France is a serious affair, not only because
it makes Italy French, but because it is the first step towards the
_remaniement de la carte_.

When we made our first convention with France, on going to war together
with Russia, I thought it would be prudent to put in a clause that neither
Power should get any benefit for itself from the war. The Emperor accepted
the proposal cheerfully; said it was a grand precedent, &c. &c.; but when I
read over the convention with Walewski, prior to signature, the clause was
omitted, and I had it restored. In the case of Savoy, we must admit that
our policy makes objection on our part not only difficult but absurd. We
have been telling the Italians that they were justified in expelling their
rulers and electing a new sovereign, and that treaties could not be
pleaded against accomplished facts; and how can we remonstrate against the
annexation of Savoy to France, if V. Emanuel releases the Savoyards from
their allegiance, and they elect L. Nap. for their sovereign?

_To Lord Brougham_

62 _Rutland Gate, March 5th._ Since my visit to Paris I have never had a
doubt that Louis Napoleon was pursuing, and pursuing actively, a scheme for
the annexation of Savoy, and that nothing which this country can say--for
doing is out of the question--will have any effect in preventing it. The
King of Sardinia is the dog and the shadow. He drops his bone to clutch a
phantom of Italian empire, which will dissolve as he approaches it. The
most amusing part of it is that the policy of his imprudent friends here
(J. R. and so on) has urged him on to pursue the shadow without remembering
what it would cost in substance.

The Reform Bill is considered so very mild a production that I begin, for
the first time, to think it will pass. Even the Tories could conceive
nothing so moderate, and they had better close with the bargain. I have
no doubt it will be rather favourable to the Conservatives than to the
Radicals. For example, where there are to be three seats, in the large
towns, the Conservative minority will probably carry one out of the three.

_March 14th._--Your volume of scientific tracts arrived just after I had
sent off my last letter. I am very much indebted to you for it, and I shall
probably have occasion to refer to your learned paper on the cells of bees
in the review I am going to publish of Mr. Darwin's book. As for Newton, I
should be glad to give my vote in favour of a monument whenever a suitable
opportunity occurs. It is very embarrassing to know where to place
monuments to men illustrious in letters and science. Westminster Abbey
is crowded, and can take no more statues. We are going to put up a mural
monument to Hallam there; and, by the way, if you had been in England, you
were invited to be on the committee; I still hope you will give your name.

Events have taken a prodigiously lucky turn for the Government, and I think
it is long since we had any administration so strong as Lord Palmerston now
is. Gladstone's triumph is complete on all points, and people are so weary
of J. R. and his Reform Bill that I think all parties are ready to swallow
this last dose, _de guerre lasse_. Then will follow the dissolution in the
autumn, and we may expect a strong Liberal majority.

The affair of Savoy will pass off quietly enough if he leaves the
neutralised territories to Switzerland; but if not, it will become serious
enough, for it is expressly provided by the final act of the Congress of
Vienna that, if Sardinia evacuates those districts, no other Power
but Switzerland shall move troops into them, and this arrangement was
subsequently confirmed by a very formal declaration of all the Powers....

Mrs. Austin is making arrangements for a new edition of her husband's
lectures, with considerable additions.

The Journal has here:--

_March 15th._--Dinner at home. The Due d'Aumale, Lavradio, Lady Stanhope,
Lady Molesworth, Lady William and Arthur Russell, Lord Kingsdown, the Lord
Advocate, Professor Owen, Colonel Hamilton, and Colonel Greathed.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_[Sunday] March 18th._--If you happen to be passing Grosvenor Crescent way
on Tuesday or Wednesday, about twelve o'clock, will you look in upon me,
and we will have a talk about the awful fix in which Europe in general and
England in particular are now placed?

By reason of his connexion with Geneva, Reeve had all along necessarily
felt the keenest interest in the negotiations between France and Sardinia,
which he had discussed in an article on 'France, Savoy, and Switzerland'
for the April number of the 'Edinburgh Review.' He had possibly already
intended to visit the 'debateable land' as soon as the Review was sent to
press, or very possibly the advisability of doing so was suggested in this
interview with Lord Clarendon. At any rate, on April 4th he started for
Paris, and, after seeing his friend Pourtales, went on to Geneva in company
with Sir Robert and Lady Emily Peel. By the 12th he was back in Paris,
where, on the 15th, he had long interviews with Fould and Thouvenel,
the minister of foreign affairs, the minutes of which he wrote out at
considerable length, and two days afterwards read them to Lord Palmerston.
He reported to Palmerston that Thouvenel was willing to make 'a reasonable
adjustment of the Swiss frontier,' which he believed meant 'an extension
of the Swiss territory to the Fort de l'Ecluse and Saleve.' Palmerston,
however, refused the overture, saying, 'We shall shame them out of it.'
'So,' added Reeve, in relating the affair, 'neither he nor the Swiss got
anything at all.'

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, April 20th._--I hope my account of J. Austin will appear in the
'Law Magazine and Review.' It is written _con amore_, though very far from
such an article as I could have wished to make it. The letter of Mrs.
Austin was invaluable, and I inserted her very words in more instances than
one; but your mention of the effect produced by the publication now out
of print was still more valuable. I only trust that it may all be printed
correctly, for it must be too late for me to have proofs.

The roguery of L. N. and Cavour exceeds all belief; but they have cheated
one another, and have probably overreached themselves. The _lies_ they
tell about the Nice vote are unheard of even in the time of Napoleon I. We
believe here that thousands of Piedmontese having no residence were sent to
vote. However, there is a real majority, though nothing like the unanimity
pretended. In Savoy there is entire unanimity. I suppose Normanby believes
the Tuscans have not voted for their annexation; but he believes whatever
anybody writes to him from Florence.

_To Lord Brougham_

_C. O., May 16th._--I cannot remember any passage in Macaulay's writings
which can be called an attack on Henry V. In the Introduction to the
'History of England' there is a passage in which he speaks of the French
wars of the English kings, and speculates on the results which might have
ensued if the conquests of Henry V. had not been lost by Henry VI. Perhaps
this is what Lord Glenelg meant; but I am writing from the office, where I
have not the books to refer to.

I don't know what sort of monument the Lord Chief Baron proposes to erect.
To put Macaulay on a level with Newton and Bacon would be absurd. His mind
was essentially what the geologists would call 'a tertiary formation;'
theirs were 'protogenic.' But I think some monument to Macaulay may very
fitly be placed in Trinity Chapel. We meet on Tuesday to consider what is
to be done for Hallam in Westminster Abbey; but there will certainly be no
statue, probably a slab and bust only.

I hope you are coming up for the debate in the Lords on Monday,[Footnote:
On the repeal of the paper duty, a Government measure, which was rejected
by the Lords.] which will be one of great interest. I cannot think there is
anything solid in the so-called constitutional objection--which is to be
urged on behalf of the Government--to the interference of the House of
Lords with a bill of this nature.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_Grosvenor Crescent, May 16th._--Many thanks for your letter and opinion of
Aix-la-Chapelle waters, which seem exactly to fit my case, but I should be
very reluctant to go there just now, as the inconvenience of it would be
great. I shall try change of air next week, and, if that won't do, why
_alors, comme alors,_ as the life I am now leading is intolerable. The gout
came again very sharply last night, but not, I am sure, owing to your most
agreeable dinner, which could only do good. I have not passed three such
pleasant hours for a long while.

I have seen one or two peers to-day sorely puzzled as to the vote they
shall give on Monday. My only doubt is about the damage it may do the House
of Lords; and I can't quite go Lyndhurst's [Footnote: In a closely reasoned
speech, rightly considered remarkable from a man of eighty-eight, Lord
Lyndhurst maintained that it was no unusual thing for the Lords to veto
bills for repealing taxes as well as bills for inflicting them, and quoted
numerous precedents. The bill was thrown out by 193 to 104.] length,
who says that if there is no precedent it is high time, and the proper
opportunity, to make one.

The Journal here records:--

Mr. Greville resigned the clerkship of the council in May; as Mr. Bathurst
could not carry on the business, he had to resign too [Footnote: This is
written on the blank page of the 'Chronology,' apparently from memory, and
the dates are somewhat confused. Greville resigned in May 1859. It was then
settled that there should be but one clerk; Bathurst acted by himself for a
twelvemonth, and resigned in May 1860.]. It was settled that there should
be but one clerk of the council. Lord Granville, I believe, wished to
appoint me, but some obstacle stood in the way. I never exactly knew what;
but if it was the Court, it is singular that I should have been so well
received at Balmoral. What I desired was that the registrarship of the P.
C. should become the second clerkship of the council, I offering to do my
share of the general business; but this they declined. On June 9th Arthur
Helps was appointed clerk of the council. I felt great irritation at the
manner in which I had been treated; but it certainly turned out very well
for me in the end, as I continued to hold an easier office, and eventually
obtained the same income, without the annoyance of attending the Court at
Balmoral, or Osborne, or elsewhere.

On May 15th we had to dinner Lord Clarendon, Prince Dolgoroukow (the
one who wrote the book [Footnote: _La Verité sur la Russie_, 1860. Cf.
_Edinburgh Review_, July 1860, p. 175.] on Russia), Lord Stanley, Sir R.
and Lady E. Peel, Hodgson, and Cornewall Legh.

On August 4th we made an expedition from Farnborough, with the Longmans, to
Selborne. Lunch with T. Bell. [Footnote: The editor of White's _Selborne_]
Walked to the Lithe and the Hanger. A charming day.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Brougham, August 5th._--I have been reading the last 'E. R.,' which is a
most excellent number. The ballot article [Footnote: 'Secret Voting and
Parliamentary Reform.'] is admirable, and will prove useful. I may send
you a few remarks on the G. Rose article. [Footnote: 'Diaries and
Correspondence of George Rose.'] But I am delighted with the showing up
of Miss Assing, [Footnote: 'Correspondence of Humboldt and Varnhagen von
Ense.' In editing this, Miss Assing had shown--according to the _Review_--a
singular want of taste and discretion.] only I don't think it is as much as
she deserves.

_To Lord Brougham_

_C. O., August 7th._--I have been making short country visits at several
places near London since the termination of my Judicial Committee labours,
or I should certainly have called to see you before you left Grafton
Street. Now I am starting on Saturday next for Aix-la-Chapelle, where I
propose to take a few baths. I return on the 25th, and shall proceed to
Aberdeenshire at the end of the month....

The victory of the Government last night was very decisive;[Footnote: On
the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the reduction of the duty
on paper.] and I am heartily glad of it, for the protectionist cry of the
paper-makers took one back before the Deluge.

I saw Mrs. Austin yesterday at Weybridge, and was glad to find her so well.
She desired to be remembered to you. She is very busy with J. Austin's
MSS.; but, in fact, they are in perfect order, and might be sent at once to
the press.

And then the Journal--

Later in August went to Aix. I went over to Bonn to see Bunsen, who was
dying, but full of enthusiasm for Italy. Came home on August 27th.




CHAPTER XIV

LITERATURE AND POLITICS


Early in August Mrs. Henry Reeve had gone on a visit into Dorsetshire, and
at the time of her husband's return from Aix was in Cornwall--at Pencarrow,
near Bodmin--on a visit to her old friend, Lady Molesworth. Reeve, thus
left to himself, started almost immediately for Scotland on a visit to Sir
James Clark, who, with Lady Clark and his son--the present baronet--was
then living up Dee-side at Birk Hall, lent him by the Queen.

The Journal's scanty notices of a very interesting visit can be happily
replaced by extracts from the letters which he wrote almost daily to his
wife at Pencarrow.

_To Mrs. Henry Reeve_

Birk Hall, Ballater, September 1st.

My dearest wife,--Matters have turned out here very pleasantly. I proceeded
to Aboyne by rail, and then posted along the Dee-side to this place--the
Strath most beautiful; a lovely mixture of wood, water, and heather, with
mountains beyond. I got here just before six, and found the Clarks and Van
de Weyers sitting down to an early dinner in order to go to the Gillies'
Ball at Balmoral, in honour of the Prince's birthday, to which I found
myself also invited. We drove up to the Castle, which is eight miles off,
through a fine wooded glen, in the moonlight. The old house of Balmoral has
quite disappeared, and the Castle is now a very fine edifice, decorated in
excellent taste. On arriving, we waited in the library, where arrived Lady
John Russell and her boys, the Farquharsons of Invercauld, young Peel
[Footnote: Robert Kennedy Peel; son of Lady Alice and Colonel Peel, who had
been Secretary of State for War in the Derby Ministry of 1858-9.] (Lady
A.'s son), the William Russells, the Duke of Argyll--and then the Court.
Nobody was in mourning, as it was a birthday; the Queen in white, with a
floating sash of Royal Stuart tartan from her shoulders: about half the men
in kilts. The Queen made a circle, and then we went into the ball-room,
where about a hundred and fifty of the tenants, servants, &c., with their
wives and daughters, were assembled. Reels then began, which were danced
with great energy, and also jigs--very droll. Prince Arthur danced like
mad; and Princess Alice was 'weel ta'en out' by the gamekeeper. I stood
in a corner talking with the Duke of Argyll, &c. At last the Prince came
round, and conversed very courteously for ten minutes. He had heard I
had been in Germany lately, so we soon got into the heart of German and
Austrian questions. All this lasted two hours, and then the Queen withdrew
into the supper-room, where there were sandwiches and champagne. She went
round again, and talked to Lord Melville, behind whom I was standing, and
then made me a very gracious bow, but without saying anything to myself.
Soon afterwards we drove home, and got back here at half-past one. To-day
we are going up to Balmoral again to write our names and see the Castle;
and to-morrow the Queen is coming here to call on Mme. Van de Weyer. I am
rather amused, after divers recent occurrences, to find myself in so much
royalty, and I had not anticipated any civility from them. But I see
the Clarks are very kind about it, having had Helps here last week, and
probably are desirous to remove any misconception which may have existed.
So that, in fact, nothing can turn out better, and I have certainly no
reason to be dissatisfied with my reception.

Ever yours most affectionately,

H. REEVE.

_Birk Hall, September 4th_.--At last we have got a beautiful day, quite
warm and bright. Nothing can be more lovely than this Strath of the
Dee, with its birch woods and pine-covered mountains. We went up a hill
yesterday--the Coyle--and looked across the glen to the broad snow fields
which still encircle the black cliffs of Lochnagar. To-day we are going up
to Alt na Ghuissac, and shall lunch at the Queen's hut. H. M. called here
on Sunday, and was remarkably pleasant and jolly. P. Albert drove, with P.
Leiningen on the box; the Queen, Princess Alice, and Princess Leiningen in
the carriage, and one man on a seat behind. Nothing can be more simple,
courteous, and even droll, than she is, seen in this way, eating Scotch
cakes, and asking for the 'prescription' to make them, and making Leiningen
taste the birch wine--which is not bad. To-day they are gone on a wild
expedition over the hills, and are to sleep in some little inn on the
brae-side, where the people are supposed not to know who they are. The
Queen will be seven hours on her pony. She rides through all weathers and
over all places, and chaffs everybody for not taking exercise enough.

I shall leave this on Friday for Braemar--else I should have to appear
at another Balmoral ball--and on Saturday proceed to Keir, where I spend
Sunday with Stirling, who is very sorry you are not of the party. On Monday
I go on to the Moncreiffs, at Alva (near Stirling), and on Thursday to
Kirklands, making some calls in Edinburgh as I go through.

_Birk Hall, September 5th_.--The day kept its promise, and was fair to
the end. We drove up this glen, which is Glen Muich, to the loch which
terminates it, about six miles off. There stands the Queen's hut, with a
few fir-trees about it. It deserves its name--a small Highland cottage,
with a room on each side the door and two rooms behind; a little plain
wooden furniture and a Kidderminster carpet. There are two or three other
wooden cottages about for the attendants. Here we lunched--for everybody
lunches in this royal region; and then mountain ponies to go up to the Dhu
Loch, about 1,200 feet higher--very wild, grand scenery, and a very rough,
boggy path, on which Van de Weyer's contortions were very droll. Madame
stayed under the royal honeysuckles below.

I suppose Hopie and I shall go to Raith on the 15th, if they can take us
in. At any rate, we shall leave Kirklands on that day; but our movements
cannot be quite fixed till we hear.

_Braemar, September 7th_.--Very fortunately I have had magnificent weather
just when I wanted it. Clark gave me two good days of shooting on the hill
on Wednesday and yesterday; we got about ten brace each day, and I had a
famous hard walk. This morning I came on here by the Queen's private road
through Balmoral and Invercauld. The scenery is wonderfully beautiful; and,
if it were not for my love of the sea, I should admit that Braemar is the
finest thing in Scotland. I have been up the glen this afternoon, past Mar
Lodge, to the Linn of Dee--a fine cascade through rocks; the water is so
clear that you can see the rocks under it, and wild blasted pines growing
all round. I was sorry to leave Birk Hall. The Clarks are admirable hosts,
and made their house most agreeable.... You will have lamented, as I do,
the untimely cutting off of our poor friend, the late Lord High--I mean
Ward. [Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 314.] There seems to be a fatality
about Madras. _Somme toute_, the more I see of the chances of life, the
more I am persuaded that, as my lot has been cast on such small but easy
cushions, I ought to be perfectly content.

The Queen came back on Wednesday night in high glee with her lark over the
hills to Grantown. [Footnote: The Queen's account of this 'lark over the
hills' is in _Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands_ (8vo.
1868), pp. 189-203.] They slept at a very little Highland inn, and were
waited on by the maid only. The beds were awful, for they could not stand
the feather bed, and, that being thrown aside, nothing soft remained
beneath. General Grey found it so hard that he got up and put on his
clothes to lie in. However, they were in high glee, and were not found out
till they went away in the morning, when the man of the house said, 'Gin
I'd known it was the Queen, I'd hae put on my Sunday claiths and waited on
her mysel'.' They gave the Highland lassie a 5 £. note, at which she nearly
fainted.

I hope by this time to-morrow I shall be at Keir. I am here at a little
Highland inn for to-night, but not so ill off as H. M. I shall have to post
to Blairgowrie to-morrow to get there in time for the train.

_Keir, near Dunblane, September 9th_.--I left Braemar yesterday morning
at 6 A.M.; posted across the Grampians by a very wild pass; reached the
railroad at Blairgowrie, and came on here in the afternoon. The first
person I found in the hall was Motley. His wife and Lily arrived in the
evening. Mrs. Norton, the Wyses, and Sir James Campbell also here. A most
pleasant party to fall into, and your absence very much regretted. Keir is
more beautiful than ever, and glorious in this fine weather which floods
the Carse of Stirling with light. It really does seem as if the harvest
would pick itself up after all.

I shall proceed to Alva to-morrow, and to Kirklands on Wednesday. I don't
yet know whether the Fergusons can receive us on the 15th. If they can,
we shall go to Raith on that day, and return to London from Edinburgh by
sea.... At any rate, I expect to be in London either on Friday, 21st, or
Monday, 24th--I'm not quite sure which. I suppose, if you don't go to
Saltram, you will come up about the same time. There will be a good many
things to look after and think of for the Spanish expedition. I am up to my
neck here in Stirling's Spanish books.

P.S.--I am a year older to-day than I was yesterday.

The Journal records that he returned to London on September 22nd.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_Wiesbaden, September 14th._--I have been idle and absent at Baden, or I
should sooner have answered your letter and told you with what pleasure we
will execute your commission. [Footnote: See _post_, p. 54.] I was very
sorry to have missed you here, though it would have been but a glimpse, as
you were going next morning. I shall hope to see you before you start on
your enviable Spanish tour, as I mean to go home as soon as my cure
is complete, for Lady C. feels Alice's absence, [Footnote: Lady Alice
Villiers, married on August 16th, 1860, to Lord Skelmersdale, created Earl
of Lathom in 1880. She was accidentally killed by the overturning of her
carriage on November 23rd, 1897.] and is lonely with only two children out
of six.

I passed two very pleasant days at Baden with the Aug. Loftuses and the
Princess of Prussia, who is domiciled there, and we returned last night.

_The Grove, September 30th_.--I returned here last night without touching
at Grosvenor Crescent. If I had gone there, I should have been at home ten
minutes within the twenty hours from Paris, which is a fair rate of speed
when one remembers that in pre-railway days one travelled hard and got
shaken much to arrive at Paris in three days; and in pre-steamer times I
was once eighteen hours in getting from Calais to Dover. Yet people are not
satisfied; and Rothschild told me he was bullied by everybody about the
slowness of the Ligne du Nord.

I am afraid I shall not have the pleasure of seeing you, as I cannot go to
London to-morrow, and from Tuesday till Friday we are engaged to the
John Thynnes. In the improbable event of your charming expedition being
postponed, we should be quite delighted if you and Mrs. and Miss Reeve
would come here on Saturday.

As it is now nearly twenty-two years since I left Spain (how time flies!),
new generations have sprung up of whom I know nothing. There are two
persons--Mme. de Montijo and Olozaga [Footnote: Reeve had known him as the
Spanish ambassador in Paris fifteen years.]--who I should have liked you
to see as social and political _ciceroni_; but the former is at Paris, in
the deepest affliction at the death of her daughter, and the latter is just
gone to Italy, as I heard two days ago from Howden. Of course you know that
clever, agreeable little fellow Comyn, who was _chargé d'affaires_ here,
and is now under-secretary at the F.O. in Madrid? If not, I will send you a
letter to him.

I wound up at Wiesbaden by a severe attack of gout, which seemed to please
my Esculapius more than it did me; for when I showed him my misshapen
scarlet claw of a foot, he rubbed his hands and said, 'Oh dat is a
beautiful manifest podagra.' It came just at the same time as the
Skelmersdales, and prevented my going about with them. Wasn't that just
like the gout?

I never doubted that as soon as the guerillero business was over and civil
organisation began, Garibaldi would prove a mischievous, spoiled child....
The French Government and their friends want the Pope to remain at Rome,
thinking that _la France Catholique_ would resent his evasion, as a proof
of mistrust of the Emperor; but the Emperor wants him to go; as he would
then withdraw his garrison and let Rome take its chance, which he thinks
would close his accounts with the followers of Orsini; and he dislikes
having to reinforce his garrison, which he must do if the Pope decides on
remaining.

I have brought the amethyst beads you desired to have for Mme. Van de
Weyer, and I dare say somebody will be going up to-morrow or next day by
whom I can send them to you. The man wanted rather more than 5 £ for them,
but on my walking away from his shop, he, of course, gave them for that
sum.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Brougham, October 1st_.--We have all here been greatly disappointed at not
having seen you and our kinswoman,[Footnote: Miss Reeve, Brougham's second
cousin twice removed. Through the Robertsons, Brougham and John Richardson
were second cousins.] and I believe we have little chance now, as you
talked of going abroad as soon as your quarterly labours were over. We
shall be here the whole month; then take our southward flight....

If you can find an opportunity of noticing my volume on the Constitution
which is to appear in November, it would be very serviceable to the
publisher. It is only a reprint of that part of the 'Political Philosophy,'
and lays down true and sound principles--at this time necessary to be well
learnt.

_To Lord Brougham_

_62 Rutland Gate, October 2nd_.--I am extremely obliged to you for the copy
of your Glasgow address, which in some degree consoles me for not having
heard it, and for having lost the pleasure of seeing you this year at
Brougham. Nothing can be more felicitous than some of the illustrations you
have introduced, and the occasion of a mere scientific meeting has been
turned to the best political purpose. No doubt in that region the absence
of party gives a broader and a nobler aim to the exertions of your society,
and it is gratifying to see how heartily men meet to combine, in these
days, without party badges. But if this opinion were to be expressed by the
'Edinburgh Review,' we should be told by John Russell & Co. that we have
no business to wear blue and buff, which is the final cause of reviews and
editors.

The political article which I have just sent to the press is on the United
States under Mr. Buchanan--a great show-up of that scandalous scene of
corruption, slave-trading, and anarchy. I am afraid it is now too late to
introduce an allusion to your discourse. As to home politics, there is
little to be said; as to Continental affairs, there is too much. The
mountebanks in Southern Italy have now very nearly upset the coach, and the
question is whether the Sardinians or the French are to march to Naples. I
hope it will be the former, but it is quite clear Louis Napoleon means to
support the Pope in Rome.

Lord Clarendon is just come back from Wiesbaden. We start on Saturday for
Madrid, _via_ Valencia, and shall be about six weeks in Spain and Portugal.

And so they started--Reeve, his wife, and daughter--Reeve, as usual,
noting merely the stages of the tour, trusting to his wife to fill in
the details. Extracts from Mrs. Reeve's Journal are here given in square
brackets.

_Journal_

_October 8th_.--We started for Spain by Paris, Lyons, and Marseilles.
Sailed in the 'Céphise' for Valencia on the 10th.

_11th_.--[Hopie and I came on deck soon after eight. We spent the day lying
down, and only caught glimpses of the coast of Spain when a roll of the
'Céphise' brought land and sea above the line of her sides.]

_12th_.--[About 4 A.M. the wind changed, and we were able to use sail,
which steadied the vessel, besides assisting her progress. I went on deck
at nine, found the Mediterranean more like my 'Caire' experience, and was
told that we should probably be at Grao by twelve.... Henry has set up an
acquaintance with a Mexican who knows a little of England and English, and
is going to pass the winter at Valencia. About one o'clock we were in the
harbour of Grao. We landed in boats, and found ourselves surrounded by
a crowd of clamorous porters and _tartana_ drivers--one of the scenes
characteristic of landing in a country where police regulations do not
exist ensued. However, Henry's Mexican acquaintance came to his rescue, and
two courteous Gauls to mine. They were taking the French despatches into
Valencia, and offered Hopie and me seats in their _tartana_--a covered cart
not on springs, which is the cab of the country. We joyfully accepted,
leaving Henry to struggle through custom-house and other difficulties as
best he could. The drive (into Valencia) is about two miles, part shaded by
an avenue and carefully watered by men stationed at intervals, who ladled
the water in buckets out of the runlets on each side of the road. We took
up our quarters at the Fonda de Paris, and congratulated each other on
having arrived in Spain.]

_13th_.--[We went out at eight o'clock. Our first point was the market,
which we found in full activity. Such supplies of fruit and vegetables can
only be found in a city surrounded by leagues of _huerta_.... We went to
the _plateria_, but found the shops poor, and the articles displayed were
coarse and ill-wrought. We visited the churches of St. Martin, St. John,
and the cathedral, and ascended the tower _del Miguelete_. The churches are
so dark that it is quite impossible to distinguish the pictures, much less
to judge of their beauty. The panorama from the tower is most beautiful:
the city and plain of Valencia, the Mediterranean and the encircling
mountains, the fertile _huerta_, and the glorious sky of deepest blue
above....

Placards of a bull-fight on the morrow caught our eyes; and Hopie and I,
taking the bull by the horns, declared our intention of going to it, and
suggested that places should be taken. After a very feeble resistance,
Henry consented, and our _valet-de-place_ was directed to ascertain the
price of a box.]

_14th_.--[The price asked for a box being too high, we took reserved seats,
and at two o'clock started on foot.... The Plaza de Toros at Valencia is a
new building, only completed this year; it holds twenty thousand persons,
and is the largest in Spain.... 'El Tato' is the second _matador_ of Spain:
he is a well-looking and remarkably well-grown young man, and a well-grown
figure is set off to great advantage by the dress. The horses used are only
fit for the knacker's yard; they are contracted for at about six pounds
each; on this occasion thirteen or fourteen were killed. As regards the
horses, it is a cruel and disgusting sight; but as between the bull and the
_matador_, the display of courage, eye and presence of mind, as well as of
skill and agility, is most interesting and exciting.] We saw 'El Tato' kill
six bulls.... [At dinner our conversation turned on the sight of the day.
'Tableau de moeurs espagnoles,' said a Frenchman, raising his shoulders.
'In Peru, where I have seen many bull-fights,' he went on, 'they use
high-spirited and valuable horses, and the _picador_ would be for ever
disgraced if he allowed the bull to touch his horse.']

_15th_. [From Valencia to Madrid is 308 miles; the time from 4 P.M. to 6.20
A.M., and our train was pretty punctual.]

_16th_.--Saw Isabella and her Court enter Madrid. She was shot at [by a
foolish, half-witted lad, who did not know how to load his pistol, and had
no motive for the crime, or rather attempt]. Delighted with the gallery.
[There are a few seats and no visitors; and the wisest thing travellers can
do, and by far the pleasantest, is to spend all the hours of all the
days they are in Madrid that the gallery is open in contemplating its
treasures.]

_17th_.--[Immediately after breakfast, Hopie and I went to the Museum.
Henry joined us presently, and we remained till four o'clock.]

_18th, Thursday_.--[We had intended to make the Toledo excursion to-day,
but an undoubted attack of gout confines Henry to the sofa. Hopie and I
walked before breakfast to the Church of the Atocha, where we were shown
... in a wardrobe in the vestry, the crimson velvet robe which Isabella had
on when the Curé Merino stabbed her. [Footnote: On her way to the church,
February 2nd, 1852. The priest, a Franciscan, was garotted in due course.]
It has the stain of blood on the lining; the massive embroidery in gold
saved her life by turning aside the knife.... After breakfast we took a
walk through the unfashionable parts of the town: narrow streets, noisy
and crowded, where open stores with bright-coloured scarfs and petticoats
collected round them men in the peasant dress--short jackets, breeches, and
gaiters partly open. These were picturesque, but the streets and houses
were uninteresting enough.

There can be no doubt that Madrid is the least interesting capital in
Europe, and that it is only worth the traveller's while to go there for the
sake of the pictures.... It is settled that we leave Madrid on Saturday
evening, and Henry has therefore consented to our going to Toledo tomorrow
without him.]

_19th_,--[Excursion to Toledo, fifty-six miles by rail.]

_20th, Saturday_.--[After dinner started for Granada, where, after
thirty-six hours (rail and diligence), we arrived on Monday morning.]

_27th, Saturday_.--[At 6 P.M. we stow ourselves in the interior of the
diligence, and pound along the dusty road towards Santa Fé. It is dusk
before we get there, and dark after.]

_28th, Sunday_.--[From Granada to Malaga is seventy-six miles. Guards
are not only stationed along the road, but two or three are taken on the
diligence. The roads were not good; we seemed to be crossing a series of
sierras, and when day dawned, after a fresh, almost cold night, we found
ourselves amid ghaut-like hills, and wondered when the topmost point would
be gained and the descent to Malaga begun. I think it is at Fuente de la
Reina that the magnificent view of the Mediterranean, the port and city
of Malaga, and the long perspective of zigzags down spurs of mountains is
seen. Neither the French nor English Handbook speaks of this view with
the enthusiasm it deserves. It is far finer than the view on the heights
looking down on Trieste and the Adriatic.... We entered Malaga about 10
A.M.; the descent had taken about two hours.]

_29th_.--[Very early it was announced that an unexpected boat had come in,
and was going on to Cadiz.... At 2 P.M. we went on board... but she did not
steam till six. We should have been very irate at the delay but for the
remarkably good dinner they gave us.... We made a détour and went very slow
at starting, to avoid a vessel sunk in the harbour, on which a provisional
pharo is placed. This vessel, the 'Genova,' had on board shells and powder
for the Morocco war, when it was discovered that spontaneous combustion had
broken out in the coal--a defect of Spanish coal--and, fearing she would
not only blow up herself but also the city of Malaga, they determined to
sink her; and, after a deal of bad practice by the guns of fort and fleet,
she went under water, and there she has been eight months.]

_30th_.--[Cadiz. On the 31st crossed over to Puerto Santa Maria; and on
November 1st to Seville by rail.]

_November 2nd_.--[Henry has again a threatening of gout, and must have
recourse to rest and remedial measures. He sent us out to buy the works of
'Fernan Caballero;' but only one volume was to be had, and no explanation
was given us of the strange fact that the writings of the most popular
novelist in Spain are not to be obtained in the capital of Andalusia,
where she lives, and whence all her characters and scenery are taken.
No satisfactory map or guide-book of Seville could be found. I took a
catalogue of the books that the shop contained back to Henry. They were
chiefly of a religious character. Hopie and I took an exploring walk as far
as the Plaza and Church of San Lorenzo, stopping now and then to peep into
the cool _patios_ filled with flowers, and a murmuring fountain often in
the middle, which you see through the corridor, sometimes with a door of
iron trellis, sometimes open. All the windows of the basement have iron
gratings and wooden shutters; and the courting and sweethearting is carried
on with the lady inside and the lover outside the railing. Not that we saw
anything of the kind as it takes place of an evening; but the construction
of the houses explains the descriptions as given in these charming tales of
'Fernan Caballero.']

_3rd_.--[Hopie and I set out to 'do churches'... After breakfast to the
Museum.... We then joined Henry, who was better, and had been to call at
the Palace, and drove to Alfarache, about four miles' distance.]

_4th_.--[In the afternoon to Cordova (eighty-one miles), returning to
Seville on the evening of the 5th.]

_6th_.--[A decidedly grey day, unfortunately for our plans of
picture-seeing. We did a little shopping... and then went to the Museum;
but, alas! there was not more light than you would have in Trafalgar
Square; and those Murillos at a distance from the window were scarcely
visible. We were so vexed on Henry's account. We spent the afternoon in
writing letters, bathing our faces with milk, and hoping the mosquito
bites, which have driven us well-nigh distracted, will be less conspicuous
to-morrow, when we are to spend the morning at the Palace, and be presented
to the Infanta.]

_7th_.--[Nine o'clock was the hour named by the Duke, and a few minutes
after we were at the Palace of San Telmo (in bonnets and our tidiest
dresses). We were shown into a room on the ground floor, and in a few
seconds the Duc de Montpensier [Footnote: For the circumstances of the Duc
de Montpensier's marriage, see _ante_, vol. i. p. 181.] came in attended by
an A.D.C. He received us very graciously, asked if we would drive or walk
round the grounds, and said he thought we had better see the gardens first,
and then the house and pictures.... Our promenade, with an occasional rest,
took nearly two hours; and then, returning to the Palace, H.R.H. showed us
the state rooms and the pictures, many of great beauty and merit, all very
interesting; and then, suggesting we should like to take off our bonnets,
desired the A.D.C. to show us rooms.... A servant waiting outside the door
showed us into a drawing-room upstairs, where we found two ladies of the
Infanta's suite, and an old marquis, whose gold key showed he was the
chamberlain. In a few minutes the double doors of a larger room were thrown
open, and 'los Duques' and the four Infantas, their daughters, came in....
When the _dejeuner dinatoire_ was announced, the Duke told Henry to offer
his arm to the Duchess, then he advanced towards me, the chamberlain took
Hopie, the children and the suite followed. We were eighteen at table. ...
Servants stood behind us with paper flappers, whisking away the flies, who
swarmed round the sweet dishes on the table; and H.R.H. complaining of _les
mouches_, I ventured to complain of _les moustiques_. He smiled, and said,
'I noticed that you had been victimised.' Breakfast was very gay and
agreeable; the Duke has the family talent for conversation, and the Duchess
is very amiable, and of course speaks French. She wore a high, plain silk
dress of the prevailing colour, and a black chenille net. The Infantas had
black silk skirts with a broad piece of black velvet at the bottom, and
white piqué shirts. We left the table in the same order as before, and,
after a few minutes in the salon, the Duke took Henry into his private
room. The Duchess requested us to be seated, and asked us questions about
our tour, &c.... and then, rising, she said Adieu, and left the room. The
Duke took us to the large library on the ground floor, to show us the
albums and other things of interest.... There was an interesting portrait
of an elderly lady in a black dress and mantilla, which H.R.H. pointed out
as being that of the lady who writes under the name of 'Fernan Caballero;'
and on Henry's mentioning that we had tried in vain to purchase her novels,
he desired the librarian to see whether there were duplicate copies, and,
on hearing there were, gave us a set, as well as a coloured lithograph of
the Palace and photographs of the Duchess, himself, and the princesses....
It was altogether a most interesting and agreeable morning, and we came
away charmed with the courtesy and kindness of 'los Duques.']

_9th_.--Back to Cadiz; very stormy voyage to Lisbon. Home to Southampton,
November 22nd.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, December 6th_.--I was glad to get your letter, as I thought you
must be due about this time, and I had not heard of your arrival. I can
imagine no change for the worse equal to that of coming from the blue sky
and thermometer of Andalusia to the fogs and hydrometer of London, and your
impaired respiratory organs must make that change peculiarly pleasant.

I am very glad your impressions of Spain are the same as Granville's.
He raves of the things he has seen, and of the good hotels and general
civility; and says he tasted no garlic since he dined at the Maison Dorée
at Paris. Spain must indeed be changed since my time!

We returned from Ashridge [Footnote: The seat of Lord Brownlow.] this
afternoon, and are off again next week. Paterfamilias is obliged to drink
the cup of gaiety to the dregs, which is almost worse than being in office.

Pray remember us very kindly to Mrs. Reeve. As soon as we are free agents,
we shall hope for the pleasure of seeing you here.

_To Lord Brougham_

_C. O., December 10th_. I have not the slightest intention of plunging at
present into the turbid waters of Indian finance, still less of engaging in
the personal controversy of Trevelyan's merits or grievances.... I am not
sure that his view of extensive reduction is not, in reality, more rational
and possible than Wilson's view of extensive taxation. Probably, however,
both will be needed before we have done. But I suspend my judgement on the
question, and I shall not venture to discuss it in the 'Review' at present.

We returned from Spain and Portugal a few days after you had the kindness
to call in Rutland Gate. I proceeded immediately to call on you in Grafton
Street, but you had already gone north. Since then I have been unceasingly
occupied at the Judicial Committee. Our journey was very successful and
agreeable. We coasted round the whole peninsula, and went up to Madrid,
Grenada, Seville, Cordova, &c.

The changes taking place in France are (if sincere) most remarkable. My
friends think that one of L. N.'s objects is to have a debate on his
foreign policy and his relations with Italy, which--as he well knows--will
be extremely adverse to the Italian cause, and afford him a pretext for
abandoning Victor Emanuel. There is some idea that when Francis II.
evacuates Gaëta, he will surrender it, not to Victor Emanuel, but to
France. I expect this affair in Southern Italy to end by a Muratist
demonstration; in other words, the Neapolitans will place themselves under
the protection of France to escape from the Piedmontese.... Thank God, your
namesake and my friend, Henry Brougham Loch,[Footnote: Now Lord Loch,
then secretary to Lord Elgin, in China. He and Harry Parkes had been
treacherously seized by the Chinese on September 18th, and kept in vilest
durance and imminent danger of being put to death till October 8th, when,
after the capture of the Summer Palace, both the prisoners were released.]
is safe. We have been very uneasy about him, and not without cause. The
China war is a slough of despond: the further we advance the more we shall
flounder, until we are half ruined by our successes.

_62 Rutland Gate, December 24th_.--I have shut myself up for some days, to
try to get rid of an irritation in the larynx, which has troubled me for
some time past; but in this weather one's library is the most secure
retreat.

_62 Rutland Gate, January 3rd_.--I see the Court of Queen's Bench in Canada
has decided in favour of the extradition of the fugitive slave who turned
and slew his pursuer. This surprises me; for surely, by our law, such an
act is not murder. What, however, interests me most is to know whether the
case can be brought up to the Privy Council by way of appeal. I do not
know what form the proceedings in Canada have taken; but I apprehend the
proceedings are civil, not criminal, and therefore appealable. If it does
come here, it will be a matter of great interest.

The reference is to the celebrated case of John Anderson--or Jack--a negro
of Missouri, who, in 1853, had been met by one Diggs, a white man, thirty
miles away from his home. In accordance with the laws of the State, Diggs
attempted to seize him. Anderson killed Diggs, and--by 'the underground
railway'--made good his escape to Canada, where he had lived ever since.
In 1860 he had been recognised, and, on formal application for his
extradition, he had been arrested. The Court of Queen's Bench in Canada
accepted the argument that they had to decide only as to the evidence of
the commission of the crime, not as to the nature of it, and remanded the
prisoner. In England the excitement was very great. The Secretary of State
sent out an order that Anderson was not to be given up without instructions
from him; and the Court of Queen's Bench sent out a writ of _habeas
corpus_, directing the man to be brought before it. But meanwhile an
application for a writ of _habeas corpus_ had been made to the Court
of Common Pleas in Canada, and the prisoner had been discharged on the
technical ground that he was not charged with any crime included in the
Extradition Treaty, as, for instance, murder; for the indictment was that
he did 'wilfully, maliciously and feloniously stab and kill, &c.,' words
which meant, inferentially, manslaughter; and manslaughter was not
recognised by the treaty.[Footnote: See _Annual Register_, 1831, part ii.
p. 520.]

The Journal here mentions the awfully sudden death of a friend of many
years' standing:--

_January 8th_.--The Frederick Elliots and Marochettis dined with us. There
was a frost, and torches on the Serpentine. Mrs. F. Elliot drove round to
see it, and went home and died in the night [of a spasm of the heart. The
news reached Reeve by a note from Mr. Elliot, dated seven o'clock in the
morning].

_From Mr. E. Twisleton_

Bonchurch, January 24th.

My dear Reeve,--I am much obliged to you for your letter of the 18th
instant, which has been forwarded to me here. I am sorry to say that I
have so much on my hands at present that I could not undertake to write an
article on American affairs; though I am equally obliged to you for the
proposal.

I lament what has taken place in the United States. Although, in a narrow
political sense, a disruption may be useful to England, in another point of
view it is a misfortune, inasmuch as the maintenance of one confederation
during seventy-two years, over such a vast extent of territory, with no
civil war, and only two foreign wars, is the greatest thing which the
English race has done out of England, and its dissolution is sure to be
viewed with pleasure by all who in their hearts hate free institutions and
the English race.

Since Brown's attempt to excite an insurrection of the slaves in Virginia,
I have thought it impossible to avoid a civil war, if the anti-slavery
feeling in the North went on increasing in intensity, as I have known it
to increase during the last ten years; but I had not the most distant idea
that Lincoln's election would lead to immediate secession on the part of
even a single state. In the north of the Union they have been absolutely
taken by surprise, and have hardly yet made up their minds as to the course
they will pursue. If Congress had merely to deal with South Carolina, it
could easily checkmate that one state; but the difficulty arises from the
_number_ of states, which either side with South Carolina or will not act
against her.

I have the highest respect for Tocqueville's opinion; but I do not happen
to remember what he has written respecting secession. I well understand the
difficulty for a confederation if any one state has a settled permanent
determination to secede from it. But, under the constitution, Congress has
ample powers to levy the federal revenue and maintain the laws of the
Union in South Carolina--and to pass all laws necessary for this purpose.
Moreover, everyone in the Union who levies war against the United States
Government is guilty of treason, and there is no recognition in the
constitution of any right in any state to secede from the Union. Under
these circumstances, everyone in South Carolina caught in arms against the
federal Government is liable to be hanged. With such laws and powers, an
united Congress and a resolute president, like General Jackson, would soon
reduce South Carolina to submission; and my belief is that the same might
be the case if there were a league against the Union of the cotton states
alone. For a time Congress would baffle such a league quite as effectually
as the Swiss Confederation put down the Sonderbund.

Pray give my kind regards to Mrs. Reeve. I expect to be in London at the
end of next week, and I shall be happy to communicate and receive ideas on
American politics. The critical point at present is the course which will
be pursued by Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia. Yours very truly,

EDWARD TWISLETON.

The Journal notes:--

_February 26th_.--Dined with the Apponyis, now Austrian ambassador; Duchess
of Wellington, Clarendon, Lewis, Lady Westmorland, and Mme. de Bury, who
was in great favour at Vienna.

_To Lord Brougham_

_62 Rutland Gate, March 1st_.--Never was a session opened with so little
interest. I believe it is quite true that the Tories are resolved to
_ménager_ Palmerston as much as possible, and to enter into no hostile
combinations against him with the Radicals. In fact, Palmerston is gaining
ground with the Conservatives, and losing it with some sections of the
Liberals. He has exasperated the Irish Catholics to the last degree; and
for my own part, I think his language and conduct about Mr. Turnbull's
resignation highly discreditable. It is another specimen of the unhappy
influence of Shaftesbury's ignorance and bigotry. However, the practical
result is that the Government have lost Cork by a large majority, and that
at the next election there will hardly be a ministerial candidate returned
in Ireland.

It is impossible not to see that the general tendency of the public mind in
this country is rather towards conservatism than reform. Even the reformers
are compelled to haul down their bill; and if the Tories had better men to
fill the offices, I think they would, in two or three years, have a fair
chance of regaining power and keeping it.

At the present moment, the bishops seem to be the most eager combatants; in
France they are denouncing the Emperor [Footnote: In January 1860 Reeve was
told in Paris that the Pope spoke of him as the beast of the Apocalypse.]
as Pontius Pilate; in England they are thirsting for the blood of a few
heterodox parsons. Nothing is talked of here but 'Essays and Reviews.' In
my humble opinion they by no means deserve the importance attached to them,
either in point of style or in point of substance.

Keep my secret, but I have in preparation a regular mine under Eton
College. There has been of late a good deal of discussion about it, with
very little knowledge. Fortunately, I have lighted upon the evidence taken
by you before your celebrated committee in 1818, all which is still quite
applicable. Eton is very little improved, and the depredations of the
Fellows go on with shameless audacity. I mention this to you because your
committee has been of so much use to us; but I wish to keep the thing very
quiet till the next number of the 'Review' makes its appearance.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, March 4th_.--It is very odd that for two or three days I had been
reading and discussing with one or two Eton men here the subject on which
you propose to do infinite service, but of course I shall not even drop
the most remote allusion to your plan. The conduct at Eton is perfectly
scandalous; our two boys never cost less than 200 £. a year while they were
there; and I believe the case is understated, and not overstated, in the
'Cornhill Magazine,' and other places. One of the men who spoke to me about
it said it was no fault of mine, but of Eldon, that it had not all been set
right forty years ago--alluding to the Education Commission to which you
refer. I recollect being reluctantly forced to insert the exemption in the
Act and in the commission of inquiry. He had opposed the whole bill, and
we defeated him in the Lords when he attempted to throw it out--a very
extraordinary event in those days. But Rosslyn, Holland, and others who had
charge of the bill, were apprehensive of being beaten on a further stage if
we held out on the exemptions. In 1819 (the year after) I endeavoured to
remove the exemptions in the Extensions Act to all charities, and this gave
rise to Peel's very shabby attack on the whole inquiry when I was very
unwell, and wholly unprepared, and to my defence in the speech which I have
often said I could not now make if I would, and would not if I could. I
venture to refer to it, however, as the most remarkable I ever made in all
respects.

When you have sprung your mine, I hope and trust the 'Quarterly' will
follow your example. If Elwin was still in command I feel confident he
would, for he has always joined against Eldon & Co. I highly approve your
keeping it quite secret on every account.

Here the Journal has:--

_April 9th_.--I was elected a member of 'The Club,' in place of Lord
Aberdeen--proposed by Lord Stanhope; the greatest social distinction I ever
received.

This was the literary club founded in 1764 by Reynolds and Johnson, which,
in the course of years, had dropped all extraneous title, and become simply
The Club. 'It still continues the most famous of the dining societies of
London, and in the 133 years of its existence has perhaps seen at its
tables more men of note than any other society.'[Footnote: _Edinburgh
Review_, April 1897, p. 291.] Gibbon, who became a member of it in 1774,
had suggested the form in which a new member was to be apprised of the
distinction conferred on him. This has continued in use to the present
day, and on April 9th, 1861, a copy of it was sent to Reeve, signed by the
president of the evening:--

Sir,--I have the pleasure to inform you that you have this evening had the
honour of being elected a member of The Club.

I am, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

GEORGE RICHMOND.

This was followed, a week later, by another letter from the same writer:--

10 York Street, Portman Square, April 16th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I have just returned to town and found your note of the
10th inst., and I lose not a minute in writing to say that the election
which I had so much pleasure in announcing to you, I announced as president
for the night, and in the form of words prescribed by Gibbon. The moment I
had written it I began a note to you in my own proper person, but I did not
know whether it would be quite regular to send it, and I had to leave town
on the following morning. The 'Sir,' and 'I am, Sir,' which anything but
express what I feel, I most gladly exchange now, if you will allow it, for
a very different greeting, and I beg to remain, my dear Mr. Reeve,

Very faithfully yours,

GEORGE RICHMOND.

The Bishop of London was elected on the same night with you, and it may
interest you to know that the members present were:--

    Lord Lansdowne.
    Lord Clarendon.
    Sir H. Holland.
    Sir David Dundas.
    The Dean of St. Paul's.
    Sir Charles Eastlake.
    Lord Stanley.
    Lord Cranworth.
    Lord Stanhope.
    Duke of Argyll.

_To Madame de Tocqueville_

62 Rutland Gate, April 17th.

My dear Madame de Tocqueville,--I have just published, in the 'Edinburgh
Review,' a short notice of that book and that life which are to you the
dearest things in the world, and to all of us, his friends, among the
dearest. A few separate copies have been struck off, and I send one to you
by this post, which will, I hope, reach you with this letter. It was a
matter of sincere regret to me that I found it impossible to execute
my intention of translating the two volumes, [Footnote: Oeuvres et
Correspondance inédites d'Alexis de Tocqueville, publiées et précédées
d'une notice par Gustave de Beaumont.] partly because I found that I was
too prominently noticed in them, and partly because our friends, the
Seniors, were much bent on the undertaking. I therefore relinquished it in
their favour. But I always intended to express in my own manner my deep
affection for the memory of your husband, and my estimate of his genius
as a man of letters and a statesman. This I have attempted to do in this
article, and though I am sensible that it falls far short of the subject of
it, yet you will discover in it traces and reminiscences of that which
was one of the greatest happinesses and honours of my life--our mutual
friendship.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, April 24th_.--I have read the Eton article with great
satisfaction, and I really think it must have the best effect. But Ker, to
whom I lent my copy of the number, is not quite satisfied; but he takes
extreme views. He also thinks you have not ascribed enough to the Education
Committee of 1818, or rather to the effect of our being thwarted by Eldon,
Peel, &c. But he was very deep in that controversy at the time, having
defended the committee in a pamphlet, and I believe also in the 'Edinburgh
Review,' and may be apt, therefore, to take an exaggerated view of the
subject.

I am still cruelly hurt at the Newton monument being for ever cushioned. If
Elwin had remained editor of the 'Quarterly' it would have been taken up,
and on right grounds. Indeed, a learned professor had actually prepared a
scientific and popular article on the subject; but Elwin retired, and the
'Quarterly Review' will now do nothing. Altogether I believe there never
will be a monument to the greatest man that England ever had, or will have.

I am anxious to read the rest of the number, but have only just got it, and
I sent it to Ker after I had read the Eton; and I am unwilling to delay
thanking you for that.

The Journal notes:--

Went down to Weymouth alone for a few days in May, Read Buckle's second
volume on the way.

_June 17th_.--Dinner at Lansdowne House to the Comte de Paris and the Due
de Chartres; Elgins, Holfords, Bishop of Oxford, Grotes, &c.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G. G., June 28th_.--I did not expect that any answer to the Eton article
would be attempted, for it was unanswerable; the facts were real facts, and
the moderation with which they were stated made them all the more telling.
The commission is the proper corollary to it; and so many parents of
ill-educated boys appear to think.

_To Mr. G. Dempster_

_62 Rutland Gate, August 5th_.--In spite of Sir H. Holland's drugs, I see
my fate is sealed; and as I cannot even now put on a shoe, it is vain to
hope that I shall be able to walk for some time; and, indeed, to avoid
relapses, I must undergo a regular cure of Vichy water. Therefore, with
extreme regret, I make up my mind to turn my face south, instead of north,
as soon as I can move.... I fear that, having lost the present month, there
is little hope of our reaching Scotland at all this year.

Accordingly, the Journal has:--

Bad fit of gout in July and August. Went to Vichy on August 10th. The heat
was extreme, and the waters made me worse. Thence to Clermont, Pontgibaud,
Gergovia. Home on the 31st.

_September 1st_.--To Torry Hill [Lord Kingsdown's]--first time; shot there.
Farnborough; Atherstone; Torry Hill again on the 21st. Stetchworth-good
shooting.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_Harpton Court, September 22nd_.--I would have gladly escaped the Prussian
mission,[Footnote: For the coronation of the King.] which is not much to
my taste, but the Queen insisted, and the Viscount [Footnote: Lord
Palmerston.] and the Earl [Footnote: Lord John, created Earl Russell on
July 30th, 1861.] attached political importance to it, so I yielded, and
Lady C. and Constance and Emily are, also on royal recommendation, to
accompany me. The two latter are of an age to like a lark, which is more
than their respected parents do. I need not say that my hope of doing any
good by a flying visit in the midst of a carousal is exceedingly small; but
I know the King well, and shall have no difficulty in telling him what I
believe to be the truth concerning his interests.

I am sorry to hear that you have been worried by gout, and that Vichy did
you no good. I am inclined to speak well of Wiesbaden, for the glorious
weather I had there (94° in the shade always) made the waters effective,
and somehow I felt younger; but that pleasant sensation is now rather on
the decline.

_From M. Guizot_

Val Richer, 7 Octobre.

My dear Sir,--Votre tante, Madame Austin, qui est ici depuis quinze jours,
a fait hier, en se promenant dans une petite voiture traînée par un âne, et
qu'elle menait elle-même, une chute dans laquelle elle s'est fait, au coude
du bras droit, une luxation qui nous a fait craindre d'abord une fracture
grave. Mon médecin de Lisieux, que j'ai envoyé chercher sur le champ,
a réduit la luxation, c'est-à-dire ramené les os du coude dans leur
emboîtement naturel. Petite opération fort douloureuse, mais simple et sans
gravité au fond. Madame Austin en sera quitte pour deux ou trois semaines
de repos et d'immobilité absolue de son bras, qui est contenu dans des
éclisses. Au premier moment, elle a été fort ébranlée par cet accident.
Mon médecin une fois arrivé, elle s'est remise; elle a eu un peu de fièvre
cette nuit; mais elle a dormi, et elle est assez bien ce matin, presque
sans souffrance de son bras. J'espère qu'elle se remettra promptement; mais
je n'ai pas voulu que vous ignorassiez la cause de la prolongation de son
absence. Ma fille Henriette écrit à Sir Alexander Gordon. Avec la santé de
Madame Austin, tout accident peut être grave; mais je crois que vous pouvez
être sans inquiétude sur les conséquences de celui-ci. Mon médecin est
un homme habile qui soignera très bien votre tante, et mes filles lui
épargneront un mal très pénible, l'ennui de l'immobilité.

Je ne vous parle pas aujourd'hui d'autre chose. Si vous étiez là, nous
causerions. De loin, il n'y a rien qui vaille la peine d'être écrit. Tout à
vous, my dear Sir,

GUIZOT.

The gout was still threatening; so, according to the Journal:--

To Aix in October; back by Paris. Went to stay with Lord and Lady Cowley at
Chantilly; they had hired the _chasse_ and the _château_. Shooting there,
November 11th. Home on the 16th.

At this time Lord Brougham was preparing the autobiography which was
published shortly after his death. Early in November his brother, Mr.
Brougham, wrote to Reeve, begging him to bring his influence to bear, and
induce Lord Brougham to make this biography interesting and amusing. He
wrote:--

_From Mr. W. Brougham_

_Paris, November 14th_.--Mind you dwell on books of biography which have
failed for lack of personal matter and anecdotes, and use this argument,
which (for reasons I need not trouble you with) will, I know, have more
weight than anything you can urge--that, irrespective of any question
of his own fame or reputation, if he wishes the book to be eminently
successful in a commercial point of view, he must give as much as possible
every detail, no matter how minute, and tell everything connected with his
own history and doings. That circumstances he may consider trivial all have
the greatest interest with the general public, who are the buyers he must
look to; that people don't want to read history in such a book as his
autobiography; what they want is his life, and not a history of his
times--anecdotes or peculiarities of his Bar and Bench friends; how he
worked as a boy to make himself mathematician and orator; how he worked
for the English Bar; his early associates in Edinburgh, both at school and
college, and all connected with the beginnings of the 'Edinburgh Review;'
his early associates in London before he came into Parliament in 1809, and
for years afterwards; all he did at Birmingham in '90, '91, and '92, when
he lived there with his tutor; all he can recollect of his mother and
grandmother-paternal, but more especially maternal. In short, every
personal thing, no matter how trifling, will be the making, as the omission
will be the marring, of the book.

I am persuaded that a good strong letter from you will have immense effect;
and don't be afraid of making it too long; the more topics like those I
have hastily put down above you can give him to think over, now he is
quietly at Cannes, the more chance we have of his digging into his mind and
early recollections, and producing what we want.

Don't forget to quote Guizot; also tell him that Lord Malmesbury's heavy
book was saved solely by the gossip in the third and fourth volumes. The
first two are heavy historical matter that would have sunk a 74.

The letter which Reeve wrote in consequence of this has unfortunately
not been preserved, but it is evident from Lord Brougham's reply that it
closely followed the lines suggested by his brother.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, November 17th_.--I have not words to express how grateful I feel
for your most kind letter, which arrived this morning. I fear I must admit
all you say on the necessity of much personal matter. However, I really
feel certain that, with the political and general, there will be a number
of personal anecdotes interspersed. Thus in the Queen's trial, numberless
singular anecdotes, professional and other; and on the changes of
government and the unity of our administration, strange things of
individuals: e.g. Lord Grey having, six months before taking office in
1830, positively declared to Lansdowne that he had resolved never to take
office; and in 1822, to me, that unless I would consent to take office, and
be leader in the Commons, nothing should induce him to take part in any
administration--there being then an expectation of an offer to us; in
answer to which I positively refused leaving the progressives. I give these
as examples of what the correspondence contains. I quite feel, however,
that something personal and in early life will be desiderated. If you look
at my 'Life of Robertson' you will see all you refer to about his being at
Brougham, and about the translation of 'Florus,' and other anecdotes, and
a good deal about my grandmother. Indeed, in that Life, and in my
contributions to the 'Law Review,' there are numberless anecdotes of
interest.

I cannot conclude on this subject without expressing how grieved I am to
see what you say of my old and dear friend Richardson. He wrote in very
good spirits last spring, and I fear he has had some severe illness since.
Pray let me know how this is.

The mention of him reminds me of an instance that matters which derive
their whole interest from connexion with myself are thus very hateful to
set down. He had given me a sermon and a hymn, written by the Principal's
father--my great-grandfather. When I attended the Glasgow congress last
year, the hymn was by mere accident sung in the church where we were on the
morning after our arrival:

  Let not your hearts with anxious thoughts
  Be troubled and dismayed, &c.

I believe I was the only person in Glasgow who knew that the old minister
was the author, or who knew of his existence. [Footnote: Cf. _Life and
Times of Lord Brougham_, i. 30.] Now such things would make the narrative
a tissue of mere egotism. However, I feel the force of your remarks
exceedingly. Certainly when Guizot's book came out, and I was asked my
opinion of it, and some defects were pointed out, I could not avoid saying
there was a worse defect than all they mentioned; there would be a defect
of readers. And so it has proved; I have, with all my respect for him, and
desire to read, been unable to get through a volume.

I must set about digging in my published works for anecdotes; and, as in
the case of Robertson's Life, I may find a great number which, apart from
personality, may be interesting in their connexion with events. Again
repeating my gratitude, believe me, most sincerely yours,

H. BROUGHAM.

_To Madame de Tocqueville_

Paris, November 15th.

My dear Madame De Tocqueville,--Although on the point of leaving Paris,
I must write two lines to express to you my gratitude for allowing M. de
Beaumont to return to me some of my own letters, which derive some value in
my eyes from their connexion with my ever-lamented and illustrious friend.
I have had a melancholy satisfaction here in seeing the bust which M.
Salaman has made. It surpasses my expectations, especially as regards
the mouth and forehead, and I trust that even you will not be entirely
disappointed in it.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, November 19th_.--I have only a minute for writing, as we have
had Princess Alice here all day, and I, of course, could do nothing but the
very easy task of entertaining her.

I was very glad to get your letter, as I thought you were still abroad, and
I only hope you are as glad to find yourself at home again as I am, though
I am not sorry to have been to Berlin. I rather envy you being at Paris
during the late crisis, and getting the first impressions upon it.... I
have no doubt the deficit is about what Senex [Footnote: Reeve was at this
time writing occasional letters in the _Times_ under the signature of
'Senex.' Lord Clarendon seems to have known this. Other correspondents did
not; notably Lord Kingsdown, some of whose letters innocently comment on
the opinions expressed by Senex.] puts it at. I read your admirable letter
with great pleasure, and thought it must be yours, though I did not
understand whence it was written.

I should very much like to have a talk with you. If you are not engaged,
why shouldn't you and Mrs. and Miss Reeve come here on Saturday? We have
asked Granville and C. C. G.; and I believe Lewis is coming. Miladi would
write to propose this to Mrs. Reeve, but thinks she will consider two
letters unnecessary.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, December 8th_. There is a new complication of the American case,
and I fear, though I don't join in what I find the universal feeling in
England, that the Government of Washington will hold out. But even if they
give in, this hesitation, and their manifest fear of the mob, is the most
complete confirmation of all I have been so long and so often preaching,
of the extreme mischief of mob-government. They are in the hands of the
mob--and one of the worst mobs in the world. You see they even are under
this dominion as to their military operations; for their disaster at Bull's
Run was owing to the clamour forcing their comrades to advance and do
something; and now no one can have the least doubt that, if Lincoln and
Seward were left to themselves, a war with England would be the thing they
most dreaded; yet it is very possible they may feel unable to resist the
mob-clamour, and may bring on that calamity. The mob of Paris threw France
into all the horrors of the reign of terror (1793-4), which have left such
indelible disgrace on the French, and which stopped all improvement both in
France and in Europe for a quarter of a century, and which even now create
such a force in favour of despotism--as they did in the first Napoleon's
time. But I don't think the evils of mob-government--that is, of the
supreme power being in persons not individually responsible--can be more
clearly manifested, though they may not lead to such atrocious crimes, than
in the States of America--and the southern as well as the northern--for
the mob governs in both. My opinion will be the same, even if, contrary to
probability, the Washington men are stout enough to resist the mob; for
this hesitation and this struggle against the insanity of war could only be
occasioned by the mob tyranny.

Prince Albert died on December 14th. It was impossible to allow an event so
important in the political as well as in the social history of the reign to
pass without a notice in the 'Edinburgh Review,' and that on the earliest
occasion; though, in the middle of December, some special arrangement had
to be made for it. It was, in fact, brought into the concluding pages of
the article on 'May's Constitutional History of England.' But the subject
was one which called for exceeding care and delicacy in the handling. The
services of Prince Albert to the Crown had been many and great; but by the
country at large they were still looked on with jealousy and suspicion. A
profound sympathy was everywhere felt for the death of the Queen's husband;
the death of a man regarded by an ignorant prejudice as the embodiment of
German influence in the Cabinet might easily be considered as no great
loss. Reeve seems to have consulted Lord Clarendon as to how much or how
little it was prudent to say; in answer to which Lord Clarendon wrote:--

_The Grove, December 31st_.--I feel, as you do, that the events of the last
month are too vast in themselves and in their consequences for discussion
by letter, though I should much like to have a day's talk over them with
you.

I am very glad that you mean to undertake the task--a labour of love--of
doing honour to the Prince, as I am sure it will be admirably performed;
but I would suggest to you not to be too precise as to the manner in which
he exercised his political influence.... There is a vague belief that his
influence was great and useful; but there is a very dim perception of the
_modus operandi_.... Peel certainly took the Prince into council much more
than Melbourne, who had his own established position with the Queen before
the Prince came to this country; but I cannot tell you whether it was Peel
who first gave him a cabinet key. My impression is that Lord Duncannon,
during the short time he was Home Secretary, sent the Prince a key when the
Queen was confined, and the contents of the boxes had to be read or signed
by her.

The concluding sentence in the next letter from Lord Clarendon refers to
the feeling which had been roused in Canada by the threat of war between
England and the United States. The Canadians showed an exemplary loyalty;
and great numbers of Irish--many of whom (like O'Reilly) had been known at
home as turbulent characters--now not only pressed forward to be enrolled
in the militia, but formed themselves into special regiments.

_The Grove, January 21st_.--I cannot help telling you how excellent I think
your article on the Prince. You have said the right thing in the right way,
and have so hit the happy medium between justice to him and no flattery
or exaggeration, that I am sure the article will be read with pleasure by
everybody, because it exactly reflects the public feeling.

The Belligerent and Neutral article is also very good, and I expect
that the temperate and sensible way in which the author recommends the
abandonment of rights we can never again exercise will have some useful
results.

The loyalty of Canada is far greater than I expected; but that the French
and Irish there should come out so strong for the Crown against Democracy
is indeed a surprise. That Captain Eugene O'Reilly was a tremendous patriot
in '48; and if I had not put him in prison for a little time to cool, he
would have made a greater donkey of himself than he did.

The next letter from Lord Clarendon relates to a point on which widely
different opinions have been and will be held, till it is decided in the
only practical way. It would be foreign to our present purpose to argue
it here; but it is interesting to see the opinion of the man who,
more distinctly than any other, was responsible for the great change
theoretically introduced into our maritime code by the Declaration of
Paris.

_The Grove, January 28th_.--With respect to alterations in our maritime law
and usages, I don't know what Russell's opinion may be, but I know that
Palmerston does, or did, think the time come for relinquishing rights that
we can no longer exercise. He readily assented to the doctrines laid down
at Paris in '56, and was so entirely of my opinion about going further that
he tried it on at Liverpool some time afterwards; but that part of his
speech was so ill received, and he received so many remonstrances against
giving up the _palladium_, &c. &c., that he told me when he returned to
London that the pear was not ripe, and that we must give public opinion a
little more time to become reasonable.

On January 9th Charles Sumner had spoken at great length in the United
States Senate, proving, very much to his own satisfaction and that of his
fellow-citizens, that the surrender of Mason and Slidell was a great moral
victory, confirming the principles of maritime law for which they had
always contended, and which the English now admitted. A short telegraphic
summary of this had caught the mail at Halifax, and been published in the
'Times' of the 20th; but it was not till the 27th that the United States
papers, with the full report, reached England. Of this the 'Times'--on its
own part--took no further notice; but on February 1st it published a long
and most scathing criticism of it by 'Historicus' (Mr., now Sir, William
Harcourt).

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, January 30th_.--When you can spare it, I shall be very glad to
see Sumner's speech....

Russell was, of course, guided in his despatches by the law officers, and
it is no wonder, therefore, that they should resemble the papers that had
previously appeared--many of which were written by lawyers--or that they
should be a reproduction of them; as a government could not, without risk
of failure in its peaceful object, express itself with the vigour of Senex
or the 'Edinburgh Review.' The most important despatch of all, however, and
the one upon which everything hung--viz. the demand for reparation--was
well conceived and executed, and did its work effectually.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, February 16th_.--I yesterday met Miss Courtenay, who gave me the
very pleasing information that Mrs. Austin had excellent accounts of Lady
Duff Gordon, and was quite easy about her. I trust you will confirm this
account, and also add to it a general good account of Mrs. Austin herself.

I hope there is a good article on the Amendment Cases in the 'E. R.' They
have stupidly omitted to send it from Grafton Street. The 'Quarterly' came,
and a better article than our friend your neighbour's never was written. I
admired it so much that I wrote to him about it. Pray tell him my opinion
of it, in case my letter should have miscarried, and that I admired it far
more than I did the very spiteful article of someone inspired by a personal
enmity against myself, and who has not the common sense and fairness, when
relying on the wholly immaterial circumstance of my mis-stating the day of
the Westminster election (the night of Princess Charlotte's running away),
to see that Dundonald [Footnote: _Autobiography of a Seaman_, ii. 892. It
has, however, been recently shown (Atlay's _Trial of Lord Cochrane_, pp.
330 _et seq._) that Lord Dundonald had very little to do with it.] makes
the Duke of Sussex fall into the very same mistake.

_Cannes_ [_February_].--I am much obliged to you for your kind letter, and
rejoice to hear of the good intelligence [Footnote: As to the health of
Lady Duff Gordon.] from the Cape which will be such a relief to my valued
friend, her mother.

The American news is a good deal more favourable, but still they are
not out of the wood, or anything like it; and, even if they beat the
Southerners in the field, the re-union is as far off as ever. Their only
safe course is to regard the whole campaign as a kind of drawn battle, and
both sides to negotiate as to terms of separation.

I have no doubt that a certain most intriguing ambassadress is at the
bottom of the spiteful attack in the 'Quarterly,' and she will find her own
letters rise up in judgement against her. She never will forgive my having
been at the dancing school with her, because that makes her near eighty,
and she pretends only to be seventy-four.

I am in constant expectation of a paper from a great mathematician, to
which will be added, by B. Ker, artistic matter on monuments. It will be
all sent to you, in the hope that it may assist whoever you have put on the
monument question.

_Cannes, March 17th._--I am extremely sorry to find that, after all, I
cannot finish you the Cambridge article on Newton, to be used at your
discretion, or that of your contributor; for Mr. Routh has no less than
five wranglers, including the senior, as his pupils, and this has entirely
occupied him, to the exclusion of all other work. I trust it will not
prevent the article. In truth, my discourse at Grantham contains all the
learning on the subject, and it may be used without any acknowledgement
whatever, and I shall never complain of the plagiarism.

The Journal records:--

_April 4th._--Breakfast to the Philobiblon at home. There came the Due
d'Aumale, Van de Weyer, Milman, Lord Taunton.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_Exeter, April 25th_.--If that providence which shapes our ends will but
finish those I rough-hew, I trust that the second week in October, or
perhaps a few days earlier, will see us at Skibo. We hope to start straight
for the far North as soon as ever my autumnal egg is laid....

We have hit on an Easter ramble, original and agreeable. I sent down my
horses to my father's-in-law, in Dorset, and for the last week Christine
and I have been riding gently along the coast of South Devon. Yesterday we
went to see Sir John Coleridge's place at Ottery St. Mary, and he drove
us also round the neighbourhood. To-day we have been at Lady Rolle's, at
Bicton, on our way from Sidmouth, to see her gardens and arboretum, which
are really marvels of beauty and growth. To-morrow we shall saunter on to
Dawlish, and so at last reach Plymouth, I believe. I want to get out of the
way of the Exhibition opening, which bores me. At Torquay we expect to find
the Fergusons of Raith and the Scotts of Ancrum.

I hear that other literary entrepreneurs have been as much struck as I am
by the power and judgement there is in all that is written by a certain
young author of our acquaintance.[Footnote: See ante, vol. i. p. 374.]
To write as well as that is a gift; but it is more for it cannot be done
without infinite practice, labour, and good sense.

At Devonport they saw Mount Edgcumbe and the ironclad frigate 'Warrior'
then still a novelty, and unquestionably the most powerful ship of war
afloat. The Journal adds: 'Back to town on May 3rd.'

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, April 22nd_.--I have just got the new number, and hasten to say
how much I am pleased with the only article I have had time to read with
care, the Alison.[Footnote: 'Alison's Lives of Lord Castlereagh and Sir C.
Stewart,' April 1862.]Nothing can be more able or more triumphant, and
it is quite fair and candid towards Castlereagh, and much more than fair
towards Ch. Stewart, Indeed, if the letter to me deserves half what is said
in its praise,[Footnote: _Sc_.' one of the most caustic and successful
pamphlets that have appeared in defence of an unpopular cause.'] he never
could have written it himself; and his gross stupidity in construing what
I have said of his brother, and affixing a meaning which none but himself
ever did, or could, was at the time admitted by his friends, whom he had
consulted, and in spite of whom he had published--among others, Strangford,
from whom I heard what had passed. I have a copy of my own, which I should
like the author of the article to see, and shall send it through you when I
return, for it is out of print. One of the blockhead's follies was the not
perceiving how great a panegyric I had bestowed on his brother's speaking
in the H. of Commons, after fully stating its defects. In fact, he had much
greater weight as leader than Canning, who, by the way, is too much praised
in the article. Such a book as Alison's is almost incredible for its
badness of all kinds; but the author (on p. 521, line six from foot) gives
him a pull or two as to style by 'ineligible for election'--though that is
a trifle. The care with which the whole subject is treated, and the gross
errors--partly from ignorance, partly from adulation--exposed is quite
admirable.

I have naturally been attracted to the Monument article, but have not had
time fully to profit by it; only I am greatly indebted to the learned
author for what he says of my Grantham address.[Footnote: 'Public
Monuments,' April 1862, p. 550.] However, I should have been far better
pleased had he left me out altogether, and dwelt at more length on the
disgrace of the country never having erected a monument to the greatest man
she ever produced--indeed, the greatest [that has] ever been. He seems
not to be aware of the one in Westminster Abbey having been raised by his
niece's family, and not by the public.

_Cannes, April 27th_.--I have a complaint to make of the 'E. R.' last
number. In the learned and able article on 'Jesse's Richard III.,' at p.
307, Lingard is referred to as having quoted the commission of the High
Constable. I have scanned every line and every word of Lingard and find no
such commission. But in a note to the third volume of Hume, note R, the
commission is given verbatim from Rymer. Jock Campbell used to hold that a
false reference was an offence that ought to be made penal. I don't go
so far, but the evil is very great. I have lost three or four hours in
consequence. Therefore, pray have inquiry made of your contributor whether
or not I am right; and if not, where in Lingard the quotation is.

Reeve referred the 'complaint' to Hayward, the writer of the article, who
replied:--

I believe B. is right, for when I corrected the proof I looked in vain in
Lingard, although I was firmly convinced that he had quoted the document.
But pray remind his lordship that, when Campbell spoke of a false
reference, he meant one with volume and page.

Lord Brougham's answer to this defence is not given, but it is impossible
to allow it to pass without protest; for, whatever Campbell may have meant,
it is very certain that a false reference, with volume and page cited,
by which the falsehood is at once made manifest, is a venial offence in
comparison with a false reference given vaguely, which may keep the victim
hunting for it for hours, as this one actually did keep Lord Brougham.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, May 7th_.--I wish to suggest to you the positive duty of taking
care that justice is done upon the trumpery, and one-sided, and altogether
insignificant Life of Pitt by Stanhope. Murray having published it, of
course the 'Quarterly' has puffed it, and done so with an entire ignorance
of the subject which is hardly conceivable. Therefore take great care
before you commit the subject to any unsafe hands.

_To Lord Brougham_

_62 Rutland Gate, May 11th_.--As I have lived for many years on terms
of personal friendship, and indeed intimacy, with Lord Stanhope, and am
indebted to him for many acts of kindness, it would be quite impossible for
me to attack his book, even if I thought as ill of it as you do. I shall,
therefore, content myself with recording the very different view which I
entertain of the success of Mr. Pitt's administration. I think it may be
shown that both in peace and in war he was one of the most unsuccessful
ministers who ever exercised great power.

On these lines Reeve himself wrote the article, which was published in the
'Review' of July, and brought him the following:--

_From Lord Stanhope_

Grosvenor Place, July 17th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--Allow me to say how very much I have been gratified
in reading the article on my 'Life of Pitt' in the new number of the
'Edinburgh.' Had the criticism been hostile I assure you that I should not
have felt that I had the smallest reason to complain; nor should I have
inquired or even wished to know the writer's name. But as the matter
stands, I would ask to convey to him through you my acknowledgement for his
very indulgent appreciation of myself, as well as for the perfect fairness
and honourable candour with which the public questions at issue between us
are discussed. It would be a pleasure to me if either now or at some time
hereafter he would permit me to become acquainted with the name of a critic
who is evidently so accomplished as to render the praise of no slight or
mean account. Believe me,

Very faithfully yours,

STANHOPE.

It does not appear that Lord Stanhope ever knew who the writer was.

Meantime the Journal notes:--

This was the year of the second Great Exhibition.

_May 15th_.--The Binets came to see us. On the 21st the Duc d'Aumale's
_fête_ to the Fine Arts Club; took Binet there. Went to the Derby with
Binet and Stewart Hodgson. Xavier Raymond came.

_July 22nd_.--Dined at the Clarendon with the Comtes de Paris and Chartres,
on their return from the American war. Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar and the
Due d'Aumale were there.

_July 31st_.--Left London for Germany. By Ostend and Cologne to Wiesbaden,
where the Boothbys and Hathertons were. Then to Nuremberg, Munich,
Salzburg, and through the Tyrol to Venice. Stayed there till the 24th.

_August 25th_.--Went to Arquà to see Petrarch's house and tomb. Milan;
Italian lakes. Back over the St. Gothard, Lucerne, Paris. Home, September
9th.

_To Lord Brougham_

_C. O., September 11th_.--Your very kind letter of last month would
certainly not have remained so long unanswered if I had been in England.
But we have been travelling for the last five weeks in the Tyrol and the
north of Italy; my letters were not forwarded, and I only received that
which you had been good enough to address to me on my return to London
yesterday. There is probably no living opinion upon the character and
administration of Mr. Pitt so enlightened and valuable as your own, and I
am gratified in the highest degree to find that my attempt to place the
leading acts of his administration in a somewhat new light meets with your
approval. The chief defect in Lord Stanhope's book is, in my opinion, that
it does not present any connected view of Mr. Pitt as a statesman at all;
and this the reader of the article may infer from every page of it. I began
to write with a disposition to place Mr. Pitt rather higher than he had
been placed before in the 'Review;' but upon a careful survey of his
conduct on each of these questions, I found the ground crumble away under
me.

As to the state of the army from 1783 to 1803, it was deplorable. Did you
ever see Sir Frederick Adam's notes on what the army was when, at the age
of 14, he entered it.[Footnote: In 1795. These notes do not seem to have
been published.] When the Duke of Wellington first went to the Peninsula,
he gives a wretched account of the forces--ignorant officers and rascally
men. One of the grandest services the Duke rendered to his country was
that he raised the character of the army and made it a most admirable
instrument. But that was long after the days of Pitt.

The present Duke of Wellington tells me he is very well pleased with the
article on his father's supplementary despatches in the last number of
the 'Review,' and I think it is fairly done. They are a mass of most
interesting and instructive materials, but very few persons will master
them, whilst the trash that Thiers calls history circulates broadcast in
Europe. I heard in Paris on Sunday that 65,000 copies of his 20th volume
are already sold.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_C. O., September 12th_.--We returned to England on Tuesday, after a
pleasant tour, but the weather drove us from the mountains to the plains,
and instead of preparing ourselves to graduate in the Alpine Club, we
loitered in the galleries of Munich, Venice, and Milan, or amongst the
remains of Padua and Verona. On the Lago Maggiore we met the Speaker
[Footnote: Mr. Denison, afterwards Lord Ossington.] and Lady Charlotte, and
with them crossed the St. Gothard to Lucerne.... We still hope, if it suits
you, to come down to you when I have got quit of the 'Review.' I shall be
engaged in London till October 7th, and then we are going for a few days to
Raith... but I hope about the 12th or 13th we may reach the far North.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Brougham, September 14th_.--I can well believe that Wellington is
satisfied with the review [Footnote: "Wellington's Supplementary
Despatches," July 1862.] of his father's correspondence. It is very ably
and very fairly done. But I wish it had reprimanded the Duke for making
the publication nearly useless by giving no table of contents. When I
complained of this, he said it had been considered, and that an index would
have been hardly possible. My answer was that I did not want an index, but
only a dozen of pages giving the dates and the titles of the letters in
succession. As it is, one can find no letter without turning over the whole
of a volume.

Well, what shall we now say of the Disunited States? My last letter from
J. Parkes,[Footnote: Probably Joseph Parkes, the well-known agent of the
Liberal party. He died August 11th, 1865, but none of the obituary notices
mention his wife.] who is married to a Yankee, and in correspondence with
many men of note in the North, represents the feeling to be growing for
mediation, but mediation on the ground of a re-uniting of the South,
which means no mediation at all. But he says that the real feeling of the
Americans, both N. and S., is of great respect for England, and pride in
their descent from and connexion with us. The tone of the press, however,
shows that this feeling dares not be shown, and that the popular
clamour--that is, the mob-cry--is t'other way.

The Journal has:--

_September 12th_.--To Torry Hill; shooting for ten days.

_22nd_.--Rode over to Leeds Castle with Lord Kingsdown. Farnborough,
Stetchworth, Chorleywood (W. Longman's).

_October 8th_.--To Raith, with Christine and Hopie. Mrs. Norton there.
Then by Elgin and Burgh Head to Skibo. Shooting there. To Novar; back to
Edinburgh and Kirklands, October 26th. Then to Abington on the 29th, and
to Brougham--amusing visit. I was asked to read Lord B.'s Memoirs, and
dissuade him from publishing them. To Ambleside to see Harriet Martineau.
Thence to Badger Hall [Cheney's], November 8th. Went over Old Park iron
works. Home on November 11th.

_December 17th_.--We went to Chevening, and met there the Grotes, Milman,
Lord Stanley, Scharf, and Hayward. Lewis came on the 19th. Most agreeable
party.

_22nd_.--Shooting at Stetchworth.

_31st_.--To the Duke of Newcastle's at Clumber. Sir F. Rogers [afterwards
Lord Blachford] there.

_1863_.--The year opened at Clumber. The Webbes of Newstead, the
Manners-Suttons, Venables, and Herbert came there. Shooting good; caught
three pike; rode with the Duke to Thoresby and Welbeck, through Sherwood
Forest.

_January 6th_.--To the Speaker's at Ossington.

_12th_.--I was made treasurer of the Literary Club [Footnote: This must not
be confused with The Club (see _post_, 133), which had long since dropped
the 'Literary.'] (Walpole's) on Adolphus' death.

_February 25th_.--Prince of Wales' first levee.

_March 7th_.--The Princess of Wales entered London on her marriage. I saw
it from the Board of Trade rooms on London Bridge. Took the Dempsters
there.

_27th_.--The Duke of Newcastle, Baron Gros (French ambassador), Lord
Stanley, Mr. Adam, Lady Molesworth, Lord Kingsdown, and the Heads dined
with us.

It appears by the next letter, from Lord Clarendon, that Reeve had asked
him to review the first two volumes of Kinglake's 'Invasion of the Crimea,'
then on the point of publication.

_The Grove, January 11th_. Some time ago I desired my booksellers to send
me the first copy they could procure of Kinglake's book, and I shall read
it most carefully.... There are many reasons why I should not like to
review the work; but I am equally obliged to you for the offer, and I
shall, of course, communicate to you unreservedly my opinions upon it.

With this promise of help at first hand, Reeve undertook the review
himself; but the letters which follow show that, though the hand was the
hand of Reeve, the voice was the voice of Clarendon--a collaboration that
gives the article a very singular interest.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, January 23rd_.--Although I'm sure it is unnecessary, yet it
occurs to me to ask you not to quote my opinion of Kinglake's book; as, for
the present, and for a variety of reasons, I should prefer its not reaching
him in an indirect manner. I long for a quiet talk with you, and am sorry
that it must be postponed for a few days; but in the meanwhile I
may perhaps be able to refresh my memory by referring to my private
correspondence, which is in London. Let me have a line to say what
impression the book makes in the world, as far as you have yet been able
to observe. I shall look with curiosity and some anxiety for the effect it
produces at Paris.

_January 25th_.--Hayward has written to ask my opinion of the book. He is
at Broadlands, and says that Palmerston is, on the whole, well pleased with
the portrait of himself, and that Lady P. is enchanted.

I think as you do of the second volume; there is nothing finer, that I know
of, in the English language than those successive battle pictures. He beats
Napier out of the field. The 'Times' does not seem to like the portrait of
itself. I thought the article yesterday ingenious. I shall hear shortly
what effect the book produces at Paris. Persigny will, of course, prohibit
its entrance, but he will not be able to shut out all the papers that
contain extracts.

_The Grove, February 8th_.--I fear that my notes would not be legible or
intelligible to anyone but myself, and I should much like to have a little
talk with you on the book. Could you come here on Saturday next and stay
till Monday? or if you should chance to be engaged on Saturday, would you
come down by the ten o'clock train on Sunday morning? I do not propose
Saturday morning, as I must myself be in London at the Schools Commission
on that day.

_G. C., February 25th_.--I shall be very glad to see the article in print.
I am sure it will make a great sensation. Kinglake would induce people to
believe that the Emperor was under an urgent necessity to turn away the
attention of his subjects from his action at home, and that he therefore
dragged us into the war fourteen or fifteen months after the _coup d'état_.
It would, I think, be worth while to get some facts respecting his status
in France at that time. If I am not mistaken, he was in no trouble or
danger at all; for the nation had accepted him as a sort of deliverer from
the _rouges_, the fear of whom had been terrifying people out of their
senses.

_G. C., March 4th_.--The article quite comes up to my expectations, and I
like it very much. I cannot think it obnoxious to the charge of dulness;
but on that point I may not be an impartial judge, as the diplomatic
details are to me intensely interesting.

I have hardly any observations to make that would be worth your attending
to, but I will mention one or two things that have occurred to me.

And this he did at considerable length, suggesting several confirmations,
modifications, or additions.

So long as this article was to be considered as an ordinary contribution
to the 'Edinburgh Review,' it bore merely the authority of the 'Review,'
which, however great, was in no sense official; but now that the share
of Lord Clarendon in its authorship is revealed, it assumes an extreme
importance, as an original, though necessarily partial, account of what
took place, and may be held as definitely settling the fate of some of the
extraordinary misstatements which--foisted on the credulity of the public
by the literary skill, the brilliant language, and the unblushing audacity
of Mr. Kinglake--have been accepted as history, and have passed into
current belief. Perhaps nothing concerning the Russian war is more commonly
repeated than the statement that we were tricked into it by the Emperor of
the French for his own selfish ends, and in his desire to be received into
the brotherhood of sovereigns; that our ministers were blindly following
the lead of Louis Napoleon, and were guilty of a very gross blunder. It is
unnecessary and would be out of place to enter here on the examination and
demolition of all this, as given in the pages of the 'Edinburgh Review;'
and equally would it be out of place to discuss the question--as unknown to
Kinglake or to Reeve in 1863 as it was to Palmerston or Clarendon ten years
earlier--whether we were not then, whether we have not been ever since,
'putting our money on the wrong horse.' If we were, if we have been--a
thing which many among us are still unwilling to believe--it is at least
certain that in 1853, as in 1840, it was all but universally held in this
country that it would be prejudicial and dangerous to our most important
interests for either Russia or France to obtain sovereign control over the
Ottoman dominions, and that all the resources of diplomacy or of war ought
to be exerted to prevent it. In the joint article before us, the condition
of affairs in 1853 is thus stated in a few words:--'Russia had formed the
design to extort from Turkey, in one form or another, a right of protection
over the Christians. She never abandoned that design. She thought she could
enforce it. The Western Powers interposed and the strife began.... England
has no call to throw off the responsibility of the measures taken on any
other Power. Those measures were taken because they were demanded by her
own conception of the duty she had to perform; and by far the largest share
of that responsibility rests with this country. We see no reason to deny
it; and if the case occurred again, we should see no reason to act with
less determination.' And again as to the prosecution of the war after
the raising of the siege of Silistria--which, according to Kinglake, was
unnecessary; or the invasion of the Crimea--which was unjustifiable, to be
accounted for, not by any large views of politics or of war, but by paltry
personal passions and influences of the most contemptible kind:--England
and France declared by their despatches of July 22nd, that the sacrifices
already imposed on them were too great, and the cause they had taken in
hand too important, for them to desist, unless they obtained from Russia
adequate securities against the renewal of hostilities. They therefore
demanded:--l. That the protectorate claimed by Russia over the
Principalities by virtue of former treaties now abrogated, should cease. 2.
That the navigation of the mouths of the Danube should be free. 3. That the
treaty of July 13th, 1841, should be revised in the sense of a restriction
of the naval power of Russia in the Black Sea. 4. That no Power should
claim an official protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Porte. On
August 8th, Austria entirely adopted these principles, and on the 10th she
urged Russia to accede to these demands. On the 26th Russia positively
rejected these terms. Had they been accepted, it is needless to add that
the Crimean expedition would not have taken place. Here, then, is the clear
and precise ground on which the war assumed an offensive character against
Russia--viz. to compel her to submit to terms of peace, which England and
France held to be necessary to the future safety of Turkey, and which
Austria had fully adopted. This is the political explanation of the war,
and it was fully justified, as each preceding step of the allies had been
justified, by a fresh refusal on the part of Russia to agree to the terms
proposed by the allies. It is unnecessary to carry this examination
further. It has been introduced here merely as an illustration and a proof
of the historical importance of the article now that Lord Clarendon's
share in it is understood, and we are made acquainted with the peculiar
opportunities which Reeve possessed--not only as Clarendon's friend, but as
in actual, confidential conversation with Lord Stratford when he ordered up
the fleets. [Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 312.]

The fine old motto of the 'Edinburgh Review,' _Judex damnatur cum nocens
absolvitur_, is, when reduced to practice, apt to strain the relations
between the 'judex' and the 'nocens;' and in this case the very outspoken
review, published under Reeve's sanction, caused a coolness between the two
men, the editor and the author, who had previously been on friendly terms.
It is, in fact, easily conceivable that, in earlier years or in other
lands, powder would have burnt or small swords flashed. Being when and
where they were, they dropped out of each other's circle. And this
continued for upwards of three years, when a chance meeting opened the door
to reconciliation.

_From Mr. Kinglake_

9 St. George's Terrace, Marble Arch,

November 14th, 1866.

Dear Reeve,--I think I perceived yesterday that my malice--malice founded,
I believe, on a couple of words, and now of some three years' standing--had
not engendered any corresponding anger in you; and if my impression was a
right one, I trust we may meet for the future upon our old terms. Shall it
be so?

Faithfully yours,

A. W. KINGLAKE.




CHAPTER XV

LAW AND LITERATURE


By what must seem a curious coincidence, in 1863 and the two years
immediately following, death carried off all who had been mainly
instrumental in forming Reeve's career. Greville, who introduced him to the
'Times,' died in 1865; his mother died in 1864; in 1863, his early patron
and assured friend, the Marquis of Lansdowne, died on January 31st, at the
ripe age of 82; his uncle, John Taylor, the head of the Taylor family, a
man of singular ability as a mining engineer, died on April 5th; and Sir
George Lewis, whose retirement from the editorship of the 'Edinburgh
Review' had paved the way for Reeve's succession, died on April 13th.
Much of Reeve's correspondence with Lord Clarendon--Lewis's
brother-in-law--refers to the wish of the widow, the Lady Theresa Lewis,
that a collected edition of her husband's contributions to the 'Review'
should be published. The wish was only partially carried into effect; seven
of the articles were collected in a volume published in 1864 under the
title of 'Essays on the Administrations of Great Britain from 1783 to
1830;' and Lewis's brother, Sir Gilbert Lewis, who succeeded to the
baronetcy, published his letters in 1870. The following letter from
Lord Clarendon refers to the death (on January 31st) of Lewis's
stepdaughter--Lady Theresa's daughter by a former marriage--and wife of
Mr., now Sir, William Harcourt:--

_G. C., February 3rd_.--I came up early yesterday morning, and only
received this evening your most kind letter directed to The Grove, or I
should have thanked you for it sooner.

A great misfortune has befallen us, and we are all very sad, but derive
some comfort from the calmness and resignation with which my sister is
bearing up against her grief. To William Harcourt it is, indeed, as you
say, a wreck of all happiness and hope; but no man under such trying
circumstances could have displayed more fortitude, or more tender concern
for others. I meet him to-morrow at Nuneham for the last sad office.

I grieve for Lord Lansdowne, and yet it is impossible not to feel that,
at his age, and with rapidly increasing infirmities, a prolongation
of existence was not to be desired. He was a rare combination of high
qualities, and we shall not look upon his like again.

The next letter, also from Lord Clarendon, refers to the 'Albert
Memorial':--

_The Grove, March 29th_.--I knew you would approve of the Cross. I myself
should prefer it to any other form of memorial, if it was in the centre of
converging roads, or of a great place surrounded by buildings more or less
harmonising with it; but placed in Hyde Park, with no local assistance
beyond its imaginary connexion with the Exhibitions of '51 and '62, I have
my fears that it will be thought unmeaning.

I forget at this moment the exact height of the design, but I do not think
it is to be 300 feet; and Mr. Scott is to consider whether the proportions
may not generally be reduced. He may wish to build the largest cross in the
world, but neither the Queen nor her committee have any such desire....
I don't think that a grant by the representatives of the people, as a
supplement to their voluntary contributions, and aided by the subscription
of the Queen, would destroy the feeling of the monument. There might
perhaps be less sentiment, but the whole would be more national.

From the Journal:--

_May 4th_.--Lord Hatherton died at Teddesley. His illness had been long.
When we parted at Wiesbaden in August last, I knew we should not meet
again. Never was there a kinder and more active friend. The confidence he
showed me was unbounded; insomuch that in November he placed in my hands
the original correspondence of the ministers with himself in June and July,
1834, on the Irish Coercion Bill, which led to the breaking up of Earl
Grey's Cabinet. These I have power to publish; but, if not published, I
mean eventually to return them to the Littleton family.

This I did in July 1864. The volume was published in 1872.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_C. O., July 10th_.--I am rather like a boy to whom some benevolent genius
offers a basket of peaches, and who feels rather shy of taking the biggest
of them; but, on the other hand, it would be a shabby return for great
kindness to keep you in suspense. I, therefore, answer that, _sauf cause
majeure_, we hope to be with you on the evening of Tuesday, August 11th. We
shall probably go down to Aberdeen by sea, starting on Saturday, the 8th,
if decent berths can be obtained, and I have sent to take them. If this
fails we should start on Sunday evening by rail. I cannot express to you
how delightful to me is the thought of the kind welcome of Skibo, and the
fresh air of your hills, after a very long and laborious season. But I have
still a month in the mill, and a huge list of causes to be disposed of.

The 'Edinburgh' will be out on Thursday. You will find it very Scotch.

The Journal notes:--

We went to Chichester, on a visit to Dr. McCarogher; and from there to
Goodwood races.

_August 8th_.--To Scotland by sea. Beached Skibo on the 11th. Shooting on
the 12th with Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, Seaforth, and Dempster.

_25th_.--To Brahan. Little old General Kmety there; very good fun; but he
does not look a hero.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_Brahan Castle, August 26th_.--We performed our pleasant but slow journey
very well, and arrived at five P.M. The weather yesterday was the worst I
have seen this year in Scotland. I declined to face the woods, but we got
a walk by the Conan in a gleam of sunshine. However, the house and its
collections, and their most amusing and hospitable owner, afforded us ample
amusement. I am sorry, for my own sake, that this country is constantly
gaining stronger claims on my affection and regard; for am I not born a
dweller by our inglorious southern streams and downs? If, however, there be
such a thing as transmigration hereafter, let me hope that I shall come out
at last as a Highland laird.

The Journal continues:--

_August 28th_.--To Invergarry, where we lunched with Mr. Peabody; and to
Glenquoich--Ed. Ellice's. The Elchos, Sir F. and Lady Grey, and Lowe there.

_31st_.--Excursion from Glenquoich to Loch Hourn. Then by Oban to Glasgow.
Visit to the Belhavens at Wishaw, September 4th, and to Abington. Home on
the 10th.

_September 15th_.--Torry Hill. Shooting there for some days.

_17th_.--Mr. Ellice died suddenly [Footnote: Of heart disease and
eighty-two years. He was found dead in his bed.] at Ardochy, only a
fortnight after we left his house. That excursion to Loch Hourn was his
last.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_Torry Hill, September 21st_.--What a sudden and painful loss is this
abrupt termination of the life of our kind friend at Glenquoich! It is
scarcely three weeks since we left him in his usual health and spirits,
and now--as Evelyn says--all is in the dust.... I have had an unpleasant
accident, though--thank God!--not a serious one. Turning round very
suddenly to shoot a partridge behind me, without seeing that Lord Kingsdown
was on his pony about fifty yards off, a pellet of shot from my gun hit
him in the cheek, and another hit his pony in the eye. Conceive my horror!
Fortunately, the wound was very slight, and, indeed, was well in half an
hour; but if it had hit him in the eye I never should have forgiven myself.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, October 4th_.--I was very glad to hear from you this morning,
but very sorry to learn that you have cause for deep anxiety respecting
your mother, and I fear, from what you say, that she is hopelessly ill and
suffering much. I sympathise with you sincerely. I joined my people at
Lathom a month ago, and we returned last week from our peregrinations,
all well, except myself, who can't shake off the gout, which is a
disappointment after having taken the trouble of a Wiesbaden cure.

On the day of my last bath there I received an urgent request from our
Foreign Secretary that I should proceed to Frankfort and observe the
conference. I did so, and was interested and amused. It was an opportunity
that may never occur again of meeting the sovereigns of Germany, great and
small....

The impression made upon me by the E. of Austria was very agreeable. He had
none of the proud manner of which at one time we heard so much, but, on the
contrary, he was frank and gentlemanlike, and told me the difficulties in
which Germany was placed by such an effete institution as the Diet, and the
advances making by Democracy, which, for the first time, were dangerous,
because the people had reason and justice on their side. He told me, also,
all the steps he had taken to secure the co-operation of the K. of Prussia,
which were straightforward and deferential; and he complained, though
without bitterness, of the manner in which they had been misrepresented....
It may be that some good will come, perhaps before the close of the present
century, from a public avowal by congregated sovereigns that their subjects
had grievances of magnitude, and that delay in redressing them was full of
dynastic danger.

One can conceive no more complete diplomatic fiasco than the three great
Powers of Europe giving a triumph to Gortschakoff. The mistake originally
made was thinking that Russia was weak and in trouble, and would therefore
yield to menace. Several months ago I took the liberty of suggesting that,
although Russia was powerless for an aggressive war, she would be found as
strong and formidable as ever in resisting any attack from without, and
that foreign dictation would probably have the effect of uniting all the
parties into which Russia was divided. I don't mean to deny, however, that
intervention of some kind was inevitable; but the difficulties attending it
were either overlooked or not foreseen, and the mode of dealing with them
has consequently been unskilful.

Continuing the Journal:--

_October 5th_.--To Aiupthill. On the 17th to the Grove; Odo Russell there.
24th, to Torry Hill, with Christine and Hopie. Met the Roger Leighs there;
also the Heads and Sir Lawrence Peel. High jinks on Hopie's twenty-first
birthday.

_November 19th_.--To Shoeburyness, to see the trial of Sir William
Armstrong's 600-pounder gun.

My mother was exceedingly ill during the autumn, and it became apparent
that her illness was mortal. She was attended with great assiduity by Dr.
Fyfe. For this reason we remained within reach of London.

_From Lord Westbury_ [Footnote: At this time Lord Chancellor.]

_Basingstoke, November 28th_.--I shall be much obliged to you if, by the
application of the whip to the printer, you can get him to strike off a
few copies of the notes of my opinion on the appeals in the matter of the
'Essays and Reviews' by Tuesday afternoon, so that a copy may, on the
evening of Tuesday, be sent to Lords Cranworth, Chelmsford, and Kingsdown.
The notes are not long, but I am anxious that they should be, as soon as
possible, in the hands of the three noble lords I have named. I hope we
shall be able to give judgement about December 15th.

Lord Brougham's next letter refers to one of the few unpleasant passages in
Reeve's life. In October 1863 the 'Edinburgh Review' had an article on J.
G. Phillimore's 'Reign of George III.,' in which the book was somewhat
roughly handled. That the comment was honest is quite certain; that it was
just would probably be the opinion of most historical students; but Mr.
Phillimore thought that it was neither one nor the other, and being--as the
'Saturday Review' described him--one whose 'normal position was that of
a belligerent,' he replied to the review by a studiously offensive and
personal pamphlet, [Footnote: This sensitiveness to literary criticism was,
perhaps, a family failing. Some forty years before, Phillimore's uncle, Sir
John Phillimore, was fined 100£. for bludgeoning James, the author of the
_Naval History_, for some unflattering remarks on the discipline of the
'Eurotas' whilst under his command.] bearing the title 'Reply to the
Misrepresentations of the "Edinburgh Review."' According to this, the
article was a spiteful attack made by 'Mr. Reeve' himself; it was mainly
noticeable for its ignorance, its malice, its time-serving toadyism of Lord
Stanhope, and should be contrasted with another article in the same number
of the 'Review' on 'Austin on Jurisprudence,' which was outrageously
belauded because Austin was 'Mr. Reeve's' uncle. In point of fact, the
article on Phillimore was written by the present Judge O'Connor Morris, and
that on Austin by John Stuart Mill, neither of whom was an intimate friend
of the editor's. Phillimore did not notice, or was not sufficiently
acquainted with Reeve's family history to appraise yet another article on
'Tara: a Mahratta Tale,' by Captain Meadows Taylor--Reeve's cousin. If he
had, he would certainly have made it the subject of some more scurrilities.

_Cannes, January 7th_.--I have only a moment before the post goes to write,
and it may be too late another day. Pray allude to Phillimore's pamphlet,
and give some explanation on certain parts of it. I have not read the whole
of it, but friends here who borrowed it of me have, and they tell me that
some explanation is required. They are a good deal prejudiced, however,
owing to your having praised Stanhope's book, of which they have a very
bad opinion. I myself rather agree with them, though not going to the same
length. Of Phillimore, I only know that he did good service in the Commons
for a public prosecutor, and was very shabbily supported by the friends of
Law Amendment. But I had a very poor opinion of the book, though he is a
very clever man, and the Yankees considered him the first man in the House
of Commons.

Reeve's letters for several months had been leading up to the next sad
entry in the Journal. For a woman of seventy-five, a serious and prolonged
illness could scarcely have any other issue.

My mother's illness was approaching its melancholy end. On January 8th I
sat up all night at Brompton. On the 9th she was speechless. On Sunday,
the 10th, at 3 P.M., she died. On the 16th she was buried in the Brompton
Cemetery. Edward James Reeve read the service. Arthur Taylor, John,
Richard, John Edward, and Fairfax Taylor, Sir A, Gordon, P. Worsley, W.
Wallace, J. P. Simpson, R. Lane, Dr. Fyfe, and John Cox attended.

On the 17th I went to Essex Street Chapel, where Madge preached her funeral
sermon. He had preached my father's funeral sermon just fifty years before.
My mother survived my father nearly fifty years. This is not the place to
comment on her singular virtues!

We went to Boulogne on the 18th for the first period of mourning, and
visited Amiens and Abbéville. Home on the 25th.

_To Mr. Dempster_

62 _Rutland Gate, January 11th_.--Your long kindness and friendship tell
me how much I may rely on your sympathy. My dear mother expired yesterday
afternoon, in perfect serenity. However long one may have anticipated such
a stroke and, as I told you in July, I knew it was impending--one cannot
realise it till it falls. As Gray said to Mason, 'A man has but one
mother;' it is a blank that cannot be filled up. But I have the consolatory
thought that my dear mother's life was complete in its usefulness, its
energy, its unquenchable zeal for the good of others, its Christian
endurance of sorrow and of pain; and no one ever lived in this world more
fitted to enter upon another. Christine was with her to the last.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Orleans House_, 11 _Janvier_.--Hélas! cher Monsieur; je n'ai pas de
consolation à vous offrir; je ne puis que vous assurer de ma profonde
sympathie. Je juge de ce que vous devez souffrir par ce que je ressentirais
à votre place. Mon coeur est avec le vôtre. H. D'ORLÉANS.

_From Lord Clarendon_

January 11th.

My Dear Reeve,--I heard to my great regret a little while ago that the
day of your affliction was fast approaching, and I knew at once by your
envelope this afternoon that the hour had come. I thank you for your kind
thought of not allowing me to hear by public report an event that so deeply
affects your happiness; and I know from my own sad experience how to feel
for you in this trial--the loss of a mother's never-failing love and
sympathy, and of one's own daily occupation, that real labour of love, in
ministering to her comfort and soothing the ills of declining years. You
have the consolation, and it is one to be grateful for, my dear Reeve, that
your last impressions are of a calm and painless passage from this life,
such as you would have most desired for her whom you have so loved and can
never forget. Lady Clarendon and my daughters desire me to send you their
kind regards and the expression of their sincerest sympathy.

Believe me, my dear Reeve,

Ever yours truly,

CLARENDON.

_To Madame de Tocqueville_

Boulogne-sur-mer, January 20th.

My dear Madame de Tocqueville,--One's own sorrows bring back with increased
vivacity the sorrows of others and the melancholy recollections of other
years, for at each successive blow a great gap is made in life, and one
feels that another record of the past is closed. We have come to this place
for a few days to regain a little health and spirits after the long and
anxious year we have passed by my dear mother's sick bed. All our cares
have unhappily been vain, and about ten days ago she breathed her last. I
cannot express how great a loss this is to me, or how deeply I feel it.
Your dear and ever-lamented husband was one of those who appreciated the
exquisite simplicity and energy of my mother's character, and the words he
let fall from time to time about her are very precious to me.

To any one who now reads the book, [Footnote: See _ante_, vol. ii. p. 66.]
and considers the later course of the lives of its authors, it is difficult
to conceive the excitement which was raised about the case referred to in
the next note from the Journal. The remembrance of it seems to throw a
doubt on the reality or immutability of 'first principles.'

_February 8th_.--Judgement was given by the Judicial Committee on the great
ecclesiastical cause of 'Essays and Reviews.' It was drawn with great care
by Lord Westbury, who read it all over with me before it was submitted to
the committee.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Cannes, February 13th_.--I received your melancholy letter [Footnote:
Announcing the death of his mother.] some time ago, but I did not answer
it because I felt that your excuse for not taking notice of Phillimore's
attack was too good, and I had no comfort to offer you. I suffered most
severely myself by the same loss, and I have not, after above twenty
years, learnt to forget it. Your letter brought it back strongly to my
mind, as it also did the memory of my excellent friend your father.

I find my opinion, and those I cited in support of it, is confirmed by
the articles in the journals--such as the 'Saturday Review' [Footnote:
February 6th, 1864.]--which, though attacking Phillimore in some
particulars, yet show that some answer to him, or explanation of matters
which he represents, was wanted. But I dare say his attacks will be
forgotten, and you may be right in doing nothing that can help to keep
them in people's recollection. [Footnote: Reeve, who was always averse
from any controversy of this nature, took no public notice of the
pamphlet, and Phillimore died early the next year.]

I have just got your new number and not read a page of it, as the
'Quarterly' came with it, and I was anxious to read the review of our
friend your neighbour's book, [Footnote: _The Life of Marcus Tullius
Cicero_.] which is learnedly and most justly praised, and the value of
the praise not impaired, like that of the 'Saturday Review,' [Footnote:
February 6th, 1864.] by praising Houghton's (Dick Milnes') poems in
another article.

The Journal has:--

_February 20th_.--Went to Farnborough. The Longmans just installed in their
new house.

To Ampthill at Easter. On April 1st to Paris, with Christine and the
Dempsters. I had the gout all the time.

_April 3rd_.--Races at Vincennes. Embassy ball on the 5th. Persignys and
Morny there. Breakfast at Vaux with Marochettis on the 6th. Met Sigismond
Krasinski's son Ladislas at his mother's.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G. C., April 6th_.--As five years of freedom had augmented my inveterate
dislike of office, you may suppose that I made a gallant resistance--quite
_à la Danoise_; but at last I could not help taking an oar with old friends
in a boat which they believed to be sinking, and in which they fancied I
might be of some use. If the Government had been as clear of some of the
worst shoals a fortnight ago as it is now, nothing would have induced me to
say 'Yes.'

I hope that Stansfeld's exit and Palmerston's speech, and, more important
still, the feeling throughout the country upon the Mazzini affair, will
mend our relations with France by showing Frenchmen of all classes and
colours that the alliance is here estimated at its real value; indeed,
nothing will go well in Europe if England and France are supposed to be
pulling different ways; and if they had been acting together, instead of
being _en froid_ six months ago, the Dano-German difficulty would never
have attained its present developement. Some soreness was natural at our
not agreeing to the congress; but too much has been made of the tone of J.
R.'s answer, and offence ought not to be taken where none was intended, but
quite the reverse, as I can certify from the conversations I had at the
time with the writer....

It was this letter which suggested to Reeve to propose to Lord Clarendon
the advisability of coming over to Paris himself 'to see the Emperor and
endeavour to settle joint action on the Danish question.' He wrote also to
the same effect to Lord Granville.

_From Lord Granville_

London, April 9th.

My dear Reeve,--Many thanks for your note, and for the suggestion it
contains. I [had] already had some talk with Clarendon and Russell on the
subject. The first thought that it was too late now, and urged some minor
objections, but in my opinion he is wrong, and I hope the matter will be
arranged. Yours sincerely,

GRANVILLE.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_London, April 9th._--Your letter is very important. It has been settled at
the Cabinet that I shall go over on Tuesday. It is particularly troublesome
and inconvenient to me; but I shan't mind that, if any good is to be done
and that the friendly motive of my going is appreciated.

_From M. Fould_

Dimanche [April 10th].

Mon cher Monsieuer,--Je me suis empressé de transmettre à l'empereur la
nouvelle que vous voulez bien me donner et qui me fait grand plaisir.

Mille compliments bien désirés,

ACHILLE FOULD.

The visit led to no result, as the French refused to act. The Journal
continues:--

_April 20th_.--Interesting day at Versailles with Feuillet de Conches and
Soulié; took the Dempsters and Hamiltons of Dalziel.

My father's old friend Dr. de Roches died at Geneva on April 18th. On the
23rd, Christine and I went to Geneva on a visit to the Binets. Saw Mme.
de Roches, who also died a few days afterwards. Returned by Lausanne and
Neufchatel to Paris, and home on May 1st.

_From Lord Brougham_

_Paris, May 15th_.--I have been reading the new number of the 'E. R.,' and
have been greatly interested in it. The review [Footnote: Sc. of Renan's
_Life of Jesus_.] is most ably and learnedly done, though in one or two
places a little obscure. But the subject was most difficult to handle, and
I think no one can complain of Renan being unfairly treated; indeed he is
lavishly praised, though he is rejected--but rejected most candidly.

I have also read the first article, [Footnote: _Diaries of a Lady of
Quality._] on Miss Wynn's book. I am convinced that the facts must be taken
with large allowance; some of them are to my personal knowledge erroneously
given--from no intention to deceive, but from hasty belief. But there is
one story which on the face of it is not only untrue, but impossible; which
she appears to have had from a Mrs. Kemble, and to have swallowed whole.
How could any being believe in Lord Loughborough's telling such a tale?
Mrs. K. may have, from ignorance, supposed that a prisoner on trial for his
life can be examined by the prosecutor's counsel; but can anyone suppose
that such a story as Davison's murder of his old companion could have
happened, and no one even heard of it, or of his being hanged, as he must
have been, on his own confession? I knew intimately those friends of Miss
Baillie who are said to have been present, and I never heard a word of it
from them--probably because they regarded the story as ridiculous.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Claremont, le 23 mai.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--N'ayant pas eu le plaisir de vous rencontrer
depuis mon retour d'Espagne, j'ai passé samedi chez vous pour vous parler
d'une affaire que j'aurais préféré traiter de vive voix. Ne vous ayant
pas trouvé, il me faut aujourd'hui avoir recours à la plume, car le temps
presse. Je voulais vous dire que mon mariage avec ma cousine Isabelle
sera décidément célébré lundi prochain, le 30 mai. Je n'ai pas _issued_
d'invitations pour assister à cette cérémonie, mais il y a certaines
personnes dont la présence serait pour moi une grande satisfaction à cause
des anciennes relations qui ont existé entre elles et ma famille. Je n'ai
pas besoin de vous dire que vous êtes de ce nombre, mon cher Monsieur
Reeve, et surtout après la lettre si aimable que vous m'avez écrite à
propos de mon mariage je ne puis me refuser le plaisir de vous avertir de
sa célébration, afin que, si vous le pouvez, vous veniez y assister. Si
j'avais pu vous en parler de vive voix, je vous aurais mieux dit que je
n'ai adressé à personne d'invitation formelle, qu'en vous faisant cette
proposition je ne veux vous imposer aucune gêne, mais que par cela même
votre présence n'aurait que plus de prix à mes yeux.

Vous m'excuserez de n'avoir cherché ce matin qu'à vous expliquer ma pensée
aussi brièvement que possible. En ce temps-ci tous mes moments sont
comptés.

La cérémonie aura lieu à la chapelle catholique de Kingston à 10-1/2h. a.m.
Le train qui part de Waterloo Station à 9h.40 pour Surbiton arrive à temps.

Votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

As to which the Journal says:--

_May 23rd_--The Raymonds and Mlle. Lebreton came.

_24th_.--Dined with Raymond at Claremont. Great royal dinner; fifty-two
persons; was presented to the Infanta Isabella.

_30th_.--Marriage of the Comte de Paris. Banquet at Claremont. Ball at the
Duc de Chartres'--Ham House. I drove Chartres from Claremont to the ball.

_June 7th_.--The centenary dinner of The Club; twenty-five members present;
Milman in the chair. Lord Brougham was there. I sat between the Bishop of
London (Tait) and Eastlake.

There was at this time much sentimental sympathy with Denmark in her
unequal struggle against the combined forces of Prussia and Austria; but as
France, Russia, and Sweden, which, equally with England, were parties
to the treaty of 1852, refused to give Denmark any active support, the
practical feeling was that English interests were not involved to such an
extent as to render it advisable to assert them by force of arms.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_G. C., June 24th_.--As far as I can make out there is no real war feeling
in the country, though a great disposition in the H. of C. to turn out
the Government, whether it decides upon being pacific or bellicose; and I
expect that a vote of censure, or want of confidence, will be successful.
If you hear anything reliable on the subject, pray let me know.

_June 26th_.--The island-occupation plan is very well devised, and if our
cat was jumping that way, it would be worthy of very serious consideration;
but it won't do to embark single-handed in such operations.... The peace
feeling at home becomes stronger every day, except for mere party purposes,
and I don't believe that sending the fleet to the Baltic even would meet
with support, as we are under no obligation to do so; though if German
operations were to extend beyond the peninsula, and Copenhagen was menaced,
a different policy must, of course, be adopted.

The Journal goes on:--

_July 20th_.--The Duc d'Aumale's ball to the Prince of Wales; beautiful
night.

_21st_.--To Ongar, to see my uncle, Edward Reeve.

_24th_.--Went to Aix by Rotterdam, with W. Wallace; met the James Watneys
at Aix. Back by Ostend, August 3rd.

_August 9th_.--Joined Christine and Hopie at Perth, and proceeded to Skibo.
Marochetti and Seaforth there. Shot with Marochetti. On the 25th left
Skibo. Thence to Brahan. On the 31st, pic-nic to the Falls of Rogie, with
Lord Blandford playing on the bugle.

_September 1st_.--To Raith. 7th, to Arniston. 10th, to Ancrum, Kirklands.
16th, to see Harriet Martineau at Ambleside. 18th.--Home.

_September 22nd_.--Torry Hill. 23rd, excursion to Margate races, with Lord
Kingsdown. Shooting at Torry Hill.

Mr. Richardson died at Kirklands on October 4th. Attended the funeral at
Ancrum on the 10th. Mr. Liddell read the English service at the grave. To
Brougham on my way back.

_October 13th_.--Left London on a visit to the Marochettis at Vaux.

_23rd_.--Visit to the Guizots at Val Richer. 27th, to Caen. 28th, to
Angers. 30th, to Saumur.

_November 1st_.--Amboise. 2nd, Loches. 4th, Paris.

_7th_.--Home.

_8th_.--Dinner at Lord Granville's.

_23rd_.--Munro of Novar died very suddenly. He was buried at Kensal Green
on December 1st.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_C. O., November 24th_. You may conceive with how much surprise and concern
I received this morning a telegram from the factor at Novar, to announce
the sudden death last night of my old and much-valued friend, the Laird
of Novar, for whom, in spite of his singularities, I had a most sincere
regard. I have telegraphed to Butler Johnstone, in Dumfriesshire, and
to his son at Rokeby, and urged them to go down immediately; but it has
occurred to me that perhaps you would take the train and go over yourself,
as there is no one there to give any directions, and the factor is a new
man. I have also telegraphed to Raith at Cannes.... Let me know if you hear
any particulars. I wonder whether he left a will; very probably none.

_C. O., November 28th_.--We felt so much alike in our regard for Novar,
that I was confident that we should feel exactly alike in this most sudden
and terrible catastrophe. I could well have spared many a better man, and,
in spite of his peculiarities, there are few persons for whom I could feel
a more sincere and painful regret. For more than twenty years I have shared
with Novar many of the pleasantest hours of life; and although we were in
many respects very dissimilar, there are few persons for whom I felt a
greater sympathy. I have no doubt you decided rightly as to not going to
Novar. My telegram, fortunately, reached Butler Johnstone and his son, both
of whom were in the country, and they speedily got down to Novar. I am told
they have decided to inter our poor friend in London--a decision I should
not have taken myself, but which I bow to, as it is their wish.

Mrs. Butler Johnstone was so much agitated by this event--for she was
passionately attached to her brother--and so entirely solitary--for there
was no one with her but young Theobald Butler--that my wife thought it her
duty to go down to Brighton with her on Saturday, to endeavour to calm and
comfort her until Harry can come back to his mother, which I hope will be
to-morrow....

I have heard from Ferguson, who little expected to survive his cousin and
inherit Novar.

_C. O., December 1st_.--I am just returned from the funeral of our poor
friend at Kensal Green. It was as quiet as possible.... There is no will
at all; but every paper and letter of Novar's is carefully preserved, and
accurately docketed, so that the whole state of his affairs and accounts
may be seen in a moment. The personal property is enormous; he cannot
have had much less than 24,000 £ a year. Ferguson's share of the entailed
estates is about 5,000 £ gross rental; everything else goes to the B. J.'s.
I am very much pleased with the spirit in which B. J. takes all this--a
great desire to do whatever is right to those who may have any claim on
Novar, and no brag or ostentation. He and Harry immediately determined, as
money is no object to them, they would allow nothing to be sold, but would
keep together the gallery of pictures and everything else Novar collected.
The quantities of things are incalculable.... I thought these details would
interest you. For my part, I feel that I have lost one of the persons in
the world with whom I had spent the most pleasant hours, and for whom I had
an extreme regard.

The Journal mentions:--

Shooting at Haslemere and Farnborough to the end of the year.

_January 2nd_, 1865.--Went to Strawberry Hill. A large party in the house;
Clarendon, Duc d'Aumale, Lady Hislop, Perrys, &c. On the 5th to Torry Hill.
12th, to Ampthill. 13th, down to Woburn with Lord Wensleydale and Froude.
14th, to the Grove.

When at Torry Hill I got a note from Charles Greville asking me to come up
to see him. I did so on the 10th. It was then he asked me to take charge of
his journals. Some further conversation took place between us. On the
17th I was with him till half-past seven, and in the same night he died.
[Footnote: See _post_, p. 230.]

_From M. Guizot_

Paris, 1 février.

My dear sir,--Je regrette Charles Greville. C'etait l'un des spectateurs
politiques les plus clairvoyants, les plus fins et les plus équitables que
j'aie rencontrés en ma vie; et un ami fidèle sans se donner tout entier à
personne. Vous devez regretter beaucoup son amitié et sa société. Ses
mémoires seront bien curieux. Je suis charmé qu'il vous les ait légués.
Personne ne saura mieux choisir ce qu'il en faut publier, et le moment
opportun pour les publier. Quand vous prendrez une résolution à cet égard,
je vous prie de m'en avertir; vous en désirerez, ce me semble, une édition
française....

The Journal here gives a remarkable contribution to the history of the
French Revolution of 1830, the substance of which Reeve afterwards
published in the 'Edinburgh Review,' in an article on 'Circourt' (October
1881).

_March 14th_.--The Club elected the Duc d'Aumale and Tennyson.

_19th_.--Mrs. Gollop [Mrs. Reeve's mother] died. I joined Christine at
Strode, and attended the funeral at Lillington.

_April 5th_.--M. de Circourt has been staying with us for three weeks;
inexhaustible in memory, anecdote, and conversation. I first knew him at
Geneva in 1830, where he took refuge after the storm of the Revolution, and
where he soon afterwards married Anastasia de Klustine.

I asked him the other day what he knew of the 'Ordonnances' of July. He
was at that time, with Bois-le-Comte and Vieil-Castel, one of the chief
employés of Prince Polignac, in the Office of Foreign Affairs; and from his
wonderful memory and facility, Polignac used often to send him to Charles
X., to relate the substance of the despatches from foreign Courts. But,
although he was thus versed in foreign affairs, he knew very little of what
was passing in the interior of France, though from the violence of the
conflict between the Court and the Chamber he foreboded a catastrophe.

Polignac told him nothing of the Ordinances, nor had he told the Princess,
his wife; for Circourt dined with them on the day they were signed--it was
Sunday, July 25th, 1830. The minister was _distrait_. The Princess got C.
aside to the piano after dinner, and said to him: 'Il se passe quelque
chose;--do you know what it is?' Neither of them knew. C. thinks, however,
that Bois-le-Comte was in Polignac's confidence.

In consequence of the absence of Marshal Bourmont on the Algerian
expedition, Polignac was minister of war _ad interim_ [as well as
minister of foreign affairs]; but he had not made the smallest military
preparations, or even inquiries, as to the possibility of putting down
a popular tumult. On that Sunday, for the first time, he sent for the
officers in command of the troops. A dispute arose between them, which
Polignac had to settle. It then turned out that in the whole of the first
military division, which included not only Paris, but Orleans and Rouen and
all the intermediate places, there were not 12,000 men. In Paris itself
about 3,400 at that moment, including the _gendarmerie_.

The reason of this was a political and military combination which the
Government had formed, but which I never before heard mentioned by anyone.
Polignac had for some time been intriguing to detach Belgium from the
King of Holland's dominions--chiefly from a fanatical desire to release a
Catholic population from their Protestant connexion, but in part, also,
from a notion that a military demonstration on the side of Belgium would be
popular in France, and would disarm the Opposition. So that the movement
which took place at Brussels shortly after the Revolution of July, and was
attributed to the example of that democratic explosion, had, in fact, been
prepared by Polignac himself. This is strange enough; but what is still
more strange is that the very means taken to promote this lawless object
proved to be the ruin of Charles X. and his minister.

With a view to the occupation of Belgium, or at least of a demonstration on
the frontier, they had assembled two large camps at Luneville and St.-Omer;
and in these camps the bulk of the available forces of the kingdom
were collected, especially as Bourmont had with him a considerable and
well-appointed army in Africa. So that at the very moment when troops were
most needed in Paris, one portion of the King's army was beyond the seas,
and another out of reach on the Belgian frontier.

Bourmont was perfectly aware that some such scheme as that of the
Ordinances was hatching, and the King had given him special orders to
terminate the campaign in Algeria, to carry off the treasure from the
Kasbah, and bring the troops back to France, as soon as possible. About
a month before the Revolution, a ciphered despatch came from Bourmont
--which, I think, Circourt said he was told to transcribe--in which the
marshal earnestly entreated the King to take no important step till his
return; adding that he hoped in a few weeks to terminate the African
expedition, and to prove to the King what he was capable of in his
Majesty's service. He had calculated that by the month of September he
could bring the greater part of the army hack to Paris, and that the
success they had recently had in Africa had attached the troops to himself,
as their commander, so that he would be in a condition to crush all
resistance; and had this plan been pursued, it is by no means impossible
that the _coup d'état_ might have succeeded, as we have seen on some
subsequent occasions.

But Bourmont's despatch in cipher had exactly the opposite effect from that
contemplated by the marshal. It produced in the mind of Polignac a violent
jealousy of his military colleague, and the determination to act in
Bourmont's absence, so as to have all the credit to himself, and remain at
the head of the King's Government. On the day the Ordinances were signed,
Polignac said to Circourt: 'From this day the King begins to reign, which
he has not done before.' These were the motives which precipitated the
blow, and caused it to overwhelm its authors with ruin and confusion.

_April 8th_.--I was elected a corresponding member of the Académie des
Sciences Morales et Politiques, in France.

_14th_.--Went to Paris, and on the 22nd took my seat at the Institute.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, April 23rd_.--Fould is not reasonable about Mexico; for he well
knows that it is we who had to complain of France, and not France of us, in
the original convention, and that ever since we got out of it, so far from
thwarting French designs, we have done what was in our power to support
them; our Government can't help to float a bad loan, but I am sure we have
done the French no harm at Washington. It will be good policy on the part
of Maximilian to encourage Confederate soldiers, provided they don't come
and squat in too great numbers. I understand that the French army is not to
be withdrawn until it is no longer wanted by Maximilian, but that will not
be till the day of judgement--if then.

The journey to Algeria is an inscrutable business. McMahon, I am told, has
insisted strongly upon it, and says that the Imperial presence is
indispensable to _relever_ the tone of the colony; but that is hardly
reason enough for such a _grosse affaire_ as absenting himself from Paris
for six weeks; but if he wishes to create alarm and make people feel how
much he and social order are bound up together, and that they want him
more than he them, then the expedition has a motive, and may have a great
success.

Palmerston had the gout all last week, and was unable to attend the Cabinet
yesterday, but he is expected in town tomorrow, so I hope it is a slight
attack. The uneasiness on one side and excitement on the other, whenever he
is ailing, are curious to observe; for it is pretty generally understood
that until he dies there will be no real shuffle of cards. Last autumn the
Tories talked tall about the majority that the general election was to give
them, but of late they have come down very much, and the best informed
among them now say that things will remain pretty much as they are.

The Journal continues:--

_April 27th_.--Excursion to Port Royal and Dampierre, where we were
received by order of the Duc de Luynes. Circourt was with us. 28th, to
Fontainebleau. Met William Stirling and Lady Anna there; they were just
married. 30th, races in Bois de Boulogne. Took Mrs. Henry Baring there.
Dined at the Embassy.

_May 3rd_.--Excursion to Reims with Circourt and Belvèze.[Footnote: The
Comte de Belvèze, an intimate friend of the Circourts, a man, Reeve wrote,
'of great wit and discernment.' In 1873 he had printed, for private
circulation, a small volume of _Pensées, Maximes et Reflèxions_, a copy of
which he gave Reeve, who 'highly valued it for its intrinsic merit and its
rarity.'] Back to London by Lille and Laon.

_13th_.--My uncle, Tom Reeve, the rector, died. I attended the funeral, and
went on to Thorpe Abbotts.

_June 10th_.--Party given by the Hudson's Bay Company to see their ships at
Gravesend. Dined there.

Went to Bracknell and Ascot.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, June 11th_. I make you my sincere compliment upon the article,
[Footnote: 'Dissolution of Parliament,' by Reeve. It appeared in the July
number of the _Review_.] and thank you for giving me an early read of it.
It is by far the ablest defence I have yet seen for the donothingness of
the Government about Reform; and you have most skilfully brought all the
different schemes face to face, in order to knock their heads together, at
the same time that you show yourself, as the organ of the Whig party, to be
liberal and progressive, and not only ready, but anxious, to adopt any
plan of Reform that will really effect that which reasonable men unite in
desiring. I think the article will do great good; and I only wish that it
could be circulated among classes rather lower than the ordinary readers of
the 'Edinburgh Review.'

Might you not in the last page enlarge a little more upon the opposition
which the Tories, for party purposes, or from shortsightedness, have always
made to Liberal measures? For that in reality is the strong case against
them; and in judging of their fitness for power, the electors should
consider how the country would have stood if their persistent opposition
had been successful; how we should have passed through the political crisis
of '48 if the Corn Laws had been unrepealed; or the cotton famine, if
Free-trade had not been established. The electors should also well consider
whether they will accept, as governors and guides, men who predicted evils
of the worst kind from measures which have produced the happiest results.

All these points are well alluded to in the last page, but they seem to me
to want a few grains of salt; and we may be sure that Lord Robert Cecil
[Footnote: The present Marquis of Salisbury. His elder brother, Viscount
Cranborne, died three days after the date of this letter, June 14th.] in
the 'Quarterly' will pepper the Whigs abundantly.

The Journal at this time has:--

Gout in July. Went to Aix on the 25th. The Aumales, Alcocks, and Lord St.
Germans there. Home on August 17th.

_August 9th_.--To Scotland. We went again to Skibo. Harry Butler Johnstone
there. Stayed at Skibo till the 30th. Then to Brahan. Found the Fergusons
at Novar. Lord Kingsdown had taken Holme House, near Nairn. Went to see him
there. Cawdor Castle. Then to Pitcorthie [James Moncreiff's] [Footnote: At
this time Lord Advocate. Created a baronet in 1871, and a peer, as Lord
Moncreiff, in 1874.] and Raith and Abington.

_September 23rd_.--Dined with Lord Granville to meet Castalia Campbell and
Lady Acton. Lord G. was married on the 26th [to Miss Campbell].

To Torry Hill in October; also to Badger Hall and High Legh, and Loseley
(then rented by Thomson Hankey).

_November 15th_.--Went down to Woodnorton [near Evesham], to see the
Aumales at their farm. Shot there.

But the great topic of the latter part of the year, the subject which was
in everyone's mind, was the cattle plague--the rinderpest--which threatened
to become a matter of extreme national importance. When, at the time that
now is, people are inclined to grumble at the precautionary measures
adopted by Government, they should look back to the records of 1865 and
read of the very serious alarm then felt. Writing to Dempster, himself a
high authority on agricultural questions, Reeve naturally spoke of this,
and the correspondence is largely filled with such sentences as:--

_September 22nd_.--A nearer acquaintance with the cattle disease is a very
disagreeable addition to one's knowledge. They are afraid it will last for
many years, and sweep off a great portion of the cattle in the kingdom....
You'll think I have got the rinderpest myself to write about nothing but
these brutes.

_September 28th_.--The disease has now spread to sheep, and I verily
believe we shall have a meat famine.

_October 12th_.--The ravages of the disease increase. We were to have gone
to pay two visits in Essex this week, but our hosts are so distracted by
the loss of their kine and the absence of dairy produce that they broke up
their party and put us off.

_October 18th_.--The opinion of the Cattle Commission is that nothing can
be done to stay the plague without putting a stop to all transport or
movement of live cattle; and I expect this will be done. But how are we to
be fed?

_November 23rd_.--The Lords of the Council have at last resolved to give
all local authorities in Britain the power of stopping the entry of cattle
into their own district, and all beasts brought to the Metropolitan Market
are to be killed there.

And thus this plague, the illness and death of Lord Palmerston, and--more
personal--the alarming illness and slow, lingering convalescence of Miss
Charlotte Dempster--'my fair contributor,' as Reeve used to call her--fill
the correspondence of the year. One note only, an account of Reeve's visit
to Woodnorton, has a more particular interest.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_C. O., November 23rd_.--My last campaign has been in Worcestershire, where
I went to see a barnful of princes and princesses in a house much more like
a very wild Highland shooting quarter than an Englishman's hunting-box.
However, this only made the whole party more jolly; and as the stables are
very superior to the house, I shall entreat them, the next time I go, to
give me a loose box instead of a bedroom. Cutbush is supposed to have slept
on a dresser in the servants' hall; and a stray Frenchman who arrived one
evening was laid up in the smoking-room, on a sofa.

And, according to the Journal, the year closed with--

Visits to Farnborough, Denbigh (Haslemere), and Timsbury [Ralph Dutton's,
near Romsey].

Between Reeve and the Duttons there was a friendship of many years'
standing, and they were there, wrote Mrs. Reeve, 'a pleasant little party
of ten, only Henry has had a very bad fit of gout and could not join the
shooters, or even the dinner-table some days: too provoking!' They remained
at Timsbury for a week, and then:--

_January 10th_.--A pleasant party at Torry Hill, with Sir E. Head and Kit.
Pemberton. Shooting in the snow, which was heavy.

_18th_.--Sir C. Eastlake was buried.

One day at a dinner party of Royal Academicians at Eastlake's, they were
discussing the merits of Solomon the painter and praising him. 'Yes,' said
Valentine Prinsep, 'but Solomon in all his glory is not R.A.ed like one of
these.'

_24th_. We were invited rather late in the morning to the christening
of Sir Robert and Lady Emily Peel's infant daughter, and to a banquet
afterwards. Christine came down to my office at two o'clock, and we went
across to Whitehall Chapel. Sir Robert stood _rayonnant_ at the door; Lady
Emily looked the picture of maternal beauty; and in the chapel we found a
small but remarkable party--Duke and Duchess of Wellington, Lord and Lady
Russell, the Gladstones, Lady Ely, the Dufferins, &c., about fifty in all.
Lord Russell said he had never been inside that building [Footnote: Now the
Museum of the Royal United Service Institution.] before. Gladstone was very
cordial, and we joined our enthusiasm about the roof of the building and
the Rubenses. The Queen stood Godmother.

After the ceremony we all adjourned to Whitehall Gardens. I was unluckily
obliged to go away, but Christine stayed for the luncheon, which was
superb. Gladstone proposed the health of the infant.

_25th_.--Dinner at Orleans House, on Condé's departure for his journey to
the East; Murchison and Trevelyan there. The Prince de Condé [Footnote: The
eldest son of the Duc d'Aumale, born in 1845, died at Sydney on May 24th,
1866. The Duke's second and third sons lived only a few weeks; the fourth,
the Duc de Guise, born in 1854, died in 1872.] reached Sydney, but caught a
fever there and died. His poor mother never recovered the shock.

_27th_.--John Edward Taylor, my oldest friend,[Footnote: A first cousin,
elder son of Edward Taylor; see _ante_, vol. i. p. 167.] died.

A couple of months later Mr. Taylor's daughter, Lucy, was married to
William Markby, going out to Calcutta as a judge on a salary of 4,000 £
a year. 'She is a very lucky girl' wrote Mrs. Reeve, 'her face her sole
fortune, to win the love of a man so clear-headed and warm-hearted.'

Circourt came on a visit to us in March. We went together to Lincoln. I
spent Easter at Lord Wharncliffe's at Wortley, with the Samuel Bakers (the
African traveller) and the Tankervilles, and rejoined Circourt at Frystone
(R. M. Milnes'). Thence to Ampthill, also with Circourt.

_From Lord Westbury_

_March 1st_.--I send you the proof of the judgement in Edwards _v_.
Moss, corrected and purged of some of its colloquial pleonastic forms of
expression. It is very difficult to reduce a speech to the accuracy of a
written composition. In doing so, the merit of the speech is lost, and the
'redacted' elements form a very bad paper. Old Tommy Townshend, when he
heard of a good speech being printed, used to ask 'How does it read?--for
if it reads well, it was not a good speech.' A judgement orally delivered
extempore may be satisfactory to the ear, but when reduced to paper, the
sentences become involved and jejune.

The diction of a good composition is [Greek: lexis katestrammeon],
the diction of a speech is [Greek: lexis eiromeon]. I cannot understand
how the senators or the Roman plebs could follow or endure the elaborate
periods of Cicero, if they were delivered as written. I am sure with the
funeral oration of Pericles, a common audience would have sat with mouths
open, incapable of following a single sentence. So also with the orations
of Livy. In fact, if the speeches delivered in the Roman Senate or the
Athenian Forum were anything like the speeches reported, to listen to them
must have been a great strain upon the mind and attention of the hearer.

I am writing to you whilst a learned counsel is arguing, but whose words
and meaning are so obscure and involved that I am much in the condition of
my supposed [Greek: aplous hakroataes] of the funeral oration.

The Journal goes on to speak of a subject of peculiar literary and
historical interest.

_April 11th_.--Started with Christine and Circourt for Paris _viâ_ Havre,
and at Rouen paid a visit to the Cardinal-Archbishop (Bonnechose).

The publication in 1864 of three volumes of the letters of Marie
Antoinette, under the title 'Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette et Madame
Elisabeth. Lettres et Documents inédits;' publiés par F. Feuillet de
Conches, and of another volume--' Correspondance inédite de Marie
Antoinette. Publiée sur les Documents originaux;' par le Comte Paul Vogt
d'Hunolstein--had excited a keen controversy, in which one party, led by
Professor von Sybel, the historian of the Revolution, maintained that the
letters were forgeries. On the other hand, Reeve wrote an article for
the 'Edinburgh Review' of April 1866, on the 'Correspondence of Marie
Antoinette' in which he argued that the letters edited by M. d'Hunolstein
were of very doubtful authenticity, but that those of the larger work of
M. Feuillet de Conches were genuine. His visit to Paris gave him the
opportunity to make a further examination, of which, and his interview with
Sybel, he wrote a curious account.

_Sunday, April 15th_.--I called on M. Feuillet de Conches, the editor
of the Marie Antoinette letters, whose authenticity is impugned, and on
leaving his house I called on Lavergne, where I met M. de Sybel, the German
professor, by whom these charges have been most actively brought and
disseminated. I found that M. de Sybel, though in Paris, had not seen
anything of Feuillet's collection, though he had publicly stated that he
was going to Paris to clear up the whole story. Upon this I assured him
(as was the fact) that I knew Feuillet would receive him with the utmost
courtesy, if he would call upon him, and would show him anything and
everything in his collections bearing on this matter; and as he appeared
to hesitate, I offered myself to conduct and introduce him. Upon this he
hesitated still more, and at last said that the fact was that his mind was
so fully made up on the subject, and his conviction that these documents
are forged is so complete, that no amount of ocular evidence would shake
it, and he should only conclude that the author of these fabrications was a
very skilful fellow.

Upon this I desisted from any further attempt to bring M. de Sybel
acquainted with M. Feuillet's collection, but I made this note of the
conversation (which took place in the presence of M. de Lavergne) to show
how strong M. de Sybel's prepossessions are. I have myself again examined
the documents, and though I have doubts as to one or two of them, said to
proceed from the Abbé Vermond's papers, I see no reason to disbelieve the
genuineness of the vast majority of the letters of the Queen which Feuillet
possesses.

Home on April 26th.

_May_.--Dr. Watson said, dining at the Literary Club, that he had been
present at the death of Lord Palmerston. He retained his usual courtesy and
cheerfulness in his last illness, and when Lady Palmerston came into the
room he kissed his hand to her. The immediate cause of his death was his
taking a walk on the terrace at Brocket without his hat. The apothecary
remonstrated--upon which he said: 'Oh! it's only what the bathers call
taking a "header."' As the hour of dissolution approached he lost
his consciousness, but still spoke occasionally. His last words were
(apparently as if his mind was at work on a treaty) 'That's article
ninety-eight; now go on to the next.' Very characteristic end.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, June 9th_.--I had little doubt of the war, and I now consider
it as begun. With the exception of the Italians and M. de Bismarck,
everyone is entering on it with regret and uneasiness. I have never known
France so unanimous in the desire for peace; but notwithstanding the
injury to our interests and the shock to our opinions, the country has no
confidence in its right to resist, and has lost the habit of it. There
will be grumblings and prophecies of misfortune, but there will be no
opposition; and if there should be any military success, followed by
territorial aggrandisement, people will forget their ill humour, and will
even applaud a little, but always without confidence. It is impossible to
stray with impunity from the path of sound policy; as soon as we leave it,
we enter on the wrong path and advance by that. In this life it is not
possible to remain stationary.

I understand your political attitude. There is no reason why you should
take part in the struggle; but what I do not understand, what I regret, is
the manifest uncertainty of your opinions. Not only do you do nothing, but
you seem as if you did not know what to believe. As lookers-on you are
undecided, as actors you are inert. In the state of trouble and weakness
in which the intelligence of Europe is now plunged, you, simply by letting
your opinions be clearly seen, by the directness of your language, might
have an enormous influence on the course of events. But in England, as
everywhere else, the idea of moral force seems lost. It is true that such
idea requires a knowledge of what one thinks, and of what one desires. It
is possible not to give material support to a cause, but it is necessary to
have one.

In any case, I am extremely glad that Lord Clarendon remains at the Foreign
Office. He will, perhaps, see more clearly, will act with less want of
foresight than others. Is it true that, on account of the state of affairs
on the Continent, there is in England a tacit suspension of hostilities
between the two parties, and that the Cabinet is no longer seriously
attacked?...

Je suis charmé que le second volume de mes 'Meditations' vous ait
intéressé. Je ne sais pas le nom de la personne qui fait, dans 'l'Edinburgh
Review,' un article sur le premier volume. Dites-moi si elle aurait quelque
envie de parler du second, et si vous voulez que je vous en fasse envoyer,
pour elle, un exemplaire. Most cordially yours,

GUIZOT.

War broke out between Prussia and Austria in June.

_June 9th_.--Party down to Gravesend by water to see the Hudson's Bay
Company's ships. Dinner at Gravesend.

_July 13th_.--To Aix-la-Chapelle by way of Paris. Heard Mignet read his
notice of Tocqueville at the Institute. Spent a fortnight at Aix, and
visited Bruges in our way home.

_August 11th_.--Went to Novar, by Perth. Thence to Braban, to Ardross, and
to Foss, where Lord Kingsdown had taken a moor. Then to Dunnichen; called
at Glamis and Kinnaird Castle. Then to Eaith, and to Lord Belhaven's at
Wishaw; the Warwicks and Sir A. Alison there. Home on September 17th.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_Dunnichen, September 10th_.--Your kind letter from Paris reached me at
Novar, at the precise moment when I was about to take the field with the
new laird on August 13th. It gave me real pleasure to have something of
your company on that day; and when we had reached the back of Fyrish, and
could command the Dornoch Firth and the hills beyond it, even to Dunrobin,
I looked with affectionate eyes to the woods of Skibo.

The season has been favourable. Raith and I--neither of us a first-class
walker--killed seventy brace on the Monday, and I got thirty brace alone on
several succeeding days. From Novar we went to Brahan, where everything
is as lively as usual, and Seaforth in great force,... I then joined Lord
Kingsdown at Foss, on Loch Tummel, a delightful place in the centre of the
Perthshire Highlands, where you see all Scotland at your feet, from Ben
Nevis to Lochnagar. By this time the grouse were becoming wild, and we had
descended to fifteen or sixteen brace a day, but we had a splendid drive of
blue hares, and slew 367 of them. I then came on here, where I find a
most comfortable house, a most kind reception, and a most sociable
neighbourhood.... All in short is extremely pleasant, and it is most
agreeable to see George so perfectly in his place, and at the head of a
well-managed estate....

_From Lord Westbury_

_September 5th_.--I am anxious, before I leave for the Continent, to know
if I can be of any service at the sittings of the Judicial Committee. My
present purpose is to go to Biarritz, and thence to Italy. But if I can be
of utility, and am really wanted, I would return from Biarritz by November
1st, and could devote the whole of November to diligent attendance on
the Judicial Committee. I am sorry that I cannot offer to attend during
December, as matters of a pressing nature will then require my presence in
Italy.

It is, I think, very desirable that the sittings of the Judicial Committee
should be certain and continuous at and during a considerable portion of
the year; and I should be glad to see the practice adopted of its beginning
to sit on November 1st in every year, and continuing its sittings until
Christmas if required. You will know whether the state of business at
present renders this desirable....

Lord Justice Knight Bruce is a great invalid, and it is hardly fair to
expect that, after a laborious term, the Lords Justices should at once
commence sitting at the Privy Council. These considerations induce me to
write to you. But you will fully understand that, if it is possible to do
without further aid, I shall be much obliged to you not to accept my offer.
I shall not write to the President or the Lord Chancellor until I have
heard from you.

_To Lord Westbury_

_C. O., September 28th_.--Under the peculiar circumstances of the present
year and the state of business in the Court, the Lord Chancellor thinks
it right to acquiesce in your lordship's suggestion that the Judicial
Committee should sit one month earlier than usual in order to dispose of
the existing arrear of causes. The Lord Chancellor is, however, of opinion
that this sitting in Michaelmas term should be regarded as exceptional and
not to be drawn into a precedent, and that it will be expedient hereafter
to adhere to the established practice and to the order in Council which
directs the sittings to be held after each term. For many years the
sittings have been invariably so held in December, February, and June and
July; and at each sitting the whole of the business ready for hearing has
been disposed of. The only exception to this order occurred last summer in
consequence of the illness of Sir James Colvile; and the consequence is
that (for the first time for many years) there is now an arrear to be
disposed of. Your lordship's timely assistance will, however, enable the
court to clear off this arrear by this extraordinary sitting; and it is not
to be anticipated that the same necessity will occur again, although it
undoubtedly exists at the present time. When November 1st approaches, I
shall have the honour to send the printed cases and the usual summons to
your lordship's residence in London, and I shall give ample notice to the
parties that the Judicial Committee will meet for the despatch of business
on that day.

_From Lord Chelmsford_[Footnote: At this time Lord Chancellor.]

7 Eaton Square, October 3rd.

Dear Reeve,--Lord Westbury's letter is satisfactory. Your communication to
him, which was highly judicious, has contributed mainly to put things on
the right footing.

Knight Bruce's state of health, following upon what I should think must
have been for some time his felt incapacity for work, ought to be a warning
to him to terminate a life of useful labour by an honourable retirement. If
the hint is lost upon him, he will be a great impediment to the efficiency
of the Judicial Committee.

I suppose the temporary assistance of Lord Westbury will not dispense with
the necessity of providing some permanent addition to the strength of the
tribunal. Your suggestion as to Vice-Chancellor Kindersley quite met my
views, and I suppose might still be carried out with advantage. Of course I
can do nothing of this sort without Lord Derby's sanction, and therefore I
should like to have your confirmation of my opinion that this is the best
plan that can be resorted to for the present, before I communicate with him
on the subject. A letter sent to my house will be forwarded in my box which
I receive daily. Yours sincerely, CHELMSFORD.

The Journal notes:--

Visits to Sparrow's Herne and to Shendish (Charles Longman's), Parnborough
and Torry Hill. The Judicial Committee sat early-November 1st.

_November 8th_.--Lord Westbury, Froude, Lecky, Mrs. Norton, Bayleys,
Simpson, and Longman dined with us. It was very amusing. [Mrs. Reeve wrote
of it as 'brilliant;' and of Lord Westbury as resembling Falstaff and Lord
Bacon rolled into one.]

The earliest critical notice of the battle of Lissa, fought on July 20th,
appeared in the 'Revue des deux Mondes' of November 15th. It was at the
time, and has been ever since, generally attributed to the Prince de
Joinville; an error which gives the following letter a more especial
interest, though it may be thought doubtful whether the suggestion offered
by the Prince was correct:--

_From the Prince de Joinville_

Woodnorton, 22 novembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Mon frère Aumale vient de me communiquer votre
aimable lettre, à laquelle je m'empresse de répondre. Les éloges que vous
donnez à l'auteur de l'article sur Lissa sont très-mérités, car le
travail est très-intéressant; mais ils ne sont pas pour moi, car je suis
_complètement_ étranger à la paternité de ce remarquable morceau, auquel je
ne reproche qu'une chose--la sevérité de ses jugements sur un homme dans la
position de Persano.

J'ignore absolument le nom de l'auteur; mais le style élégant, la précision
des informations et quelques détails d'opinion que je ne partage pas
m'avaient fait supposer que nous devions attribuer à Jurien de la Gravière
le travail en question. En tous cas, quelque soit l'auteur, je demande
à tous mes amis de lui renvoyer le mérite et la responsabilité qui lui
appartiennent.

Croyez toujours, Monsieur, à mes sentiments d'amitié.

FR. D'ORLÉANS.

_To Lord Westbury_

_G. O., November 28th_.--I received the revised judgements yesterday, and
have sent them to the printers for correction. I will take care that your
emendations are carefully made, and I will again look them all carefully
over. Unless I hear again from you to the contrary, I do not understand
that you wish to see another revise of them (as it is termed) before they
are issued.

In spite of your own preference for the 'wild freshness of morning' and all
the dewdrops hanging on the roses, I must be allowed to assure you that, in
my poor judgement, they are improved by this severe revision, and that the
judicial style is, like Musidora, when 'unadorned adorned the most.' Of
that style I think these judgements will be quoted hereafter as masterly
specimens.

_From Lord Kingsdown_

Torry Hill, Sittingbourne: January 7th, 1867.

My dear Reeve,--I have read your paper, and have no hesitation in saying
that I think the smallness of your salary quite a scandal and a disgrace
to the Court of which you are so important an officer. Knowing as I do the
past services which, during a period of more than twenty years, you have
rendered to the board, whilst its position has been gradually settling,
I should say that 2,000 £. a year would be not at all more than a fair
remuneration to you during the remainder of your term of office. If the
country could be certain, by the same salary, of securing an equally
efficient successor, I should think it money well laid out. Your duties
are of a very peculiar character; and often require, in addition to the
qualities required for the discharge of the ordinary routine duties of a
registrar, others of a much rarer description. The correspondence with the
different tribunals whose decisions are reviewed, and with the different
departments of the Government, which are sometimes disposed to shift to the
Judicial Committee the determination of matters not properly belonging to
it, demand not unfrequently the exercise of great tact, discretion, and
delicacy. But unfortunately a large salary does not always secure services
of corresponding value, and sometimes, I am afraid, rather has an opposite
tendency, and operates as a temptation to jobbery. On the whole, I should
say that 1,500 £. a year would be a fair offer to a new man; but I think
that the Treasury should have the power to increase it to any amount
not exceeding 2,000 £. after ten or fifteen years' service, on the
recommendation of the committee.

The next letter, from Lord Wensleydale, is interesting as a piece of verbal
criticism; showing, also, how a pilot in avoiding Scylla may easily run
his bark into Charybdis, or how a writer, whilst objecting to a harmless
'firstly,' may perpetrate an atrocious 'differ with.'

Ampthill Park, January 31st.

My dear Reeve,--I was much pleased to hear that 'firstly' was an error. I
hope you will take some course to indicate your judgement--'a very best
authority'--and to prevent the 'Edinburgh Review' giving the word its high
authority. I have taken every opportunity to amend Acts of Parliament when
I find the error in Dom. Proc. I have a sort of mania on the subject.

I have not had an opportunity of looking at the Bishop of Oxford's case.
I differ with him entirely about the Banns case, and, between ourselves,
think he is oily and saponaceous.--Yours ever sincerely,

WENSLEYDALE.

The following, from Professor--afterwards Sir Richard--Owen, seems to refer
to a proposed review of the Duke of Argyll's 'Reign of Law,' and possibly,
also, of the Rev. Edwin Sidney's 'Conversations on the Bible and Science.'
Whether Owen was too drastic in his methods or not does not certainly
appear; but, for some reason, the article was either not written or not
published, though the friendly relations between Owen and Reeve remained
unaffected.

Sheen Lodge, Richmond Park, March 9th.

My dear Reeve,--The end and aim of the 'Reign of Law' is to exalt our
conceptions of its head, and to destroy pretenders to the throne. The Duke
has shown, as you observe, caution in avoiding the latter application. But
the old 'Edinburgh' was once eminently iconoclastic, and its reputation
still floats on the brave work of its youth. I fear, too we should have
lost some best bits and hits of dear old Sydney had his editor been too
precise in defining a personality. As to the other old Sidney, I, too, know
him well; his libellus _is_ small game, but it is the type of a class doing
much mischief. You think I have been too outspoken. Believe me, it is only
a question of time; and _you_ will speak out quite as plainly when the
'Forlorn' has made the breach safe. But one would wish to see the 'Blue and
Yellow' in the post of honour.

I had misgivings at the first that I might be unfit for your want. My time
draws on, and, under a sense of responsibility for its use, I cannot write
platitudes.

Sincerely yours,

RICHD. OWEN.

The Journal for 1867 begins with--

Usual engagements in the early part of the year. Circourt came in April,
and we went together to Norwich.

To Paris in April. Met Mrs. Grote and Hayward on the road. Morny gave me a
card to see the Great Exhibition before it opened. A great banquet at the
Embassy on the 25th. On the 30th with Chevalier to Lemaire's fabrique. He
gave me my aluminium binocle. Ball at the Marine. Dined at Julian Fane's.
[Footnote: The secretary of the embassy.] Binet came to Paris from Geneva.
May 6th, went to see Thiers on the last evening. May 7th, dined with Mon,
the Spanish ambassador. Home on the 8th.

_May 11th_.--Some of the Novar pictures were sold. I bought my Cuyp, small
Claude, P. Veronese, Watts, Rubens' drawing, Palma Vecchio, and some small
ones.

Visit to Torry Hill in June, but Lord Kingsdown was dying. [Footnote: He
died on October 7th.] I took De Mussy down to see him. I went there again
in July.

_From Lord Kingsdown_

_Torry Hill, June 26th_.--It is most kind in you to write to me as often as
you do, and always whenever you have anything agreeable to tell me. Both
your last letters are full of such matter. It is inexpressibly pleasing to
me to receive so many marks as I do of the kindness and affection of my
friends; and if any or all of those who professed a disposition to come and
see me would do so, I should be delighted to receive them, collectively
or individually. I have a letter from Cranworth this morning, most kindly
offering to come down here on Saturday next. If you could look up and send
down anybody as a companion to him, it would be more agreeable to him and
to me. Possibly Peel [Footnote: Sir Lawrence Peel.] might be induced to
come.

I have not, of course, the face to ask you to come down on Saturday, but I
hold you to your promise to see me again here before you go to the North.

I am, truly and gratefully yours,

KINGSDOWN.

The Journal mentions some of the functions of the season.

_June 27th_.--Dinner at home to the F. Stanleys, [Footnote: The present
Earl and Countess of Derby.] Mme. Mohl, Seaforth, Lecky, Blumenthal, T.
Bruces, Fords remarkably pleasant.

_29th_.--Dinner at the Duc de Chartres', at Ham. The Russells, Clarendons,
Saxe-Weimars, Waldegraves, A. Kinnaird.

_July 10th_.--Holland House garden party. Lady Derby's party to the Pasha
of Egypt. On the 19th, grand ball, at the India Office, to the Sultan.

_From Lord Cairns_

5 Cromwell Houses, South Kensington, July 17th.

Dear Reeve,--I enclose the Indian judgement, revised, and also the 'Agra'
judgement [Footnote: A case of collision in the Channel between the ship
'Agra' and a bark, 'Elizabeth Jenkins.' The judgement was delivered on the
20th by Sir William Erle.] with a few verbal alterations. I am sorry I
cannot deliver the latter; but the state of our work in Chancery is such
that the sittings cannot be well curtailed, even for an hour. I trust some
member of the board, with a strong nautical twang, will be so good as to
deliver it; and if the speaker could but adopt that hitch of the trouser
which made Lord Clarence Paget so effective in the House of Commons, it
would, I have no doubt, add much to the effect of a composition otherwise
so tame.

Yours faithfully, CAIRNS.

_From Lord Kingsdown_

_Torry Hill, July 30th_.--I hear you are starting for Scotland the end of
this week, and I cannot let you go without repeating to you once more my
earnest and most cordial thanks for the great kindness which you have shown
to me during my long sickness, both in constantly writing to me and in many
other ways. I wish I had a letter from you this morning, for the upshot of
what passed last night in the House of Lords far passes my comprehension.
If you should find occasionally a leisure half-hour, and will employ it in
informing me of your proceedings on the moors, I shall be very grateful.

I think it not impossible that in the course of your wanderings you may
fall in with Jowett. If you do, pray explain to him how very sensible I was
of his friendship in offering to come down here to see me, and how very
much I was mortified at being obliged to decline his offer. In my present
condition, it is absurd even to suppose plans for the future; but I do not
_quite_ despair of seeing you here during this next partridge or pheasant
season.

The Journal mentions that--

Gladstone agreed to write the political article for the 'Edinburgh' in
October. It was called 'Sequel to the Session.' Curious conversation with
him about the Irish Church.

_August 3rd_.--Went down to Weybridge to see Mrs. Austin. It was the last
time, for she died on the 8th, when I was at sea, on my way to Scotland. We
arrived at Aberdeen on the 9th, and learned it there. To Novar and Ardross,
where good shooting. Then to Uppat, boating and fishing with the Duke of
Sutherland, George Loch, and Forsyth.

We went from Uppat to Brahan; then to Dunnichen and Springfield, a place
near Roslyn the Dempsters had taken. Then to Abington and home.

_From M. Guizot_

Val Richer, 15 Août.

My dear Sir,--Sir Alexander Gordon m'avait annoncé la perte que nous
venons de faire. Je dis nous, car Madame Austin était pour moi une vraie
et intime amie. Je l'ai connue dans mes joies et mes tristesses, dans mes
succès et mes revers. Je l'ai trouvée toujours la même, la même élévation
d'esprit, le même coeur sympathique et dévoué. Je n'espérais plus la
revoir; je le lui disais dans la dernière lettre que je lui ai écrite, et
en me répondant il y a un mois, elle me disait presque adieu. Mais la
distance est grande entre l'adieu annoncé et l'adieu réel. Sa mort est
pour moi un vrai chagrin. Et pour mes filles aussi, à qui elle a temoigné
tant d'affection et de bonté.

J'ai prié Sir Alexander de m'envoyer la meilleure gravure en photographie
qui existe d'elle. Envoyez moi aussi, je vous prie, ce qui sera publié sur
son compte, et ajoutez y tous les détails que vous recueillerez.

Sadly and sincerely yours,

GUIZOT.




CHAPTER XVI

CHURCH POLITICS


Early in October, Reeve, with his wife--Miss Reeve--was staying in
Scotland--set out for Geneva, and, travelling by easy stages through
Antwerp, Luxembourg, Metz--'a very pretty, attractive town,' not yet
brought into vulgar repute by its siege and surrender in the Franco-German
war--Nancy, Strasbourg, and Bale, arrived on the 12th. The weather was
cold and wintry; and, after a short stay at Geneva, they went on to
Marseilles, where Reeve's uncle, Philip Taylor, the founder of the 'Forges
et Chantiers,' was still living, a hale old man of eighty, with his wife,
'some seven years younger, and not at all old in figure, look, and voice.'
Then to Cannes, which was coming fast into note--'building going on with
great activity, and ground fetching higher prices every year'; and, after
an excursion to Nice and Mentone, they turned northwards, were at Paris on
November 6th, and reached home on the 10th. The Journal adds:--

_January 6th, 1868_.--Went on a visit to Loseley Park, then occupied by the
Thomson Hankeys--the old seat of Sir Thomas More. Mlle. Ernestine declaimed
there.

_From Lord Westbury_

_January 14th_.--Pray, if you can, give us a paper with some variety, and
not wholly composed of dreary Indian appeals, the hearing of which always
reminded me of the toil of Pharaoh's charioteers, when they drave heavily
their wheelless chariots in the deep sands of the Red Sea.

Who is it that has dug so deep into the Talmud, and written that remarkable
paper, [Footnote: 'The Talmud,' _Quarterly Review,_ October 1867.] for
which, a century ago, he would have been the subject of a writ _De
haeretico comburendo_?

_Hinton St. George, January 16th_.--Your arrangement is a very good one,
but, for fear of accident, I will certainly leave this place on Monday,
February 3rd, so that you may count on me for Tuesday if required. The
gorge rises at the thought of being fed on curry, rice, and chutnee sauce
for three weeks; I shall certainly contract a disease of the liver. If you
can send us occasionally to sea on an Admiralty case, it will be a little
relief. I have observed that petitions for prolongation of patents
frequently occupy an (apparently) undue time. If there are any such, I
think we may despatch them. I hope Lord Justice Cairns will use the days he
gains for reducing the arrears in Chancery. I am much obliged to him for
his kind expressions.

The best advice that his friends can give Rolt [Footnote: Sir John Rolt
resigned in February 1868, and died in June 1871.] is to resign. It is the
only chance of long life. Let him not be afraid of ennui from idleness.
He has a great love of the country and country pursuits, and that is
all-sufficient. Age cannot wither it, nor custom stale its infinite
variety. And it is so much better to be a looker-on than an actor in life.
Aristotle, in the last chapter of his 'Nicomachean Ethics,' sets himself
to consider what can be the happiness of the gods; and he finds nothing in
which he can put it but in contemplation. And it might be so, if it were
still true. 'And God saw (contemplated) all that He had made, and behold it
was very good.'

I thought it was an 'Ebrew Jew' that wrote the article entitled 'Talmud.' I
have only read a few extracts. It is quite in keeping with the times that
it should be in a Tory journal. The Conservatives have begun by being
avowed reformers, and next they will be declared free-thinkers. This is the
first step to their confession. Their great schoolmaster, Dizzy, gets his
compatriot to publish this article. I am glad to hear from you that it is
shallow; but novelty and originality now are nothing but the reproduction
of forgotten things; and, to speak seriously, I thought it seemed a thing
likely to lead many to some form or other of Arian opinions.

The following refers to a work recently published by Longmans. Mr. Longman
had apparently suggested it as a fit subject for an article in the 'Review
':--

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_C. O., January 31st_.--I have read Rudd's translation of Aristophanes with
a good deal of interest. It is as good as it can possibly be without the
slightest gleam of fun or genius. Frere's translations are blazing with
both, and that constitutes their charm. Rudd is evidently a worthy, dull
man, who administers the Aristophanic champagne as if it were mere brown
stout. It is for this reason that I have felt a difficulty about reviewing
him, and the more so as I am overladen with all kinds of articles. But if a
favourable opportunity occurs, I will not forget it.

I am deeply grieved at the loss of poor Head. [Footnote: Sir Edmund Head
died suddenly on January 28th.] He was one of the best and pleasantest
companions I have ever known, and latterly we have lived very much indeed
together. It is frightful to think how very many are already gone of those
who made life agreeable; and gone, most of them, suddenly and prematurely.

The Journal records:--

_February 11th_--I was elected to be treasurer of The Club in place of
Sir Edmund Head [deceased]. I proposed Lord Cranborne, afterwards Lord
Salisbury, at The Club.

For many years from this time The Club was such an important factor in
Reeve's social life, and enters so largely into both his Journal and his
correspondence, that a list of its members, as it stood in 1867, has a
strong personal interest.

_The Club_

  March, 1867                        Date of Election

  1 Lord Brougham                    March 9th, 1830.

  2 Earl Stanhope                    May 14th, 1833.

  3 The Dean of St. Paul's           February 23rd, 1836.

  4 Sir Henry Holland                February 18th, 1840.

  5 Mr. Charles Austin               March 7th, 1843.

  6 Lord Kingsdown                   February 25th, 1845.

  7 Earl of Clarendon                May 20th, 1845.

  8 Professor Owen                   May 20th, 1845.

  9 Monsieur Van de Weyer            February 9th, 1847.

  10 Sir David Dundas                February 23rd, 1847.

  11 The Duke of Cleveland           June 5th, 1849.

  12 The Bishop of Oxford            June 5th, 1849.

  13 Lord Overstone                  June 25th, 1850.

  14 The Duke of Argyll              June 17th, 1851.

  15 Lord Cranworth                  June 17th, 1851.

  16 Sir Wm. Stirling Maxwell        February 21st, 1854.

  17 Mr. Gladstone                   March 10th, 1857.

  18 Earl Russell                    April 21st, 1857.

  19 Mr. George Grote                March 9th, 1858.

  20 Lord Stanley                    February 14th, 1860.

  21 Sir W. Page Wood                February 14th, 1860.

  22 Mr. George Richmond             February 14th, 1860.

  23 The Bishop of London            April 9th, 1861.

  24 Mr. Henry Reeve                 April 9th, 1861.

  25 Sir Roderick I. Murchison       June 18th, 1861.

  26 Sir Edmund Head                 February 25th, 1862.

  27 Mr. Robert Lowe                 May 12th, 1863.

  28 Mr. Spencer Walpole             March 8th, 1864.

  29 The Dean of Westminster         February 28th, 1865.

  30 Mr. J. A. Froude                February 28th, 1865.

  31 The Duc d'Anmale                March 14th, 1865.

  32 Mr. Alfred Tennyson             March 14th, 1865.

  33 Lord Cairns                     February 27th, 1866.

  34 Mr. Edward Twisleton            April 24th, 1866.

_From Lord Clarendon_

_Rome, February 2nd_.--I cannot let an old friend like yourself hear by
common report an event most interesting to us, and which will therefore, I
am sure, not be without interest to you. Emily [Footnote: Lord Clarendon's
youngest daughter. The marriage took place on May 5th.] is to marry Odo
Russell. [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Ampthill.] It has been an attachment of
some standing on his part, and as she has become very certain of its depth
and sincerity, they came to an understanding two days ago. His worldly
goods are not superabundant, but he is very rich in all the qualities
likely to make a woman happy; he is very clever and accomplished, and I
speak with a knowledge of him for many years when I say that he is one of
the best-tempered and kindest-hearted men I ever was acquainted with. Such
a son as he has always been must make a good husband. In short, we are all
very happy....

How I should like to have a talk with you upon home and foreign affairs,
and how I should like to think that you viewed them less gloomily than I
do! There is great expectation at Rome that Italy will break up, and that
the Holy Father will recover his provinces. Italy, mishandled as she has
been by quacks, is doubtless very sick; but she is still proud of the
union, and will fight for it against all comers. Things look black, and
are, to my mind, getting blacker, every day in France. That _paries
proximus_ concerns us, in our present uneasy condition, more than one likes
to think of.

_From Lord Chelmsford_

_7 Eaton Square, February 10th, 11 P.M._--Your letter, just received, has
caused me the greatest perplexity. To provide you help on the sudden is
impossible; and, agreeing with you that it is desirable to supply Lord
Kingsdown's place with a strong man, I ask, Where is the judicial Samson
to be found? I think it highly improbable that Mellish would abandon his
professional profits for the barren honour of a right honourable title and
a seat at the board. Besides, there is no knowing what the Commission,
which is inquiring into all the superior Courts, both original and
appellate, may recommend; and I hear of very sweeping suggestions being
made. I therefore feel that, at present, I am fettered in my attempts to
add strength to the Judicial Committee. In your difficulties, I hardly know
what to advise; but could you not take the Admiralty cases and postpone the
others, getting Phillimore to join you till Kindersley can return? This is
the only possible escape from the necessity of closing your sittings that
occurs to me at the present moment.

The Journal here notes:--

_February 12th_--The Duc d'Aumale dined with us, to meet Lady Minto, G.
Lefevre, and E. Cheney. A spy got hold of this little dinner, and it
was reported to the French Government as a conspiracy. Mon [the Spanish
Ambassador in Paris] told Raymond of it afterwards.

_14th_--I dined with the Joinvilles; and on the 16th with the Duc de
Nemours at Bushey. Xavier Raymond was staying with us.

_February 23rd_--I walked back from the Temple Church with Lord Chancellor
Chelmsford. Two days afterwards he was turned out of office by Disraeli.

_From Mr. Robert Lytton_ [Footnote: At this time secretary of legation at
Lisbon, and known in the world of letters as 'Owen Meredith.' Afterwards
Earl Lytton.]

Lisbon, February 22nd.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I am ashamed of having left so long unanswered your
last very kind letter. But for the last three weeks I have had little
leisure, and less health to enjoy it. Indeed, this is really my first free
moment since your letter reached me. Your excellent and welcome news of
Emily's engagement [Footnote: Lady Emily Villiers. See _ante_.] to Odo
Russell was confirmed by the same post in a line from Emily to Edith,
[Footnote: Mrs. Lytton, the Lady Emily's first cousin.] and has given us
the greatest pleasure--me especially; for I have a great regard for Odo,
and any other settlement of this particular Roman question [Footnote: Odo
Russell was at this time, and had been for the last ten years, living at
Rome, practically--though not formally--ambassador to the Vatican.] would
have much disappointed my hopes. Emily, in her letter to my wife, spoke of
remaining at Rome for another month or more (the marriage not being fixed
to take place before May, at the Grove); but I see by the papers that Lord
Clarendon is already on his way homeward, and I am much _intrigué_ by that
article in the 'Times,' which has, I see, been re-echoed by other papers,
suggesting some modification in the present Cabinet on account of Lord
Derby's health.

The present Portuguese Government does not seem to be at all favourably
disposed towards Mr. Flores, or to think more highly of him than you do.
But in this country one can never be quite sure what the pressure of
political opposition or support may wring from a weak Government in the way
of concession to any _intriguant;_ and, if Flores can command votes, he may
be listened to; otherwise not, I fancy.

The monthly F. O. bag has just brought me the January 'Edinburgh,' for
which a thousand thanks. I have not yet had time to cut the leaves of it.
Pray accept my best thanks for the cheque mentioned in your letter. I am
all the more grateful to you for the good will on behalf of 'Chronicles and
Characters,' to which you so kindly and generously give renewed expression,
because I have just seen what I cannot but think a very unjust notice of
the book in the 'Athenaeum.' In endeavouring to illustrate a continuous
strain of thought passing over a wide range of subject, one of my chief
aims was diversity of form and variety of style; but there can be no doubt
that versatility is always in danger of running into imitation. Play always
on the Jew's harp, and no one will accuse you of imitating the tone of any
other instrument. I do not pretend that my own instrument is an organ: but
I would rather it should be the smallest harmonicum than the strongest and
shrillest Jew's harp.

_From Mr. S. H. Walpole_

Ealing, March 29th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I am quite ashamed of myself for not having thanked you
before for your valuable hints about the effect and ultimate consequences
of Gladstone's motion. [Footnote: March 30th, for the Disestablishment of
the Irish Church, of which notice was given on March 23rd.] I have long
thought that his aim and object has been for years to separate the Church
from the State, and so set up an episcopal and sacerdotal power, which
would endeavour to exercise an unbounded control over the consciences,
actions, and private judgement of men. The only check upon this is the
supremacy of the civil power in the external government of the Church, and
the obligation of the clergy to submit and subscribe to the doctrine
and liturgy which, once for all, the Church and State have concurred in
prescribing. All ritualism, all tractarianism, and much high-churchism is
in secret, if not in avowed, rebellion against such a supremacy; and if it
[Footnote: _Sc_. the supremacy of the civil power.] could only be struck
down in Ireland, it would not be long before an attack on it was made in
England. What may happen to-morrow I cannot regard with much satisfaction.
Gladstone's motion is the most impudent assault on the Crown which any
ex-minister ever made; and Stanley's amendment is an illogical surrender
of our best defence. He ought to have ended in plain words, by saying that
'the House is of opinion that the disestablishment and disendowment of the
Church in Ireland would be contrary to, and in direct violation of, the
fundamental and essential articles of the Treaty of Union.' The country
would have then understood what we were about; it can hardly understand it
now.

I am out of heart and have many misgivings when ex-ministers of the Crown,
and the actual minister of the Crown, assail or abandon the Crown's
prerogative for the value of place and power.

Yours always very sincerely,

S. H. WALPOLE.

Walpole's interpretation of Gladstone's 'aim and object' may now appear
strained. It was, however, certainly held, at the time, by many who argued
that Gladstone's character was itself a direct contradiction to the charge
of his proposed measure being one of spoliation and robbery. [Footnote: See
_post_.] It is, perhaps, more probable that he was greatly influenced by
the Utopian sentimentalism which so powerfully influenced his later career,
and led him to the extreme courses so bitterly condemned by many of his old
colleagues and adherents. At the same time it must be remembered that when,
nearly thirty years later, a Radical measure was brought forward for the
disestablishment of the Church in Wales, with the avowed intention of
advancing by it to the disestablishment of the Church of England, although
the great body of the Church, clergy and laity, vehemently denounced it as
antagonistic to the best interests of the Church and the country, there
were many of the extreme ritualistic section who openly favoured and
supported it, with freedom on their tongues and sacerdotalism in their
hearts.

The Journal here has:--

Went to St. Leonard's with the Watneys for Good Friday (April 10th). On
Easter Sunday to Holland, with Circourt. Dined with Baudin, [Footnote:
The son of Charles Baudin, the distinguished admiral. Cf. _Les Gloires
Maritimes de France_, par Jurien de la Gravière.] the French minister at
the Hague.

_April 13th_.--Spent the evening with the Queen of Holland at the Old
Palace. 14th, evening with the Queen. 16th, went on, by Utrecht, to Aix,
where Circourt and I remained ten days. Came home by Antwerp.

_From Mr. Robert Lytton_

Madrid, April 29th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I must apologise for not having sooner thanked you for
your very kind letter of the 8th, which reached me just as I was starting
(paperless and penless) for Madrid. The cares of this world (in the shape
of house-hunting), quite unaccompanied by the deceitfulness of riches,
have, I am sorry to say, eaten up every hour of my time not otherwise
absorbed by official visits and presentations, &c., since we reached--a
week ago--this pretty, busy, but horribly hot and dear, town.

I am really pained to think that your kind intention on behalf of my book
should already have been the occasion of so much trouble to you, dear Mr.
Reeve; and I can only say that I am all the more grateful to you for not
having altogether abandoned it. A notice in the 'Edinburgh' will at all
times be most valuable; and the more touches there may be in it from your
pen, the more valuable it will be. The notice in the 'Times' was indeed
very kindly written, and very kindly inserted, and I doubt not that it will
be very advantageous to the book in many ways.

I am greatly and agreeably struck by the animation and showiness of
Madrid--after Lisbon, which is one of the dullest towns I ever saw. Life
at Lisbon is _en robe de chambre_; here it is all _en toilette_. Madrid is
like a pretty provincial who has been to Paris, and come back _mise à la
mode_, and with a decided taste for spending more money than she has at
her bankers'. The beauty of the women's faces, too, as you see them in the
streets, the Prado, and at the opera (for I have not yet seen the _beau
monde_ at home), is very agreeable. Pretty faces seem to be as plentiful
here as gold nuggets in the streets of Eldorado, when Candide saw them.

The day after we got to Madrid, Narvaes died, and till yesterday he has
been lying in state and receiving the visits of a grateful public at all
hours of the day. Yesterday his body, _empaillé_, was removed with due
honours to be buried in Andalusia. The story goes about the town that on
his deathbed his confessor, having told him to forgive his enemies, he
replied: 'I have none.' 'Impossible! A man who has been governing Spain so
long must have many.' 'But I assure you there is no man alive whom I even
suspect to be my enemy.' 'No enemies?' 'None; I have shot them all!'

I sincerely hope that you will be able to visit Spain in the autumn. About
that time, if still here, I shall try to see Seville and the South. But my
plans are entirely dependent on Crampton's [Footnote: Sir John Crampton,
minister plenipotentiary at Madrid, retired from the public service on
July 1st, 1869.] movements; and I fear we shall have to pass the summer at
Madrid, which I rather dread on account of the children, who have already
caught feverish colds. With my wife's affectionate greetings, and my own
respects, to Mrs. Reeve, pray believe me to be yours very faithfully,

R. LYTTON.

The Journal records:--

_May 6th_.--Disraeli was in the chair at the Literary Fund dinner. [He
spoke--wrote Mrs. Reeve--with grace, and had a brilliant reception. I never
heard such cheering at any previous dinner. He has stormy nights in the
House of Commons, and how it will end is still uncertain; but his
wonderful tact and control of feature, voice, and language give him marked
advantage.]

_From the Comte de Paris_

York House, Twickenham, le 20 mai.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je ne puis résister au désir d'appeler votre
bienveillante attention sur le dernier numéro de la 'Revue des deux
Mondes,' que je ne vous envoie pas, sachant que vous la recevez, où notre
excellent ami X. Raymond a traité la question de l'église d'Irlande.

Je veux en même temps réclamer votre indulgence pour son travail, et vous
demander de ne pas vous étonner si vous n'y retrouvez ni la clarté de
style ni la variété de connaissances qui distinguent votre ami. Ne le lui
reprochez pas trop sévèrement, car, s'il est coupable, ce n'est pas de
cela.

Élevé dans le respect de la loi, je ne puis vous en dire davantage, et je
me bornerai à vous rappeler qu'il y a actuellement dans la loi française
deux articles, l'un interdisant aux exilés d'écrire dans les journaux,
qui ne me permet pas de me présenter comme collaborateur de la 'Revue;'
l'autre, punissant les journaux qui publient des articles sous des
signatures autres que celle de l'auteur, qui ne me permet pas de vous en
dire davantage.

Je termine en vous priant de me croire toujours

Votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

_From the Dean of St. Paul's_

Deanery, St. Paul's, June 19th.

My Dear Reeve,--Your article [Footnote: 'The National Church,' which
appeared in the _Edinburgh Review_ of July.] I think admirable. I have
ventured to make one or two verbal suggestions, but on the main of your
argument I am fully with you. There are only two points which I should
propose for your reconsideration. I do not quite see the bearing of your
argument about the Cardross case, and do not quite understand the decision
of the Scotch judges. [Footnote: The Free Church minister of Cardross had
been deposed by the Church Courts for drunkenness. He applied to the civil
court for redress, and was thereupon summarily ejected from the Free
Church. The Court of Session decided that the defenders--the Church
Courts--'are invested with no jurisdiction whatever, ecclesiastical or
civil.'] Surely every corporation, or, indeed, every club, has, and must
have, the power of excluding--excommunicating is only the theologian's term
for the same thing--any member who flagrantly violates its rules and first
principles. If a member of the Athenaeum were to get roaring drunk and
disturb the place, and endanger the character of the club, the committee or
a general meeting might eject him, though he would have some plea in his
vested right in the property of the club--the house, library, &c. If the
mistake in the Cardross case was that the culprit was ejected without
trial, that, I think, should be distinctly stated. If the flaw is that it
was done by the Church officers, without the general consent or sanction of
the Kirk, this also should be made clear. I rather demur to the division
of the ecclesiastical property now held by the Irish Church, according
strictly to the proportion of its members to the rest of the population.
Possession, and possession for three centuries, ought, I think, to be taken
into account. But this is a question rather of detail than of principle.
But the real difficulty you have stated fairly and clearly: On what terms,
and under what character, is the Protestant Church, when disestablished,
to hold the property--the churches, parsonages, &c.--which is to remain to
her? The Church must have a constitution--I do not see why not ratified by
Act of Parliament--by which the trustees which represent her will legally
hold that property. She must not be exposed in a few years to a Lady
Hewley's charity case. [Footnote: Sarah, Lady Hewley, at her death, in
1710, left landed property in trust for the support of 'poor and godly
preachers of Christ's holy Gospel.' The original trustees were all
Presbyterians; but in the course of a hundred years the trust had got into
the hands of Unitarians, and the case was brought to the notice of the
Charity Commissioners. After a prolonged litigation, it was finally decided
by the House of Lords (August 5th, 1842) that, by the terms of the bequest,
Unitarians were excluded from participating in the charity.] I suggested
to the Archbishop of Armagh--a good-natured, but not a very powerful,
man--that the Irish Church, when in one sense free, should yet retain, of
its own will, the advantages of the supremacy of the Crown and of the law.
She should take, as the fundamental tenet of her constitution, conformity
to the Articles and Formularies of the Church of England, which the
majority of the English hold, in their meaning and interpretation. On
this principle she might retain a jurisdiction, amenable to law, over her
members; her members be protected against episcopal tyranny, against that
which is now the great danger, parsonocracy, which I rejoice to find that
you repudiate as strongly as I or Stanley. Ever very truly yours,

H. H. MILMAN.

_From Lord Cairns_

_July 23rd_.--Many thanks for the copy of your article on the National
Church. I had begun to read it with great interest in the 'Edinburgh
Review,' not knowing that it was directly from your pen, and I shall now
continue the perusal with increased pleasure.... I will enclose with this,
in exchange for your paper, a copy of my speech on the Irish Church--a
Diomedean exchange; the value of ten oxen for a hundred.

During all this spring Reeve had suffered a great deal from gout, so, by
the advice of Sir Henry Holland, who spoke strongly of the necessity of
change of air and of rest from all work and effort, he and his wife started
for the Continent on July 24th. Passing through Paris, and staying a few
days at Fontainebleau, they went on to Clermont-Ferrand in Auvergne, and
to Royat, then newly come into vogue as a health resort. After about three
weeks of the baths and the mountain air, Reeve was so far recovered as to
be able to walk a little; and on August 18th they passed on to Geneva,
where they were joined by their friends the Watneys, with whom they went
on to Evian, and thence by the Valais to the Bel Alp, an hotel 7,000 feet
above the sea-level, commanding magnificent views. 'Christine,' wrote Reeve
in his Journal, 'went up the Sparrenhorn with Binet,' whilst, according
to Mrs. Reeve, 'Henry and Mrs. Watney, not being moveable bodies, sat at
windows and pooh-poohed the energetic use of legs.' From the Bel Alp,
Reeve, still very much of a cripple, 'was carried'--the expression is his
own--to Brieg. Thence, by the Furca, to Hospenthal and to Zurich, the falls
of the Rhine, Bâle, and Paris, where they stayed a few days, and returned
to London on September 10th.

_From the Comte de Paris_

_York House, July 26th_.--I had already seen the remarkable article which
you have just published in the 'Edinburgh Review,' when I received the copy
you so kindly thought of sending me, and which I shall keep as a souvenir
of the author. I hasten to thank you, and to tell you with what interest
I have read this study, so full of curious facts and remarkable
appreciations. If I was called on to decide the question in its entirety,
I should decline, in the first place as a Catholic. Indeed I cannot place
myself at the Protestant point of view so as to judge what services the
union of Church and State has rendered to the religious principles which
are the basis of the Protestant faith. And the lay system of the official
Church of England is so foreign to our ideas of religious authority that it
is difficult for us to be impartial towards it. Those who do not belong to
the Anglican Church are naturally tempted to attribute to this subjection
everything in her which, in their eyes, is error or change. I should also
decline as a Frenchman, for I confess that what troubles me most at the
present time is the relation between the Catholic Church and the State,
a relation which has been equally prejudicial to both, when founded on a
political union.

But without trying to judge such a delicate question, which will be a
subject of controversy as long as the world is given up to the disputes of
man, I have found a real pleasure in seeing this clear explanation of the
principles which form the basis of a system whose adherents are so many and
so distinguished....

_From Lord Clarendon_

_The Grove, August 2nd._--Lord Russell does not much like some parts of the
article on the Irish Church, and wishes to write five or six pages on the
subject for the November [Footnote: _Sic_ for October.] number; but
not feeling sure whether you would accept them, he has asked me to
inquire--which I hereby do. If you have not set out for Russia, [Footnote:
_Sc._ or other out-of-the-way place. It has been seen that, at the time,
Reeve was at Royal.] perhaps you will write him a line yourself, as I start
for Wiesbaden on Tuesday.

As no note from Lord Russell appeared in the October number, it would seem
probable that Reeve did not encourage the idea. His own relations to Lord
Russell were not such as to prompt him to any undue complacence, and he was
at all times extremely averse from anything like a controversy either in
or about the 'Review.' It has happened to the present writer to have
statements or opinions put forward in his contributions to the 'Review'
called in question in the daily or weekly papers, and to have been
pointedly requested by the editor to take no notice of the hostile letters
or criticisms. As the articles were strictly anonymous, the responsibility,
of course, rested with the editor, who, probably for that very reason, was
strongly opposed to an early revelation of a writer's personality.

The Journal notes visits to Farnborough and Denbigh, and some shooting at
Torry Hill; but the gout was still troublesome, and in October Reeve and
his wife went into Cornwall, where, after a week's visit to Lady Molesworth
at Pencarrow, they went to Penzance, to the Land's End and the Logan
Stone--on to which Mrs. Reeve clambered--and thence to Falmouth and
Torquay, where they met the Queen of Holland and Prince Napoleon, with whom
they spent two evenings. 'Her Majesty,' wrote Mrs. Reeve on November
4th, 'is a clever, original woman, speaking four tongues perfectly well,
conversant with literature and politics, and finding in them consolation
for an uncongenial family.' The sittings of the Judicial Committee, which
began on November 10th, called Reeve back to town, where, on the 27th, he
had the sad news of the death of his old friend Colonel Ferguson of Raith,
and, for the last three years, of Novar.

_From Lord Clarendon_

Grosvenor Crescent, November 13th.

My dear Reeve,--The Queen of Holland has proposed to dine here in the
unfurnished cupboard where we have our frugal repasts, on Monday next at
eight. We have no servants, plate, or usual appurtenances, and only six can
be crammed into the locale. Will you be one of them? and will Mrs. Reeve
excuse us for asking you alone on account of our no room? Please let me
have an answer as soon as you can.

Ever yours truly,

CLARENDON.

_Endorsed_--The dinner consisted of the Queen, Cockburn, Seymour, and self.

From the Bishop of Lincoln [Footnote: Christopher Wordsworth. Cf. _ante,_
vol. i. pp. 31, 68. VOL. II.]

November 21st.

My dear Reeve,--It is very good of you to write as you do concerning my
promotion. I should indeed have been well content to remain in the peaceful
harbour of Westminster for the remainder of my days, instead of putting out
to sea in a rather weather-beaten bark in stormy weather. But such kind
words as yours encourage me to hope that, if I am wrecked in the storm, I
may be picked up by some friendly vessel and brought to land again. I have,
my dear friend, your congratulations, and let me have also your prayers. I
am, my dear Reeve,

Yours sincerely,

CHR. WORDSWORTH. [Footnote: He had not yet adopted the episcopal
signature.]

I send you three pamphlets. Do not think me troublesome, but you ought
really to take up (pardon me for saying so) the question of the approaching
great Roman Council, which will probably affirm the personal infallibility
of the Pope, and be fraught with the most important results to Europe,
political as well as ecclesiastical.

_From Lord Cairns_

Windsor Castle, November 29th.

My dear Reeve,--I send you in a separate cover my notes of a judgement in
Rugg _v._ Bishop of W. for printing and circulation; and I enclose in this
a letter which I have had from Lord Westbury, which is in accordance with
the judgement as it stands, but which it would perhaps be best to put in
print and circulate along with the judgement. I hope in a week or ten days
to have Mackonochie ready--that is, if I am not smothered in the meantime
by the books and pamphlets which the Ritualists daily shower upon me.

Yours faithfully, CAIRNS.

As the general election had left his party in a minority of about 130,
Disraeli resigned on December 4th, and Mr. Gladstone, who had put the
disestablishment of the Irish Church prominently before the electors,
formed a ministry which was from the beginning pledged to the measure. It
was known that this would meet with no support from Lord Westbury, so that
he was necessarily 'left out in the cold,' not without some misgivings as
to what a man so cunning in fence might say or write when his opinions were
sharpened by a sense of personal injury. To Lord Westbury, however,
the slight was lost in his wrath at the barefaced avowal of a plan of
spoliation; and, without taking the trouble to date his letter, he wrote:--

_From Lord Westbury_

[_December_].--These written judgements are a great bore. I imagine
(no doubt from vanity) that, at the end of the argument, I could have
pronounced _viva voce_ a much more effective and convincing judgement than
that which I have written. The _vis animi_ evaporates during the slow
process of writing; the conception fades and the expression becomes feeble.
What we shall do with the other case of Mackonochie I dread to think. I
wish we had knocked it off while the iron was hot, as we used to do
the running down cases. There is no chance of a decision this side of
Christmas.

I have come up to town on some private matters, and have not the least
notion of mingling in any political matters. In fact, I gave my people to
understand so clearly last session that I would reject with abhorrence
any measure that embodied these two wicked things--l. Stripping the Irish
Church of its property to convert it to secular uses, which is robbery; 2.
Destroying episcopacy in, and the Queen's supremacy over, the Established
Church in Ireland, which is a wanton, unnecessary, and most mischievous
act--that of course I could not expect any communication from them.

The weakness of the Government in its legal staff in the House of Commons
will be very great, but the opposition will be weaker. It cannot be
expected that Palmer [Footnote: Sir Roundell Palmer, afterwards Earl of
Selborne, had been successively Solicitor--and Attorney-General during the
whole of the Liberal Administration 1859-66; but on the formation of Mr.
Gladstone's Government declined the Great Seal with a peerage, on account
of his disapproval of the proposed disestablishment and disendowment of the
Irish Church. Notwithstanding Lord Westbury's forecast, he did speak very
strongly against the Bill on the second reading (March 22nd, 1869), voted
with the minority against it, and took an active part against it in the
Committee.] will take a very active part in opposition. Then what lawyer
have they? But in the House of Lords I hope the principles of English law
and of political expediency will be abundantly illustrated and explained,
and shown to be in direct opposition to the Government's destructive and
revolutionary measure; and if this be done, as the people of England are a
law-loving and law-abiding people, there may be a great reaction in public
feeling. And what will Wood be able to do against those opposed to him?

What a Cabinet! 'Misery,' says Trinculo, 'makes one acquainted with strange
bedfellows'--so, it seems, does unlooked-for prosperity. Only fancy
Granville, Clarendon, and the rest, pigging heads and tails with John
Bright in the same truckle bed! I am very thankful that I have an
opportunity of conversing in quiet with philosophers and poets at Hinton.

The following, written in a feminine hand on a half-sheet of note-paper,
belongs to this time. It is endorsed by Reeve--'Lord Derby's acrostic on
Gladstone;' but it does not appear whether the attributing it to Lord Derby
was on positive knowledge or on mere current gossip. The name of the author
was certainly not generally known.

  G was a Genius and mountain of mind;
  L a Logician expert and refined;
  A an Adept at rhetorical art;
  D was the Dark spot that lurked in his heart;
  S was the Subtlety that led him astray;
  T was the Truth that he bartered away;
  O was the Cypher his conscience became;
  N was the New-light that lit up the same;
  E was the Evil-One shouting for joy,--
  'Down with it! down with it! Gladstone, my boy!

[Footnote: Another, slightly different, edition of this acrostic, with the
answer to it from the Radical point of view, is given in Sir M. E. Grant
Duff's _Notes from a Diary,_ 1873-81, vol. i. p. 126.]

_From Lord Cairns_

_December 7th_--Putting aside the well-regulated party feeling which we
ought all to endeavour to cultivate, the sensation of a period of repose
after twenty-five years of hardish work is, to me, so novel and agreeable
that I fear I do not look on my exit from office [Footnote: On the fall of
Disraeli's ministry.] with the solicitude that I ought. But I do not the
less appreciate the kind sentiments in your note, and I can safely say that
upon the Judicial Committee, whether as Chancellor or as Lord Justice,
it has been a very great pleasure to me to co-operate with anyone whose
anxiety and efforts for the efficiency of the tribunal, and whose ability
to contribute to that end, are as great as yours.

I am most desirous that the two ecclesiastical judgements should be given
before Christmas, as I may be absent for some weeks after that day. I hope
to send you my draft in Mackonochie on Wednesday, and I will beg you to
print and circulate it as soon as possible. I wish I could have done it
sooner; but it is _magnum opus et difficile_, and I have had judgements in
chancery and other work on hand, and in this I felt obliged to trust to no
amanuensis.

The following letter is from the widow of Sir James Smith, the botanist
(_d_. 1828), and at this time in her ninety-sixth year. By her maiden name
she was Pleasance Reeve, an old family friend, but not a relation of
her namesake. Her letters are not less remarkable for the clearness and
strength of the writing, than they are for the vigour of the thought and
the lucidity of the expression. Five years later, just as she had completed
her one hundredth year, Reeve and his daughter paid her a visit at
Lowestoft, which is recorded on a later page. [Footnote: See _post_, p.
215.]

_Lowestoft, December 16th_--Surely, dear Mr. Reeve, this is not the first
time you have inquired of me concerning Lowestoft china? Either you, or Dr.
Hooker it might be; whichever it was, I sent him all that I knew about it,
and that all is very little, for I am one of the sceptics, and have been
filled with doubt and surprise at the reports I have heard. But I am told
I am quite mistaken, and that it surely had arrived at a great state of
perfection; that foreign artists had been employed; and that, if what is
shown is not Lowestoft china, what other is it? For there is a peculiarity
in it which those acquainted with [it] know at first sight, and which
is totally different from Chelsea, or Derby, or Worcestershire, or
Staffordshire. This I admit. One peculiarity Mr. S. Martin observed. The
bottoms of the saucers have very slight undulations, looking, as he said,
like a ribbon that requires ironing to be perfectly flat and smooth. This,
when he showed me, I also noticed; and, I must add, I have seen the same in
real Chinese china; but he told me he could distinguish better, and that it
was not the same. Also, there is a uniformity in certain little flowers
and roses which is seen in no others. The shapes are good, and as the
manufacture advanced the painting was improved; armorial bearings were
represented, and gilding.

S. Martin, who could send you a much more perfect account than I can,
always calls on an old woman--the widow of Rose, a painter--who recollects
their melting guineas for gold to gild with. She, perhaps, is dead now, for
when he last called she was bedrid, and nearly insensible. I recommend you
to ask of Mr. S. Martin, Liverpool, who, I am sure, would give you much
information I cannot.

What I do know I will tell as well as I can--That in my early youth there
was a manufactory; that I often went and _saw_ Mr. Allen dab a piece of
white clay on a wheel, and, with his foot turning the wheel, with his
right hand he formed a handsome basin or cup in a minute or two. The china
basins, cups, saucers, pots, jugs--everything was made here, painted here,
by poor sickly looking boys and girls, for it was a very unwholesome
trade--baked here; and they had a shop in London, which, I suppose,
took off the bulk of their manufactured articles. I remember the great
water-wheel which ground the clay--a fearful monster, sublime, I must say,
for it 'hid its limits in its greatness;' but the beautiful lake that
supplied it with water, and was covered with water-lilies, was one of my
favourite resorts.

Gillingwater [Footnote: _Historical Account of the Ancient Town of
Lowestoft_ (1790).] tells us that Mr. Hewling Luson found the clay on his
estate in 1756, made experiments, was defeated; other persons took it up,
and were also hindered through jealousy; another trial proved unsuccessful,
but repeated efforts succeeded, and the manufacture began, and went on till
about the end of the century, or early in 1800, when my brother bought a
few articles at the final sale by way of remembrance, but these, though
pretty, are by no means the choicest specimens. A man in the town has a
whole dinner service, with, I think, ducal bearings; and only last summer
Mr. Bohn [Footnote: Henry George Bohn, the well-known publisher, and almost
equally well-known collector of articles of vertu.] gave 5 £ to an old
man for one little cup, which the poor fellow intended as a legacy to his
daughter, and he unwillingly sold it; but 5 £ bribed him--or it might be
more; the original price was probably 4_d_. or 6_d_. at most.

Pray, dear Mr. Reeve, take no trouble to correct the name in Mrs.
Palliser's book of pottery. I never was a patroness of the Lowestoft china,
know but little about it, and do not wish my name to appear as being in
any other way connected with it than as being an inhabitant of the same
town.--I am, dear Mr. Reeve, yours faithfully,

P. SMITH.

And the Journal winds up the year with--

_December 31st_--To Hinton St. George, on a visit to Lord Westbury.

1869. The year opened at Hinton, shooting with Lord Westbury. Montague
Smith was there. Nothing ever amused me more than Lord Westbury's society,
and I became intimate with him. He was a strange mixture of intellectual
power and moral weakness, and his peculiar mode of speaking was at once
precise, pertinent, and comical. He had hired Hinton from Lord Paulet, and
lived there with a host of children and grandchildren. On Sundays all dined
together--I think, thirty-two of them.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Woodnorton_, 16 _janvier_.--... Nous aurons une passable chasse à tir le
jour sacramental du lr février. Voulez-vous en être? L'ennui est que
c'est un lundi, et que le train du dimanche est d'une lenteur fabuleuse.
Voulez-vous venir dîner et coucher ici samedi 30, ou dimanche 31?

H. D'O.

From a later note of the Duke's, it appears that Reeve was unable to accept
the invitation to the _passable chasse,_ which he would have enjoyed,
especially as after four years there was no longer a question of the 'loose
box' or the 'kitchen dresser.'

The next letter, from Lord Westbury, is in evident answer to one from
Reeve about Lord Campbell's 'Lives of Lyndhurst and Brougham,' then newly
published, of which a very severe--not, it was thought, too severe--article
appeared in the 'Review' for April. The article was not by Reeve; but we
may fairly suppose that he--to some extent, at least--inspired it; and
that--also to some extent--the inspiration was supplied by Lord Westbury.

_Hinton St. George, January 24th_--I wish you were here for two or three
days' shooting before the season closes, as the weather is so mild and
beautiful, and I hear that in London it is miserably cold. So tell Mrs.
Reeve that her Zomerzet is a favoured county after all.

As to what you say about the book, I remember a celebrated dinner at the
Temple, to which I invited Lyndhurst, Brougham, Campbell, and Charlie
Wetherell, when the latter warned Lyndhurst and Brougham of Campbell's
design, in terms almost prophetic of what has occurred. 'My biographical
friend will excel in exhibiting every little foible; _Hunc tu Romane
caveto_.' I cannot describe the whole scene to you, but will some day _vivâ
voce_.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

Woodnorton, January 31st.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--An absence at Badminton, where I struggled for a few
hours' sport, first with the frost and then with hurricanes, has prevented
me from sooner answering your letter of the 26th.

I have searched the archives at Monte Cassino very minutely; I do not know
those of La Cava, which have the reputation of being very curious, but
more local and of less general interest than those of Monte Cassino.
The Cassinesi had a printing press, to which we owe many beautiful
publications, some unpublished sermons of St. Augustine's, several works by
the eloquent and learned Father Tosti, &c. They had prepared an edition of
an unpublished Commentary on Dante, and also of the valuable correspondence
of Mabillon, Montfaucon, and other clerics of the Congregation of St. Maur,
when, in consequence of the events of 1848, their printing presses were
sequestrated. At that time they were suspected of Liberalism. Now, when
secularisation has replaced sequestration, it seems to me that the Italian
Government ought to continue the literary and archaeological work of the
monks, as it has substituted itself in their proprietary rights; just as,
after the French Revolution, the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres
carried on the immense work of the clerics of the Congrégation de St.-Maur.

This is my first impulse on reading M. de Circourt's letter. However, we
will speak of it further when I have the pleasure of seeing you again,
which I hope will be soon. _Mille amitiés._

H. D'ORLÉANS

The Journal notes:--

In London the usual dinners. Dined at Mr. Gladstone's on February 1st. This
was the first dinner he gave after becoming Prime Minister. There were
present Lord Lansdowne, Clarendon, Hammond, Northbrook, Helps, Kinnaird,
Doyle, Hamilton, and Salomons [Footnote: Created a baronet on October 26th
of the same year.]--an odd party. He received us in the hall.

_April 9th_--To Paris. 10th, at the Institute; saw Guizot, Mignet,
St.-Hilaire, Wolowski, Chevalier, &c., there. 18th, Chapel at the
Tuileries; saw the Emperor there--I think for the last time. 20th, went to
La Celle, [Footnote: La Celle St.-Cloud, about four miles from Versailles,
where M. de Circourt lived throughout the evening of his life.] and spent
some days there with Circourt. ['Henry,' wrote Mrs. Reeve, 'enjoyed his
days in the country with M. de Circourt vastly. We thought it unreasonable
to go all three, and a maid, to his small house; so Hopie and I careered
about the streets, went to a play, and to a dance at the Chinese
Embassy!--not very Chinese, as the minister is American, so also is his
wife, and the guests were mostly his country-folk.']

_23rd--Dined at M. Guizot's. 25th_--Dined with Thiers, and met Mignet,
St.-Hilaire, Duvergier, and Rémusat.

The Royal Academy Exhibition took place for the first time in Burlington
House. I dined with the R.A.s at Pender's.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, May 13th_--I took up my summer quarters here a week ago,
leaving the fifth volume of my 'Mémoires' in Paris, ready printed and on
the eve of publication. You will receive it next week. It deals entirely
with my embassy to England in 1840. I am anxious to know what will be
said of it in England; it will be very kind of you to supply me with the
information. You know that I love and honour England sufficiently always
to say what I think of her; and what she thinks of me concerns me closely,
whether our opinions are or are not the same.

I have found many letters and conversations of yours for 1840. But it was
more especially after this, and during the first year of my ministry,
that you helped me so effectively in preserving peace and re-establishing
friendly relations between our two countries. I hope you will not object to
my saying so....

The Journal mentions:--

_May 22nd._--Visit to Tom Baring's, at Norman Court. [Mr. Baring--wrote
Mrs. Reeve--is the head of the house of Baring Brothers; an elderly
gentleman and a bachelor, very simple, but very kindly. The house is not
large for the park and property, which is, all together, about 7,000 acres;
but pictures and china are renowned; so is the cooking; and, with such
wealth as is at our host's command, all the details are in perfection.
In the park there are many fine beech and other trees, and the yew grows
wonderfully, contrasting its dark tint with the soft, white may. On the
slope of the hill, about three miles off, grow service-trees and juniper;
and, from the ridge, one sees across the New Forest to the Solent and the
Isle of Wight.]

_June 4th_--Went to Windsor to see Mr. Woodward and the Queen's library.
Then to Farnborough for the Ascot week.

_July 2nd._--Watney's water-party to Medmenham Abbey, where we were all
photographed.

_13th_--Lucy Duff Gordon died at Cairo. Alexander asked me to write an
epitaph, which was put up there.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, July 14th_--When your letter of the 8th arrived I was on the
point of writing to ask you to tell me what is the best History of England
from the accession of Queen Anne to that of Queen Victoria. I have the
'Pictorial History of England,' Lord Stanhope's 'Eighteenth Century,' and
Mr. Alison's big volumes on the recent revolutionary times. These do not
satisfy me; I do not want political or moral appreciations. What I should
like would be a book in which all the events of any importance are related
in chronological order. I particularly hold to knowing the correct dates.
It is only on this condition that history can be materially known and
morally understood. It will be very kind of you to give me the information
I want. I amuse myself by relating to my grandchildren, at one time, the
history of France, at another, the history of England. They take great
interest in it. I want them to know both correctly, and understand them
well.

The Journal continues:--

_July 16th_.--Met the Duke of Leinster at Robartes' at dinner. He had made
a capital speech in the House of Lords a few days before, which I heard. It
lasted only three minutes; but it stated these facts:--That he had given
land and houses, with complete success, to priests, Presbyterians, and
Episcopalians; that all were grateful, and they lived happily together.

He afterwards told me, at this dinner, that he had not given the houses and
glebes to any ecclesiastical persons, but to certain lay members of each
congregation, in trust for their respective ministers. This was exactly
what I had suggested some little time before. The Duke said that, having
called one day to inquire for a very old Catholic priest living in one
of these houses, while he was sitting by his bedside, the Episcopalian
clergyman came into the room for the same purpose.

_Sunday, 18th_.--Dinner at Lord Granville's. I had not dined with him for
some years--since his marriage. The room was rather dark when I went in.
Lord Granville said something, as I understood, about a foreign countess to
whom he presented me, but I did not catch her name, and concluded she was
some Italian relative of the Marochettis. Lady Granville did not appear,
being unwell; and Lady Ailesbury, the only other lady present, did the
honours. The party consisted of the Duc de Richelieu (whom I had met the
night before at the Clarendons'), the Duca di Ripalta, Lord Clanwilliam,
Lord Tankerville, Baron Brunnow, Count Strogonoff, Chief Justice Cockburn,
and myself.

Upon sitting down at table I found myself between the Duc de Richelieu and
Lord Clanwilliam, and one removed from the foreign lady, who turned out
to be H.I.H. the Grand Duchess Marie of Russia. Strogonoff is the man she
married three years after her first husband's death--but she had to wait
till Nicholas died too. When Nicholas first observed his daughter's
preference for the young officer, he took him by the arm and pointed out
from the window the view of Fort George. Strogonoff thought the Emperor's
manner strange, but did not take the hint till his brother officers
reminded him that Fort George is a State prison; so there was no more
love-making till after the Tsar's death.

The Princess is at this time fifty, still extremely handsome, with a long
string of enormous pearls round her neck. Nothing could be more lively and
agreeable. She first carried on a contest with my neighbour, the Duc, about
the Emperor Napoleon; said he was only _trop bon_, and lauded him to the
skies. The Duc came out as the pure Legitimist, though he said his own
party had not a shadow of a chance; that the Emperor had been going down
ever since the fatal Italian campaign; that there were no Orleanists in
France, and that the Duc d'Aumale was conspiring against the Comte de
Paris, &c. &c.--a tissue of absurdity. Then, _sotto voce_ to me, 'Je
voudrais bien jouir davantage de votre société, mais vous voyez comme
je suis placé' (i.e. next the Princess). 'Très conservative dans mes
principes, je n'aime pas les princes. Il faut vivre avec ses égaux.' He
said this twice. The second time I replied, 'Monsieur, cela est bon pour
les ducs--mais nous autres?'

'Ah! sous ce rapport je ne fais aucune distinction. Hors des princes, tout
est égal.'

A good deal of conversation about the Irish Church Bill which is just now
in the crisis of the Lords' amendments. H.I.H. asked me my opinion. I
replied that they were now disputing about nothing at all--i.e. the
application of a surplus which will not exist for many years. Brunnow said
he was of the same opinion.

Lord Clanwilliam and I had a great deal of talk. He had been with Lord
Castlereagh at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818. Spoke a good deal
of Metternich, justly. When M. met Guizot in London after 1848, he
was struck by the motto G. had adopted--_via recta brevissima_. Lord
Clanwilliam said that the shortest way was also the best. 'Yes,' added
Metternich, 'and it has also the advantage that on that path you don't meet
anybody'--'auf diesen Weg wird niemand begegnet.'

Sitting upstairs after this dinner I had a curious conversation with
Brunnow and Lord Granville on the causes of the Crimean War. They agreed
that had either Aberdeen or Palmerston been in power alone, the war would
have been prevented; but that the combination of the two rendered it
inevitable.

Brunnow said that there was, at one moment, a period of about ten days
during which the war might have been prevented, if Lord Granville had been
sent off on a special mission to St. Petersburg, but the Cabinet refused;
and then came Sinope. He declared that he had always told the Emperor that
Aberdeen, though averse to war, had not the power to prevent it; and in
proof of his own sincerity he caused a million of Russian money which was
in the Bank of England to be removed, as early as September 1853, though
this was against the opinion of Nesselrode.

After his return to England on the peace, Lord Aberdeen said to him,
with great emotion, 'I never deceived you, my dear Brunnow.' To which B.
replied: 'No; my dear lord, you never did.' He said that at Paris in 1856
Walewski had at once told him that the Emperor Napoleon was resolved to
have peace.

It was a most pleasant and curious evening, and everyone went away in good
humour.

_25th_--Went to Aix with Helen Richardson. Over to Cologne and Kreuznach
with the Watneys and Boothbys. Dined with Goldsmid at Bonn. Saw Professor
Sybel there.

The following letter, on a subject in which Mrs. Oliphant took much
interest, was addressed to Reeve rather in his editorial than his personal
capacity. The two were very well acquainted, but do not seem to have
corresponded in ordinary course.

Dunkerque, August 14th.

Dear Sir,--You will, I have no doubt, think it extremely womanish and
unreasonable on my part to have proposed writing a paper on such a
much-discussed subject as Mr. Mill's book, without indicating the manner in
which I should treat it; but my object was, first, to know whether it was
open, and if you would be disposed, other things harmonising, to entrust it
to me. I will not say, as was my first impulse, that your own intention of
taking up the subject is quite sufficient answer for me; for, of course,
you are the best judge in that respect, and I am really anxious to have
an opportunity of saying my say, with gravity and pains, on a matter so
important.

I entirely agree with you in your opinion of Mr. Mill's theory of marriage
and the relations between men and women. I think it is not only fallacious,
but a strangely superficial way of regarding a question which is made
only the more serious by the fact that a great deal of suffering and much
injustice result, not from arbitrary and removable causes, but from nature
herself, and those fundamental laws which no agitation can abrogate.

My own idea is that woman is neither lesser man, nor the rival of man, but
a creature with her share of work so well defined and so untransferable, as
to make it impossible for her, whatsoever might be her gifts and training,
to compete with him on perfectly fair terms. There may or may not be
general inferiority of intellect--I have no theory on the subject; but
intellect, in my opinion, is not the matter in question. Could the burdens
of maternity be transferred, or could a class of female celibates be
instituted, legislation might be able to do everything for them. But beyond
this, I do not see how we can go, except in the case of such measures as
those you refer to for the protection of the property of married women,
which has already been anticipated by ordinary good sense and prudence, and
thus been proved as practicable as it is evidently needful.

I am disposed to accept gratefully such safeguards of practical justice,
and also every possibility of improved education, though I put no great
faith in the results of the latter; the great difficulty in the case of
every female student being, in my opinion, not the want of power, or
perseverance, or energy, but the simple yet much more inexorable fact that
she is a woman, and liable, the moment she marries, to interruptions
and breaks in her life, which must infallibly weaken all her chances of
success. This is the line I should take in any paper on the subject; and
as few people could speak more fully from experience, I think perhaps my
contribution to the discussion--from within, as it were, and not from
without--might be worth having. Believe me, truly yours,

M. O. W. OLIPHANT.

And, on the lines here indicated, Mrs. Oliphant wrote the article on 'Mill
and the Subjection of Women' in the October number of the 'Review.'

On August 24th, Reeve with his wife started for Scotland; but the grouse
had been nearly exterminated by the disease, the shooting was everywhere
very indifferent, and a month was passed in a number of friendly visits, of
which little trace is left beyond the bare names. On September 21st they
returned to London, where, in preparing for a contemplated journey to
Portugal, he had to arrange for the sittings of the Judicial Committee
immediately after his return. The following shows the kind of difficulty he
had to contend with:--

_From Lord Cairns_

_September 27th_--I am very sorry that I shall be unable to take part in
your sittings after Michaelmas Term. I have arranged to give up November to
that dreadful arbitration of the London, Chatham, and Dover, which, in a
weak moment, Salisbury and I undertook; and, after that, I go to Mentone,
where I have taken a house for the winter.... I should regret very much to
dissever myself from the sittings of the Judicial Committee, which I
have always found agreeable, both from the interesting character of the
business, and from the pleasant composition of the tribunal; and I hope in
next year to be able to afford more service than I have in this; but for
the next sitting I must not be reckoned on. I hope you will enjoy your run
to Portugal.

This contemplated tour was, no doubt, mainly for the pleasure and interest
of visiting a country still unknown to him, but with a slight pretext of
business, as chairman of the Lusitanian Mining Company. A few days before
his departure he received the following from Lord Clarendon:--

_The Grove, October 3rd_--You will not find Murray at Lisbon, as he is
on leave; but a letter shall be written, and to Doria, the _chargé
d'affaires_, to render you any service in his power. Do you want one to the
consul at Oporto?

I am glad you approved what I said at Watford. I never dreamt of the speech
making a sensation, but it has; and as there was nothing remarkable in it,
it is a proof that people were looking for an assurance from somebody that
a policy of spoliation was not meditated.

I can't say I got much good from Wiesbaden, where mental torpor, and not a
dozen red boxes per day, is required.

       *       *       *       *       *

And so, accompanied by his wife and daughter, and armed with these letters
of introduction and 'a Foreign Office bag, more,' wrote Mrs. Reeve, 'to
give us importance, I suspect, than to convey despatches,' Reeve started as
soon as his work was cleared off and the October number of the 'Review' was
fairly out of his hands.




CHAPTER XVII

THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR


For some reason best known to himself, Portugal is not a favourite
hunting-ground of the tourist; and the country--though almost at our door,
though bound to us by alliance in war and friendship in peace for more than
two hundred years, though possessing beautiful scenery and the grandest of
historical associations--remains comparatively unknown. So far as he was
concerned, Reeve had long wished to dispel this darkness, and the fact of
his being Chairman of the Lusitanian Mining Company gave him the desired
opportunity. His Journal of the tour is here, as on former occasions,
elaborated by extracts (in square brackets) from Mrs. Reeve's.

_October 9th_--Started for Portugal on board the 'Douro' from Southampton.
Fine passage. Landed at Lisbon on October 13th. Hôtel Bragança. Kindly
received by Pinto Basto. Excursion to Cintra on the 14th.

_15th_.--Dined with Pinto Basto and met Fonseca. 16th, to Caldas. 17th,
to Alcobaça; then drove on to Batalha, and slept at Leiria. These great
monasteries, now deserted, with their architecture and their tombs, are of
the highest interest.

_18th_.--From Leiria to Pombal, and thence by rail to Coimbra [armed with
letters of introduction from Count Lavradio, including one to the 'Rector
Magnificus,' described as 'homme aimable et fort instruit, surtout dans les
sciences physiques.']

[The buildings of the University are not remarkable either way. The Rector
received us very courteously; showed us himself the splendid view from the
tower, the Salle where degrees are conferred, and allowed us to peep into
a gallery and through a window to see the lecture-rooms; then, making his
bow, sent us with an attendant to the chapel, where we were joined by the
Professor of German, Herr Dürzen, clad in the ample cape or cloak and with
the black jelly-bag cap which is the academic costume. He took us to the
library, a large and striking saloon with carved and gilt pilasters and
galleries.... There are about 900 students, of whom a large proportion
comes from the Brazils. They look very picturesque in their floating
drapery and hanging headgear; but the cape must be always impeding the free
use of arms and legs, and the cap--now that its original use as a begging
purse has ceased--might well be exchanged for a 'sombrero.' Herr Dürzen
accompanied us to the Botanic Gardens, where his friend and countryman,
Götze, showed us a splendid magnolia, Australian pines, and a great variety
of eucalypti.... We then drove to the entrance of the footway leading to
the Penedo da Saudade, a walk much affected by the Coimbrese. Then to the
Quinta da Santa Cruz, the summer residence of the monks. Truly they had
made them lordly pleasure-grounds, orange groves, hedges like tall walls
of arbor-vitae, terraces leading to fountains and cascades, azulejo-lined
benches surrounding marble floors, shaded by grand old laurels.... The
Quinta now belongs to a rich butter factor, who lets everything ornamental
go to wreck and ruin, or just clears it off for farm purposes.... The
butter factor's dogs came out barking and biting as we left the garden.
Henry made a timely retreat; the professor showed fight, and came off
second best, with his mantle torn. Then to the Church of Santa Cruz and to
the monastic buildings attached....]

_20th_.--Coimbra to Mealhada, then to Luso, and walked to Busaco. Convent
of Busaco. Scene of battle. Rail to Estarreja [which we reached at 6 P.M.
A splendid full moon lighted our drive to Palhal. Mr. Cruikshank met us at
the station, and drove Henry in his dog-cart; Hopie and I, with our bags,
went in the _char-à-banc_ which had been procured from Aveiro. The distance
is about eight miles, seven of which are a gentle ascent, and then a steep
pitch down of one mile. Flags were flying in honour of the arrival of
the chairman of the 'Lusitanian Company,' and after dinner a display of
fireworks. Mr. and Mrs. Cruikshank are a pleasing and intelligent young
Scotch couple. Three of their children are at Granja, a little bathing
village two or three stations further, and Mrs. Cruikshank and her eldest
little girl came back to receive us.]

_21st_.--[The mine at Palhal yields copper ore; that of Carvalhal lead ore.
The Pinto Basto family have the concession of the mines, and own much
of the surface. From five to eight hundred persons are employed--all
Portuguese, except the three mining captains, the dresser of the ores, a
carpenter, and a blacksmith. The English colony consists of about thirty
souls; there is a school for the children, and on Sundays they meet for
Divine worship after the manner of Wesleyans. The wages of these Cornishmen
are eight, ten, twelve pounds a month, and there are very tidy houses
on the property, with a large cottage, or house, for the agent--Mr.
Cruikshank. The works are in the ravine below the house, and the Caima
furnishes ample water power.... Many women and girls are employed preparing
the ores, some of them remarkably good-looking.... Their wages are from two
to three shillings a week. The scenery--pine-clad hills, streams on the
hill-side, ravines, and burns--reminded one of Scotland; but oranges and
camellias in the gardens, arbutus, myrtle, laurustinus, cistus, all wild,
tell of a different climate.... We explored Palhal on Thursday, and
Carvalhal on Friday; Henry and Mr. Cruikshank going into details at the
works, whilst we went, with Mrs. Cruikshank, to call on the wives, visit
the school, &c.... On Friday evening we took the train at Estarreja, and so
to Oporto.]

_25th_.--Adolph Pinto Basto [a nephew of our Lisbon friends] gave us an
entertainment in a boat on the Douro, and a collation at Avintes. Dinner at
the Crystal Palace, Oporto.

_26th_.--Drove to Carvalho with Elles.

_27th_.--Drove to Leça do Balio with Oswald Crawford, the consul.
Interesting Templars' church.

_28th-30th_.--By rail from Oporto to Madrid, thirty-six hours by Badajos,
Merida, Alcazar.

_31st_.--Madrid. Gallery. Bull-fight for the benefit of 'El Tato.' [We
had seen him at Valencia, nine years ago, in the pride and bloom of his
career--a career cut short not so much by the fury of the bull as by
the ignorance of the surgeon. Presently the chief door of the arena was
unbarred, and an open carriage, with three men in the dress of matadors and
'El Tato' in the 'plain clothes' of a peasant drove round. Great was the
sensation. The men shouted, the women wept, the old lady at my elbow shed
floods of tears; cigars and hats were flung to him; he bowed, kissed his
hand, wiped his eyes. Then the regular work of the day commenced.] Very
cold.

_November 2nd_.--Left Madrid for Avila, passing the Escorial.

_3rd_.--Avila and then on to Burgos.

_4th_.--Burgos. Cathedral. Monuments.

_5th_.--Reached Biarritz at 10 P.M., and so to Paris.

_8th_.--Paris. Saw Désclès in 'Frou-frou.' Great actress.

Home on the 9th. A well-spent month.

_From the Comte de Paris_

York House, le 11 novembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Mon oncle Aumale et moi nous vous remercions des
paquets que vous nous avez envoyés ce matin; mon oncle me charge de vous
dire qu'il n'a pu vous écrire aujourd'hui, étant fort occupé des soins à
donner à la Duchesse d'Aumale, qui est toujours dans un état assez grave,
mais que vous lui ferez grand plaisir si vous voulez venir passer au
Woodnorton la semaine du 22 au 29 novembre; il y aura quelques chasses à
tir.

Je viens de mon côté vous demander de nous faire le plaisir de venir, avec
Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve, déjeuner ici dimanche prochain à midi et
demie; c'est le seul jour où je puisse vous voir, car je pars lundi matin
pour le Worcestershire.

Veuillez me croire votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

As to which the Journal has:--

_November 14th_.--Breakfasted at York House. The Duc d'Aumale came, but the
Duchesse was ill, and on December 6th she died.

The Comte de Paris telegraphed the news to Reeve the same evening, and
wrote the next day asking him to charge himself with sending a little
notice of it to the principal newspapers--a thing Reeve readily undertook
to do. Before receiving the request, he had already written expressing
his wish to attend the funeral, and the Comte de Paris acknowledged both
letters at the same time.

_From the Comte de Paris_

York House, le 7 décembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je m'empresse de vous remercier de vos deux
lettres et de la manière dont vous avez répondu à ma demande.

Mon oncle Aumale est bien touché de l'intention que vous exprimez de venir
vous associer à sa douleur le jour des funérailles de ma tante. Elles son
fixées à vendredi prochain. La première cérémonie aura lieu à Orléans House
à 9-1/2h du matin, après quoi nous conduirons le corps à Weybridge, pour le
déposer dans le caveau de famille. Nous y serons vers midi, ou peut-être un
peu plus tard, car il est difficile de calculer très exactement l'arrivée
de ce triste convoi. Ce ne sera en tous cas pas avant midi.

Je termine en vous priant de me croire

Votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS

'I attended her funeral on the 10th'--Reeve noted in his Journal--'and went
in an immense procession from Twickenham to Weybridge.'

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, November 21st_.--I never had any taste for travelling. I would
willingly go a hundred miles for an hour's conversation with such or such a
person; but the miles themselves have little interest for me. However,
your tour in Portugal, as you describe it, would have tempted me. I like a
country which is different from all others. Still, I am quite sure that,
after having amused yourself in Portugal, you are very glad to be back in
England....

Lord Clarendon may be quite easy; no difficulty affecting his department
will come from here. Country and Government are equally inclined to peace.
As to our home affairs, which alone have any interest just now, I am a
little sad, but not uneasy. We are returning--quietly, ignorantly, and with
tottering steps--into the right path, the parliamentary system. The country
is coming back to it. The Emperor does not, and will not, offer any serious
resistance to it. We shall make blunders, both in our procedure and
debates, but shall, nevertheless, make sensible progress. What we are in
want of is the men.

_From Lord Westbury_

_Hinton St. George, November 25th._--Mrs. Reeve, when I had the pleasure of
seeing her at Hinton, gave me an assurance that I should not be troubled
this year with any request to attend the Privy Council. Your letter,
therefore, is an act of _gross domestic insubordination_--a kind of petty
treason. Formerly it was the act of the husband that bound the wife; _mais
nous avons changé tout cela_; the act of the wife binds the husband. I
appeal unto Caesar. It is very easy for Lord Chelmsford and yourself, who
have your town houses in order, your servants, horses, carriages, and whole
establishments, not omitting the _placens uxor_, to talk of the 'patriotic
duty' of attending the Privy Council--having nothing else to do, and
wanting amusement; but my house is thoroughly dismantled, having been under
repair; I have not a room to sit down in with comfort, nor servants to
attend to me, nor a cook to cook my dinner, nor any of those _solatia_ or
_solamina_ which you have in profusion. Yet you, with great unconcern,
desire me to quit my family, and all my amusements and enjoyments, that I
may come to town to endure complete wretchedness, and have a bad dinner
and an indigestion everyday, _ut plebi placeam et declamatio fiam_. If
you think this reasonable and right, I am sure you have left all sense of
reasonableness in Lusitania. Besides, have you not a plethora of judicial
wealth and power? Have you not the Lord Justice, who has little else to do;
and the Admiralty Judge; and that great Adminiculum, the learned and pious
man whom, _honoris causâ_, I call Holy Joe? [Footnote: Probably sir Joseph
Napier, nominated to a place on the Judicial Committee by Disraeli in March
1868.] But to speak more gravely. Had I had the least conception that I
should have been wanted--that is, _really_ wanted--I would have made other
arrangements than I have done.... We shall now have a house full of people
until December 20th, and I cannot, without much offence, relieve myself
from these deferred engagements. A little while ago I was thrown out of my
shooting-cart; I injured my arm, which has brought on rheumatism, and I am
not in a condition to come up to a solitary and dismantled house in London
without anything requisite for the comfort of an old man. On January 20th,
until the beginning of appeals in the Lords, I will, if you need it, sit
and dispose of all the colonial and admiralty appeals. When will you come
down and shoot?

_To Lord Derby_

62 Rutland Gate, December 19th.

My dear Lord Derby, [Footnote: For some years Reeve had known him as Lord
Stanley. He had succeeded to the title on October 23rd.]--I cannot without
emotion address you by your present name. Although I never had the honour
of much personal acquaintance with your father, he has been, for the last
thirty years, an object of familiar interest even to those with whom he was
not familiar. His high spirit, his splendid eloquence, his public services,
have endeared him to thousands whom he hardly knew, and caused them to
share the feelings with which you, in a far higher degree, must regard this
great loss. I have no doubt, however, that you will support and increase
the honour of a name so illustrious, and I know no one more fit to bear
it.... Mrs. Reeve begs to join with me in again presenting to you our very
sincere regards, and I remain,

Very faithfully yours,

HENRY REEVE.

Of social engagements, the Journal mentions--

To Farnborough for Christmas, and thence to Timsbury till the end of the
year. I called at Broadlands, now occupied by the Cowper Temples.

_January 5th_, 1870.--To Hinton. Vice-Chancellor Stuart there. Lord
Westbury very amusing. Shooting every day. In Cudworth covers killed 192
head.

The following letter from M. Guizot refers to an incident which caused a
tremendous sensation at the time, and--judged by the later events--may
be considered as a portent of the downfall of the Empire. Prince Pierre
Bonaparte had challenged M. Henri Rochefort, the editor of a violent
Republican journal which had published a scurrilous and abusive article.
M. Grousset, the writer of the article, took the responsibility, and, on
January 10th, sent his friends, Victor Noir and Ulric Fonvielle, to wait on
the Prince at his house in the Rue d'Auteuil. The Prince said his challenge
was to M. Rochefort; to M. Grousset he had nothing to say. A quarrel and a
free fight followed. Each man drew his revolver, and Victor Noir, mortally
wounded, broke out of the room, staggered into the street, and fell dead.
Fonvielle escaped uninjured. He and the Prince were the only witnesses of
what took place, and their stories directly contradicted each other. The
Prince was tried on a charge of murder, but was acquitted. On a civil trial
he was sentenced to pay 1,000 £ damages to the father of Victor Noir, as
compensation for the loss of his son's services.

_Val Richer, January 12th_.--I do not yet rightly understand the tragic
incident at Auteuil. I am inclined to think that Prince Pierre Bonaparte
was threatened and assaulted before using his revolver; the probabilities
are that he acted in self-defence. The trial will be curious. In any case,
it is a great misfortune for the Imperial Government, more so than for the
new Cabinet, which will certainly not be wanting in courage, and will be
supported by whoever is anxious to practise 'economy of revolution,' as a
friend of mine says.

I have friends in this Cabinet, honourable, liberal-minded, and sensible
men. Will a leader be found among them? We shall see. Hitherto organisation
has been everywhere wanting; in the Legislative Body, as in the Cabinet. I
see no reason to change the opinion I formed some time since, and perhaps
already mentioned to you; I am sad, rather than uneasy, for the future of
my country. She will not fall into the abyss; but, for want of political
foresight and firmness, will allow herself to be dragged along the edge of
it. Men's minds and characters are narrowed rather than corrupted.

In connexion with which the Journal has:--

_January 16th_.--Dined at Lord Granville's, with Lavalette, the new French
ambassador. The Emperor had just formed a more liberal ministry, with Daru
and Ollivier, which soon broke down owing to Buffet's _entêtement_.

_26th_.--Dinner at Clarendon's, to meet the Queen of Holland.

_From M. Guizot_

_Paris, January 31st_.--I have just read the article on Calvin with a real
and lively satisfaction, complete, so far as I am concerned; I am very
grateful to Mr. Cunningham (I think that is the author's name) for his kind
words, and for his sympathy with my description of Calvin and his time. Be
so good as to thank him for me; it is a pleasure to be so well understood
and set forth. As to Calvin, Mr. Cunningham does full justice to his
merits; I ask a little more indulgence for his faults, which belonged to
the time quite as much as to the man. Very few, even among superior men,
admitted the rights of conscience and liberty. Marnix de Ste.-Aldegonde
bitterly reproached the hero of the Reformation, William the Silent, with
tolerating Catholics in Holland. Melanchthon unreservedly approved of
the burning of Servetus. Catholic Europe was covered with stakes for the
Protestants, and, if Servetus had had the upper hand, I doubt if Calvin
would have received from him any better treatment than he received from
Calvin. I do not on that account detest the burning of Servetus any the
less; but I do not count it as a fault personal and peculiar to Calvin. In
every-day life and in systematic theology he ignored the rights of freedom.
The twofold error was enormous; but his policy and philosophy were equally
sincere, and, of all the eminent despots of history, he was, I think, one
of the least ambitious and most disinterested. He was almost forced into
power against his will, and he wielded it harshly, tyrannically, but
without seeking any personal gain, and he was still more severe to himself
than to those whom he treated so severely....

The Journal goes on:--

_March 5th_.--Visit to the Watneys, at Leamington, and to
Stratford-upon-Avon. Beautiful effect in the church, the organ playing
'Rest in the Lord.'

_12th_.--Evening at Lady Cowley's, for Queen of Holland.

Went to Isle of Wight with W. Wallace at Easter. The Bishop of Winchester
preached in Ventnor Church on April 24th (first Sunday after Easter).

_From M. Gulzot_

_Paris, April 7th_.--... It is curious to watch France, and I am also
curious as to the possible consequences of what is happening in England.
France has never been so liberal and so anti-revolutionary at the same
time. England is making a thoroughly liberal reform in Ireland, and at the
same time a severe law of repression for the defence of order. I wish and
hope for your success in both. I also hope that our attempt at quiet and
liberal reform will not fall through. But both for you and for us there
are rugged paths yet to traverse; the future is still darkly clouded. Even
after the success of our respective undertakings, Ireland will not be
pacified, and political liberty will not be established in France. There
is no need to be discouraged, the best of human works are incomplete and
insufficient; but there is need to beware of illusions, to be prepared for
disappointments, to be always ready to begin again. I moralise on politics.
Good sense is the law of politics, and what I have learnt from history,
above all, is that good sense is essentially moral. You will, therefore,
not be surprised that I mix morals and politics....

_From Lord Westbury_

_April 13th_.--How shall I thank you for your inspiriting letter, which was
as the sound of the trumpet to the aged war-horse! I fear my contemporaries
have taken a more accurate measurement of my power, and that I shall never
fulfil any such glorious destiny as you hold before my eyes. It is true of
many men that _possunt quia posse videntur_; and that they accomplish many
things simply because they are not fastidious. I should never do anything,
simply because I should tear up one day what I had written the preceding.
It would be Penelope's web. Our education is too aesthetical. Unless a
cultivated taste be overpowered by personal vanity, it is very difficult
to complete any composition. I can most truly say that I have never done
anything, speaking or writing, of which I could say, on the review, _mihi
plaudo_.

We have a great difference of opinion in the members of the Digest
Commission. Many think that the work should be handed over to two or three
very able men (not judges or Emeriti Chancellors), who should be well paid;
and that to them, with a staff of subordinates, all the work should be
committed. Others think that there should be added to this establishment
some presiding power, consisting of one, two, or three distinguished
judges, to whom all questions should be referred, and whose duty it
should be to give an _imprimatur_ to the work. So we cannot agree on a
recommendation to the Government; and when we shall do so, but little
weight will attach to it.

The Journal here notes:--

_May 6th_.--Mansfield came back from India.

At the time of the Russian war, Reeve and Mansfield had been on terms of
intimacy, and, in fact, it was largely through Reeve's interest with Lord
Clarendon that Mansfield had been sent to Constantinople in 1855, as
military adviser to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. Since then the intimacy
had been interrupted by Mansfield's absence in India, where he had served
with distinction during the Mutiny, and afterwards in command of the Bombay
army and as commander-in-chief since 1865. In the following year he was
raised to the peerage as Lord Sandhurst. The Journal notes:--

_May 26th_.--The King of Portugal made me a Commander of the Order of
Christ; but this was solely as chairman of the Lusitanian Mining Company.
The Duc d'Aumale, Mansfield, Lord Dunsany, Lord Northbrook, Stirling
Maxwell, Lady Molesworth dined with us.

_From the Marquis of Salisbury_

40 Dover Street, June 1st.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--It is my pleasing duty to inform you that the University
of Oxford wish to express their sense of your literary services and
attainments by conferring on you an honorary degree at the approaching
commemoration. I trust that it will not be disagreeable to you to accede
to their wishes in this matter, and that you will be able without
inconvenience to attend at Oxford to receive the degree. The day on which
they will be conferred will be on Tuesday, the 21st inst.

Believe me, yours very truly,

SALISBURY.

The Journal notes:--

_June 3rd_.--Excursion to Malvern, Hereford, and Worcester. Xavier Raymond
came to Bushey [Duc de Nemours']. I breakfasted there on the 10th. [On the
11th the Duke wrote]:--

Cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je lis ce matin en tête des colonnes du journal le
'Times,' un charmant premier article sur mon fils aîné, et portant même son
nom pour titre. Cet article inspiré par un bienveillant sentiment envers
lui et ma famille en général, met dans un brillant relief les services que
mon fils vient de rendre à son pays d'adoption. Cela a donc été pour moi
une extrême satisfaction que de le voir placé en première ligne dans le
journal le plus répandu du monde.

Je sais qu'il n'est pas permis de s'enquérir du nom de ceux qui écrivent
dans la presse anglaise. Mais si à vous le nom de l'auteur était connu,
dans ce cas-ci, cher Monsieur Reeve, et si vous appreniez aussi à qui est
due l'insertion de cet article, je vous serais très reconnaissant (dans le
cas toutefois où vous le jugerez convenable) de faire connaître à l'une et
à l'autre de ces personnes combien j'en ai été heureux et touché.

Plein du bon souvenir de votre visite d'hier, je vous renouvelle ici, cher
Monsieur Reeve, l'assurance de mes bien affectueux sentiments.

LOUIS D'ORLÉANS.

_From Mr. Delane_

_June 13th_.--I return the Duke's letter with many thanks. The story of
the Brazilian article is curious enough to be worth telling. At the
Rothschilds' ball on Wednesday last I was by an inadvertence placed at
supper next but one to the Duc de Nemours, and next to a beautiful young
lady. I had long been honoured by the Duc d'Aumale's acquaintance, but had
never before met his brother, and I only slowly became aware who were my
neighbours. Then, actually at the supper, among ortolans and peaches, it
occurred to me that the Comte d'Eu, of whose exploits I had been reading
that morning, and whom I had stupidly regarded as merely a Brazilian
general, must be the brother of the beautiful young lady next me, and
therefore a personage in whom the European public would take a very
different sort of interest from any that Marshal Coxios could command,
that, in short, as an Orleans prince, he would be worth an article, though
no one would have cared for a mere Brazilian general.

_From the Due de Nemours_

_Bushey Park, 15 juin_.--J'ai à la fois des remercîments et des
félicitations à vous adresser pour avoir pris la peine de chercher de qui
émanait l'aimable article du 'Times' sur mon fils aîné, et pour l'avoir si
bien découvert. Le compliment est assurément de très bon goût, et j'y suis
très sensible. Il augmente seulement encore mon regret de n'avoir pu, moi
aussi, faire à ce même bal la connaissance de l'auteur de cette aimable
attention.

_From Lord Westbury_

_June 17th_.--I read with 'perfect horror' last night the return of
business before the Judicial Committee which you were so good as to send
me. There are 350 appeals in all, of which 248 are from India. I do not
think less than two days can be allotted to each of these Indian appeals,
taking the average; that will require 496 days of sitting, being more than
two years; for you cannot, if the committee sat every day the Court of
Chancery does, exceed more than 210 days in the year. Now if to this amount
of duty for the Indian appeals be added the time required for the remaining
102 appeals, you cannot attribute to them less than 102 days, making in all
598 days, being at least three years' work for a committee sitting every
day.

Whilst these arrears are being disposed of, a new crop of appeals to at
least the same amount, will be mature. What shall we do? 'Hills over hills
and Alps on Alps arise.' I shall mention the subject to-night. Pray, send
me this morning any suggestions that occur to you.

_June 18th_.--I am engaged to leave town for a short cruise at sea,
to-morrow early. I shall remain until Sunday evening. But it is for the
best that I cannot see you to-morrow, because I hope to 'interview' you on
Wednesday, after your return, with that renovation of genius and accretion
of knowledge which will accompany you on your return from Parnassus, after
having bathed in the fountain of the Muses. You must bring Mrs. Reeve a
faithful copy of the eulogistic speech of the public orator, and I will
translate it to her.

My notice is for Thursday. I shall propose the immediate creation of three
judges, the giving Colvile and Peel fitting remuneration--2,000 £. a year
each--and a large addition to the salary of the registrar.

The Journal then has:--

_June 20th_.--To Oxford, to stay with the Dean of Christchurch, on the
accession of Lord Salisbury. Went down with Sir E. Landseer.

_21st_.--Received the degree of D.C.L. from the University, in the
Sheldonian Theatre. Lord Salisbury greeted me as 'Vir potentissime in
republicâ literarum,' at which I looked up and laughed. Dined afterwards in
All Souls' library with the Vice-Chancellor.

       *       *       *       *       *

Among the other distinguished persons who received the honorary D.C.L. at
the same time were Admirals Sir Henry Keppel and Sir John Hay, Sir William
Mansfield, and Sir Francis Grant, the President of the Royal Academy.
Mansfield gave the 'Gallery' some amusement by wearing a cocked hat and
feathers with his red doctor's gown, instead of the regulation academic
cap.

_From Lord Westbury_

_June 22nd_.--O vir doctissime et in republicâ literarum potentissime! So
said or sung the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, in violation of
all the traditions of the place; for Oxford never used before the phrase
'respublica literarum' which words and the thing signified she has ever
repudiated and abhorred; and to be _potentissimus in republicâ_ are jarring
and incoherent things. But let this hypercriticism pass, and when I see
Mrs. Reeve I shall tell her that the words were chosen with singular
felicity, and that they are not more remarkable for their truth and justice
than they are for their elegant latinity; but I will not say that you are a
doctor only _honoris causâ_, which are most emphatic words, and are cruelly
made to accompany the dignity; for, when translated, they mean: 'Oh,
doctor, do not presume to teach by virtue of this _semiplena graduatio_,
for it is only _honoris causâ_, or merely complimentary; and do not boast
this title as evidence of skill or erudition in laws, for they are
sounding words that signify nothing. How easy it is for envy and malice to
depreciate!

I hope Mrs. Reeve and your daughter were there, because it is something fit
and able to give genuine pleasure; and if I had been there I would have
answered with stentorian voice to the well-known question: 'Placetne vobis,
Domini Doctores? placetne vobis, Magistri?' 'Placet, imo valde placet.'...

It is difficult to tell the Government what ought to be done; for, first,
there should be great alteration in the Courts in the East Indies, and,
secondly, it is clear that the colonists and Indians will not be satisfied
unless the Privy Council is presided over by a first-chop man; and I am
assured that transferring three puisne judges from the Common Law Courts
would not be satisfactory. Can you call at my room in the House of Lords
to-morrow, at a few minutes after four?

Yours sincerely, and with deeper respect than ever,

WESTBURY.

I don't suppose you will now miss a single bird.

_From Senhor D. Jose Ferreira Pinto Basto_

_Lisbon, June 18th_.--The Portuguese Government do not present those on
whom the orders of knighthood are conferred with the decorations they are
entitled to wear. These consist, for a commander, in a placard, which is
worn on the coat over the left side of the breast; a large cross hanging
from a wide ribbon fastened round the neck; and a small cross, fastened by
a narrow ribbon to the upper button-hole, on the left side of the coat.

The crosses corresponding to the degree of commander are, for the Order of
Christ, the same as those allowed to simple chevaliers, but having a heart
over them for distinction, and the ribbons are red. The large pendant cross
is scarcely ever worn, unless it be on a very solemn Court day, and even
then not generally; and the small cross, which was formerly in constant
use, when the pendant one was not worn, is now out of fashion, and either
entirely left off or, at the most, substituted by a small ribbon on the
coat buttonhole, when no other decoration is worn. What is generally worn
on ceremonial occasions is simply the placard, such as I now send you; if,
however, you should wish to have the other insignia, please to let me know
it, that I may send them. These insignia are, of course, made more costly
with diamonds and rubies, to be worn on great festivities; but even then,
and for general use, they are usually in silver and enamel, as the placard
now forwarded.

I don't think there is any need of your directly expressing to anyone here
your thanks for the distinction conferred upon you; the more so since you
have already expressed them through the Portuguese Minister in London.

It is here that the Journal mentions the death of the friend whose letters
have occupied such a prominent place in these pages:--

_June 22nd_.--Fête at Strawberry Hill. Lord Clarendon was there, looking
very ill, and on the 27th he died--'Multis ille flebilis occidit, nulli
flebilior quam mihi.'

To 'Fraser's Magazine' for August Reeve contributed a graceful article, 'In
Memory of George Villiers, Earl of Clarendon,' in which, recording his many
public services, he especially dwelt on the very important service he had
rendered to his country during the period of his being Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, and on the fact that this service had had the singular honour of
being directly referred to in the Queen's Speech on proroguing Parliament
on September 5th, 1848, which concluded, 'The energy and decision shown by
the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland deserve my warmest approbation.' Reeve was
told by Lady Clarendon that her husband 'regarded these emphatic words as
the most enviable distinction of his life.'

At the same time another article, 'In Memoriam,' appeared in 'Macmillan's
Magazine.' This was by Reeve's colleague at the Privy Council Office, Mr.
Arthur Helps, whose acquaintance with Lord Clarendon had been by no means
so intimate. His appreciation was thus written from general repute rather
than from personal knowledge, but it contains one remarkable passage that
may be repeated in order to emphasise it:--

'He--Lord Clarendon--was a man who indulged, notwithstanding his public
labours, in an immense private correspondence. There were some persons to
whom, I believe, he wrote daily; and perhaps in after years we shall be
favoured--those of us who live to see it--with a correspondence which will
enlighten us as to many of the principal topics of our own period.'

Whether Reeve was one of the persons Helps alluded to must remain doubtful.
In the strict sense of the words, Lord Clarendon did not write to him
daily; but at times he wrote not only daily, but three times a day,
[Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. pp. 296-7.] and the letters, or extracts of
letters, now printed, form but a very small portion of the great number
which Reeve preserved.

The Journal then mentions:--

_July 3rd_.--Breakfasted at Orleans House with Prince Philip of Würtemberg.
Matters looked threatening abroad, and on the 14th the rupture took place
between Franco and Prussia. On the 18th war was declared. On the 25th we
dined at York House. I said to the Comte de Paris, 'How is the Emperor to
attack Germany?' Nobody thought at first that the war would be in France;
but we were soon undeceived, and I speedily discovered the danger. The
Duc d'Aumale wrote to me, 'Vous avez deviné ma pensée de Français et de
soldat.'

I had hired a small moor at Ballachulish from Cameron, the innkeeper there.
Maclean of Ardgour, to whom it belonged, lent me a keeper and some dogs.
The hills were steep, the shooting bad; but the life there most agreeable.
I went down on August 3rd. W. Wallace was with us; and on the 5th we were
installed at Ballachulish for six weeks. They were spent in shooting,
sea-fishing, boating, &c. Fairfax Taylor [Footnote: Son of John Edward
Taylor; see _ante_, p. 117.] came, and Longman. The Trevelyans Fyfes, and
Forsters were at the hotel on the other side of the ferry. We were there
forty-five days. I went back to town by Greenock on September 21st.

Meanwhile the course of the war was most eventful. On August 6th the battle
of Wörth was won by the Prussians, followed by a series of French defeats.
On September 2nd Macmahon and the Emperor capitulated at Sedan. William
Forster was at Ballachulish, and, as despatches were sent from the F. O. to
cabinet ministers, we learnt the fact from him at 8.30 P.M. on September
3rd. Gladstone, though prime minister, volunteered to write an article in
the 'Review' on the war, which he did. I kept the secret, but it leaked
out through the 'Daily News' on November 3rd, and made a great noise. The
'silver streak' was in that article.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, July 29th_.--Among the many bad actions described in history,
there is one which is very rare; it is the artifice of a tempter who throws
the blame of his attempt at seduction upon the person who rejected it,
perhaps after listening to it. But this is what Bismarck has done. You have
probably not forgotten what happened in 1868, and what I wrote about it at
the time, in the 'Revue des deux Mondes' of September 15th. I take pleasure
in here quoting my own words:--

'It is said that M. de Bismarck attempted to engage France on the side of
Prussia; and, in order to tempt the Imperial Government, offered to remodel
Europe as well as Germany, and to give France a large share in this
redistribution of nations. I do not know how much truth there was in these
rumours, which so deeply moved Belgium and Holland, amongst others; I will
not stop to discuss reports and suppositions. However this may be, if such
offers were really made, Napoleon III. did wisely in refusing them; he did
not raise himself to the throne as a victorious warrior, and France has no
longer a passion for conquest. But did he, in refusing, do all he could to
stop or restrain Prussia in the ambitious course into which M. de Bismarck
was forcing her, and to influence the reorganisation of Germany according
to the legitimate interests of France? I do not think so; but I put this
question also on one side,' &c. &c.

I need not say that I did not lightly credit the rumours of the overtures
made by Bismarck to the French Government; they were not only widespread
and believed by those who had the best information, but my friends in
Holland sent me precise details, and I immediately got the 'Journal des
Débats' to publish an article which treated this attempted temptation as it
deserved, and pointed out the honourable and pacific policy which France
ought to follow on this occasion. I have reason to think that men of good
sense in the French Government, who were trying to make the policy of law
and peace prevail, congratulated themselves on being thus loudly upheld and
encouraged.

Never forget, 'my dear sir,' what the position of the friends of law and
peace is in our general policy. You must some time have read Bürger's
ballad of the 'Wild Huntsman,' founded on the legend of a certain nobleman,
on the banks of the Rhine, a great hunter, who, if I mistake not, could
never mount his horse for the chase without being accompanied, on either
side, by a good and a bad angel, one urging him to follow the beaten track,
and respect the rights of property, the other urging him to rush across the
fields, trampling down harvest, gardens, and passers-by, careless of what
injury he inflicted.

For a long time France, both as to her Government and her people, has been
in the position of this hunter, always accompanied by the two angels; all
that has happened in France and in Europe during the last eighty years has
put us in that position, and it is sometimes the good angel, sometimes the
bad, which has made itself heard, and has seemed on the point of becoming
the hunter's master. There is not a right-minded and sensible man in Europe
who has not endeavoured to help the good angel and defeat the efforts of
the wicked tempter.

In my opinion, the Imperial Government was wrong in not accepting the
withdrawal of the candidateship of the Prince of Hohenzollern; a withdrawal
announced by the Prince himself, accepted by the King of Prussia, and
accepted and officially communicated to France by the Spanish Government.
This was held to be insufficient satisfaction for France, though I think
neither necessity nor prudence called for a second demand, which offended
the pride of all parties; and the manner in which it was rejected has
destroyed the last chance of peace. Till that moment, the good angel had
prevailed; but now the bad angel is speaking. But if there is one man in
Europe who cannot avail himself of this blunder to rid himself of the
responsibility of war, that man is surely the tempter of 1868....

_To Mr. Dempster_

_Ballachulish, August 14th_.--As it is entirely to you that we owe our
residence in this enchanting place, it would be very ungrateful not to tell
you how much we are enjoying it. I think it is by far the most picturesque
spot in all Scotland; and ever since we arrived, ten days ago, the sea has
been as blue as the Aegean, and the hills as clear as the isles of Greece.
Not one cloud or shower in ten days, but the heat so great that we find
shooting arduous work. There is not much game, but I am better off than
most of my neighbours, who complain loudly. I think I can insure any day
five or six brace. It certainly is not a good year, nor is this a grouse
country.... I think, whatever else this war may bring about, it has
finished the Empire and the Emperor, and so far I rejoice; but I confess I
have no sympathy at all with the Prussians.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, September 10th_.--I am just up, my dear Sir, having been in
bed for a fortnight. Grief and indignation are unhealthy at eighty-three. I
am better, and only wish I was as sure of the convalescence of France as of
my own. It is true that France has before her more time for recovery than I
have.

I will say nothing of the fallen Empire. I should say more than is seemly
and less than is true. Never was fall more deserved, more necessary, and
more absolute.

Neither will I say anything of the new Government. It is what it professes
to be, a power pledged to defend the country. A national constituent
Assembly has just been convoked, and meanwhile everything will be done to
preserve the honour and integrity of France. This, for the present, is the
one idea and the one passion of the whole country, especially of Paris. I
hope that the deeds will correspond to the passion.

There are two points on which, in spite of my present weakness, I wish
to give you my opinion at once, so as to awaken your interest, and the
interest of all the friends of European order and of France now in England.

There is much to be regretted in the general policy of Europe since 1815.
Many faults have been committed which might have been avoided, many
improvements which might have been made have been miscalculated or have
passed as dreams. But throughout this age, and for more than half a
century, rising above all faults and blunders, royal or popular,
diplomatic or parliamentary, one great and novel fact has dominated the
policy of Europe--there has been no question of a war of ambition and of
conquest; no State has attempted to aggrandise itself by force at the
expense of other States; [Footnote: Guizot's enthusiasm or patriotism here
led him into a somewhat reckless assertion. In point of fact, there was
not one of the great Continental Powers which, during the previous fifty
years, had not 'attempted to aggrandise itself by force,' and,
necessarily, 'at the expense of other States.' With the exception of
Austria, they had done more than 'attempt'--they had effected the
aggrandisement.] respect for peace and the law of nations has become a
ruling maxim of international policy. When internal revolution in any
State has rendered territorial changes necessary, these changes have been
recognised and accepted only after the examination and consent of Europe.
Belgium and Greece have taken rank as European States only by the putting
on one side all the yearnings of French, Russian, or English ambition. And
when, in 1844 and 1848, the Emperor Nicholas, in his familiar interviews
with your ambassador at St. Petersburg, proposed that Russia and England
should act in concert, and by joint conquest, as he said, put an end to
the decrepitude of the Ottoman Empire, two English ministers, Lord
Aberdeen and Lord John Russell, to their great honour, rejected any such
idea, as an outrage on the law of nations, and the peace of Europe.

I have no hesitation in affirming, my dear Sir, that this is the greatest
and most salutary feature of the first half of this century, and has
contributed more than anything else to the revival of principles of equity
and justice in the relations between governments and their people, to
the increased prosperity of different nations, and to the progress of
civilisation in the world. And, new as its rule yet is, this fact has been
sufficient to stop, or at least to check in their evil developements, the
noxious germs of an ambitious and violent policy, revivified in Europe
by the revolutionary crises of 1848. Temptations have certainly not been
wanting to governments and parties since that date. But in 1848 the French
Republic respected the peace of Europe and the law of nations; in 1852 the
French Empire hastened to declare that it was peace; and when, leaving
that, she threw herself into the Italian war, is it credible that she would
have been contented with Nice and Savoy as the price of the support she
gave to the Italians if she had not been restrained by the good modern
principle of European policy, the condemnation of the spirit of ambition
and conquest? [Footnote: Not to speak of the chance of having to deal with
Prussia. Cf. _ante_, p. 27.]

It is this legitimate and guiding principle which is at present ignored,
attacked, and in great danger. I have no intention of entering here upon
the question of German unity, or of inquiring how far the consequences of
Sadowa are to be attributed to the real and spontaneous effort of national
sentiment amongst the Germans. I waive all discussion on this point.

I do not suppose anyone will say that in this great German event Prussian
ambition had no share, or that force and conquest did not act side by side
with the impulse of national sentiment. But I do not now meddle with what
has been done in Germany; that has nothing in common with the present
pretensions of Prussia to Alsace and Lorraine. Have these provinces given
any manifestation, any appearance, of a desire to be included in the German
unity? Is not the Prussian policy in this openly and exclusively a policy
of ambition and of conquest, such as would have been followed, from more or
less specious motives of royal or national selfishness, by Louis XIV. in
the seventeenth, by Frederick II. in the eighteenth, by Napoleon I. in the
nineteenth century? such as the modern publicists and moralists have so
often condemned and fought against? such, in fine, as all nations, in all
ages--and especially Europe in our own times--have so cruelly suffered
from? I say no more. I should be ashamed to insist upon what is so clear.

I have nothing to do with Utopian ideas. I do not believe in perpetual
peace, nor in the absolute rule of the law of nations as affecting the
rivalries of governments and the facts of history. I know that ambitious
intrigue and violent enterprise will always have a part in the destinies of
nations. I only ask that ambition and force shall not be permitted to take
that part, controlled only by their own will. At least they ought to be
recognised for what they are, and called by their right names; their
claims, and the results of them, ought to be placed face to face with the
policy of peace and the law of nations; and, lastly, it ought not to be
forgotten that this, the only durable and good policy, has prevailed in
Europe for half a century, and that it would be shameful and unfortunate to
allow it to fall undefended before the first success of the old policy of
ambition and conquest.

In the severe and dangerous trial which she is now undergoing, France may
strengthen herself with the thought that her present and personal policy
is in exact agreement with the European policy of peace and the law of
nations. France has no ambition, no remote designs or secret aim; she asks
for nothing; she is defending her rights, her honour, and her territory.
Will the Powers, who have hitherto proclaimed their neutrality, assist
her by assisting to maintain the European policy of peace and the law of
nations? I shall be surprised if they do not, the more so as they could
do it without seriously compromising themselves. If their intervention by
force of arms were necessary, it would undoubtedly be at once effective;
but any such necessity is quite out of the question; the neutral Powers are
stronger than they themselves are perhaps aware, and their moral strength
is amply sufficient. Let them plainly assert their disapproval of this
attack on the territorial integrity of France; and in support of their
disapproval, let them declare that, in any case, they will not recognise
any change in the territory of France which France herself will not accept.
It is my deep and firm conviction that this would be sufficient to put an
end to any such attempt, and to check the policy of ambition and conquest,
without which the peace of Europe cannot be re-established. Is France to be
left alone to sustain this great and good cause at all risks? or will the
neutral Powers, without any great risk to themselves, give her such support
as will ensure her triumph? It is for the Powers to answer this question. I
am very old to be surprised at anything; and yet I should be surprised if
England did not see the greatness of the part she is called upon to play
under existing circumstances. For many years she sustained in Europe, by
war, the policy of respect for the laws of nations; will she not uphold it
to-day by peace?

Adieu, my dear Sir, je suis fatigué. Je vais me coucher, et tout à vous,

GUIZOT.

Should you think proper to make any use of this letter, either by privately
showing it to anyone, or by giving it a wider publicity, I have no
objection. I leave the question of fitness and opportunity in England to
you. For my part, my only wish is that my opinions and sentiments in this
important crisis should be well known both in France and England.

The following note is endorsed by Reeve 'Due d'Aumale on the capitulation
of Sedan,' which took place on September 2nd. It is, however, impossible to
suppose that the Due d'Aumale did not hear of an event so astounding till
three weeks after it had happened, and the note probably refers more
immediately to the occupation of Versailles by the Prussians under the
Crown Prince, on September 20th, or the reported arrival on the 23rd of
General Bourbaki at Chislehurst, to consult with the Empress about the
surrender of Metz. The endorsement was most likely written some time
afterwards, and in momentary forgetfulness of the date.

_From the Due d'Aumale_

Orleans House, 23 septembre.

Cher Monsieur,---Jamais je n'aurais cru que je vivrais assez pour voir un
pareil jour. Vous devinez tout ce que mon coeur éprouve.

Vous êtes du bien petit nombre de ceux avec qui il m'est possible de causer
en ce moment, et vous me ferez du bien si vous venez déjeuner ici dimanche
prochain, 25, à midi 1/2. Mille amitiés,

H. D'ORLÉANS.

_From Lord Granville_

Walmer Castle, October 2nd.

My dear Reeve,--I was very sorry to miss an opportunity of seeing you twice
last week. Our hours are late, while you adopt the judicious maxim of
Charles Lamb. I thought the article [Footnote: Gladstone's article (see
_ante_, p.178) which was published in the October number of the _Review_.
Lord Granville saw the proof slips.] excellent and very instructive; not
always quite judicial. It will be read with immense pleasure on its own
merits.

As far as we have gone we have surely adhered to the declaration made to
Parliament--'Neutrality, with as friendly relations as is compatible with
impartiality; exercise of the duties and maintenance of our rights, as
neutrals.' We have protected Belgium with minimum risk to ourselves. We
have given advice when it was acceptable and effective, such as that which
led to the meeting of Favre and Bismarck. We have not obtruded advice when
it would have been impotent excepting for harm. We hae reserved complete
liberty of action for any contingency. All the neutral nations have been
at our feet, anxious to know what we would do, professing to be ready to
follow our example. One of the belligerents has already come to us for
assistance. Those who think we have done nothing of course consider it an
easy and inglorious task; but it requires a little firmness to resist not
only the complaints of belligerents and the cajoleries of neutrals, but
also the changeable gusts of public opinion at home. Yours sincerely,

GRANVILLE.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, October 2nd._--I understand you, my dear Sir; 'you' meaning
your Cabinet. You want to see if France will defend herself energetically
enough, obstinately enough, to warrant the neutral Powers saying to
the Prussians, 'What you attempt is impossible; you are stirring up an
interminable contest, which is becoming an evil and a peril for Europe.'
Until that moment comes, your Cabinet does not think that the intervention
of the neutral Powers in favour of peace could be effective.

Many reasons, some good, some plausible, may be adduced in support of
a waiting policy. But take care! it often aggravates the questions it
postpones. Consider what is actually taking place at the present moment.
Prussia puts forward her claims more and more distinctly; France is
exasperated and rejects them more and more positively. You can have no
idea of the effect produced throughout France by the conversation of M. de
Bismarck with M. Jules Favre. Bismarck, indeed, seems to have some
notion of it, for he attempts to extenuate what he said or allowed to be
understood. Evidently the result of this interview has been to leave the
belligerents mutually more embittered than they were before; and the
intervention of the neutral Powers at the present time is thus rendered
more difficult.

I now put this incident on one side, and am going to the root of the
matter. You want to see if France will defend herself energetically
and obstinately. Look at what she has done already. The Prussians have
certainly obtained great successes. They have beaten two of our regular
armies. At this moment they are before Paris. Is Paris terror-struck?
Do the Prussians enter it? I am not trusting to child's talk and vulgar
boasting. My son William, and my son-in-law Cornelis de Witt, are now
both in Paris, both in the National Guard, both clever, sensible men, not
credulous, not given to boasting, and good judges of what is going on
around them. They both write that Paris is able and determined to defend
itself obstinately. And among the most cautious of my friends, those who
doubted it at first are now of the same opinion as my sons. By the last
balloon from Paris I received a letter, dated September 21st, from a
simple, obscure citizen. He writes:--'Our Paris, bristling with bayonets,
is a splendid sight; perfect order, glowing patriotism, and a resolve to
fight to the death. The insolence of Bismarck's reply to Jules Favre has
enraged and electrified all hearts. The Prussians will pay dearly for their
blunder in condemning us to heroism or despair. Yesterday was a good day;
in two places, Villejuif and St. Denis, we attacked the Prussians and
defeated them.'

I do not know if this degree of ardour and confidence is to be accepted
as general. I quote it as an illustration of the feeling in Paris on
the seventh day of the siege. The fighting is at present round the
fortifications; later on it will be on the ramparts, and then in the
streets. First the detached forts; then the _enceinte_; then the
barricades. And when it comes to these--if it ever gets so far--independent
of the organised forces of all kinds, there will be the populace, the Paris
mob, intelligent and bold men, who fight well on the barricades for the
very fun of it.

How long will this defence of Paris last? I do not know, and am not going
to prophesy. But what I do know, what I hear from all sides, is that it
will last long enough to excite a patriotic and warlike sentiment through
the whole land. France is not peopled with heroes; there are the bold and
the timid, as in every other country; but there are heroes enough--and
others will arise--to keep the nation in a state of fever, and consequently
Europe in a state of alarm inconsistent with true peace, with the
prosperity of the nations and the security of European order.

The Prussians, and, as I am told, Bismarck himself, have reckoned, and are
perhaps still reckoning, on our internal dissensions and quarrels, kept
alive by the traditions and the hopes of the old parties. It is a natural
error, but made in complete ignorance of the actual state of things.
National sentiment has overcome the old discord. One sole, universal and
absorbing passion dominates all parties--the passion of defending the
soil and honour of France. Two of the most illustrious Vendéens, MM. de
Cathelineau et Stofflet, have asked for and received from the Government
an authorisation to assist them against the Prussians. MM. Rochefort and
Gustave Flourens, formerly the most ardent democrats, have joined the
government of General Trochu, and are preparing barricades, to maintain a
fierce struggle against the besiegers at the gates and in the streets of
Paris, if it should ever be necessary.

7 P.M.--My letter was interrupted by the arrival of the evening papers,
and a letter from my daughter Pauline, dated September 25th, brought by a
balloon. I copy the following, _verbatim_:--

'After being on guard the day before yesterday, for twenty-six hours,
without anything worse than repeated alarms, my husband and son returned
and are somewhat rested. Yesterday we went to Montmartre--a very populous
and stirring quarter. I cannot tell you often enough how well Paris is
behaving; enthusiasm and unanimity prevail everywhere; the good and the
wise have silenced the fools. This will raise up France; it is a balm for
many sorrows. I can assure you the country is not demoralised. I do not
know how long the trial will last, but we shall be the better for it.'

Admit that if this conduct is maintained, if Paris--which in June 1848
suppressed the revolutionary anarchy in her own bosom--in 1870 stops a
foreign invasion, and holds it at bay before her ramparts, it will be a
great deed, worthy of esteem and sympathy. If in presence of such a fact,
your neutrality should continue cold and inert, the friends of European
peace and of the good understanding between France and England would have
great cause for astonishment. It is for this reason that I conjure England
and her Government to give the matter their serious consideration.

The Journal here gives a short sketch of a month's holiday:--

October 12th.--Started for Ireland. Crossed in a gale. To Dunsany on the
14th. 15th, drove with Lord Dunsany to Trim; saw the castle; Larachor,
Swift's living; Dangan, now quite ruined; and back by Lord Longford's.
17th, to Dartrey. Met the Verulams there, and Lady Meath. 21st, drove to
Coote Hill fair. 24th, to Belfast and Clandeboye. Some days with Lord
Dufferin at Clandeboye. Professor Andrews came over from Belfast. 30th,
back to Dublin to stay with Mansfield, who was now commander-in-chief
in Ireland. Saw Lord Spencer--lord-lieutenant. November 1st, crossed to
Holyhead and went to Teddesley, where Christine joined me. Back to town on
the 5th.

_From Lord Stanhope_

_Chevening, October 11th_.--I have been reading with much interest the
article on Queen Anne in the 'Edinburgh,' and I hope you will allow me to
express to you how much I am gratified at the favourable view which it
takes of my performance. The reviewer and I, as I am glad to find,
often agree in our views of men and things; and whenever we differ, our
difference is expressed in terms that cannot but give great pleasure to any
author.

The reviewer, in this case, has certainly one main advantage over some of
my other critics. They seem to have no knowledge of Queen Anne's reign
except what my book imparted to them, and they therefore criticised my book
on its own merits or demerits alone. Here, on the contrary, the writer is,
I see, most deeply versed in all the memoirs and published records of those
times, which he can bring to bear with great effect upon any passage that
he desires either to controvert or to confirm.

It strikes me very forcibly, from my acquaintance with your style, that the
writer of this article is no other than yourself. [Footnote: The article
was by Herman Merivale (d. 1874).] If so, pray accept my sincere thanks; if
not, pray convey them from me to the critic unknown.

Lady Stanhope and I have been to North Wales and Devonshire, but settled at
Chevening ten or twelve days ago. From here we went without delay to call
upon the Empress at Chislehurst; as indeed we were bound to do, having in
former years received great kindness from them, and been their guests for
a week at Compiègne. Nothing could be more touching and gracious than her
manner. She had tears in her eyes all the while we were with her, and her
voice was often choked by emotion; yet she did not let fall a single word
of invective or personal reproach against her enemies in France. She told
me that her first wish on reaching England had been to proceed with her
son to the Emperor at Wilhelmshöhe; but on applying to the Prussian
authorities, she could obtain no assurance that she and her son should not
be treated as prisoners of war; and under these circumstances the Emperor
forbade her to come.

Poor, poor Paris! when shall you and I ever see it again?

_From Lord Westbury_

_Hinton, November 11th_. I kept myself free from engagements during the
first three weeks of November, thinking I might be called on to do suit and
service at the Judicial Committee; but I have not made any provision for
December, as I thought it was fully understood (certainly by me) at the end
of last session, that, from the end of Michaelmas term until Christmas, the
Lords Justices would have charge of the Judicial Committee for the whole
of each week, or certainly four days in every week. We calculated that the
most important business on the appeal side in Chancery would be so reduced
by the two courts of appeal during Michaelmas term that the Lord Chancellor
alone would suffice for all necessities during December. I have therefore
postponed every engagement here until December. My house will be full; I
cannot therefore give you any aid; but I am not sorry for it, for if the
arrears were at all reduced, _nothing would be done_ in the appointment
of a permanent tribunal, with a proper staff of judges. You must still be
Atlas staggering under the weight of your huge _Orbis Causarum_. Around
your feet must be millions of Hindoos, crying aloud for justice. It is only
this spectacle for gods and men that will move the Government to do its
duty.

It would be easy for me to attend if my establishment and family were
in town. But if I promised you a fortnight in December, I must put off
numerous engagements and remove my servants, horses, &c., to London, only
to bring them down again here for Christmas; or, at the risk of being ill
as well as wretched, I must go to London alone, into a cold deserted house,
with the attendance at most of two female servants. No; you must get as
much as you can out of the Lords Justices, who must begin the task of
learning Hindoo and Mahomedan law. Besides, if I disposed of twenty Indian
appeals in December (a most unlikely thing), it would be the signal for
adding forty more to the list, and so you would be more encumbered than
ever. It is useless to make these poor spasmodic efforts. The thing must be
done effectually. You are hopelessly bankrupt, and the driblets of aid you
solicit will not enable you to stave off ruin.

An article by Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen on the 'Business of the House of
Commons,' published in the 'Edinburgh Review' for January 1871, was
submitted in proof to the Speaker, Mr. Denison, whose comments drew from
the writer the following reply:--

_From Mr. E. H. Knatchbull-Hugessen_ [Footnote: At this time
under-secretary of state for the Home Department: created Lord Brabourne in
1880; died in 1893.]

_Smeeth, November 23rd_.--The Speaker knows more than I do, if he knows
that it is an understood thing 'that a committee shall next session be
appointed to consider the present mode of conducting the public business.'
It is not generally known; and I doubt the policy of alluding, in an
article which may be read by the public generally, to that which is only
known to a privileged few. You, however, must be the best judge, and of
course I have no objection to insert a sentence or two of allusion to this
fact (?) [Footnote: The (?) is Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen's.] if you wish it;
but if pressing business--or war--postpones this committee, the 'Review'
will look rather foolish.

When you say the article is 'rather too multifarious,' I quite agree that
it might be condensed and curtailed. But even had I time to go through it
again with this intention, I frankly own that I should doubt the expediency
of doing so. I wrote it _currente calamo_, and my object was to attack the
existing system upon many points at once, in order to carry some--just as
an army besieging a town may make half a dozen attacks, of which three,
being feints, give a better chance of success to the other three. You
will observe that I do sum up the four prominent points: 1, _clôture_; 2,
limitations of motions for adjournment; 3, public bill revision committee;
4, restrictions upon counts-out.

I quite agree with what the Speaker writes about our 'absurdly late hours.'
I have no strong feeling upon the Wednesday question, and perhaps the
Speaker is right, although I think the point is alluded to in a manner not
too strong nor too 'disparaging' to the fixed hour, as I only recommend
that a division, instead of an adjournment, either upon main question or
adjournment, should take place compulsorily at the fixed hour.

I return you the Speaker's letter. I don't know whether you could
conveniently run down here on Saturday and spend a quiet Sunday. You would
find my wife and me alone, excepting Godfrey Lushington, who is coming to
discuss highway bills. We could have a talk over the matter then. If you
cannot manage it, write me word how you wish the article altered, and I
will do it. I confess, however, that I think, as a preliminary attack
upon abuses which will require closer and more detailed grappling with
hereafter, it had better not be much altered.

_From the Queen of Holland_

Hague, December 26th.

My dear Mr. Reeve, [Footnote: The Queen of Holland seems to have laid down
a somewhat curious rule in regard to her correspondence with Reeve: when
she was in Holland, she wrote to him in English; when she was in England,
she wrote in French.]--Your most interesting letter reached me a few days
ago. Ever since, I have been trying to get some of the papers relating to
the Luxembourg question; however, the one enclosed is the only one I have
been able to obtain. Such is the fear of the kingdom of the Netherlands
to be involved in any of the impending Luxembourg difficulties, that
everything relating to that part of the world is scrupulously ignored; and
if the papers are not claimed at Luxembourg, where the most jealous of men,
Prince Henry, governs, you cannot obtain the real truth. The fact is, Mr.
de Bismarck _a cherché une querelle d'Allemand_, first to obtain a free
passage through the Luxembourg railroads; in the future, to annex the
little grand duchy, to close the frontier on that side entirely.

This, however, is still kept for a few months hence, as Mr. de B. would not
be put quite on the same line with Prince Gortschakoff, though they are
perfectly of the same opinion.

It is a sad time, a very bad symptom, when principles, engagements,
treaties, are all _à la merci_ of two or three unscrupulous men.

Forgive the haste in which I am compelled to write, this time of the year
being particularly busy. Remember me kindly to Mrs. Reeve, and believe me,
dear Mr. Reeve, very sincerely yours,

SOPHIA.

The Journal here has:--

The French artists being driven over by the war, Millais gave a dinner, on
December 20th, to Gérôme and Heilbuth--interesting. I took Gérôme to see
Herbert's Moses in the House of Lords, but it was invisible from a fog.

We all dined with Lady Molesworth on Christmas Day, and ended the year with
the Van de Weyers at New Lodge.

January 3rd, 1871.--We had a small dinner to Sir William Mansfield and Lord
Elcho. On the 5th to Aldermaston (Higford Burr), with Bruce, [Footnote:
Afterwards Lord Aberdare.] Colvile, [Frank Buckland], &c.

Professor Sybel was not one of Reeve's frequent correspondents, and the
following extract is from the only letter of his which has been preserved,
probably the only one ever written. The primary cause of it was some
trifling business connected with the exchange of publications--the
'Edinburgh Review' and Sybel's 'Historische Zeitschrift;' but, having
settled that, the course of events tempted him, as a German and an
historian, to continue.

_From Professor von Sybel_

Bonn, January 9th.

Hochgeehrter Herr,--... What a change in our circumstances since I had last
the pleasure of seeing you! To us, Germans, it would often appear as a
dream, did not our sacrifices and our efforts bring the reality vividly
before us. The desire for a speedy conclusion of the war is general; but, I
am proud to say, no less general is the determination to fight and to bleed
till we have brought it to a satisfactory issue. We are resolved not to be
attacked again as we were in July, and on that account we will move our
frontier to the Vosges. We will fight until the French acknowledge us as
having rights and position equal to their own, till the organs of their
Government cease from their New Year animadversion, such as the 'Siècle'
has published, and we will crush everyone who calls in question our place
as one of the Great Powers of Europe; and in thus rooting out this boast of
supremacy, we believe we are earning the gratitude of all Europe.

Hochachtungsvoll und ergebenst

H. v. SYBEL.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, January 16th._--I received the 'Edinburgh Review' yesterday,
and read your article at once. It is excellent--the language of a profound
observer, and of a true friend of France. There are pages I should like
all my countrymen at all able to understand them to learn by heart, among
others from these words (p. 22): 'The life of man is so short,' to these:
'the collective strength of a nation may be sensibly diminished by it.' You
have here laid your finger on the great evil of our democracy: 'It readily
sacrifices the past and the future to what is supposed to be the interest
of the present.' If I were in Paris, I should like to have a translation of
nearly the whole article [Footnote: 'France,' in the _Review_ for January
1871. The article was republished in _Royal and Revolutionary France_, with
the title 'France in 1871.'] published in our newspapers. But I am not
there; the Prussian shells go in my stead.

I am told that the opening of your Parliament is fixed for February 8th. I
will wait until you can let me know this with certainty, and will then send
you the letter I mentioned. But I must beg you not to forward it to its
address till my translator--Miss Martin--reports to you that it is ready.
It seems to me very desirable that the translation should be published as
soon as the letter itself has been delivered. I understand that, on this
condition, the 'Times' will give the whole of it, which will ensure it
the widest possible publicity in England, where its publicity is the most
important. The French edition will not appear till after the translation
has been published in the 'Times.'

_From the Queen of Holland_

Hague, January 17th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I have received your letter. I have received the
'Edinburgh Review.' I did not glance over the pages, I read and re-read
them; and I thank you for the real enjoyment they have afforded me. True in
thought, admirable in expression, there can be but one judgement on both
your articles, and I will certainly endeavour to have them translated into
Dutch, to spread the truth. Allow me only to regret the great severity with
which you treat the fallen Empire. I put aside every personal feeling, but
I remain convinced that posterity will be more lenient in judgement than
the present in the raging storm. There were faults in the system, inherent
and inherited. As to the head of the system, few men have been more
naturally kind and good. He had the weakness of these natures--wishing to
content everyone. No question of principle seemed to him worthy of the
inestimable enjoyment of peace. Avec les différents partis il se laissait
aller à des paroles, à des engagements contradictoires; de là une apparence
de dissimulation, bien éloignée de sa nature. The prisoner of Wilhelmshöhe
belongs to the past. To those that have known and loved him falls the task
of obtaining justice for him. I cannot talk of the present events, of the
destruction of Paris. I bow my head and I hope in God's justice.

Will you remember me kindly to Mrs. Reeve? and believe me, with real
gratitude, truly and sincerely yours,

SOPHIA.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, February 7th._--I have received from Mr. Gladstone a letter
dated January 30th, as friendly as possible towards myself, but vague and
evasive in respect to the policy of the Cabinet in the present situation.
Not only does he postpone every measure, every indication of his intentions
till after the election and the opening of the National Assembly, which is
very natural, but he gives no hint as to how far his Government will insist
respecting the conditions of peace. It is, of course, impossible for me to
argue the point with him--such a discussion would be unbecoming both on
his part and mine. I understand his reserve, but I can neither accept the
reasons for it nor its results. It is therefore to you that I address my
further observations in support of my letter of January 18th, begging you
to communicate them to Mr. Gladstone, who will quite understand why I do
not address them to himself. I should also be glad to know if he would
object to the publication of his letter of January 30th, and of that which
I am now sending you? For my part I wish this publicity, in both England
and France; but I will not authorise it without his approval.

If this should be agreed on, pray let me know your opinion as to publishing
it in the 'Times.' I am sure that, in this case, Miss Martin would
undertake the translation.

The Journal notes:--

_February 18th_--Pleasant dinner at Mansfields', though Mansfield himself
was carried off by the Prince of Wales.

_26th_.--Dinner at Lord Granville's, to meet the Duc de Broglie, who came
as ambassador.

_From M. Guizot_

_Val Richer, March 4th_.--Your sad predictions were well founded; the
painful abscission has been made; we bore it at least with good sense and
dignity. Without discussion or delay, the National Assembly has accepted
the peace imposed upon it; and the population of Paris left the Prussian
corps to parade through one single quarter of the town in solitude and
silence. The Prussians have not seen Paris, and Paris did not go to see the
Prussians. Their triumph had no spectators. Their present policy is one
more example, after so many others, of the insolent and blind folly of
victors who sow the seeds of war at the moment they are making peace. You
can have no idea of the passionate sentiment of sorrow and anger which
fills the soul of France, in all classes and in every part of the country.
It is impossible to say when and under what form the future will mark this
feeling, but it is written. One cannot tire of repeating the last words of
the Chancellor Oxenstiern to his son when starting for the tour through
Europe: 'Ito mi fili et inspice quam parvâ sapientiâ mundus regitur' ...

The Journal continues:--

_March 16th_.--Dinner at home to the Duc de Broglie, the Dartreys, Mintos,
Houghton, and Lady Molesworth.

_April 1st_.--Went to Draycott on a visit to the Cowleys. The Lavalettes
there and the old Duchess of Cleveland. Went on to Bath to try the waters
there. Bath, however, did no good to the gout, of which I had, all this
spring, repeated attacks. Saw Wells Cathedral, Glastonbury, and Longleat.
Over to Bristol, and then back to town on April 15th.

No sooner was the siege of Paris ended and peace signed, than the frightful
insurrection of the Commune broke out in Paris; the city was for many
weeks in complete possession of the mob; Thiers and the army retired on
Versailles, and recommenced the siege of Paris by French troops. The
Archbishop and other hostages were murdered, and at last the city was set
on fire. Nothing even in the First Revolution equalled the madness of this
period. What a curious contrast to the even tenour of London life! I find
in my diaries no trace of these tremendous catastrophes.

_May 1st_.--International Art Exhibition opened. I went in my doctor's
robes and orders; the only time I ever wore them.

_From M. Guizot_

Val Richer, 4 juin.

My dear Sir,--La destruction a atteint son terme, l'oeuvre de
reconstruction commence. Elle sera très difficile, mais je n'en désespère
pas, et j'y prendrai quelque part sans sortir de ma cellule. Quelle vie que
la mienne! Mon plus ancien souvenir politique est d'avoir vu de loin, du
haut d'une terrasse de la petite maison de campagne où ma mère s'était
réfugiée pendant la Terreur, en 1794, les Jacobins poursuivis et assommés
par la réaction contre Robespierre au 9 thermidor. La scène se passait sur
les boulevards de Nismes. J'assiste en 1871, de la campagne aussi, à la
chûte des nouveaux Jacobins, vrais héritiers et élèves de la Terreur. Et
que n'ai-je pas vu, en fait d'événement, dans cet intervalle de 77 ans!

Sur ce je vous dis adieu. Je me porte assez bien, malgré mes 83 ans et ces
spectacles Shakspeariens. La France est, depuis 1789, une immense tragedie
de Shakspeare.

Tout à vous,

GUIZOT.

Reverting to the Journal:--

Mr. Grote died on June 18th. I attended the funeral in Westminster Abbey on
the 24th. John Mill and Overstone were among the pall-bearers.

At The Club dinner, on June 20th, the Duc d'Aumale took leave of us before
returning to France. There were present: the Lord Chancellor (Hatherley),
Master of the Rolls [Romilly], Duke of Cleveland, Lord Salisbury, Lord
Derby, Sir H. Holland, Dean Stanley, W. Smith, and self.

About this time I was made a Companion of the Order of the Bath. Lord
Ripon, then Lord President, had asked them to make me a K.C.B., but
Gladstone wrote me word that it was a rule that men should pass through the
third grade to arrive at the second. [Footnote: That there was such a rule
has been very fully proved by numerous exceptions.] Arthur Helps and
William Stephenson were made C.B.'s at the same time, and afterwards
K.C.B.'s. I was gazetted a C.B. on June 30th.

The following from Lord Granville refers to a conversation in the House of
Lords on the constitution of the Appellate Court of the Judicial Committee.
The Marquis of Salisbury had said that in his opinion it should be a court
of fixed constitution.

At present it was often difficult to discover who were the judges in the
particular case. He believed the President of the Council in every case
appointed the judges; but, as he understood, it was practically done by
a gentleman for whom all had the greatest respect, Mr. Henry Reeve, the
Registrar. This did not seem a satisfactory state of things for a tribunal
dealing with matters which excited people's passions and feelings to
the highest degree, and on which parties were angrily divided. Nobody
conversant with the matter could harbour the unworthy suspicion that
the Court was ever packed for the trial of a particular case--he had no
apprehensions on that score; but it was because the action and constitution
of the Court should be above all suspicion that he would urge the noble and
learned lord on the woolsack to provide some fixed constitution, so that
the Court should not be constituted afresh for each particular case it had
to consider.

Lord Granville replied in the sense of his letter to Reeve, except that he
said 'Mr. Reeve invariably consulted _the Lord President_, who, on some
occasions, called a Cabinet Council.' The Lord President at that time was
the Marquis of Ripon. Granville was followed by Lord Cairns, who said:--

He could testify from considerable experience to the way in which Mr. Reeve
performed his duties. The fact was that there was a great unwillingness
to attend, and undergo the great labour and responsibility of hearing
important cases. Mr. Reeve, knowing this, and having an earnest desire
to perform the duties of his office effectively--no public officer could
discharge them better--was in the habit of making himself acquainted with
the arrangements of those who might be expected to attend, with a view--not
to decide who ought to attend to hear particular cases--but as to whose
services were obtainable, in order that some kind of Court might be
constituted.... It ought to be understood that no person had any power of
selecting some and excluding others, and that the Registrar's endeavour to
procure the attendance of individuals had merely arisen from anxiety lest
there should be no quorum. [Footnote: Hansard, 1871, June 22nd, cols.
389-91.]

_From Lord Granville_

16 _Bruton Street, June 23rd_.--I see the report in the 'Times' is
defective. I stated that the Lord President was undoubtedly responsible for
all that you did. I paid a high tribute to your services to the Judicial
Committee (which was cheered by the law lords); I said the difficulty was
often great to collect sufficient members to attend; that you took great
pains, by ascertaining the wishes and possible dates, to ensure this; that
for ordinary meetings of the Court you acted on your own judgement; but
that in all cases where there was a possibility of party or personal
feeling being made a cause of want of confidence in the composition of the
Court, you had always consulted me; and I had, on some occasions, not only
consulted the Home Office, but the Cabinet, in order to do that which would
ensure public confidence. I should not be sorry if you could show that I
was not in the wrong. I was delighted to hear of your C.B. None could be
more deserved.

The Journal records:--

_July 7th_.--I dined with Mrs. Grote; one of the first persons she saw
after Grote's death.

_8th_.--A banquet was given at the Crystal Palace to the members of the
Comédie Française, who had been driven over to London by the siege of Paris
and the Commune.

This 'banquet' was of the nature of a lunch, beginning at two o'clock.
Lord Dufferin was in the chair, supported by Lords Granville, Stanhope,
Powerscourt, Lytton, Houghton, Mr. Disraeli, Tennyson, Macready, and
others. When 'the desire of eating was taken away,' the chairman, speaking
in French, proposed the health of the guests. M. Got responded. Horace
Wigan, too, spoke; and Lord Granville, 'whose fluent command of extempore
French excited general admiration,' gave 'The Health of the Chairman,' and,
with a neat reference to the 'Letters from High Latitudes,' then 14, not
41 years old, said: 'L'accueil que vous avez donné à son discours doit
rassurer Lord Dufferin et lui faire même oublier les succès oratoires
que--Latiniste incomparable, et voué au purisme Cicéronien--il a obtenus
dans les régions plus septentrionales.' To this chaff Lord Dufferin replied
in English: 'Lord Granville has been good enough to allude to what he is
pleased to describe as an oratorical triumph in a distant country; and I
would venture to remind you--and you may take the word of an experienced
person in confirmation of what I am about to say--that when anybody wishes
to make a speech in a foreign language, he will find it much more easy to
do so after dinner than at an early hour in the morning.'

For Reeve this wound up the season. A few days later, July 23rd, he, with
his wife, started for Germany.




CHAPTER XVIII

THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS


Dr. de Mussy had recommended Reeve to drink the water at Carlsbad, so to
Carlsbad they went, and stayed there twenty-four days. The manner of life
at Carlsbad may be very wholesome, but no one has ever ventured to speak
of it as jovial. The Reeves thought it 'dull enough,' and left it with a
feeling of release, on August 23rd. On the 24th they were at Dresden,
and reached home on September 3rd. And then came a curious reaction; a
disagreeable experience of the Carlsbad treatment. 'Henry,' wrote Mrs.
Reeve a few days later, 'who had been quite well and quite free from gout
all the time, had a tendency thereto on leaving Hamburg, which, on landing
at Gravesend, was a sharp attack in the right hand. He cannot hold a
pen.... His doctor and some fellow-patients all say that after Carlsbad
waters such attacks are frequent, and that they in no way imply that the
waters did not suit.' The Journal goes on:--

_September 16th_.--To Gorhambury [Lord Verulam's] with Christine. On
leaving the house on the 18th to go to the station, the horse in the fly
ran away. We were overturned near the park gates, and had a narrow escape.
Nobody was hurt, and we drove on [in another fly] to Lord Ebury's at Moor
Park.

_October 2nd_.--To Scotland on a visit to Moncreiff at Cultoquhey; thence
to Minard (Mr. Pender's) on Loch Fyne; thence to Edinburgh; Ormiston on
the 21st; the John Stanleys there and Lord Neaves. [Footnote: A lord of
justiciary, one of the foremost authorities on criminal law in Scotland,
and for more than forty years a regular contributor of prose and verse to
_Blackwood's Magazine_.] Lady Ruthven to dinner.

_26th_.--To Auchin, and home on the 28th.

A bill had passed at the close of the last session for the appointment of
four paid members of the Privy Council. They were Sir James Colvile, Sir
Barnes Peacock, Sir Montague Smith, and Sir Robert Collier. These judges
began to sit on November 6th of this year. The Court, from that time, sat
continuously. I obtained an additional clerk, and also an addition of 300 £
a year to my own salary, which was fixed at 1,500 £.

Pleasant visit to New Lodge (Van de Weyer's) in November. Shooting at Lithe
Hill in December.

The Prince of Wales's serious illness. He very nearly died on December 6th.

_December 20th_.--The Broglies dined with us, to meet Beust and the
Foresters.

_22nd_.--Mrs. Forester asked us, at my desire, to meet Disraeli and Lady
Beaconsfield, at a small party. There was nobody else there but Lord and
Lady Colville. It was very interesting and agreeable.

1872.--The year opened in Paris, where I had gone after Christmas; the
first time I had been there since the war. M. Thiers was President of the
Republic. I went to Versailles to see him on January 3rd, and found him in
the Préfecture--the room that had been occupied just before by the German
Emperor. M. Lesseps was there that evening, and we returned to Paris
together. He and his friends were apparently very anxious to sell the Suez
Canal. I dined with Thiers on the 6th also.

M. Thiers's conversation on the war, the Commune and the siege was very
interesting. He said to me: 'Certainement je suis pour la République! Sans
la République qu'est-ce que je serais, moi?--bourgeois, Adolphe Thiers.' He
described the withdrawal of the troops from Paris, which was his own act.
Then the siege, which he claims to have directed, the battery of Mouton
Tout, adding, 'Nous avons enterré, en entrant à Paris, vingt mille
cadavres.'

Dined at Mme. Mohl's on the 5th with M. de Loménie and M. Chevreuil, who is
about eighty-five.

The Duc d'Aumale had opened his house in the Faubourg St.-Honoré; reception
there.

_January 8th_.--Dined with the Economists to meet the Emperor of Brazil. I
was presented to him, and made a speech in French on the maintenance of the
commercial treaty, which was applauded. Back to London on the 9th.

Reeve had already proposed to Mr. Longman to publish a volume of his
articles from the 'Edinburgh Review.' He now wrote to him:--

_C.O., January 11th_.--I find that the French articles I wish to collect
and publish amount to _twelve_. I enclose a list of them. They make about
380 pages of the 'Edinburgh Review' form. How much will that make if
printed in a smaller form? The title of the volume is an important matter.
I have thought of 'Royal and Republican France,' or 'A Cycle of French
History;' but I may think of something better. If you will make the
arrangements, I shall be able to supply copy very soon. The introduction
can be printed afterwards, I suppose?

I conclude you will publish on the half-profit plan, though my past
experience of that system does not lead me to regard it as the road to
fortune. Of our military volume about 650 copies were sold, and Chesney and
I made 2 £. 3_s_. 0_d_. apiece!

To this Mr. Longman replied:--

_From Mr. T. Longman_

_January 14th_.--I will have the calculation made of the articles you
mention. I conclude you would wish to print in the usual demy 8vo. form,
like Macaulay's Essays and all the other reprints from the 'E.R.'

The plan of a division of profits has been usual in such republications;
and it seems peculiarly adapted to them, as neither the contributor nor
the publisher can republish separately without the consent of the other.
Whether that plan of publication may be a road to fortune or not depends on
the demand for the book. I had once the satisfaction of paying 20,000 £ on
one year's account, on that principle, to Lord Macaulay. I certainly had
no expectation of a fortune from the republication which produced you 2 £
3_s_. 0_d_.; but had I purchased the right of separate publication for 100
£, I hardly think you would have been satisfied that fortune should have so
favoured you at my expense. It seems to be the fashion to decry that mode
of publication; but there will always be books that can be published on no
other terms, unless at the cost and risk of the author.

_From Lord Westbury_

_Hinton St. George, January 12th._--I am glad to find that you have
returned in safety from Paris with your oratorical honours [Footnote: Of
the French speech in Paris on the 8th.] rich upon you. I do not think that
even Cicero ventured on making an oration in Greek, in Athens; but you have
charmed fastidious Paris with your pure accent and your classic French. I
was in despair when I found your eloquence imputed to another name; but I
heard the error was so generally corrected that you may count on your fame
descending unchallenged to posterity.

I should agree with you that Franco was to be despaired of, if France were
to be considered as subject to ordinary rules. But she is, and has ever
been, so anomalous, that ordinary moral reasoning from history is wholly
inapplicable to her. At present, one would think she had reached the lowest
depth of moral degradation. She might be usefully touched to the quick,
if she could only believe that she is becoming ridiculous in the eyes of
Europe.

Not that _we_ can expect a much better fate. When the Treaty of Washington
was published, I strove to awaken in the minds of several leading men a
full sense of its folly, and of the calamitous consequences that would be
sure to follow from such an act of foolish, gratuitous submission; but I
made no impression; not even as to the absurdity of introducing new
and ill-considered rules, and giving them a retrospective operation. I
succeeded with no one. I therefore concluded I must be in the wrong. Now,
however, the American indictment bears testimony to the accuracy of my
forebodings. I entreated Lord Granville not to permit the arbitration to go
on upon such a basis, which it was never intended that the reference should
cover or include. It is a fraudulent attempt to extend the reference most
unwarrantably; and if the arbitration is permitted to proceed on such a
claim, the consequences will be most disastrous. It is a sad spectacle to
see a once gallant and high-spirited nation submitting tamely to be thus
bullied. If not firmly protested against, and resisted _in limine_, you
will have an award which England will repudiate with indignation; and war,
the fear of which has made us submit to these indignities, will be sure to
follow.

The relative attitudes of England and the United States in 1896 and 1897
have not materially differed from those of 1872. The policy which has been
persistently followed by this country has not yet resulted in war, but it
seems to many now, as it did to Lord Westbury then, extremely likely to do
so. Peace between two such countries can only be assured when it rests on
mutual respect and a community of interests. We may persuade ourselves
that, in the main, our true interests are identical; but the recent
diplomatic correspondence from the States does not tell of much respect.

But as to the point at issue in 1872, Reeve wrote in reply to Lord
Westbury, about January 15th:--

I agree very much with what you say of the Treaty of Washington, and have
never been able to prevail on myself to say a word in its favour. The
result is that the fate and honour of this country are placed in the hands
of a Swiss and a Brazilian referee, neither of whom knows a word of the
English language! Lord Lyons told me so last week in Paris.

The Journal notes:--

_January 22nd_.--Visit to the Archbishop of Canterbury at
Addington--pleasant; but in going up from Croydon on the 23rd, I was nearly
killed by a runaway _hearse_, which struck my cab and knocked it over. I
was not hurt, but two accidents in a year made me nervous. [Footnote: See
ante, p. 201.]

_From Mr. H. F. Chorley_

18 Eaton Place West, February 8th.

My dear Reeve,--I send you what I have done _in re_ Hawthorne. I offer a
character rather than a review, proved by extracts; since had I gone on _in
extenso_ I don't know where I should have stopped. Nothing but my strong
wish to get my subject before the public could have made me carry out my
article, poor as it is, seeing that I have written it half a leaf at a
time, and with a weak, weary hand, the end of which will not impossibly be
palsy. But I think as a character, when duly corrected, my work may not
come out amiss. Ever yours faithfully, HENRY F. CHORLEY.

_Endorsed_--Chorley's last note. He died about a week afterwards [suddenly
on February 16th. The article had apparently not been finished, and was not
published].

From the Journal:--

_January 24th_.--Went to see the Sandhursts at Brighton, but gout came on
worse, and I was ill for some weeks. I presided at The Club, however, on
the 27th, the Thanksgiving Day for the recovery of the Prince of Wales, and
proposed his health.

_March 14th_.--I published a collection of my articles on French history
and affairs under the title of 'Royal and Republican France.'

_From Lord Derby_

23 _St. James's Square, March 15th_.--Many thanks for your book on France.
Most of the articles were familiar to me, but all will bear reading again.
You here show up the weakness of French public life and the faults of
French parties as no one else has done; and I do not recollect to have seen
anywhere else pointed out the intimate connexion between the social state
of modern France--with every old tradition destroyed, and the continuance
of a family, as we understand the word here, rendered impossible--and the
political condition, in which every public man is either fighting for
his own personal interest and nothing else, or for the triumph of his
particular theory of politics, which, if successful, is to be enforced
despotically by all the power of a centralised administration. I have never
thought so badly of the French future as now--no energy except among the
Reds, no power of united action; general apathy even as to the present, and
utter indifference to the future.

The Journal continues:--

_March 31st_.--Came down to Bournemouth for the first time with Hopie and
the horses.

_April 8th_.--Rode to Hengistbury Head and saw for the first time the
Southbourne estate. Dined with Lord Cairns. Back to town on the 9th.

_17th_.--Dined at Lord Derby's. Sat next Lady Clanricarde, who, _à propos_
of Sir H. Holland's 'Past Life,' talked about her father [Footnote: George
Canning, _d_. 1827.] and his last illness. She said that in truth Holland
saw Canning very little at Chiswick, and that it was Sir Matthew Tierney
who really attended him; and then she told me the following story of
Tierney:--News came from Clumber that the Duke of Newcastle was dangerously
ill with typhus fever. Tierney was sent down as fast as post-horses could
carry him. It was about 1823, in the pre-railway days; and when he arrived
he was informed that the Duke had been dead about two hours. Shocked at
this intelligence, he desired to see the corpse, which was already laid
out. At his first glance he thought he was dead. At the second he doubted
it. At the third he cried out, 'Bring me up a bucket of brandy!' They tore
the clothes off the body and swathed it in a sheet imbibed with brandy, and
then resorted to friction with brandy. In rather more than an hour symptoms
of life began to manifest themselves, and in two hours the Duke was able to
swallow. He recovered, and lived twenty-five years afterwards. Certainly
this triumph over death beats even Dr. Gull's nursing of the Prince of
Wales. It is the myth of Hercules and Alcestis.

_May 4th_.--Visit to Drummond Wolff at Boscombe. A further look at
Southbourne. I chose the site I afterwards purchased.

_8th_.--The King of the Belgians presided at the Literary Fund dinner.
Disraeli made a capital speech.

_18th_.--Visit to Mrs. Grote at Sheire. Called at Albury. Many London
dinners.

The Bennett case was heard at this time by the Judicial Committee. Long
deliberation on the judgement at the Chancellor's on June 1st. It was
delivered on June 8th. [Footnote: See 'The Bennett Judgement' in _Edinburgh
Review_, October 1872.]

_From Lord Westbury_

_June 1st_,--I am going to Oxford, and fear I may be late at the committee.
There are very important subjects in which we wish to examine you;
especially the danger, if not the illegality, of attempting by new
legislation to create a new Appellate Jurisdiction for the Colonies.

_From Mr. E. Twisleton_

3 Rutland Gate, June 6th

Dear Reeve,--I send you herewith Francis's translation of Pinto on Credit,
together with the original French work of Pinto. The attack on Pombal is in
Francis's concluding observations. Some of the notes are very interesting,
as illustrating the feeling of national superiority among the English, and
of national depression among the French, between 1763 and the American War
of Independence--see pp. 52, 66, 166. My impression is that the French felt
more humiliated during that period than during an equal number of years
after 1814. The loss of Canada and their expulsion from America wounded
their national feelings of pride _then_ nearly as much as the loss of
Alsace and part of Lorraine wounds those feelings now. A hundred years ago
there were very exaggerated ideas, both in England and in France, as to the
strength which a nation derived from colonies.

Yours very truly,

EDWARD TWISLETON.

P.S.--In Francis's Fragment of Autobiography he speaks of this translation
as his own; and says that upon accepting his appointment to India he
surrendered all his papers to Stephen Baggs, 'in whose name the translation
had been published.' See 'Memoir of Sir P.F.' vol. i. p. 366.

The Journal notes:--

_June 28th_.--Assembly at Grosvenor House. July 2nd, assembly at Lansdowne
House. July 3rd, Queen's ball--a very brilliant season.

_From Lady Smith_

Lowestoft, July 9th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--In one of your friendly letters to me, after the decease
of our valued friend Emily Taylor, you kindly hinted that you would
occasionally favour me with a note; but, knowing the demands upon your pen,
I should not have reminded you of this kindness but for an incident which
occurred last evening when my niece, Ina Reeve, came in to me, saying she
had read such a severe and bitter review of your late publication as quite
surprised her. As she brought the 'Saturday Review' with her, she read it
to me, and perhaps, dear friend, you may have read it, and perhaps guess
its author. To me it seems he is not so angry with your books as with
yourself. Mr. Reeve floats uppermost in almost every line, and 'tis you he
hates. I perceive he cannot endure you, and makes use of your books only
to insult you. I hope you will take care how you come in his way, for I am
sure he will do you a mischief. Beware of the evil eye! He talks of your
ignorance of the New Testament. I could not help thinking how little he is
acquainted with its spirit.

I also read with much concern of the treatment by Mr. Ayrton of that
admirable Curator at the Kew Gardens--Dr. Hooker. Cruel it will be to
science and the public if he is driven from the position he is so competent
to fill with good results.

I have read at present only a part of your first volume, which I much
enjoyed. Sir James was in Paris about two or three years before the Great
Revolution began, but the fermentation was beginning. 'Tis time to relieve
you from my imperfect writing, for my sight is not very perfect, and by
candlelight I can neither see to read or write. About two months go I
completed my ninety-ninth year; but I have health and a new source of
happiness in my nephew James and his dear daughter, who are come to reside
at Lowestoft. _She_ is a daily friend to me, a second self; as our taste in
literature, in poetry, and in morals agree. Only think, the Dean of Norwich
sent me his defence of St. Athanasius' Creed!

I am your dear friend,

P. SMITH.

The next entry in the Journal introduces us to the place--a site on the
Southbourne estate already spoken of--where, two years afterwards, Reeve
built the house in which so much of the last twenty years of his life was
passed. It will be seen that for some time he hesitated between this and
the neighbourhood of Ascot where, in the autumn, he inherited a small
property.

_July 13th_.--To Christchurch, with Parker and Cockerell, [Footnote:
Frederick Pepys Cockerell, one of a family of distinguished architects, and
himself of a high reputation. He died at the age of 45, in 1878.] about the
house at Foxholes.

_17th_.--Dined at Duke of Argyll's. 20th, three days at Strawberry Hill.
27th, party at Aldermaston: Otway, Layards, H. Bruce.

Having taken Loch Gair House for the season, went there by Greenock on
August 2nd. I paid about twelve guineas a week. [Loch Gair--wrote Mrs.
Reeve--is a tiny, land-locked bay on the west shore of Loch Fyne. Park-like
grounds, with a pretty burn rushing down, skirt this loch. There is a
small kitchen garden, and a dairy of six cows. The best fishing is in Loch
Clasken, about a mile and a half west. There is a boat on the loch. The
house is a square structure, three stories high, and with underground
larders, dairy, &c. and attics for servants, so that there is ample
accommodation. I think Henry will enjoy the serene beauty of the place, the
balmy air and fragrant odours, and idleness, delicious because earned by
hard work.]

The Penders being at Minard, we had the benefit of their society and his
yacht. Roland Richardson, Frank Hawkins, Mr. Dempster, the Worsleys, Edmund
Wallace, Fairfax Taylor, Sir A. Grant, the Colebrookes, came to stay
with us; and Colvile. The Derbys and Sir W. Thomson, [Footnote: Now Lord
Kelvin.] Rawlinson, Massey, C. Villiers and the Lowes, staying at Minard.

[Of this time Mrs. Reeve wrote:--The sun is again ruling the day and the
moon the night, to the very great glory of Loch Gair. On Sunday (August
18th) the whole Minard party, seventeen in number, came over to tea, much
to the amusement of Mr. Dempster, to whom we talked of seclusion, and who
did not expect a cabinet minister, a very 'swell' admiral, and sundry fine
ladies. Mr. Dempster's was but a short visit, to our regret; and on Monday
I took him in the dog-cart to meet the 'Iona' at Ardrishaig.]

_October 2nd_.--Left Loch Gair. Visit to Orde's at Kilmory; then to
Invergarry (E. Ellice's) by the Caledonian Canal. Deer shooting. 11th,
to Keir; 16th, to Ormiston; then to Abington--shooting there. To town on
October 26th.

Miss Handley died in October. She left me the Winkfield portion of the
Bracknell estate, which was afterwards confirmed by a decree of the Master
of the Rolls.

_November 13th_.--Dined at Sandbach's with the Queen of Holland, Prince
Edward of Saxe-Weimar, Lady Eastlake, and Bishop Wilberforce. A few other
dinners.

_Monday, 25th_.--I have been down to the Van de Weyers at New Lodge,
Windsor Forest, from Saturday till Monday, a thing I have frequently done
of late. Van de Weyer is almost the last survivor of the brilliant London
society of thirty or forty years ago, and to his great literary and social
experience he unites an unequalled knowledge of the politics of Europe.
During the whole of his reign King Leopold was his own foreign minister;
and he succeeded, by his connexion with the Queen of England, and with
Louis-Philippe, and with Germany, in creating a most influential position
in the world, which he did not impart to his Belgian ministers. But Van de
Weyer was the exception. He was the constant channel of communication with
the Court of England. The King wrote to him two or three times a week, and
he to the King. Their correspondence must be a complete history of the
times. Baron Stockmar was to an equal degree in his King's confidence; but
Stockmar never had the political position of Van de Weyer, nor do I think
he was so able a man. I had hinted, in my review of Stockmar's Life,
[Footnote: _Edinburgh Review_, October 1872.] that his oracular powers had
been somewhat exaggerated, and that he was rather more attached to the
interests of the House of Coburg than to those of England; for which I do
not blame him. However, Van de Weyer and some others of Stockmar's friends
(including the Queen) dispute this, and probably think I have not done him
justice.

For instance, Van de Weyer asserts that when the marriage of the Queen of
Spain was on the _tapis_, Leopold and Queen Victoria had it in their power
to bring about the Coburg marriage, but that they deliberately refused to
do so from respect to their engagements with France. And they acted in this
with the full concurrence of Stockmar. The Queen of Spain had established,
by private means, a correspondence with Queen Victoria. The letters passed
through the hands of Mr. Huth, the merchant, and from him to Van de Weyer,
who delivered them. Isabella complained in these letters of her desperate
and forlorn condition; said she was bullied and threatened by the French,
and expressed her abhorrence of the marriage Bresson was urging upon her.
She declared that if Leopold and Queen Victoria would sanction the Coburg
marriage, she would throw the French over, and marry Prince Leopold the
next day.

The King and our Queen held a solemn conference and deliberation on the
subject. Palmerston was informed of the transaction; but the ministers seem
to have had no great voice in the matter, for the Queen considered the
engagement she had entered into at Eu as a personal promise, and England
had consistently declared that 'she had no candidate.' To put forward
Leopold at the last hour would have been to forfeit this pledge, which, on
the contrary, was most strictly and honourably maintained.

It was the knowledge of this, and the consciousness that a less
conscientious policy might have rescued the Queen of Spain from a dreadful
fate, that rendered the Queen of England and Stockmar so indignant when it
turned out that the French Government had been far less scrupulous, and had
not only forced on the marriage of the Queen to a man she detested, but had
also married the other Infanta to Montpensier.

This communication of Queen Isabella to Queen Victoria is to this day
wholly unrevealed.

With regard to Leopold's annuity (which I explained in the 'Edinburgh
Review'), it was not only secured by act of Parliament, but by treaty; for
there was a regular treaty of marriage concluded between Prince Leopold and
the Crown of England on his marriage with the Princess Charlotte.

The intrigues going on with reference to Belgium, both in France and in
Holland, during the Polignac Ministry have been alluded to in a former
page. [Footnote: _Ante_, pp. 111-12.] But it is less generally known that
at this same time, the Prince of Orange, afterwards William II., was
intriguing to form a party to place him on the throne of France in the
event of the overthrow of the Bourbons.

He spent thirty or forty millions of francs in bribing officers of the army
and others, which was the cause of his subsequent embarrassment and debts.
The French found the plot out, and demanded of the King of Holland that
the Prince should be signally punished. He was accordingly deprived of his
command and of his rank in the army, and even for a time arrested and put
in confinement. He then found out that his French adherents had only been
deluding him to get his money.

_December 4th_.--To Teddesley. Shooting there. Thence to Crewe, to meet
Lady Egerton of Tatton.

_12th_.--Henry Greville died. To Farnborough. I determined to publish the
Greville Journals.

To Bracknell to see the Winkfield land; and to Timsbury for Christmas.

1873.--At Bournemouth early in January, about the house. To London on
January 11th.

_January 25th_.--Lord Lytton's funeral in Westminster Abbey.

_February 14th_.--Dined at Harvie Farquhar's. He was one of C. Greville's
executors, and was curious about the Journals.

_To Mr. W. Longman_

_C.O., March 4th_.--Mr. Morris [Footnote: Edward E. Morris, editor of
_Epochs of Modern History_.] writes under a complete delusion. I could not
possibly write anything for him in less than two years; and I had rather
not enter into any agreement. On reflection, I am satisfied that it would
not answer my purpose to write a popular 'History of the French Revolution'
for 100 £, and to surrender the copyright. An author never ought to
surrender a copyright unless he is compelled to do so. If I wrote a History
of the French Revolution which became a school book or an educational book,
it might become a property of some little value.

But the truth is that the 'Review' suffers when I am too busy to write in
it; and I have in my hands and before me literary work and materials of a
far more remunerative character, which will suffice to fill the remainder
of my life. It would be unwise in me to undertake a fresh task, which could
not possibly pay me. Therefore, upon the whole, I think you had better put
it in other hands. [Footnote: Eventually the work was written by Mrs. S. R.
Gardiner, though from a point of view very different, we may believe, from
that which Reeve would have taken.] O'Connor Morris would do it very well.

I am sorry to alter my mind. My first impulse was to accept from a wish to
oblige you, and from interest in the subject; but further consideration
says 'NO!'

The Journal notes:--

_March 19th_.--Dined at Goschen's at the Admiralty. Mme. Novikoff there, an
active Russian agent.

Mr. Gladstone's Government was beaten by a majority of three. Most of the
casual elections this year went against the Government. Gladstone resigned
on this occasion, but came in again, which he had better not have done.

_March 31st_.--Dined with Charles Austin--very old and infirm; his last
effort. Lord Belper was there.

To Bracknell at Easter, in Miss Handley's house. Took the horses; went to
meet of Queen's Hounds; stayed there till April 19th.

_To Mr. W. Longman_

Old Bracknell House, April 13th.

My dear William,--I am glad you have been to see my scrap of land. I have
taken a great fancy to the spot, and should be very well contented to end
my days there, gazing on that magnificent view of the coast and the sea. At
present I am spending this vacation in Berkshire, and only suffering from
the excessive cold.

I am reading with the greatest interest Baron Hübner's 'Promenade autour du
Monde,' which was reviewed in the 'Times' two or three days ago. It is a
work of extraordinary merit and importance. I shall review it in the next
'Edinburgh,' and I strongly recommend you to publish a translation of it,
if you can. I have seldom read so wonderful a book.

Ever yours faithfully,

HENRY REEVE.

The Journal goes on to speak of perhaps the most remarkable 'centenarian'
of the nineteenth century:--

_May 23rd_.--Dined at Lord Stanhope's with the Antiquaries. Dean Stanley
proposed Lady Smith's health. She was just 100.

Pleasance Reeve, Lady Smith, widow of Sir James Smith, the botanist and
founder of the Linnaean Society, was born on May 11, 1773, and christened
on the following day at Lowestoft, where her baptismal register still
exists. On May 13, 1873, having just completed her hundredth year, she
caused a dinner to be given to the hundred oldest persons in Lowestoft,
whose joint ages averaged seventy-seven years, and public rejoicings were
held in the town. On May 24th I went down with my daughter to see her, and
spent the best part of three days with her. Married in 1795 to Dr. Smith,
afterwards Sir James, she had been the intimate friend, in Norwich, of my
grandfather and grandmother. On my father's marriage in 1807, he took a
house in Surrey Street, next door to the Smiths, and their intercourse was
perpetual. I have myself no earlier recollection than that of her kindness
to me and attachment to my mother. We used to sit in their pew at the
Octagon Chapel, Norwich; and the first evening party I can remember was at
her house, when Mrs. Opie and William Taylor were present--the latter I
think rather drunk!

We found Lady Smith at Lowestoft on this 24th of May, sitting in her chair,
looking extremely well, though shrunk; her voice was firm and unchanged; no
deafness; no dulness of sight; and when they served a little collation she
had ordered for us, she got up, moved to the table, and did the honours.

She complained, however, that the excitement of the last two or three weeks
had impaired her strength and taken away her appetite, I told her that the
evening before, when I was dining at Lord Stanhope's with the Antiquaries,
her health had been proposed in a graceful speech by the Dean of
Westminster. The venerable Society drank the most venerable lady. This
affected her, and she exclaimed, 'You must not tell me such things as
these. They drive me mad. I find it harder to support the many marks of
kindness and distinction I have received than to bear the burden of a
hundred years.'

I asked her what was the first thing she remembered. She said she was
confident she remembered being taken to her aunt's at Saxmundham as an
infant of nine months old, and still saw her eyes, the crocuses in the
border, and the flutter of the fringe on her own robe. Of political events
she thought the first in her memory was the taking of the Bastille, and she
enlarged on the extraordinary enthusiasm excited by the French Revolution.
I said the American war came before the Revolution of 1789; and she replied
'Yes, no doubt I remember hearing the American war talked about;' and then
quoted the lines (Dr. Aikins' she said):--

  See the justice of Heaven! America cries;
  George loses his senses, North loses his eyes.
  When first they provoked me, all Europe could find
  That the Monarch was mad and the Minister blind.

But the date of this epigram must be somewhat later. Lord North became
blind in 1787 [and the King's insanity was not publicly known till November
1788].

She remembered Mr. Windham as one of the most graceful and fascinating
of men. Lady Morley [Footnote: Frances, daughter of Thomas Talbot, of
Wymondham, Norfolk, married Lord Boringdon, afterwards Earl of Morley, in
1809.] (the present Earl's grandmother) was staying with the Smiths when
she came out, and was equally remarkable for her wit, her beauty, and her
fine hair. Her mother, Mrs. Talbot, was very ugly. We then talked over all
the old Norwich families, Gower, Taylors, Aldersons, Bathurst, &c. She said
she thought my mother a much finer character than Mrs. Austin, and, she
added, a fine understanding too.

Her interest in all the events of the day--the last spider discovered
by Dr. Carpenter at the bottom of the ocean and the last improvement at
Burlington House--is as keen as the recollection of the past. 'Punch' and
the 'Illustrated News' and the other newspapers bring it all before her.

_May 28th_.--Gladstone presided at the Literary Fund dinner. I took Meadows
Taylor, who was staying with us.

_From Lady Smith_

_Lowestoft, May 31st_.--Many thanks, dear Mr. Reeve, for sending me the
handsome present of turtle soup, which came on Thursday evening and made
the best part of my dinner on Friday. My intellectual treat has been the
speeches by the Premier and others at the Literary Fund dinner, and I much
admire the eloquence of the several talented gentlemen. I write so badly
I will spare you, and only send my affectionate regards to Mrs. Reeve and
dear Hopie, and to yourself. I am very sincerely yours,

P. SMITH.

Continuing the Journal:--

To Bracknell again on June 1st. Attended Ascot for the last time. The Shah
of Persia was in London this year, and was received in state. The Queen
lent him Buckingham Palace.

_June 25th_.--Goschen's fête to the Shah of Persia at Greenwich Hospital.
Fine sight. We steamed through the docks after the Shah.

_29th_.--Met M. de Laveleye at Van de Weyer's.

_July 14th_.--Dined at Merchant Taylors' Hall; made a speech.

_17th_.--Dined at Lambeth, to talk over the Judicature Bill with the
Archbishop. Met Bishop Wilberforce as I was driving down Constitution Hill.
He was killed two days afterwards (on the 19th) by a fall from his horse,
riding with Lord Granville.

Count Münster came as German ambassador. I dined with him at Beust's and at
Houghton's.

Lord Westbury died in London on July 20th, 1873; a man whose bitter tongue
made him many enemies, and procured for him a reputation as of one without
respect or regard for aught human or divine. Those who knew him well told
a different tale. He has been described by them as having a most kind and
feeling nature. 'He did not make many professions, but had the good of his
fellow-creatures at heart. He always found time to give advice and help.'
Reeve, who had been thrown into frequent and familiar intercourse with him,
was in the habit of speaking of him as one whose real character was very
different indeed from that assigned him by popular repute; and the letter
of sympathy which he wrote to Lord Westbury's daughter, the Hon. Augusta
Bethell,[Footnote: Afterwards Mrs. Parker, and, by a second marriage, Mrs.
Nash.] merely expressed his honest opinion.

Rutland Gate, July 23rd.

Dear Miss Bethell,--I should have written sooner if I had had the use of
my hand, to express to you my profound sorrow and sympathy in the loss you
have sustained.

I look back with unmixed satisfaction on the relations I maintained for
so many years with your father. He honoured me with his confidence and
friendship. I have the profoundest admiration, not only for his qualities
as a lawyer, but for his just and enlarged mind, his vast reading, his
memory, and the inexhaustible kindness of his heart. He was one of the
greatest men I have known, and one of those whose loss to us all is most
irreparable. How much more so to you!

Mrs. Reeve begs to unite her condolences to mine; and we remain always

Your much attached friends,

HENRY REEVE.

The Journal notes a six weeks' tour with Mrs. Reeve in Switzerland and
Germany:--

_August 1st_.--To Paris and Geneva, _viâ_ Dieppe. Saw Thiers in Paris. He
had been turned out of office on May 4th. On August 4th reached Binet's
_campagne_. Family dinners, &c., at Geneva. 12th, called at Blumenthal's
_chalet_, near Vevey. 14th, to Berne, Grindelwald, and Ragaz, by Zurich.
Took baths at Ragaz. Longmans came there on the 22nd. Pleasant excursion
to Glarus. 26th, to Syrgenstein [near the Lake of Constance--wrote Mrs.
Reeve--where some cousins of ours, the Whittles, bought an old schloss
with some 300 acres, and settled about fifteen years ago]. 31st, by Ulm to
Baden-Baden, Bonn, Aix, Antwerp; home on September 8th.

_September 10th_.--Sir Henry Holland dined with us. He had just been to
Nijni Novgorod, and was starting for Naples. He died as soon as he got
back, on October 27th. This was the last time I saw him. He was then
eighty-five. To Bracknell in September.

_September 27th_.--To Christchurch. Ordered fences for Foxholes.

_October 3rd_.--To Cultoquhey (Lord Moncreiff's). 6th, fishing at Battleby
(Maxtone Graham's), in the Tay. We killed seven fish; I, one of 19 lbs.;
Hopie, two, one of 25 lbs. Thence to the Colviles', at Craigflower, and on
the 11th to Minto. 14th, drove to Ancrum and Kirklands. Beautiful day.

We went from Minto to Dartrey, co. Monaghan, by Carlisle and Stranraer;
crossed to Larne, but had to sleep at Dundalk, on the 17th. At Dartrey
found the Ilchesters, Mr. Herbert, and others. Lady Craven and the
Headforts came later. Returned to England on the 27th by Greenore and
Holyhead.

For the October number of the 'Review,' Reeve had written an article on
the Ashantee War, in which he would seem to have been assisted by Lord
Kimberley, then Colonial Secretary. On its appearance, Mr. Pope Hennessy,
at this time Governor of the Bahamas, but who, in the preceding year, had
been Governor of the Gold Coast, wrote to 'The Editor of the "Edinburgh
Review,"' objecting to some of the statements regarding his own conduct,
which, he declared, were inaccurate. And, having given utterance to his
objections, he continued:--

_November 28th_.--As I have ventured on fault-finding about one article, I
must not deprive myself of the pleasure of congratulating you heartily
on another. Since October 1802 no article on foreign affairs has been so
apropos as your Cuban one of last October. Here it has been read with
avidity and universal satisfaction, and I believe it will do much to guide
influential opinion in England at this crisis. I hope to see you return to
the subject in January. Remember that your January number, as far as the
instruction of M.P.s is concerned, is always an important political one. In
view of your dealing with the subject again, I give you a few facts that
may perhaps add special interest once more to the 'Edinburgh's' mode of
dealing with it.

England is directly concerned in Cuba by its close proximity to the
Bahamas. Cay Lobos (British territory) is but fourteen miles from Cay
Confites (Cuban territory). That leaves but eight miles of high seas in
width. The people of the Bahamas have made frequent complaint to the
governor about the conduct of the Spanish authorities in Cuba. In
August this year the Governor of the Bahamas sent a memorial to the
Captain-General of Cuba about the impediments to the Bahama sponging trade
caused by the arbitrary acts of the Spaniards. No notice has been taken of
this. It has not even been acknowledged. In 1870 complaints were made to
Sir James Walker (my predecessor) that James Fraser and three other British
subjects were captured in a Bahama schooner, taken ashore to Cuba, and
there shot. The Spaniards justified this by saying that the ship was
conveying supplies to the insurgents, and they (the Spaniards) executed
Fraser and the others as pirates. In the same year a man named Williams
complained that sixty or seventy Spanish soldiers landed at Berry Island (a
part of the Bahama colony), chasing Cuban refugees, firing off their guns,
and threatening to hang Williams if he did not aid them in their search.
Subsequently the Spanish admiral, Melcampo, made a sort of apology for
this; but the Captain-General of Cuba, on the other hand, wrote to Sir
James Walker, complaining that the British lighthouse-keepers on Berry
Island had refused to aid the Spaniards in pursuit of 'pirates' on British
soil. Lord Granville took up the matter in a proper spirit. He sent
energetic remonstrances to Madrid. He got the Admiralty to telegraph to Sir
Rodney Mundy, at Halifax, to despatch ships of war to aid the Governor of
the Bahamas in protecting the colony from the raids of the Spaniards. As to
the seizing of ships on the high seas under neutral flags, he telegraphed
to Sir John Crampton, at Madrid, to say that it would be 'a glaring
violation of the law of nations.' The Madrid Government promised to get the
Captain-General's proclamation revoked; but my predecessor reported that
General Dulce had not revoked it, and he returned to Spain without doing
so. The half-and-half revocation that took place left 'exceptional
cases' at the discretion of the Spanish cruisers. Hence the case of the
'Virginius.'

The excitement here about the recent executions is intense. Twenty-nine of
those shot resided at Nassau. The public feeling is now so strong that it
deprives me of power (especially as all British troops are withdrawn) to
stop expeditions against the Spaniard, though I am doing my best to allay
it and to be strictly neutral. Indeed, in the interest of the peace and
well-being of the Bahamas, I have had to write to Lord Kimberley, asking
him to use his influence in getting some law-abiding government substituted
in Cuba for the present lawless rule of the volunteers. Your article will
do much to support H.M. Government in a decided course now.

Believe me, yours faithfully,

J. POPE HENNESSY.

The Journal records here:--

_December 8th_.--We went to Knowsley, with Lord Cairns. There were there
Lord C. Hamilton, Henry Cowper, &c. Lord Sefton shot with us. We killed
827 head on the 9th, 784 head on the 10th, 366 head on the 11th. Went to
Liverpool with Lord Cairns on the 12th, and home next day.

_To Lord Derby_

_C. O., December 15th_.--The last edition of my translation of
Tocqueville's book on France has probably not yet found its way to
Knowsley's library, and I shall be much gratified if you will allow me to
place a copy there. This edition has the advantage of containing fourteen
posthumous chapters not to be found in any other, and these certainly are
not the least remarkable part of the work. I was moved to translate them
partly by your saying to me one day, 'Can't you give us any more of
Tocqueville?'

The Journal goes on:--

To Paris for Christmas. Saw M. Guizot; dined at the Embassy. Dined with
Mme. Faucher on Christmas Day; with M. Guizot on the 27th; Camille Rousset
and Taine there. On the 28th dined at the Duc de Broglie's, then home
minister; Apponys, Prince Orloff, Lord Lyons, Lambert de Sainte-Croix
there. Dined on the 29th with the Lyttons at Mme. Gavard's; and on the 30th
with the Comte de Paris at De Mussy's.

1874.--The year opened at Paris. Called on M. Guizot and dined with the
Raymonds on New Year's Day. Breakfasted with the Duc d'Aumale at Chantilly
on the 2nd; first time I had seen him there. Dined at Mohl's with
Haussonville, the Lyttons, and Tourguéneff.

Renewed my acquaintance with Drouyn de Lhuys, who related to me the affairs
of 1866. Very curious. Dined at the Political Economy Club on the 5th; and
at Lytton's on the 6th. Back to London on the 7th.

_January 24th_.--To Aldermaston, with Lord Aberdare, the Samuel Bakers,
Herbert Spencer, Franks and others. Pleasant and interesting; but I had the
gout and was laid up for a month. This was the day Gladstone published his
fatal address to the electors at Greenwich. Parliament was dissolved on the
26th. We all told Lord Aberdare that the party would be smashed, and so it
was. Disraeli's Government came in on February 21st.

_21st_.--The Master of the Rolls gave judgement in the Handley suit, which
gave me the Winkfield property.

The case was shortly described by Mrs. Reeve:--

'There were two wills, one of Edwin Handley, the other that of his two
surviving sisters. His will was good as to devise of money, bad as to land;
therefore the land passed to the sisters, and their bequests of land come
into effect. The property in Winkfield which comes to Henry is a little
more than 30 acres. Of course the agricultural value is not very great; but
we hope, as building and accommodation land, to make a good thing of it.'

It appears, indeed, that the advisability of settling on it themselves was
considered; but there was no house on the property; so that as in either
case a house had to be built, the Christchurch site was preferred. In June
Reeve sold this Winkfield property for nearly 6,000 £., which--he added to
a note of the sale--'enabled me to build Foxholes.'

The following is endorsed:--'M. Guizot on the death of [his daughter]
Pauline. The last letter he wrote me with his own hand.'

8 _mars_.--Je vous remercie de votre sympathie, my dear Sir. J'y comptais.
Vous êtes un des anciens témoins de ma vie et de mon bonheur. Il a été
grand; mais le bonheur se paye. Je me soumets douloureusement mais sans
murmure. La vie est ainsi faite. C'est pour mon gendre Cornélis de Witt que
je ressens une pitié profonde. Il a joui pendant vingt-cinq ans de ce que
j'ai moi-même appelé le bonheur parfait, l'amour dans le mariage. Il reste
seul avec ses sept enfants. Ils viendront tous vivre avec moi, sous les
yeux de ma fille Henriette,[Footnote: Mme. Guizot de Witt.] une vraie mère.
Revenez nous voir.

Je n'ai pas le coeur à vous parler d'autre chose. Je n'ai pas encore reçu
'l'Edinburgh Review' des mois d'octobre et janvier dernier. Je les fais
demander. Je vis aussi en Angleterre. C'est beaucoup d'avoir deux vies et
presque deux patries. Mr. Burton a-t-il publié l'article qu'il projetait
sur mon Histoire de France? Je vous envoie quelques pages que je viens
d'écrire sur mon excellent ami, M. Vitet. [Footnote: Louis Vitet, 'de
l'Académie française,' _d_.June 1873. This is presumably the 'notice'
prefixed to Vitet's _Etudes philosophiques et littéraires_ (8vo. 1875).]
Encore un profond regret.

Adieu, my dear Sir. Tenez-moi un peu au courant de ce qui se passe chez
vous et de ce que vous en pensez. Nous végétons ici dans les ténèbres,
en attendant un mieux qui viendra, je ne sais quand ni comment. Mais je
persiste à y croire. Tout à vous, GUIZOT.

The Journal here has:--

_March 10th_.--The Duc d'Aumale dined at The Club dinner.

_18th_.--Met Disraeli at Lady Derby's first party. A day or two before
this, at Windsor, Lord Granville was chaffing Lady John Manners and
said--referring to the Prime Minister's birth--'You must acknowledge that
your chief's nose is very queer.' 'At all events,' was Lady John's ready
rejoinder, 'it is not out of joint.'

_28th_.--Took the Duc de Rochefoucault (the French Ambassador) to the boat
race at Mortlake.

_April 2nd_.--To Christchurch. On the 4th, in torrents of rain, we fixed,
with Cockerell, the exact site of Foxholes House.

_May 8th_.--Ball to the Prince of Wales at the French Embassy. Duchess of
Edinburgh there.

Lord Hertford, the Tory Lord Chamberlain, omitted me from the Court ball
this year, for the first time since 1847. This was before the publication
of the 'Greville Memoirs,' and not on account of it.

To Aix in the end of May. Longman was with me. Home on June 4th.

_From M. Guizot_

Val Richer, ce 22 juillet.

My Dear Sir,--Je réponds à votre aimable lettre du 14 juillet, et je
commence par supprimer mon écriture. J'en avais autrefois un qu'on trouvait
très jolie, mais, depuis quelques mois, ma main est devenue si tremblante
que j'ai renoncé à écrire moi-même. Je ne veux cependant pas tarder
davantage à vous dire avec quel plaisir j'ai lu l'article de Mr. Burton
sur mon Histoire de France que je viens de trouver dans le numéro 285 de
'l'Edinburgh Review.' C'est excellent; il est impossible de serrer de plus
près les diverses parties de mon ouvrage en les analysant d'une manière
plus claire et plus frappante. Les liens de l'histoire de France avec
l'État, la Couronne, l'Église et les moeurs publiques y sont résumés
dans toute leur vérité. Je ne pourrais dans ce moment-ci, avec ma main
tremblante, en remercier moi-même Mr. Burton comme je le voudrais faire.
Je me promets d'y revenir plus tard. En attendant, je vous prie de le
remercier pour moi, en lui disant tout ce que je pense de son parfait
résumé. Vous me pardonnerez d'être si bref; je suis encore assez souffrant
et fatigué. Je reprends pourtant dans ce moment même la publication
périodique des livraisons de mon histoire; elles seront envoyées chaque
semaine à Mr. Burton comme à vous, et je serai bienheureux si vous me dites
qu'elles vous intéressent autant que les précédents volumes. Pardon, my
dear Sir, de ne pas vous en dire davantage. Je suis au Val Richer jusqu'à
la fin de l'année. Ecrivez-moi quelquefois, je vous prie, et croyez-moi
affectueusement tout à vous,

GUIZOT.

P.S.--C'est ma fille Henriette qui me sert de secrétaire pour ma
correspondance comme pour mon histoire. Je n'en retrouverais nulle part un
pareil.

This letter, written by Mme. Guizot de Witt, was the last Reeve received
from his old friend, who died at Val Richer on September 12th, in his 87th
year. A month later he received the following:--

_From Mme. Guizot de Witt_

Val Richer, ce 20 octobre.

Mon cher Monsieur,--Je savais bien ce que vous senteriez pour nous et aussi
pour vous-même. Mon père avait pour vous beaucoup d'amitié. En rangeant ses
papiers, au milieu de toutes vos lettres, je trouve une foule de minutes de
ses réponses; quelques-unes sont bien belles. Je ne vous parle pas du vide
affreux de ma vie et de mon âme. Je sais que Dieu me donnera la force de le
supporter en travaillant encore pour ceux qui m'ont quittée. Et le jour du
revoir viendra. Mon père est parti tout entier, lui-même jusqu'au bout,
dans la possession de son esprit et de son âme, plein de confiance en Dieu,
nous recommandant de servir le pays qu'il avait suprêmement aimé et dont
les malheurs ont d'abord ébranlé sa santé. Ma Pauline aussi ne s'était
jamais relevée de la guerre. Us sont ensemble et en paix. Adieu, mon cher
Monsieur. Vous viendrez certainement à Paris cet hiver, et nous vous
verrons. Je compte aller dans six semaines retrouver tout mon monde qui
y est déjà. Remerciez pour moi Mrs. Reeve et Hope, et croyez à tous mes
meilleurs sentiments.

GUIZOT DE WITT.

_Journal_

_July_.--The building Foxholes was now going on. To Scotland, July 31st,
having again taken Loch Gair. Also hired a 16-ton yacht--the 'Foam.' Got
there on August 1st. John Binet came to Loch Gair, straight from Geneva.

Mrs. Reeve wrote of him:--'It is his first visit to North Britain, and his
enthusiasm--at 62--is quite delightful to witness. He travelled here from
Paris without stopping, and though a good deal tired and half-starved, was
ready for a walk that afternoon and for climbing hills the next morning.'

I was engaged all the autumn at Loch Gair in revising the press of 'The
Greville Memoirs' and in preparing a new edition of the 'Democracy in
America.'

We left Loch Gair on October 8th: and after visits to Abington, Ormiston
and Minto, returned to London on the 26th.

The publication of the first part of 'The Greville Memoirs' took place on
October 17th. It excited far greater interest than I had expected, and the
first edition sold very rapidly. Five editions were published in less than
six months; the two first of 2,500 each, and the three last of 1,000; so
that about 8,000 copies were sold.

The Press, in the main, was highly favourable. On the 28th the
Queen--though I believe she had not yet read the book, but only newspaper
extracts--sent me a message by Helps to express her disapproval of it, on
these grounds 1. It was disparaging to her family. 2. It tended to weaken
the monarchy. 3. It proceeded from official persons. I begged Helps to
reply, with my humble duty, that the book showed that, if the monarchy
had really been endangered, it was by the depravity of George IV. and the
absurdities of William IV.; but that under Her Majesty's reign it had
become stronger than ever.

It may, however, be believed that the Queen, who was, not unnaturally, much
offended, never quite forgave the publication; and it is at least probable
that the annoyance she had felt was the principal reason for Reeve's never
receiving the K.G.B., to which his long service at the Council Office would
seem to have, in a measure, entitled him.

I saw the Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg the same day, October 28th, but I
don't think the Cambridges were very angry. The old Duchess was having the
book read to her, and frequently added amusing recollections to it.

This publication was one of the most important incidents in Reeve's
literary life; one which was warmly discussed at the time and has been much
commented on since. It is probably as the editor of this remarkable book
that Reeve will be best known to future generations, and it is therefore
well to relate the story in a clear and detailed manner. From the first,
Reeve was fully alive to the responsibility he was undertaking; and the
following memorandum was apparently drawn up at the time of Greville's
death.

_Memorandum on 'The Greville Memoirs,' and on the death of Charles
Greville_, 1865

On January 7th, 1865, I received from Mr. Greville, I being at Torry Hill,
a note requesting me to call on him for a matter, as he expressed it,
not very important, but partly of a personal and partly of a literary
character. I answered directly that being out of town I could not call
immediately, but would not fail to do so as soon as I returned to London.

I returned to London on the afternoon of Monday, the 9th, and called in
Bruton Street about 11 A.M. on Tuesday the 10th. I thought Mr. Greville
looked thin, but not ill, and he was free from gout. He said, however, that
he was seriously unwell in other ways. The truth was (although he did not
then tell me so) that he had an effusion of water on the heart. I know
not how long it had been coming on; but in the preceding week he had been
staying at the Grenfells' at Taplow, where Lady Colvile had the scarlatina.
From Taplow he proceeded to Savernake; but Lady Ailesbury had so violent a
fear of the infection that she sent a servant to stop Greville's fly on the
way from the station to the house, on the ground that she could not receive
him. He was therefore compelled to go to sleep at the inn at Marlborough,
where, besides being excessively annoyed, he caught a bad cold. The next
day he returned to Taplow, saying to Grenfell, 'I come back here because no
one will receive me!' and he soon afterwards came back to Bruton Street.
This was the history of the malady of which he died; but whether it was
brought on by the cold he caught, or by any other cause, I do not know.

When I saw him on the 10th he was in no pain, and apparently not seriously
ill. He began by talking about Privy Council affairs; he then gave me an
account of the Windham papers, which Mrs. Henry Baring is preparing for
publication; but I saw that these were not the subjects on which he wished
to see me, and there was evidently a nervousness in his manner as he
approached it. At last, sitting down in his easy-chair, he said--'And now
I want to speak to you about my own affairs. Reeve, I am getting devilish
old, and I think in all probability I have not long to live. I have
therefore been considering what I ought to do with the journals I have kept
on all important occasions for so many years of my life. They amount, I
think, to ninety volumes [Footnote: These are now in the British Museum.],
and extend over nearly fifty years. I left off writing them two years ago,
finding that since I withdrew from the office I knew less of the course of
events. Let us look at them.' He then opened the lower part of a bookcase
in which I saw these volumes in a row. He then added, 'Now, will you take
charge of them? I have been thinking a great deal of what I can do with
them. They contain a good deal of curious matter, as you know, which may
be of interest hereafter. I can do nothing better than leave them in your
hands. You will be the judge whether any part of them, and what, can be
published.'

To this I replied, that I was very much touched by so great a mark of his
confidence and friendship; that as for the journals, he was quite right in
supposing that I should set as much store by them as he did himself, and
that in whatever I did with them hereafter, I should conform to what
I might suppose to be his wishes; that it appeared to me that a broad
distinction exists between the earlier half, including the reigns of
George IV. and William IV., and the latter half, subsequent to the Queen's
accession, and that if the former part might to a certain extent be
published soon, the other part could not. That the person I should
naturally consult in such a trust would be Lord Clarendon; but that at
present it was not necessary to take any steps, as I hoped he would still
be with us some years; that I would read the journals through, with his
permission, and tell him what I thought.

To all this he assented. He said, 'They are all full of Clarendon, who
has always been so intimate with me. I will bring you down a dozen of the
volumes the first day I go out in my carriage; and if my life should be
spared a few years, we will talk them over.'

He then spoke of his letters, particularly of his own letters to the late
Duke of Bedford, which had been recently sent back to him. He said he would
read them over; that some of them might serve to fill up and complete
passages in the journals. To this I remarked, 'Do you mean, then,
these letters are to go with the journals?' He replied, 'That requires
consideration.' He did not therefore give me any power over the letters.

I was going that day (January 10th) to Ampthill, to see Lord Wensleydale;
and on the 14th to the Grove. This led me to say, 'Am I at liberty to
mention to Lord Clarendon what has passed on this subject?' He answered
'No. I had rather it should be entirely confidential.' I therefore of
course said nothing to anyone.

On Monday, the 16th, I returned to town from the Grove, and went in the
evening, about five, to Bruton Street. Lady Sydney and Lady Enfield were
with him. He looked somewhat weaker, and complained of total loss of
appetite. As soon as the ladies were gone, he resumed the subject of the
journals, and immediately said, 'Now you are come back to town, you
can take some of them.' He rang for his servant to hold a light to the
bookcase, and by his directions I took vols. v., vi., vii., and viii., and
carried them home with me. He said he had lent the first four vols. to his
brother Henry, but that I should have them soon. He then again said, 'When
you have read these, you will see what you think can be published; but as
you advance they become more interesting.' I read these volumes nearly
through the same evening, beginning from the death of Lord Liverpool.

On Tuesday, January 17th, I returned to Bruton Street about six. He was
alone. Another volume of the journals was on the table by him, which he
gave me, saying, 'You will find this more interesting'--but this was as I
was going away. I told him that I had read the former volumes greedily, and
that he had treated George IV. with great severity. He replied, 'What I
have said of him is not flattering; but that is what he was.' I then asked
him about the passages in cipher. He said he had invented this cipher
himself for the purpose of his journal; that he could read it, but nobody
else. That he would read to me the passages in cipher if I would bring them
to him; but he added, 'For that matter, the truth is the greater part of
them had better be omitted, as they relate to things which are better
forgotten.' He then mentioned that he had told Henry Greville that 'I was
to have the journals.' And I afterwards found that he had intimated his
intention to Mr. Baring and I think to Lord Granville.

He said that Meryon (his doctor) thought him better to-day-that the day
before had been a very bad one; but he had still no appetite, though he was
going to try to eat a piece of woodcock for his dinner. It was then near
seven o'clock, and I left him, taking the volume with me, but with no
presentiment that we were parting for ever. He said, as I wished him good
night, 'Come again to-morrow if you are near me.' I promised to come, and
to come often, and left the room.

He can scarcely have seen anyone afterwards; for the evening was advancing,
and between nine and ten he went to bed. His servant proposed to sleep
near him. He said, 'No; I don't want that, unless I am very ill.' He fell
asleep, and seems never to have waked, for when he was found in the morning
he lay with his finger resting on his pillow in his accustomed attitude,
like a child asleep.

On January 27th I received a letter from Henry Greville, stating that
Charles had informed him of his intention, but that there was nothing about
the journals or letters in the will or codicil. I answered this letter
the same day, by giving him an abridged copy or version of the preceding
statement.

I ought to have stated that, in the conversation of January 10th, Mr.
Greville said that he thought it better not to fix any stated time
within which the journals might or might not be published. Part might be
published, but it was a mere question of discretion and propriety what and
when.

I observed to him that in selecting me as his literary executor, the only
question was whether some member of his own family might not more properly
be selected. To this he replied that he had considered that, and preferred
that I should have them. I have since found that, prior to the death of
Sir George Lewis, he had been selected by Greville for this trust. He then
hesitated for some time whom he should appoint, and then chose me.

Having made up his mind that the time was ripe for the publication of the
earlier volumes of the journals, Reeve--as has been said--gave them to the
world on October 17th, fully prepared to take all the responsibility of his
act. And indeed he was quickly called on to do so; for some of Greville's
relations, uneasy--it would appear--at the hostile attitude of the Court,
called on him to make a public declaration that they had nothing to do with
it, whilst others were disposed to question Reeve's legal right. Of this,
however, he had plenty of evidence; amongst others, that of Mr. T. Longman,
who wrote:--

_Farnborough Hill, November 7th._--... In the interview I had with Mr.
Harvie Farquhar, I stated that Mr. Greville consulted me some time before
his death as to whom he should leave his journals to, and that Mr. Greville
concurred in my suggestion that he should leave them to you. As Mr.
Greville acted on this some time after our conference, it became obvious to
Mr. H. Farquhar that, as between gentlemen, the main question that had been
raised, as to your right of possession, fell to the ground.

After this the matter was settled in a perfectly amicable manner in a
meeting between Reeve and Mr. Harvie Farquhar, representing the timorous
kinsfolk, and together they wrote the following letter, which was
published, under Reeve's signature, in the 'Times,' 'Pall Mall Gazette,'
and some other papers, on November 7th.

Finding that statements are current that Mr. Charles Greville's and Mr.
Henry Greville's executors had been consulted as to the publication of Mr.
Charles Greville's Journals of the Reigns of George IV. and William IV.,
I think it right to say that they were in no way consulted by me, nor
was their assent asked for, because I believed it to be the wish of
Mr. Greville that his family and executors should be relieved from all
responsibility in the matter.

The journals were not left to Mr. Henry Greville, nor did they pass to
his executors, having been given to me by Mr. Greville himself before
his death, as stated by me in the preface, for the purpose of eventual
publication, but the time and manner of publication were left to my sole
discretion. I am, therefore, alone responsible for the production of this
portion of the journals at the present time, and any beneficial interest
in them is a matter entirely between my publisher and myself. Beneficial
interest in the publication had not, however, the slightest influence on
the course I thought it right to pursue, and I take this opportunity of
stating that, in my opinion, many years must elapse before the more recent
portions of these journals can with propriety be published.

On the actual publication he received many encouraging letters, a few of
which are here given, together with a remarkable expression of opinion from
Lord Russell, one of the few public men then living who could speak of the
regency and the reign of George IV. from personal knowledge.

_From Mr. Delane_

October 22nd.

Dear Reeve,--I am glad you are pleased with the first notice of Greville's
Journals. There are at least two more to come, which will, I hope, be
equally gratifying to you. Certainly you did not publish too soon. The
world moves too quickly for long intervals of suppressed publication. I
suppose the book is not really published, as I have only seen it in sheets.
Yours ever faithfully,

J. T. DELANE.

_From Lord Derby_

Knowsley, October 31st.

Dear Reeve,--The Greville papers are quite the most interesting and amusing
work of the year; and, considering the extreme difficulty of editing such a
work without spoiling it--on the one hand, by too much suppression, or by
leaving in it passages which would give reasonable cause of offence to
private persons--I think you have been singularly judicious.... As to the
journalist's criticisms on public men, they seem to me to be the harsh
judgements of a man trying to be impartial, though inclined to be
acrimonious. There is certainly nothing in them which you could have
the slightest scruple about publishing, or which the relatives of those
concerned can resent.

Very sincerely yours,

DERBY.

_From Mr. E. Cheney_

St. Anne's Hill, Chertsey, October 31st.

My dear Reeve,--... I have been reading Charles Greville with much interest
and entertainment. I think you are quite right in publishing now, and not
waiting for a generation 'who knew not Joseph.' There is always a clamour
against those who tell the truth. Charles Greville may very likely [have
been], and certainly was, very often wrong; but he believed he told the
truth, and he certainly uttered his genuine sentiments. These journals
throw a strong light on contemporary events, and will be very valuable to
the future historians of the period. Ch. G. was a man who felt much and
expressed himself strongly; and had you attempted to soften his language
you would have injured the effect and destroyed the _couleur locale_.

He was a man naturally of a quick and irritable temper, and he had been a
spoilt child all his life. His original education was defective. He lived
with the selfish and the self-indulgent, and naturally became selfish and
self-indulgent himself. At six years old an old friend of his mother's
found him crying at dinner because he had not got the liver wing of the
chicken; and to the last he would have wanted 'the liver wing.' But he had
naturally a kind heart, and a just perception; and he admired what was
noble and generous, if he did not always practise it. He suffered greatly
in health, and he was too self-indulgent, even with the certainty of pain
before his eyes, to moderate his appetite. His last years were unhappy. The
indulgence of his temper made his company often disagreeable, and he very
keenly felt the neglect of his old friends. With a better education
he would have been a most valuable man, for his natural powers were
considerable. Like so many other London men, he thought the whole world was
bounded by Oxford Street, Pall Mall, the Parks, and the City; and he took
his opinions from the clubs in St. James's Street and Pall-Mall, and, as
those opinions varied, so we find his judgements in these journals vary.
But he himself was convinced, and he uttered the genuine sentiments of the
moment.... I hope you will publish the rest of the four vols. before long,
and that you will preserve exactly the same plan you have done in these....
Yours very sincerely, E. C.

_From Mr. Harvie Farquhar_

16 St. James's Street, November 28th.

The yeast of society ferments easily, and--at present--C. G.'s manes are
the best abused in or out of Hades; but all will settle down soon, and when
people have done throwing stones, and the water is placid enough to enable
them to see below the surface, they will better appreciate what lies at the
bottom. Whether abused or not, the book will be in every library--on its
merits.

_From the Queen of Holland_

The Hague, Monday, November 30th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--Saturday night, November 28th, the books arrived. I
am afraid, after Sunday church, more of my time than ought to have been
Sunday's occupation was given to these three volumes. Of course, I have not
_read_ them; I _rushed_ through, and am now going to read page by page.
The interest is an immense one. Not only that I have _known many_ of the
persons named, but I have _heard_ from all, and they seem to me like
shadows reviving, returning to light and life. Dear Lord Clarendon's name
struck me several times; and I remember, when Mr. Greville died, Lord
Clarendon wrote me 'his papers had been given to the person most able to
judge them.' At that time I did not know Mr. Reeve; but I recollect the
words perfectly. Pray give my best compliments to Mrs. Reeve, and believe
me very sincerely yours,

SOPHIE.

_From Lord Russell to Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_December 9th_.--I was much interested in C. Greville's Memoirs. He is not
a bit too severe on George IV. A worse man has not lived in our time.

On the other hand, many of the papers criticised the work in a hostile and
violent manner. It was, they said, a breach of official confidence for a
man in Greville's position to keep a journal at all. Greville--whose name
it was fatally easy to rhyme to Devil--was described as a man delighting in
listening at keyholes, and habitually misrepresenting the only half-heard
secrets. Here is a specimen; one epigram out of many, all to the same
effect, and all ending with the same rhyme:--

  For fifty years he listened at the door,
  And heard some secrets, and invented more;
  These he wrote down, and statesmen, queens and kings,
  Are all degraded into common things.
  Though most have passed away, some still remain
  To whom such scandal gives a needless pain;
  And though they smile, and say 'Tis only Greville,'
  They wish him, Reeve, and Longman at the devil.

The 'Quarterly Review,' too, in a peculiarly venomous article, compared
the relative positions of Greville and Reeve with those of Bolingbroke and
Mallet, as painted by Dr. Johnson. Bolingbroke, he had said, was a cowardly
blackguard, who loaded a gun which he was afraid to fire off himself, and
left a shilling to a beggarly Scotchman to pull the trigger after his
death. The inference was inevitable; and though Reeve was neither a
Scotchman nor a beggar, he unquestionably felt the sting, coming, as it
did, from a friend of more than forty years' standing, Abraham Hayward
[Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. pp. 12, 34.]. The friendship was not
unnaturally broken, nor does the old intimacy appear to have been ever
renewed.

Of course the gravamen of this charge, made not only by the 'Quarterly
Review,' but by other less distinguished journals, was that Reeve had been
mainly, if not solely, influenced by the idea of making a good thing out of
it. The sale of the work--they said--was very great. Commercially, it had
been a brilliant success. Reeve's trained insight into literary affairs had
shown him that it must be so, and, tempted by the _auri sacra fames_, he
had yielded, maugre the counsels of his better part. Never was charge more
unjust, more untrue. Reeve, though not a wealthy man, was now in easy
circumstances, with a sufficient and assured income. Prudent in the
management of his property and in his expenditure he seems to have always
been; but as far removed, both by temperament and education, from parsimony
as from extravagance. Money he valued only for what it could give him; and
both in fact and in sentiment he was in a position to say with the poet--

      mihi parva rura et
  Spiritum Graias tenuem Camoenae
  Parca non mendax dedit, et malignum
    Spernere vulgus.

Still, the charge was made at the time, was currently repeated, and
has been believed by many. It happens, however, that the most complete
contradiction of it remains in the shape of Reeve's letters to Mr. T.
Longman, some of which we can now read.

_C. O., November 7th_.--Nothing could end better for me than the amicable
discussion with H. Farquhar, and I am exceedingly glad to have had an
opportunity of writing the letter which appears in the 'Times' and 'Post'
to-day.

I have never desired to make this book a source of profit to myself, beyond
a reasonable remuneration for the time and labour I have spent on it.
The returns have already exceeded my expectation and desire. It is not,
therefore, my wish or intention to press or urge the sale of the book. I
have no doubt the second edition will go off fast enough--indeed a good
part of it is already bespoken. But I have not at all made up my mind to
proceed to a third edition if the second is exhausted. I am inclined to
think I shall hold my hand. I have no wish to make more money out of the
book, or to make it a very common popular work; and my feeling is that I
should best consult my own dignity by leaving matters as they are, at any
rate for the present.

However, it is needless to decide this now, as the demand for a third
edition may never arise. But I think it right to let you know my view of
the matter, because you are by no means called upon to advertise largely,
or make efforts to extend the sale--at least, not more than you think
necessary to cover your own interests. But I believe you would be sure to
sell this second edition without any advertising at all. I certainly do not
wish to have any puffing advertisements. I had rather that the book were to
become scarce and dear than that you should sell ten thousand copies.

_November 9th_.--There is a good deal of truth in what you say about not
publishing a third edition if the second is sold off. People would probably
attribute it to the wrong motive, and say I had been stopped in some
way, or was afraid; and nobody gets any credit for disinterestedness.
Fortunately the first edition was a very small one, for you could have sold
5,000 as easily as 2,500, and this has given a check to the sale, which I
do not regret. If necessary, I suppose these editions must go on as long as
there is a demand for the book. But the desire to get hold of new books is
a short-lived passion, and is soon turned aside by some other novelty. I
shall not wish to publish the book at all in a cheaper form, and I think it
will require very little outlay in advertising.

Reeve would, however, have been more than human if the continued success
of the book had not greatly modified his views, and reconciled him to the
steady sale; and some months later he wrote again:--

_January 25th_, 1875.--The general impression seems to be that Hayward's
article is a fiasco. It has done me no harm, and his clients have no reason
to thank him. The fourth edition of Greville will contain a good many
improvements and corrections, and will be the best edition to keep. I
believe they are printing 1,000. I wish they had made it 1,500, for this
multiplication of editions is troublesome, and I have no doubt that 1,500
will ultimately be sold. The book has struck root below the stratum of the
circulating libraries.

_April 15th_, 1875.--Nothing seems to be wanting to the indirect
advertisement of Greville's Journals, though the usual advertisements were
by my desire restricted. I do not recollect another instance of a book
being made the subject of a hostile motion in the House of Commons.




CHAPTER XIX

FOXHOLES


Anyone whose memory needs refreshing will find in the 'Edinburgh Reviews'
of the next five years sufficient indication of the interest which Reeve
continued to take in the great questions of the day, whether at home or
abroad; but his private correspondence at this time is mainly devoted to
social or literary topics. The death of Lord Clarendon in England, of M.
Guizot in France, had deprived him of the living keys to the dark problems
of policy, and there was no one with equal knowledge and opportunities
to take their place. He was, too, in opposition. In form, at least, the
principles of the 'Edinburgh Review' differed widely from those of
the Government; and though many things even then told of a probable
_rapprochement_ of moderate Whigs and moderate Conservatives, it was still
held by most to be an extravagant dream. But even had it been otherwise,
the personal element was wanting. With Disraeli, Reeve's acquaintance was
limited; with Lord Salisbury, though on friendly terms, he had never been
intimate; his intimacy with Lord Derby was of a later date. From our
foreign embassies and from India, his communications were on a more
familiar footing; but many of these took the form of articles for the
'Review,' and of the rest, in view of the delicacy of the subjects
discussed, the frankness with which they were discussed, and the
comparatively recent date, it has seemed unadvisable to publish much. The
result of all which is that during this peculiarly busy, exciting and
important time, Reeve's available correspondence is more purely personal
than at any other period of his working life. The Journal is seldom
anything else. It records here:--

_October, 1874_.--M. de Jarnac was now French Ambassador, to my great
delight, as he was a very old and valued friend. The first planting at
Foxholes was done in the course of this autumn, but the garden was not made
till the following spring.

_November 17th_.--Dined at Lord Derby's with several of the ministers, and
was introduced to Count Schouvaloff.

_20th_.--Dinner at home to the Jarnacs, Lady Derby, Lady Cowley, Lady
Molesworth, Chief Justice Cockburn and A. Elliot. Several pleasant dinners
through the winter.

_December 22nd_.--To Paris, with Christine and Hopie. Cold. On the 26th
breakfasted with the Due d'Aumale, and went with him to the Institute.
Evening, Duchesse de Chartres. 27th, dined at Versailles with Thiers;
Mignet, Barthelémy St.-Hilaire and Vacherot. It was on this occasion that
Thiers related the story of the Duc d'Enghien.

_January 1st_, 1875.--We dined at the Embassy for the _Jour de l'an_. While
there rain fell and the streets were covered with _verglas_. I walked with
great difficulty to Thiers's at the Hôtel Bagration, three doors off, where
the scene was burlesque. Not a carriage could move; not a horse could
stand; and the company walked home with napkins tied round their feet. [But
Mrs. Reeve, who was at the dinner, wrote: Our _fiacre_ managed to crawl
home with Hopie and me. Henry, who had gone to the Thiers's, returned
safely on his feet tied up in dusters. M. Thiers suggested dusters on the
hands also, so as to go _à quatre pattes_; but Henry did not become a
quadruped. I was horribly uneasy till he came in, but his was the ludicrous
side of the question; of the tragic, I heard next day plenty of instances.]

_January 3rd_.--Dined with the Duc de Nemours, and went to the Duchesse
Decazes's reception. Home on the 7th.

_From the Rev. G. W. Cox_ [Footnote: Now Sir George Cox, Bart.]

_February 5th_.--Nothing but lack of leisure has prevented me from
expressing sooner the very hearty satisfaction and delight with which I
have read and re-read your article on Mill's Essays. I suppose it is this
article which has sent the 'Edinburgh' into a second edition. I am rejoiced
to think that it is so. The ground which you take is, I feel sure,
impregnable; but the force of your whole argument, which is much what I
have tried to work out for years past, only makes me lament the more
the folly of the line taken by most of the writers who shrink from the
materialistic and atheistic philosophy of Mill and Tyndall--for the latter
seems to put himself into the same boat. I believe that the thought of
England is, on this subject, taking, or is likely to take, a very healthy
turn, which such an article as yours must greatly promote.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

Paris, February 5th.

My dear Reeve,--I have received your article on Mr. Stuart Mill, for which
I thank you. I read it with the greatest interest, and congratulate you on
your vigorous refutation of that supercilious and hollow materialism. I am
glad, too, to see that you have profited by M. Dumas's last discourse on M.
de la Rive. You have done well to record these declarations of a permanent
secretary of the Academy of Sciences. Unfortunately, M. Dumas's character
has not the moral authority which is desirable in such serious matters.
His taking part in public business, far from increasing his credit, has
lessened it; even his scientific standing has suffered; people doubt his
sincerity; and his interested flattery of the Empire does not show that
greatness and purity of soul which inspire confidence. He is, however,
everywhere recognised as a man of great ability, and I am truly glad that
he should be counted among the partisans of spiritualism. I believe the
other permanent secretary of the Academy of Sciences is far from sharing
these opinions; and it is, therefore, all the more important that M. Dumas
should profess them publicly. With you, materialism is an exception and
an eccentricity. With us, on the contrary, it is almost the rule of the
learned world; and the Catholic clergy, given up to superstition and
ultramontanism, do not in any way help us to combat it. It was an honour to
the 'Edinburgh Review' to adhere so stoutly to the principles you uphold;
and for this, it is indebted to you.

Agréez, mon cher Reeve, mes salutations bien cordiales, que je présente
aussi à toute votre famille. Votre bien dévoué,

B. ST.-HILAIRE.

The Journal continues:--

_March 6th_--Sir Arthur Helps died. [He caught a chill at the levee on the
Monday, and died on the Saturday.]

Charles Peel was appointed Clerk of the Council.

_22nd_.--Jarnac died--a great loss. I drove down with Lord Derby to the
funeral.

_April 1st_.--Saw Salvini in 'Othello' at Drury Lane. Very fine.

_2nd_.--To Christchurch. Roof on house at Foxholes. Garden beginning to be
made. On the 6th, lunched with the Lord Chancellor at Bournemouth. Bought
additional strip of land.

_From Professor Owen_

British Museum, May 13th.

My dear Reeve,--Two portraits would be famous and instructive and replete
with interest to all ages; to wit: the one of Miss Reeve (?) [Footnote:
Lady Smith. The (?) presumably is whether the portrait was taken before or
after her marriage.] by Opie, showing the 'human face divine' in a
female of the highest race of mankind, at her prime of beauty; and the
second--could it but be got--by Millais, of Lady Smith, giving the
characteristics of the same face, of the same individual, at a stage of
human life never again likely to be a subject for art, under the same
circumstances. For the 'Natural History of the Human Species,' such a
pair of portraits would be notable in every work thereon, as well as in
countless collateral works; and that to all time. The present opportunity
is worth every exertion to availment; if lost, it is most improbable that
it may ever again occur. Can you enlist your sympathy and aid in bringing
this about? [Footnote: Sir Richard Owen succeeded in obtaining a pair of
photographs, taken from the Ople and the life. His grandson, the Rev.
Richard Owen, has them now.]

Yours always truly,

RICHARD OWEN.

_From Lady Smith_

_Lowestoft, May 14th_.--Dear Mr. Reeve,--As we know not what the morning
mail may bring forth, I look with impatient curiosity when I see letters
on my breakfast table; so yesterday had the great pleasure of perceiving
yours, knowing I should have something pleasant to hear, but little
anticipating what followed--the news of Arthur Stanley. To be remembered
kindly by the Dean of Westminster, anywhere, is honour; but to be [so] in
so distinguished a manner and in a place dedicated to [such] a name as Fox
is an honour never to be forgotten. Besides the domestic blessings I enjoy,
I also reckon that of living to witness the progress of a new Reformation,
in which the Dean of Westminster is the brightest light; and who, like
Shakespeare among the poets, stood on a higher pedestal than they--exalted
and good men as they are. I always rejoice that the Dean of Christ Church,
Oxford, and Stanley are good friends and worthy of each other. If I could
write better, I would tell you what my friend Mr. Leson Smith said of the
Greville Memoirs,, quite approving all of it. In a second letter he turns
the shafts aimed at yourself upon the calumniator. The Dean of Oxford
also approves. I am in better health than I was two years since, and have
nothing to complain of but a failing sight, which hinders my expressions of
gratitude to you for your friendship to Pleasance Smith.

Oh that you were here to see the wild beauty of the heath and dunes--a
cloth of gold far as the eye can reach!--what was the Field of Cloth of
Gold to this!

Continuing the Journal:--

_May 20th_.--Went to Holland, by Harwich, to see the Queen. Dined with Her
Majesty at the House in the Wood. On the 24th, breakfasted with the Queen
in the boudoir at the end of the Gallery in the Wood. Charming spring
morning. Went on to Aix. Home by Ostend on the 31st.

_June 15th_.--Helen Richardson was married to Sir Edward Blackett at
Ottershaw. We went down the day before.

_22nd_.--The Queen of Holland came to London. Dined with Her Majesty at the
Sandbachs' on July 1st. She came to see the statue of Lord Clarendon at the
Foreign Office on July 2nd.

_July 6th._--I took the Queen of Holland to see the Novar pictures. Meadows
Taylor stayed with us. Christine went to take the waters of St.-Honoré in
France.

Robert Lemon [Footnote: Son of Robert Lemon, a clerk in the State Paper
Office, and editor of some of the Calendars of State Papers, who died in
1867.], my clerk for thirty-three years, died in a fit.

Reeve deeply felt the loss of one who had been for so long associated with
him; but, independently of this, Mr. Lemon's death at this particular time
had an important influence on Reeve's immediate future. For some months he
had been contemplating retiring from the office, which he had now held for
close on forty years, in the view of devoting himself more exclusively to
literary work--apparently to a task of some magnitude. He had also been in
correspondence with Mr. Longman on a proposal from the firm that he should
act as their literary adviser; and thus, after long consideration he had,
on July 5th, mentioned, in a semi-official manner, his wish to retire in
October. On July 6th he wrote to Mr. Longman, provisionally accepting the
offer of the firm; but the next day had to write again--

What a world is this! On Monday I told the Duke [of Richmond] I would
resign on October 25th. Yesterday evening, my chief clerk, Robert Lemon,
had an apoplectic fit, and he died in the course of last night. He was a
most excellent and valuable assistant to me, and I looked forward to him
to drill in my successor. It may now become impossible for me to leave the
office as soon as I meant to do, for poor Lemon and myself are the only two
men who know the detail of the business, and I can't leave the department
derelict.

It is a most melancholy and distressing occurrence.

_July 14th_.--It is clear that the vacancy which has occurred in this
office will detain me here six months, and perhaps a year longer than
I wished or intended. This being so, our arrangements must remain in
abeyance, with entire liberty to you to renew or withdraw your offer. At
this distance of time it is superfluous to discuss details, but if I accept
the duties you propose to me, I should of course adapt my movements and
residence to the exigency of the case. At present, I find my work here
vastly increased, because I have to look more to the detail of the
business.

The contemplated arrangement was thus postponed for the time, and was not
again taken up in that form. Reeve continued--as he had long done--to act
as confidential adviser to the firm; but he remained at the Council Office
for another twelve years, and when he ultimately retired, it was not with
the view of undertaking any heavy additional work. The Journal goes on:--

_August 2nd_.--To Paris. Met Christine at Dijon on the 3rd. Then by Dole to
Vevay. Binet came. Met the Wodehouses. Visit to the Blumenthals at their
_chalet_. 13th, to the Gorges du Trient, and so to Chamonix, with Binet
and Christine. Splendid weather at Chamonix. 16th, St. Martin's; full moon
rising behind Mont Blanc. 17th, to Chambéry, St. Laurent du Pont, and the
Grande Chartreuse--very interesting. Geneva on the 20th, and back to Vevay
on the 21st. Thence to Besançon, Belfort, and Nancy. 27th, Metz. Drove
round the fields of battle of Gravelotte and St. Privat. To Brussels, by
Luxembourg. Bought furniture at Brussels for Foxholes. Home by Antwerp on
September 1st.

_October 7th_.--To Bournemouth, to look over Foxholes. 26th, Timsbury.

_November 20th_.--House nearly finished. Christmas at Farnborough. The
workmen left Foxholes on December 28th.

The Government bought the Khedive's shares in the Suez Canal. I attacked
the bargain in the 'Edinburgh Review.'

But from the earliest inception of the Suez Canal, Reeve had strongly
opposed it. He held, and in fact all history warranted him in holding,
that the opening of a water-way through the isthmus would be more than
prejudicial, would be destructive, to English interests. He was very far
from being alone in this opinion; it was one which he shared with several
of the most able and experienced men of the day, quite irrespective of
party. France, on her side, indulged in golden dreams. The wealth and
grandeur of mediaeval Venice was to find its counterpart in the commercial
prosperity of Marseilles; and it is permitted us to believe that much of
the enthusiasm which the scheme excited was due to the hope that it would
irretrievably damage England. Hence, too, the ill will rising out of the
disappointment, out of the conviction forced on the people of France that,
far from injuring us, it has turned out altogether to our advantage. French
skill constructed the canal, French capital paid for it. England stood
aloof till success was achieved, and then hastened to reap the profit;
then, by buying up the shares, doubled that profit; and since then, by the
occupation of Egypt, has usurped the control of the whole. Never has there
been such a case of the _Sic vos non vobis_; and the French are very
angry. Reeve's constant and familiar intercourse with French society had
necessarily taught him the opinions so universally held in France, and had
persuaded him that the only safe plan for England was to have nothing to do
with the pestilent thing. Disraeli, on the other hand, with a wider grasp
of the situation, understood that, in this, at any rate, inactivity was
not masterly, and that by boldness the enemy would be hoist with their own
petard.

_From Lady Smith_

Lowestoft, December 5th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--It gave me pleasure to see your handwriting again, and
some surprise. In the first place, I must mention that I think you would
prefer Opie's original portrait to that which I possess, which, though by
Opie, is the copy of my portrait. When I last saw the original picture it
was in the Royal Academy; where it is now, I do not know; but [that] may
perhaps be ascertained. I must add that from its long residence in
London it looked very dingy, and required a refreshment from some good
picture-mender, and fresh varnish. If this picture is not come-at-able, I
shall be happy to send that I have here, of which you will acquaint me, and
send particular directions of the place and time it may be expected.

I am glad to hear you, and Mrs. Reeve, and my amiable young friend your
daughter are well. I hear you are building a superb mansion at Bournemouth;
a charming place, I have no doubt. My kind regards to you and them, from
your attached friend, PLEASANCE SMITH.

Very sorry am I to hear of Lady Augusta Stanley's hopeless illness, and
happy am I to observe the Dean's perpetual vigour. Long may he continue to
illume the realm of mist in that Temple of Reconciliation where his light
shines in so brilliant a lustre. In what a remarkable period do we live!

The picture by Opie was exhibited from Mr. Botfield's [Footnote: Beriah
Botfield, of Deckel's Hill, Shiffnal, Shropshire, and Grosvenor Square;
died 1863.] collection (at one of the Old Masters' Exhibitions) about nine
or ten years ago.

The Journal notes:--

_January 1876_.--I meant to go to Paris, but gout came on, and I gave it
up.

_March 28th_.--Sent down furniture, &c. by vans to Foxholes.

_April 2nd_.--Took possession of Foxholes; cold and windy, and I gouty.

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_Foxholes, April 19th_.--Lady Holland has written me a note quite as
amiable as her brother, and all the family seem to be satisfied with my
article. The little crack of the whip just nicked the fly on Abraham's ear.
A touch is often more keenly felt than a blow, when dealt in the right
place.

The only fault to be found with living here is that life glides away too
rapidly, and I feel as if I should hardly have time to read over again the
works of the Immortals, before I go to join them.

We have just got a splendid billiard table, and Hopie and I intersperse
cannons and winning hazards with literature.

And the Journal:--

_April 27th_.--Returned to town. Very bad fit of gout. This was the year
of my grand climacteric (sixty-three), and I was uncommonly ill. I went to
Aix, May 30th; but was worse there, and came back, June 19th.

_July 7th_.--Garden party at Holland House; the only thing I was able to go
to this year from incessant gout.

_12th_.--Came down to Foxholes. Great heat; no rain from April till August.

_To Lord Derby_

62 Rutland Gate, April 28th.

My Dear Lord Derby,--I cannot forbear to express to you our very great
and cordial sympathy in the great loss you have sustained.[Footnote: The
Dowager Countess of Derby died on April 26th, 1876.] It was Gray, I think,
who said that a man can have but one mother, and in losing her one loses
the only real witness of the tenderest part of the growth of life. Nobody
else has any memory for infancy, childhood and youth, and no one else has
the same claims to dutiful affection. The loss is irreparable. I find it so
myself every day. Lady Derby had the happiness to see you combine with the
most affectionate regard for her the public duties and honours which are
almost hereditary in your family. Few women have seen life played out on a
nobler scale. She was the link between two generations of statesmen,
and lived in the entire intimacy and affection of both. But these
considerations cannot alleviate sorrow!

With every assurance of sincere regard to yourself and Lady Derby from Mrs.
Reeve and myself, believe me, always faithfully yours,

H. Reeve.

Continuing the Journal:--

_August 12th_.--Disraeli made Earl Beaconsfield.

_14th_.--From Southampton to Havre and Rouen with Christine and Hopie.
Dined with the Cardinal de Bonnechose; Circourt joined us there.

_17th_.--To the Château d'Eu; found there the Duc de Montpensier and
Infanta Christine, Duc and Duchesse de Chartres, Mme. de Rainneville and
Lambert de Sainte-Croix. Drive in forest; very hot.

_21st_.--Celebrated our silver wedding at Eu. To Dieppe and back by Havre
on the 24th. William Longman came to Foxholes. Saw Lady Charlotte Bacon
[Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 88.] again.

Mrs. Reeve gave 'Ianthe,' whom they met at a luncheon party at Bournemouth,
a fuller notice. She wrote, 'A bad husband and narrow means kept her out of
England for thirty-five years or so, and she is now a corpulent matron of
seventy, with no trace of those charms sung by the poet.'

All this autumn an immense agitation was kept up, chiefly by Gladstone,
on the 'Bulgarian Atrocities.' Meetings were held all over the kingdom. I
published an article in the 'Review' in October, which Lord Derby said was
the first thing that turned the tide. It soon turned altogether; and in a
few months the people were as anxious to attack the Russians as they had
been to coerce the Turks.

To Mr. Dempster

_Foxholes, October 17th._--Can you, who know all the genealogies of
Scotland better than the Red Lion himself, tell me what relation Countess
Purgstall was to Dugald Stewart? [Footnote: She was his wife's sister.] I
know she was a Cranstoun; but was she related to the great Professor? When
my father was in Vienna in 1805, she received him very kindly, because he
had known Dugald Stewart, and followed his lectures in Edinburgh.

I enjoy my life here above all things. Four months have slipped away in
this Olympian calm, between the sea and the sky, and I fancy that the New
Forest is the Highlands; but it is time to be up and doing, and next week I
return to London, with a large stock of health and good spirits.

Matters look very black in the East. I am afraid it is a deep-laid Russian
plot, which Gladstone has done not a little to promote and encourage. You
will see that I have held to my own line in the Blue and Yellow.

To Mr. T. Longman

_Rutland Gate, November 1st._--I have a great dislike to the proposal of
reprinting an article of my own in a cheap form. It seems to me to be
descending to the level of Mr. Gladstone's sixpenny agitation. Moreover,
the political situation is now considerably altered. Many things which
were said hypothetically on October 12th have assumed a different shape on
November 1st. But if any arrangement can be made to supply the Mayor of
Bristol with one hundred copies of the 'Review,' at a cheap rate, I shall
be very glad of it. The cheap republication of the attractive article would
be just as injurious to booksellers who have copies of the 'Review' on hand
as the distribution of copies of the 'Review.' Both measures interfere with
the regular course of sale, and are therefore mischievous.

The Journal notes:--

_January 23rd_, 1877.--The Folkestone (Ritualist) case [Footnote: Ridsdale
_v._ Clifton and others. See _Times_, January 24th and following days.
Judgement, _Times_, July 19th.] heard by the Judicial Committee, by eleven
privy councillors, and five bishops. It lasted nearly a fortnight.

_January 24th_.--Christine and I went to pay a visit to the Duke and
Duchess of Cleveland at Battle Abbey. It was singularly interesting and
agreeable. Nothing could exceed the vivacity of the Duchess, or her
attention to her guests. The party consisted of Maud Stanley, Charles
Newton, Banks-Stanhope, Raglan Somerset, and the Mercer Hendersons.

I have known the Duke these forty years, having first met him at the
Duchesse de Mailly's, in Paris, about the year 1836. He is the only
Englishman I ever knew who is perfectly at home in the best French society,
and as Lord Harry Vane he was extremely popular in Paris. There is now
nobody living who has known so many of my oldest and best friends--most of
whom are now no more--both in Paris, Geneva, and London; and our talk of
these old times was most abundant.

Battle Abbey is certainly one of the most curious and beautiful remains in
England, and as it was built on the morrow of the Conquest (1067), it
is astonishing how much remains. The present drawing-room is a long,
low-arched room, with Gothic arches springing from columns of Purbeck
marble. Much of the great refectory and part of the cloisters still
remains. This is part of the original building of William the Conqueror.
The great gateway and outer wall is of the time of Edward III. The great
hall is about two hundred years old. The Abbey was given by Henry VIII. to
Sir Anthony Browne, and afterwards purchased in 1722 by the Websters, from
whom the Duke of Cleveland bought it a few years ago.

The Duchess drove us over to call at Ashburnham, about three miles on the
other side of Battle. There we saw a most beautiful Sir Joshua of Lady St.
Asaph (the present Earl's grandmother) and the shirt King Charles wore on
the day of his execution. Lady Ashburnham told us that old women had,
in our time, asked for leave to spread the cloth which is with it over
children to cure the King's evil.

Lord Ashburnham [Footnote: He died in June 1878, in his eighty-first
year.] is himself a sight--a man of eighty, in high boots, very deaf, very
caustic, and clever; possessing under lock and key most wonderful literary
treasures and curiosities. He gave 3,000 £ for a manuscript bible, but that
we did not see.

_February 3rd_--Lady Smith died at Lowestoft, aged 103 and 9 months.

_March 13th_--Tennyson dined at The Club; Archbishop and Chancellor there.

_16th_--To Foxholes. April 14th, back to town.

It was about this time that Miss Agnes Clerke--who has since come into the
foremost rank as a popular exponent of science and as the biographer of
its votaries--was making her _début_ in literature, and contributed two
articles to the 'Edinburgh Review,' the one in April on 'Brigandage in
Sicily,' and the other, which appeared in July, on 'Copernicus in Italy,'
subjects which her residence in Italy had brought more immediately under
her notice. Just before the publication of the first of these Reeve wrote
to her, introducing M. de Circourt, who was then at Florence where Miss
Clerke was. A fortnight later he wrote again in answer to her reply.

Rutland Gate, April 19th.

My Dear Miss Clerke,--It gives me very sincere pleasure to have contributed
to introduce you to your first literary success. I hope it may be the
prelude to many more. I can hardly venture to recommend to you the course
in which you should steer your bark. On scientific subjects I am very
ignorant, but there has been an article in the 'Review' on Spectrum
Analysis, by Professor Roscoe, and another on the Transit of Venus last
year. You have the advantage of seeing before your eyes the intellectual
_renaissance_ of Italy, and it has already supplied you with two very good
subjects.

It is probable that before October something else may turn up. If not, I
will send you a book from England to review--for instance, Miss Wynne's
Letters and Journals, which are being printed, and will come out in
October. Miss Wynne was a delightful person, who lived in the society of
Paris, when it was most agreeable. M. de Circourt is the last survivor of
it--unless I may be reckoned a survivor too. I am glad you appreciate him.
He was private secretary to M. de Polignac in 1830, and married in 1832 an
incomparable Russian--Mlle. de Klustine. They used to say that she knew
seventeen languages and he eighteen. She died some years ago from a
burn, and Circourt now passes his life chiefly with Mme. d'Affry and her
daughter, the Duchess Colonna.

I have another cousin (besides Mrs. Ross) who passes her winters in
Florence, or near it--Mrs. James Whittle. She is a great invalid, and never
goes out. But she is now returning to a Schloss (Syrgenstein) they have in
Bavaria. ... You are right. I have left my hill, which overlooks the great
seaway between the Needles and Hengistbury Head, and come to London for the
next three months; but I had much rather stay in my hermitage. London is as
disagreeable as an east wind can make it. Believe me,

Yours faithfully,

H. REEVE.

The Journal here notes:--

_April 25th_--Lord Derby gave a great dinner at the F.O. I sat between
Stirling-Maxwell and Pender.

_May 9th_--Lord Derby presided at the Literary Fund dinner. I proposed the
health of the Chinese Ambassador. I retired this year from the council of
the Literary Fund.

_18th_--Went to Paris alone. 20th, long interview with the Duc Decazes.
Dined at the Embassy. Thiers in the evening.

_May 22nd_--Dinner at Laugel's. [Footnote: The Duc d'Aumale's secretary.]
Duc de Broglie, Duc Decazes, Chabaud-Latour and the Haussonvilles. The
'_coup d'état_ of the Marshal,' as it was called, when Macmahon turned out
Jules Simon and the Radicals, took place on May 16th, just before I reached
Paris. Hence the agitation was extreme; and at this dinner at Laugel's I
had to encounter the dukes, who wanted to know why we disapproved their
measure.

_23rd_.--Dined with Thiers, who was depressed. I had, however, several
important conversations with him during this visit, of which I took a note.
He expected to become president again. If that had happened, much would
have been altered, but he died on September 3rd.

_28th_.--Back to London. Related to Lord Derby what Thiers said.

_31st_.--Severe gale. To Foxholes for a day on June 2nd.

_June 12th_.--The Duc d'Aumale came over to dine with The Club.

_19th_.--Mrs. Oliphant's party to Maga at Runnymead [to celebrate her 25th
year of alliance with 'Blackwood's Magazine.' A lovely day, and an amusing
party of littérateurs, publishers, writers, &c.]

_July 19th_.--Came down to Foxholes.

_October 18th_.--London to Durham, with Hopie. Durham Cathedral. 19th,
to Matfen (Sir E. Blackett's); 24th, to Yester (Lord Tweeddale's) by
Edinburgh; 29th, to Ormiston; and 31st to Minto. Back to town on November
3rd. Some London dinners.

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_C. O., November 8th_.--There ought to be, in the January number, an
article on the Organisation of the Liberal Party. I have asked several
leading politicians of the party to undertake it, but in vain. The truth
is, that it is a very thankless and hopeless subject; and the recent
discussion of the county franchise by Lowe and Gladstone renders it still
more difficult. I put my own opinions wholly out of the question, and
should give _carte blanche_ to any competent and accredited writer to treat
the subject. I think I shall ask Lord Hartington what he wishes to be done.

My own opinion is that this county franchise move is suicidal to the
Liberal party, and I clearly perceive that the Tories are preparing--when
somewhat hard pressed--to take up and carry some such measure, accompanied
by a redistribution of seats that will swamp a great many Liberal boroughs.
They say, If the thing is to be done, we had better do it....

It is generally supposed that Gladstone published his article, which points
to universal suffrage, in order to cut the ground from under Hartington's
feet at the Scotch meetings. Hitherto Whig principles and the whole Whig
party have been decidedly opposed to an unrestricted franchise.

_C.O., November 15th_--Lord Granville is so cautious and reserved a man
that it is impossible to extract any definite opinion or advice from him.
I have tried repeatedly, and I never got so much as a hint from him worth
anything How different from Lord Clarendon or Lord Aberdeen! The truth is
that Granville is always waiting upon fortune; ready to take any course
that may turn up, but utterly incapable of taking a strong resolution based
on principle and conviction....

I dare say May's book will have success. It is very well written; but it
is not what I expected. It is an historical survey of the political
institutions of all nations, 'from China to Peru,' executed with care and
great reading; but there are no traces of original thought, and it leaves
you exactly where you were before in relation to the democratic element in
society. Bagehot's books have ten times as much _thought_ in them.

A most excellent book, which I am reading with great delight, is Mr.
Gardiner's 'Reign of Charles I. before the Rebellion.' It is, to me, as
interesting as Macaulay, and singularly impartial.

And the Journal winds up the year with:--

_December 12th_--To Foxholes. Christmas at Farnborough. [Mrs. Reeve wrote
on December 24th: We start this morning for Farnborough Hill. It is now
eighteen years that we have spent Christmas with the Longmans.] Back to
Foxholes.

1878.--We spent the first week of the New Year at Foxholes, the weather
charming, and returned to London on January 11th.

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_Foxholes, January 7th._--I know the authoress of the Russian letters very
well. She is one of the boldest and keenest Russian agents in Europe, who
was sent here three or four years ago to endeavour to prepare English
society for the coming war, and she has returned here every winter. She has
made repeated attempts to capture me, though, as you may suppose, without
success. But on politicians of a sentimental cast her influence has been
considerable, especially on Gladstone, who is singularly amenable to female
flattery, and a perfect child in the hands of a clever _intrigante_ of this
kind.

But I am certainly sorry that Froude should have attached his name to her
letters. To suppose that this great and dreadful war has been undertaken
for the sole purpose of 'liberating' the Southern Slavs, and that the
Russians hate the Turks because the Tartars conquered Russia some centuries
back, are assumptions which can hardly impose on the most credulous of men.
This is a war of conquest, and the spirit of the Crusades has been evoked
to stimulate an ignorant and enthusiastic people.

One of the points of the Russian party in England is to denounce and
misrepresent the Crimean war. That war was carried on in defence of great
principles of European law--not for the sake of the Turks--by the statesmen
to whom we are particularly attached--Palmerston, Clarendon, Russell,
Lewis, Panmure, &c. Mr. Carlyle, Froude, Freeman, Goldwin Smith, Bright,
and at last Gladstone, were opposed to it. I adhere to the views of the
statesmen, which the 'Review' defended in 1854 and 1855. I am, therefore,
extremely glad, and think it highly proper and necessary that the Queen
should defend the course taken by her ministers and by the nation at that
time; and it would be the excess of inconsistency in the 'Review' not to
maintain, as a matter of history, the same principles for which we have
invariably contended.

_C. O., January 12th_.--One of the first persons I met on coming to London
yesterday was Lord Granville, and I had a long talk with him. He was less
reserved than usual. I don't know that there is any difference in our view
of the foreign question, except that he thinks the Government should have
said and done even less than they have done. But the disposition of many
of the moderate Whigs, such as Lord Morley, Duke of Bedford, Duke of
Cleveland, &c., is to support the foreign policy of the Government. The
Duke of Sutherland is to dine at Disraeli's dinner, out of hatred of
Gladstone. I believe Dizzy is to have the Garter!

Lord Granville said, 'I saw that the last article in the last number of the
"E. Review" was _not_ Reeve. It might have been written by a contributor to
the "Daily Telegraph."' To this I replied: 'It was written, in fact, by a
very intimate friend of your own, who was, I think, staying at Walmer last
summer; a man of great experience in political writing, not for the "D. T."
but for the "Times;" and, although I don't think it a good article, and
differ from many things in it, I thought myself pretty safe in the hands of
Sir George Dasent.' It was amusing to see G.'s look of astonishment.

Politically, the topic of 1878 was the settlement of the Russo-Turkish war.
The fall of Plevna in the previous December, and the subsequent collapse of
Turkey, led to the advance of the Russians to San Stefano and the treaty
of March 3rd, which seemed a direct step towards the seizure of
Constantinople, and the swallowing up of the Turkish Empire. In England
public feeling ran very high, but, unfortunately, in opposing currents.
The Government was resolved, at all risks, to prevent the extreme result
foreshadowed by the Treaty of San Stefano, and to do so by acting on the
_si vis pacem, para bellum_ principle. In the East, the Mediterranean fleet
was ordered to pass the Dardanelles and to anchor in the Sea of Marmora;
whilst at home, a vote of credit to the amount of 6,000,000£. was rapidly
passed through Parliament, the navy was strengthened, the army reserves
were called out, and the initial preparations were made for the despatch of
an expeditionary force. And at this time what threatened to be a serious
blow to the Ministry, in reality strengthened it. Lord Derby, the foreign
secretary, resigned, possibly influenced, it was said, by personal intimacy
with Count Schouvaloff, and in any case disapproving of the measures of the
Government. He was succeeded by the Marquis of Salisbury, who, in June,
accompanied Lord Beaconsfield to Berlin to attend the Congress, from which
they returned on July 16th, bringing back, in Beaconsfield's now classical
words, 'Peace with honour.'

_From Mr. Richard Doyle_

7 Finborough Road, January 15th.

My Dear Reeve,--When at Foxholes, in August last, I began a sketch of the
view from your house. It was my intention to ask you to accept the drawing
when complete. In the presence, however, of the very attractive original,
I, on leaving, was so little satisfied with my copy that I had not the
heart to say anything about it. But, after an interval, and a little more
work upon it, I begin to think that, after all, when in town, it perhaps
may remind you imperfectly of the fresh skies and blue waters left out
of town. So I return to my original intention, and herewith send you the
little drawing for your acceptance. With best remembrance to Mrs. and Miss
Reeve, yours very sincerely,

Richard Doyle.

_From Mr. Theodore Martin_

31 Onslow Square, January 16th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I have been much gratified by reading the review of my
third volume in the 'Edinburgh Review,' which my publishers have just sent
me. It brings out with admirable effect the passages which bear on the
present crisis--passages which I inserted in the volume from a strong
feeling that there would be occasion to strengthen the sound view of the
Eastern Question by the emphatic language of the Prince Consort. God grant
they may not have come too late!

With reference, especially, to what you say at the top of page 151, I must
disabuse you of what seems to be the prevailing impression that things in
this book have been written by the direct inspiration of the Queen. Not one
word of it, from beginning to end, was prompted by Her Majesty, who has
left me, from the first, unfettered, to draw my own conclusions, to select
the documents to be made public, and to state my own convictions in my own
way.

What I have selected and what I have written has, when printed, been
submitted, of course, for Her Majesty's approval, which, I am happy to say,
I have always had. In regard to the third volume, it was written almost
entirely last summer and autumn, at my country house, where I had no
opportunity of even consulting Her Majesty. Your conjecture, therefore,
as to the note you cite on page 151 is a mistaken one. That note only
expresses a conviction which I have strongly felt for many years. You will,
on reflection, I think, see that I could not with propriety refer to the
circumstances alluded to in the note on the same page of the 'Review.' It
is one of hundreds of cases where reticence seemed to myself, as, in some
sense, representing Her Majesty, to be prescribed to me. When my book is
complete, an abridged 'Life' will be published. I am sure this article
must do good by being in the hands of the public before the meeting of
Parliament.

Believe me, very truly yours,

THEODORE MARTIN.

_January 19th_.--I have no doubt the Queen will be much pleased with the
'E. R.' article. Believe me, Her Majesty's mind is far too candid and
sincere to take any umbrage at what you say about the Prince's _Germanism_.
She may not think it went so far as you do; but she has always frankly
acknowledged its existence, seeing, with her usual good sense, both the
good and bad effects of any extreme views. If there be any one person more
than another to whom the artificial language commonly addressed to royal
personages is distasteful, it is the Queen herself. Such at least is my
experience. I am delighted to see that the opinions of the Queen and Prince
brought forward in this volume are causing some stir in the Parisian
journals. They are being used to stimulate an active interest in the
Eastern Question; and this, I venture to think, may produce results not
unimportant at the present crisis.

The Journal here notes:--

_January 25th_.--Huxley lectured on Harvey.

_February 7th_.--Dinner at Dicey's, to meet Mr. Welch, the U.S. minister.
John Bright, Hayward, Chandos Leigh, Mme. Van de Weyer there.

_8th_.--To Foxholes, for three days only.

_13th_.--The fleet went up the Sea of Marmora, the Russians having
approached Constantinople.

_28th_.--Marriage of Ellinor Locker to Lionel Tennyson in Westminster
Abbey. All the literary world there. Imposing aspect of Alfred Tennyson,
who looked round the Abbey as if he felt the Immortals were his compeers.

The Journal mentions:--

_March 28th_.--Lord Derby resigned the Foreign Office.

_From Lord Derby_

_March 29th_.--What has happened is disagreeable, as all political
separations are; but it did not seem to me that there was any choice. As to
discussion in Parliament, I suppose I cannot altogether help myself; but it
will be a business unwillingly gone into, and not at all unless there seems
some chance of being of use.

And the Journal:--

_April 3rd_.--Dinner at Longman's. Froude, Trevelyan, Walpoles, Quain. This
was the last of the pleasant literary dinners which Longman used to give.

_4th_.--Great sale of the Novar collection. Fetched over 70,000£. Kirkman
Hodgson gave 20,000£. for three Turners.

_April 13th_.--To Foxholes.

From Lord Lytton [Footnote: Governor-General of India.]

Government House, Simla, April 29th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I think you in nowise overestimate the value of Meadows
Taylor's life and work in India, and I cordially recognise the exceptional
claims of the two ladies, on whose behalf you have written to me, to the
grant which I regret to hear they require. Their case is rather a difficult
one to deal with, owing to the fact that nearly the whole work of Meadows
Taylor's life was performed, not in the service of the Government of India,
but in that of the Nizam's Government; and we are precluded, by rules as
inflexible as the laws of the Medes and Persians, from granting public
money to the distressed survivors of our own public servants on purely
compassionate grounds. In my own opinion, however, the claim of these
ladies may be fairly admitted on other grounds furnished by their father's
eminence, not only as a literary man, but also as an administrator, and the
fact that his work, though not performed in the service of the Government
of India, has been, and is, in various ways, unquestionably beneficial to
India. I am glad to say that I have obtained the concurrence of my council
in this view of the case, and we propose to grant 100£. a year to each of
these ladies from the Indian revenues. Our proposal, however, cannot be
acted on without the sanction of the Secretary of State, to whom it will
probably be submitted by this mail; and, as it is of a financial character,
I think Lord Staplehurst [Footnote: Viscount Cranbrook is meant. The patent
of his peerage was not dated till May 4th; but it had been previously
understood, and telegraphed to India, that he would take his title from
Staplehurst.] cannot deal with it except through his council. It is
therefore fortunate that you have secured their suffrages, for at present
it seems to be the invariable practice of the 'wise men of the East' at
the India Office to reject every proposal, however trivial or however
important, which emanates from the Government of India.

Yours, my dear Mr. Reeve, very faithfully,

LYTTON.

_Endorsed_--The pension was granted on June 30th.

_From the Comte de Paris_ Château d'Eu, May 11th.

... I am glad to see that the hope of peace is stronger. A war between
England and Russia would be the greatest catastrophe that could fall
upon the world at present; it would be the cause of incalculable ruin
everywhere. Since the wars of 1866 and 1870 the maintenance of the peace
of Europe depends solely upon the relations between England and Russia. To
France the preservation of peace is of the deepest interest, for the day it
is broken she may expect to see her own frontiers threatened by Germany,
either directly or by the moral subjection of Holland, Switzerland, and
Belgium. We wish no evil either to England or to Russia; but, above all
things, we wish that these two Powers should live in harmony.

Here the Journal has:--

_May 13th_.--Returned to town.

_May 28th_.--Gladstone dined at The Club. Six present; interesting.

_June 3rd_.--Excursion to Greenwich to see the telegraph works. Great
dinner at the Ship afterwards.

_8th_.--All to Norwich, to stay with Dean Goulburn at the Deanery. I had
scarcely been there for fifty years. Dr. Jessop, Canon Heaviside, and Canon
Robinson to dinner--very pleasant.

_9th_.--Communion in Norwich Cathedral. 10th, drove to Costessy (Lord
Stafford's); 11th, to Spixworth; 12th, to Ely, on a visit to Dean Merivale;
13th, to Peterborough; 14th, back to town.

_June_.--Very hot weather. 26th, dinner of the Antiquaries at Lord
Carnarvon's.

_July 5th_.--Lady Northcote's garden party. Helen Blackett there, looking
ill. I never saw her again. [Footnote: See _post_. p. 265.]

_July 13th_.--To Foxholes. Gout prevented me from going to Paris, where the
exhibition was going on, and to La Celle.

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_Foxholes, July 15th_.--I send just a line to say that _no part_ of the
article on 'The Constitution and the Crown' is written by me. I thought
it due to the writer to leave it untouched, and I don't think it is too
severe.

The article in the 'Quarterly' was certainly not written by Dr. Smith, and
I have reason to know that he is a good deal ashamed of it. Nobody seems to
know who wrote it. I do not expect they will reply upon us; but nothing is
more beneficial to the two Reviews than a little controversy, especially
when serious principles are concerned. This question is precisely the
_crux_ or test of Whig and Tory principles; it is the old fight of
parliamentary power against prerogative. There has not been in England, for
a hundred years, a minister so indifferent to Parliament and so subservient
to the Court as Lord Beaconsfield.

_Foxholes, July 16th_.--Dizzy's fireworks will soon burn out; and when
people come to reflect on these transactions, and their consequences,
they will be found to be some of the most questionable in modern English
history. He has the merit of presenting a bold front to Europe and of
avoiding war; but the cost will be great and the ulterior consequences
formidable. I suppose they are going to give him a Roman triumph this
afternoon from Charing Cross to Downing Street.

  Sed quid
  Turba Remi?...
  ...... Idem populus...
  ... hac ipsa Sejanum diceret hora
  Augustum.

To my old eyes all this is a sham--a scene out of 'Tancred' and 'Lothair.'
Depend upon it, the article on the 'Constitution and the Crown' will be
read.

_Foxholes, August 10th_.--I never in my life read a better article than
this of Froude on Copyright. It is incomparably good in force of argument,
vigour of style, point, and truth, and, I think, will go far to settle the
assailants of copyright. I confess I enjoy the smashing of the sages of
the Board of Trade and old Trevelyan. They will see that if they attack
literature, literature is able to defend itself.

_From Mr. T. Longman_

_Farnborough Hill, August 14th_.--... I entirely agree with you in the
excellence of Froude's article [on Copyright]. ... I see that he thinks
that copyright may be in danger, and that the tendency of writing will
flow into periodical literature. That I know has long been XIXth Century
Knowles's opinion. He says he cares nothing for any copyright, and never
asks for it. Like the 'Times,' he does not, in fact, need it. His writers
are highly paid, and he and they are satisfied.

_To Mr. T Longman_

_Foxholes, August 15th_.--... No doubt any restriction of copyright in
permanent works would have the effect of inducing literary men to write
more and more in periodicals, which are not permanent but well paid. This
argument is very important. I am not sure that Froude has laid sufficient
stress upon it. Good and solid literature already suffers considerably from
the fact that fugitive literature is far better paid, and that a literary
man can rarely afford to write a large and substantial book requiring years
of labour. Herbert Spencer's evidence is very interesting; but few men have
the courage to risk their all in labouring for the future.

I shall make Froude's article the first in the next number, as I think it
will attract great attention.

_August 24th_.--Froude's article will make nearly fifty pages of the
Review, which is more than I like; but I don't know what to leave out, it
is all so good and amusing to literary people, so I think we must swallow
it whole.

A note from the Journal:--

_August 23rd_.--Visit to Highclere (Lord Carnarvon's). A good deal of gout
in October. To Farnborough on the 30th. Back to town on November 4th.

_To Mr. T. Longman_

_Foxholes, October 10th_.--I see the 'Quarterly' announces an article on my
'Petrarch.' Unless Smith is the falsest of men, it will be a civil article,
for he was enthusiastic in his praises of the book to me personally. But I
shall not be surprised if it is another flourish of Hayward's stiletto.

_October 19th_.--The article in the 'Quarterly' on my 'Petrarch' is very
courteous, and certainly _not_ by Abraham.

_C. O., December 2nd_.--This day's post brings me the melancholy
intelligence that our friend Kirkman is so ill he is not expected to
survive, and that dear old Mrs. Grote is in much the same condition. To me,
by far the most painful part of advancing years is the loss of those who
made life delightful. It is the only thing I regret. These friendships of
forty or fifty years are quite irreparable.

The Journal notes:--

_December 5th_.--Parliament met. 9th, first dinner of the Club. 24th, to
Ottershaw Park for Christmas. 28th, to Farnborough--last time. 29th, Mrs.
Grote died. 31st, returned to town.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_December 13th_.--I brought up two volumes of the MS. Journals for you to
read when you come to town. But I perceive the further you proceed the less
can you publish. I dismiss all thoughts of that from my mind, and bequeath
the task to posterity.

The debate in the Commons has been very dull, [Footnote: On a motion to
condemn the policy of the Government in Afghanistan. It was defeated by a
majority of 101 in a House of 555.] but the Government will have a very
large majority. They tell me Dizzy is negotiating another little purchase
of Seleucia and Scanderoon. Jerusalem is in the next lot.

I gave the 'Secret du Roi' to an Irishman to review, and the wretch has
disappointed me. I am afraid it is now too late, or I would do it myself.
[Footnote: It was reviewed in the April number (1879), but neither by
Reeve nor the Irishman.] Read M. de Lomenie's book, 'Les Mirabeau'--a very
amiable family.

_Rutland Gate, January 4th_, 1879.--This Christmas has been marked beyond
all others by the most tragical events. To me, Mrs. Grote and Lord
Tweeddale are deplorable losses, and I could add a catalogue of names of
less note, besides those of public interest. What irony to call it the
season of mirth and gaiety!

Mrs. Grote has very kindly left Hayward l,000£. I am glad of it, for it
will make him more comfortable, and, I hope, less cross.

The Journal then has:--

_January 7th_.--Dined at Sir P. Shelley's; Spedding, Browning.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_January 18th_.--I fully intended to come to see you to-day, and to bring
you the MS. volumes of C. C. G.; but I am very lame with rheumatism in my
knee, and the weather is so infernal that I cannot use the carriage, and I
am afraid to make the expedition in a cab. I must therefore defer my call
till I can move better. On such a day as this one can only burrow like the
rabbits.

I think the Cenci article in the new 'Ed. Rev.' will interest you.

_January 22nd_.--I send you Vols. III. and IV. of the mystic record. Pray
keep it locked up.

In the 'True Tale of the Cenci,' by T. Adolphus Trollope, there was much
that Mr. Cheney dissented from, and he wrote a long letter on the subject,
which Reeve in due course forwarded to Trollope. This led to a reply, with
which, as far as Reeve's correspondence shows, the discussion dropped. If
it was continued further, it was without Reeve's assistance.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_January 23rd_.--I saw Lady Shelley to-day, and, as I told her you could
not call on her, she very obligingly said she would be happy to call on
you and bring you the enlarged photograph of the poet to look at. These
photographs are done on porcelain. There are only three copies of them,
which Lady S. has got. The negative is destroyed. ... She says the drawing
is the image of Shelley's sister, Helen Shelley.

_January 31st_.--Many thanks for your prompt return of the volumes. I am
glad they have amused you, and you can give evidence that they are not very
wicked. I am afraid I cannot supply any more until I have been down to
Foxholes, as I find I have locked up part of the MS. there; and I must now
have the whole of it bound.

_February 3rd_.--I send you Trelawny's book on Shelley, and I also enclose
an interesting letter from Mr. Trollope in answer to your remarks on the
Cenci article. You will see he has taken pains with the subject. I did
not mention your name to him in connexion with the remarks, but only with
reference to the Philobiblon notes. He therefore does not know that you are
as well acquainted with the Italians as he is.

_To Mr. Dempster_

_C. O., February 26th_.--I hope this will not arrive too late to
congratulate you on having achieved in health and good spirits
three-quarters of the road to our centenary. Unluckily, the last quarter is
the most difficult. But _sursum corda_! When I look back and about me, I
am astonished to have got so far. The great pleasure of advancing years
is retrospection. One sees such groups and groups of pleasant people. The
prospective eyes of youth see nothing so real or charming. I fancy I am
sitting with you on a flowery bank of heather in the Highlands, about
August 15th, talking of these things. There are a dozen brace of dead
grouse in the bag. Donald is at the well. Don't remind me that it is
February, 1 in London, the wind in the northeast.

Here the Journal records:--

_February 27th_.--My sister-in-law, Helen Blackett, died at Matfen.

_March 4th_.--Charles Newton and Sir J. Hooker elected by The Club.

_April 28th_.--I was named Vice-President of the Society of Antiquaries for
four years.

_From Lord Kimberley_

_35 Lowndes Square, May 3rd_.--There is a savage article in the 'Quarterly'
(by Froude, I believe), many of the statements in which arise from mere
ignorance. Whatever chance of success Carnarvon's scheme of confederation
had--it was in any case small--was destroyed by Froude's blundering, which
was caused mainly by his knowing nothing whatever about the political
history and literature of the colony. But, for all that, his article is
worthy of attention. Like you, I am very apprehensive about the Zulu war;
but this is too long a story for a short note. I should very much like to
talk the matter over with you.

The Journal again:--

_May 15th_.--Presided at Antiquaries as V.-P.

_June 11th_.--Great party at Count Münster's for the golden wedding of
Emperor Wilhelm.

_From Mr. E. Cheney_

_Audley Square, July 1st_.--I have an impression of Shelley's portrait,
which Colnaghi has just engraved. Sir Percy wishes it not to be re-copied,
and he entertains no doubt of its authenticity. He says it is extremely
like a maiden aunt of his--the only survivor of the past generation of the
Shelleys. I beg your acceptance of an impression.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_July 1st_.--I am uncommonly obliged to you for the exquisite engraving of
the drawing of Shelley. I shall cherish it alike in memory of him, and of a
better man--yourself, and for the strange legend about it.

I am sorry to hear that ------ has taken offence at the mention of her
father in the 'Greville Memoirs.' I was wholly unconscious of the offence,
and indeed had forgotten that he was mentioned in them at all.... I should
like, with great simplicity, to say to these eminent persons that I value
the honour of being the Editor of Charles Greville's Journals infinitely
more than any distinction that Queens or Duchesses could bestow on me. But
I esteem the talents and good qualities of ------ and certainly I never
dreamed she was offended.

And then the Journal:--

_July 5th_.--Lady Waldegrave died. The news came while we were attending
Lord Lawrence's funeral in Westminster Abbey.

_26th_.--To Foxholes. _August 16th_.--Visit to Weymouth; 18th, drove to
Abbotsbury.

_August 30th_.--Tom Longman died at Farnborough--seventy-five.

_September 3rd_.--His funeral.

_5th_.--To St. Malo with Christine and Hopie; 6th, to Dinard and on to
Dinan; 8th, to Guingamp; 9th, to Lannion, seeing Chateau de Tonguebec on
the way; 10th, to Louannec--fine rocky coast; 11th, Morlaix--drove to
St. Pol de Léon; 12th, Brest, but it rained; 13th, to Auray; 14th,
expedition to Carnac; 15th, expedition to Locmaria-quer; 16th, Auray to St.
Malo; 18th, home again--a pleasant tour.

_24th_.--To Stratton, to see Lord Northbrook about article on Affghan War.
Read him the article.

_October 21st_.--Lord Northbrook at Foxholes.

_30th_.--Left Foxholes. Visit to Pember's [at Lymington], Beaulieu Abbey.
To town on November 1st.

Frequent mention has been made of M. de Circourt's letters, the writing of
which occupied a great part of his time. In a short memoir, or, rather, an
appreciation, which Reeve contributed to the 'Edinburgh Review' of October
1881, he wrote: 'It was his pleasure and his desire to live and die
comparatively unknown. With an insatiable curiosity and love of knowledge,
with an extraordinary facility in mastering languages, and a universal
love of literature; with a memory so precise and so inexhaustible that it
retained without effort all he had acquired, he found in the mere exercise
of these singular gifts a sufficient employment for a long and not inactive
life.... He possessed and enjoyed the friendship of an extraordinary number
of men of the highest distinction, not only in France, but in all lands.
The correspondence he carried on with his friends in Germany, Italy,
England, Switzerland, America, and Russia was inconceivably voluminous. To
each of them he wrote in their own respective language, equally vehement
and profuse in every tongue.'

The bulk of his letters to Reeve alone is truly formidable. But these, and
presumably most others, were to a very great extent political or literary
pamphlets, which, though not given to the press, were--there can be little
doubt--intended to be circulated among a select public such as he delighted
in addressing. Two of the latest of these, written very shortly before his
death, are here given:--

_From M. de Circourt_

La Celle, October 27th.

My dear Reeve,--I don't know whether the article 'Germany since the
Peace of Frankfort' has done in Great Britain so much noise as the
'Affghanistan,' which has been, over here, an event in the literary-politic
world. But the first one is quite equal to the second, and gives career to
endless (alas! useless, too!) reflections. It is a sombre picture, quite in
the style of Rembrandt, with a _chiaroscuro_ much akin to darkness. It can
be objected that the lights are sacrificed to the shades. But, excepting
the strong constitution of the Imperial army, and the perfection to which,
according to competent judges, the preparations for an offensive and
defensive war have been pushed, I cannot see anything, in the condition of
finances, industry, husbandry, and, above all, public morals, which is not
threatening, if not absolutely disheartening. No traveller comes back from
Germany without a tale of woe. _Savior armis Luxuria incubuit, victamque
ulciscitur Galliam_. And while the rancour and the thirst for vengeance are
still, in France, what they were in 1871, the whole of power, riches,
and fashion in Germany crowding to Paris, give it a sort of transient
popularity, and suffers itself to be led by what is among us most
frivolous, most immoral, and even less French, in the old and legitimate
sense of that word. It is very curious to observe how the strangers flock
to Paris in order to enjoy the spectacle of themselves, reckoning the
French for nothing save the ministers of their pleasures, _et improbi turba
impia vici_. If, in the midst of these brilliant saturnalia, the _pares_
were to rise, and another Commune spring from the kennel to the day, how
many of the lords of the Philistines would be buried under the ruins of the
temple of Dagon? But to revert to Germany, or, rather, to her ruler.

Prince Bismarck, I apprehend, has lived too long. He begins to feel the
fickleness of fortune. He has never had any friends; he begins to be
burdensome to his associates. I don't know whether he could have managed a
Parliament elected after the actual method on the Continent; I am certain
that he did not, and never was able to, uphold a consistent and honourable
system whatever. He is no financier, no economist; and as he does always
act upon the interests of the present hour, without regard to past
engagements, he can have with him but those who superstitiously deem him
a prophet, or those who choose to _servir à tout prix_. He is rude,
suspicious, and vindictive. The only great minister with whom he can be
compared, Richelieu, was at least frank and open towards friend and foe.
Bismarck has never negotiated with any man, nor charged any man with an
important measure, without becoming their ruin, or changed them into
implacable enemies--Savigny, Usedom, Arnim, Gortschakoff. The good genius
of his country has protected Moltke against his insidious praises and
bitter censures. It is easy to prove that, during the late war, all the
good advice given to the King came from Moltke; all hurried, or lame, or
improvident, or perfidiously cruel measures came from the Chancellor. Why
did he leave half of the forts round Paris in the power, not of our
army, but of the armed rabble, to which he left the possession of 1,500
field-pieces and 300,000 guns, while he disarmed the regulars to the last
man? To his calculations we owe the Commune; posterity will hold him
responsible for that incalculable calamity, which it was at every hour in
his power to avert, or to crush instantly. Presently his tenure of office
is very precarious. The Emperor is eighty-two, and has never liked
Bismarck; he has given recently some signs that he feels galled by the
chain. The Crown Prince may make use of him, and sacrify his personal
feelings to the advantage not to upset suddenly the system of government;
but, under Friedrich Wilhelm V., it is more than probable that Bismarck
shall have to choose between retire or obey. Even in the present
occurrence, considering that France is wholly taken up with her internal
dissensions, which are not likely to become soon better, and that Russia
has need of time for recruiting her exhausted resources, it was certainly
not sound policy to blow the trumpet of a coalition which was, presently,
dreamed of by nobody, and shall, in the future, result from the necessity
of things.

The article upon the Code of Criminal Law is an excellent treatise of
_Criminalison_; we, too, want a _refonte_ of our criminal law. What is
called civilisation has gorged our society with an infinity of malpractices
unknown to our ruder but better fathers; and we suffer from the bane of
modern civilisation, that idiot charity towards the refuse of mankind,
coupled to a perfect indifference for the honest people they assail or
bring to ruin. To that endemic disease of the mind no penal statute can
afford a remedy. MacMahon was as weak as a school-girl on such occasions;
Grévy is scarce better; at least he does not call weakness Christian
charity.

'The Impressions of Theophrastus Such' are little intelligible to me,
merely because I have read so few books of the authoress. Doudan [Footnote:
Ximenes Doudan (1800-72) was in early life a tutor in the family of the
Due de Broglie, and remained attached to him. His critical judgement and
sparkling conversation made him a special feature of the Duchess's _salon_.
He was well known in literary society, and was compared by Reeve (_Ed.
Rev._, July 1878) with John Allen of Holland House. Like Allen, his
reputation was based almost entirely on his conversation and encyclopaedic
knowledge. After his death, his few essays and numerous letters were
collected and edited by the Comte d'Haussonville, under the title of
_Mélanges et Lettres_(4 tomn. 8vo. 1876).] wrote that he could never be
quite unhappy while he had _des romans anglais à lire_; I confess that,
when they are not first-rate, they seem to me to belong rather to the
department of industry than to that of literature. The article upon the
civil engineers of Britain is an admirable compilation of much that's
useful to know and easy to understand; the magnificence of the _tableau_
strikes the fancy and weighs upon the mind. But, after all, is humanity
become grander, or better, or happier by so many performances of the
inquisitive and constructive genius? _That's the question_. With trembling
hope I'll answer Yes! Life is less dark, a little longer, and better
provided against the material plagues of nature: but farther?

I am pent up with a severe cold, and losing the last day of a capricious
autumn. Mme. d'Affry has promised me a visit.

What of the parliamentary strife between Disraeli and his rivals? At least,
it is _Diomedes cum Glauco_, statesman pitched against statesman. But in
our camp: _non melius compositus cum Bitho Bacchius_. Yours truly,

A. C.

The letter that follows is endorsed by Reeve 'M. de Circourt's last letter
to me. He was struck with apoplexy on the 15th, and died on the 17th of
November. The last token of fifty years' friendship':--

_From the Comte de Circourt_

La Celle, November 12th.

My dear Sir,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 6th. I am still an
invalid, _conjuguant_ in all its tenses the verb _grippe_, with its
near relation bronchitis. However, I am recovering by-and-by, and the
weather--not fine, still very mild--helps me towards recovering my liberty
of locomotion. I am the more sorry for my _réclusion_ that I had begun some
plantations in my garden. Fancy what it is to plant trees by half-dozens
and to buy land by wheelbarrows!

We are in a state of partial fermentation and general disgust. The
President _videt meliora probatque, deteriora sequitur_; he is absolutely
sunken in the opinions, but tolerated, because he lets every party at
freedom to plot and to hope. Waddington does not fare better, but Jules
Simon has presently no chance of replacing him. The sympathy which Ferry
has proclaimed for the Reformed Church [Footnote: See _Times_, November
8th.]--very natural in itself--may be mischievous for them; our nation has
never any sympathy for minorities. The leaders of the Clerical party have
lowered their teaching and their practices to the level of the most obtuse
intellects and the most childish enthusiasms; they make conquests by
myriads; and as, in our present state of society, numbers are accounted for
everything, the Government and ruling party have already encountered, and
shall encounter more and more, a formidable opposition, which, if it
does not drag the country into civil war, cannot fail to accelerate and
precipitate the fate of the Republican Government. As the Duc d'Aumale
seems resolved never to put himself forward, the conjectures hover between
Galliffet [Footnote: General de Galliffet was more especially known for the
stern justice he had meted out to the Communards of 1871.] and several
others, all men of action, although none of them has the prestige which
made, in 1799, the task of Bonaparte so wonderfully easy. The 'Great
Unknown' will be revealed to us by some sudden stroke; our people is
perfectly disposed to acknowledge a master, and prays only that 'nous ayons
un bon tyran,' since we must have one.

Lord Beaconsfield's speech [Footnote: At the Mansion House on the 10th. See
_Times_, November 11th.] shall not put an end to the embarrassments of
our Exchange, shaken to its foundations by the curiously tragical episode
[Footnote: 'Gigantic swindle' would more correctly designate it. See
_Times_, November 7th. Philippart, having made away with some 100,000,000
francs, had judiciously vanished.] of Philippart. _Imperium et Libertas_,
i.e. 'Domination abroad and Freedom at home,' is a proud legacy of 'the
most high and palmy days of Rome'; but it will be difficult to force the
submission to that maxim upon all the powers of the world. If the Turks had
studied the history of classical times, they would believe that the days of
_Civis Romanus sum_ and the _Reges clientes Populi Romani_ are come again
for the East; and what immense space does this name design, since the
exclusive and dominating influence claimed by the Premier begins at the
Adriatic and ends--nowhere; for the whole of Affghanistan being brought
under British control, and Turkish Asia on the other side being claimed as
a protected and indirectly governed country, it will become necessary
that the intermediate region, Persia, be assimilated to the rest of the
dependencies of an Empire which, at the farthest end, shall soon be
contiguous to China.

The task of the Russian people is very different. The stern decrees of
Providence have made of it the antagonist and hereditary foe of the Asiatic
barbarics, which it has faced under the walls of Kief and Moscow, and
pressed, by dint of repeated battles and immense sacrifices, to the foot
of the Himalaya range and the course of the Upper Oxus. Sooner or later, a
tremendous shock must happen between the two gigantic Empires which meet
upon that debateable ground. I hope I may never witness it; but I do
regret much the disparition of the ample neutral ground, which till lately
stretched from the Indus to the Yaxartes....

Many wishes for your health and occupations.

Yours very truly,

A. CIRCOURT.

The Journal gives the chronicle of the last weeks of the year:--

_November 22nd_.--Visit to Chatsworth. Delane died. _23rd_.--Chatsworth.
Long talk with Lord Hartington.

_29th_.--Delane's funeral at Easthampstead. Went down with Barlow and
Stebbing; then across by Woking to Lithe Hill (Haslemere); very cold.

At Christmas severe illness came on--gout and violent bleeding of the nose.
I was totally laid up for two months.

The year had been a sad one, and had marked its progress by the death of
many of Reeve's dearest and oldest friends--Lady Blackett (to whom he had
always been tenderly attached), Longman, Circourt, and Delane.




CHAPTER XX

OUTRAGE AND DISLOYALTY


The very serious illness which ushered in the year 1880, and which confined
Reeve to his room till near the end of January, formed a very important era
in his life. Though it passed away, so that, after a fortnight at Brighton,
he was able, by the middle of February, to attend to his official duties at
the Council Office, the bad effects remained. He was no longer a young man,
but he had carried his years well. He had travelled, he had occasionally
shot, and always with a keen sense of enjoyment. Now, the full weight of
his age told at once. His illness left him ten years older; unable to
undergo the fatigue of field sports, and feeling that of travel sometimes
irksome.

And Foxholes afforded him a tempting excuse. From this time, instead of
going for his holiday to Scotland, to France, or to Geneva, it seemed so
much easier to go to Foxholes, so much more comfortable to spend it there.
And for the next fifteen years a large part of his time was passed at
Foxholes, where, in the most delightful climate known in this country,
surrounded by beautiful scenery and with a commanding view of the sea,
amid the comforts of home and in the company of his books and his chosen
friends, he could say, from both the material and moral point of view:

  Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis,
  E terra magnum alterius spectare laborem.

Of course, his duties at the Council Office required him to be in town
during the season and while the Court was sitting; and in the April of this
year he noted a breakfast at Lord Houghton's, to meet Renan, and presiding
as a Vice-President at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries. Otherwise
the Journal is almost a blank, containing little beyond the dates of going
to Foxholes or returning to town.

But though thus in a measure withdrawing from the swirl of society in which
so much of his life had been passed, he in no sense lost touch with the
movements of the day, and in none of these did he take a more lively
interest than in those which affected the state of France. And that seemed
particularly unsettled. No one could attempt a forecast of the future,
though wild guessing was easy. Nothing was certain; everything was
possible. Hope was guided rather by fancy than by reason, and tinted the
years to come in brighter colours than--now that those years have passed
--history has warranted. For many years back the French Princes had been
Reeve's occasional correspondents, but their letters had seldom had any
political significance. At this time they began to have a more serious
importance; and during the next six years those of the Comte de Paris, more
especially, are full of deep and pregnant meaning. In England, the topics
of the day were the dissolution in March, Mr. Gladstone's Mid-Lothian
campaign, which will live in history as an instance of the noxious
admixture of sentiment and politics, and the overwhelming success of the
Liberal party at the polls, which brought Mr. Gladstone back to office, at
the head of an absolute majority in the House of Commons of 56. Reeve, of
course, followed the progress of the election with anxious eyes. To Mr. T.
Norton Longman he wrote:--

_Foxholes, April 2nd_.--The Liberal gain on the Elections is far more than
I anticipated, and I begin to hope there may be a decided Liberal majority.
What I most deprecate is an even balance of parties. If the Liberals are
strong, they will be moderate; if weak, they will be violent.

It is raining heavily to-day--rather damp for the electors, but a capital
thing for the country and for my shrubs.

The further course of the election brought him the following letters from
the Comte de Paris:--

_Château d'Eu, le 12 avril_.--Je vous remercie de tout mon coeur des voeux
que vous m'adressez à l'occasion de la naissance de mon fils, et je suis
heureux de pouvoir vous donner les meilleures nouvelles de la mère et de
l'enfant.

Je suis bien peiné d'apprendre que vous avez été si longtemps souffrant cet
hiver. La rigueur de la saison peut bien en avoir été la cause, et j'espère
que l'été achèvera de vous remettre. Nous serions heureux, la Comtesse de
Paris et moi, si durant cet été vous pouviez, avec Madame et Mademoiselle
Reeve, renouveler la visite que vous nous avez faite au château d'Eu il y a
trois ans. Depuis lors la maison a été toujours en deuil; l'événement qui
vient de s'accomplir ici nous permet, j'aime à le croire, une année plus
heureuse.

The result of the elections in England has caused great surprise in France.
Nothing led us to expect such a complete change in the opinion of the
electorate. When I saw Mr. Gladstone a few months since, he did not seem at
all confident of his party's speedy return to power. A year or two ago I
should have greatly regretted the fall of Lord Beaconsfield; but my
opinion is entirely changed since Lord Salisbury's speech in honour of the
Austro-German alliance. Lord Beaconsfield's term of power has had the one
good result of obliging the Government which succeeds him to pay more and
closer attention to Continental politics than the English Cabinet did in
1870 and 1871. But for some time back the Russophobia of the Foreign Office
and its agents has been so great that it looked as if England was going to
give up the idea of preserving the equilibrium of the Continent, and become
the accomplice or the dupe of those who played on this passion.

_20 avril_.--Je m'empresse de vous remercier de votre lettre et de vous
dire tout le plaisir que la Comtesse de Paris et moi nous aurons à vous
voir ici avec Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve. Malheureusement les trois
dernières semaines d'août sont le seul moment où je ne serai pas ici, et si
vous venez un peu plus tôt en France je vous prierais de commencer par le
château d'Eu.... I have read the article on M'Clellan by Mr. Curtis, in the
last number of the 'North American Review.' It did not teach me much, for I
have often talked it all over with M'Clellan, in his visits to Europe. But
the article is good, and all the facts alleged are perfectly true. Lincoln
was very weak in this business, the tool--without knowing it--of Stanton
and Halleck. The author sometimes closes his eyes to M'Clellan's faults,
which, though they do not excuse Lincoln, impartiality will not permit us
to ignore. M'Clellan was an excellent organiser and a skilful general, but
he made blunders; he could not take a decided resolution at the proper
time, and it is not correct to say that he was considered a faultless
general: he was loved, appreciated, and respected by all, and justly
considered as the best chief of the Federal armies, when Grant, Sherman,
and Thomas were as yet little known. Personally, he was, at times, very
indiscreet: he permitted those about him to speak of the President in
insulting terms, and he wrote the letter quoted by Mr. Curtis. An extremely
silly thing, for it could not possibly do any good, and it was easy to
see that his enemies would use it against him. With these exceptions, I
entirely share the views of the author of the article.

We await the formation of your new ministry with curiosity. I agree with
you that it is better that Gladstone should be its recognised head than its
unofficial and irresponsible leader. I hope the experience of 1871, and the
verdict of the electors in 1874, have opened his eyes to the dangers of a
_far niente_ policy, as practised by the Foreign Office during his last
administration.

_27 avril_.--Je vous remercie infiniment de votre lettre du 21 et je me
réjouis bien de penser que nous aurons probablement votre visite ici au
mois de juillet. Je vous remercie de l'intention que vous m'exprimez
d'arranger vos projets de manière à pouvoir venir en France à cette époque.

I see Mr. Gladstone has not been afraid of the fatigue you thought would
be too much for him. I quite understand that after his disaster in 1874 he
should insist on a material proof of his wondrous political rehabilitation.
But it seems to me that he ought not to have combined the Exchequer with
the leadership--unless, indeed, his friends wanted to handicap him by
allowing him to take upon his strong shoulders a burden which is usually
divided between two ministers. I am not surprised at this change, so
complete, so striking to one who thinks of the time when Mr. Gladstone,
almost disavowed by the party he had so imprudently led to defeat, could
hardly find a constituency to open the doors of the House to him. It is
a spectacle presented by all free countries, a salutary warning to the
victors of the day, and a consolation to the vanquished, to whom hope is
always left. But what does astound me is that the change should not have
been foreseen. It is rather a severe democratic shock to the parliamentary
machine. Is it the effect of the lowering of the franchise, or of the
secret ballot? I do not know. But does not the astonishment of the leaders
of the victorious party prove that their followers are escaping from their
control? And if so, where and to whom will they go? However, I am confident
that the practical spirit which has hitherto inspired all classes of the
English people, as they have been successively called upon to take
their part in the government--from the old nobility to the petty
shopkeepers--will not be found wanting in the new electoral body,
constituted by the last reform.

_4 juin_.--Si, comme je l'espère bien, vous pouvez réaliser la bonne
promesse que vous m'avez faite de venir ici avec Madame et Mademoiselle
Reeve dans la seconde moitié de juillet, je serais heureux de vous voir
fixer votre visite aux environs du 22: en effet, nous attendons ce jour-là
ou le suivant quelques personnes qui vous intéresseront certainement et qui
seront charmées de vous rencontrer: le Comte et la Comtesse d'Eu, le Duc et
la Duchesse d'Audiffret-Pasquier, M. et Madame de Rainneville (Rainnevillea
formosa, d'après votre botanique spéciale).

_19 juillet_.--Je m'empresse de vous remercier de votre lettre, et de vous
dire que je vous enverrai jeudi, à Dieppe, une voiture pour vous chercher à
l'Hôtel de la Plage à deux heures après midi, à moins d'avis contraire.

Toutefois je dois vous prévenir que M. Alexandre Dumas, qui habite près de
Dieppe, et auquel j'avais demandé de venir déjeuner ici l'un de ces jours,
en lui laissant le choix du jour, m'annonce qu'il viendra déjeuner au
château le jeudi 22. Le déjeuner est à onze heures et demie. Si vous
désiriez le rencontrer il faudrait que vous partiez le matin de Dieppe.
Dans ce cas, sur un avis de vous, je vous enverrais la voiture à neuf
heures du matin, au lieu de deux heures après midi.

So on July 21st, Reeve, with Mrs. Reeve, left London for Dieppe, whence
they went on to the Château d'Eu. On the 26th they went on, through St.
Quentin, Namur, and Liège, to Aix, where, for the next fortnight, Reeve
drank waters and took baths. They then returned through Brussels and
London, reaching Foxholes on August 14th.

And there they stayed for nearly three months, during which time, beyond
noting a few visits or visitors, the Journal is a blank. On November 6th
they returned to London.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_C. O., November 26th_.--I have not for a long time read a book so
fascinating to me as these Reminiscences of Carlyle; for though he calls
them reminiscences of Irving &c., they are, in fact, essentially an
autobiography. It is impossible to present the details of life with more
attractive clearness and picturesque effect. The most curious thing is
that the style, instead of being a mass of cloudy affectation, is simple,
flowing, and natural. To me, especially, all this is most captivating. The
account of Mrs. Montagu, Coleridge, the Bullers, the Stracheys, &c. revives
a thousand recollections. It was through the Bullers that we first knew
Carlyle, and I suppose in due time he will relate his intimacy with the
Austins and Sterlings in the same manner.

It is right to say that there are many persons still alive who will not be
pleased at having their portraits drawn by so strong a hand--Mrs. Procter,
for instance.

Altogether, I think the book is eminently interesting and valuable, and
will have a very large circulation indeed. It is the sort of book everybody
likes to read, and in this case it is backed by names of great celebrity. I
will send the MS. back to you on Monday. What a wonderful thing it is
that Froude should have had the patience to copy all this out in his own
handwriting!

I dined last night with the Chancellor, and found both him and the Home
Secretary deep in 'Endymion.' Everybody abuses it more or less, but
everybody reads it, so the abuse does not go for much. Only Lady Stanley
(the dowager) declares she could not get through the first volume. Such is
the strength of party feeling.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

Chantilly, 2 décembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je me fais une fête de vous revoir. J'ai vendu
mon hôtel de Paris et n'ai pas encore pu y reconstituer d'établissement.
Mais Chantilly [Footnote: During the next few years, before he was again
exiled, the Duc d'Aumale restored Chantilly on a magnificent scale (see
_post_, pp. 319, 320), making it a repository for his splendid collection
of pictures, works of art, and library, which included many precious MSS.
By a will dated June 3,1884, he bequeathed the whole to the 'Institut de
France,' in trust for the nation.] est si près! Dès que vous pourrez,
donnez-moi votre adresse de Paris, et indiquez-moi quels jours vous serez
libre, afin que je puisse en choisir un et vous demander de venir à
Chantilly. Dites-moi aussi quels jours il vous serait agréable d'avoir ma
loge aux Français.

J'espère bien avoir lu 'Endymion' d'ici là. Je vous serre la main.

H. D'ORLÉANS.

Reeve was thus meditating a visit to Paris for Christmas, as soon as the
Court rose. Its session ended in the death of one of its most esteemed
members. Sir James Colvile, formerly Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
of Bengal, had a house in Rutland Gate, and a great intimacy had grown up
between the two. On Friday, December 3rd, he had dined with the Reeves, 'in
fair health and excellent spirits,' as Mrs. Reeve wrote a few days later.
'He, with Lady Colvile and his brother-in-law, Lord Blachford, sat on for
quite half an hour after the other guests left' On Saturday morning he went
down to the office with Reeve. On the Monday he was dead. Sir Lawrence
Peel,[Footnote: First cousin of Sir Robert Peel (the statesman), formerly
Chief Justice of Calcutta, and since 1856 a member of the Judicial
Committee. He died in 1884, in his 85th year.] one of his colleagues in the
Judicial Committee, himself now old and feeble, wrote, apparently the same
day:--

My dear Reeve,--A blow terrible indeed to all of us, to me most terrible. A
man so close to death as I think myself feels more deeply the awe a sudden
death causes. I know not the man to whom a sudden death could come and find
more well prepared than he was. I thank you for your kind forethought. Say
for me to his late colleagues that I feel his loss to them and to all of
us irreparable. That he should go first! Oh God, preserve me and bless you
all. Ever yours truly,

L. PEEL.

Could you say or write a line in season to Lady Colvile? They say I am
better.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Rutland Gate, December 7th_.--I have been and am horribly upset by the
sudden death of Sir James Colvile, which took place yesterday morning. He
was really my most intimate friend; for twenty-two years we have worked and
lived together, and to all of us the loss is irreparable,

_From Sir Lawrence Peel_

_December 11th_,--One word about your 'resignation.' 'Don't.' The weaker
the thing is, the more your value will be felt. Sir Montague [Footnote:
Sir Montague Smith, one of the paid members of the Judicial Committee. He
resigned the office on December 12th, 1881, and died, in his 82nd year, in
1891.] will go. He has as much as told me so, not very lately. It will be a
new Court, not the old P. C., nor can it have the character of the House of
Lords. It will have its entire way to make, and where is the stuff? It may
in time win approval; but it will be a child at first. Of course if things
are made unpleasant to you, Go; but my impression is the other way.

I think I do get better, but I am very bad. It [the death of Sir James
Colvile] was a terrible shock; and I lie and think, yet cannot throw it
off. To-day is the funeral. Alas! Alas! _Nulli flebilior quam mihi!_
When earth covers him, not a better man will be left on its face. _Tibi
constabat_. Ever the servant of Duty and of his God, and letting no man
note in him a sign that he thought himself better than the ruck.... God
bless you! Don't resign--wait.

On December 15th Reeve went to Paris alone. His Journal notes:--

_17th_.--Opera 'Aïda,' with the Comte de Paris and the Duc d'Aumale.

_18th_.--To the Français, with the Duc d'Aumale.

_19th_.--Breakfasted at Chantilly; went all over the Château, rebuilt.

_24th_.--Dined alone with Lord Lyons.

But a few letters written at this time to his wife give the best
description of his visit, and call more particular attention to what seems
to have been in great measure the cause of it--the paper to be read before
the Institute.

_Paris, December 21st_.--I dined yesterday with Laugel to meet the De
Witts, the young De Barantes and M. de Mérode. The Duc de Broglie came in
the evening. The eldest son of Cornélis de Witt is about to marry Mlle.
de Labruyère, a considerable heiress, dans l'Agénois. This is a capital
marriage for the family. To-morrow I am going to a lecture by M. Caro at
the Sorbonne. On Thursday there is the reception of M. Maxime du Camp (who
wrote about the Commune) by M. Caro at the Académie Française, when I
shall take my seat amongst the Forty Immortals. It will be interesting. On
Wednesday 29th I shall probably make an address to the Institute (simple
énoncé de faits) on the State of Landed Property in Ireland--a formidable
undertaking!

I think now that the Radicals will break up the Government and break their
own necks. I cannot conceive that the English people and Parliament will
condone such monstrous conduct. I therefore now hope that they will play
out their abominable game. Mr. Plunket's speech is admirable.

_December 23rd_.--I am just come back from the Institute, where there has
been a grand function--the reception of Maxime du Camp by M. Caro on behalf
of the Académie Française. All Paris was mad to go, and I believe they
expected the Communards would storm the sacred building. I sat aloft among
the Immortals, with the Duc de Broglie, Haussonville, Lesseps, Vieil
Castel, and next Alexandre Dumas, who was very pleasant. The Duc d'Aumale
was on the other side.

Yesterday we had a very pleasant dinner at the De Broglies'--Gavard,
Lambert de Ste.-Croix and Cornélis de Witt. They shot 1,250 pheasants
at Ferrières [Footnote: It was here that the celebrated meeting between
Bismarck and Jules Favre (cf. _ante_, pp. 186-7) took place, on September
19th, 1870.] (Baron Rothschild's) on Sunday. The Comte de Paris brought
down 300 himself.

I have written out my speech on Irish Land and read it to Gavard. It will
take about fifteen or twenty minutes in the delivery. I breakfast tomorrow
morning with St. Hilaire.

_December 27th_.--I went to the English Church in the Rue d'Aguesseau on
Christmas Day--full congregation and nice service--but saw nobody I knew.
Mme. Faucher's dinner was dull, but Passy and Leroy-Beaulieu were there,
and there was some good music after dinner. I called yesterday on Feuillet
de Conches and Mme. Mohl, each looking a thousand and older than the hills;
and I spent some time in the galleries of the Louvre with my old favourites
in their eternal youth. It is infinitely touching, when so much else is
gone, to look at those pictures which I myself remember for sixty years in
unchanging beauty. I perfectly remember the impression made on me when I
was seven years old by the picture of the Entry of Henry IV into Paris.

I have copied out my whole oration to be read on Wednesday, and, in
copying, enlarged it. It is chiefly taken from the Irish Land Pamphlet.

_December 30th_.--My discourse at the Institute went off very well. I was
told by the best French writer, Mignet, that it was well written, and by
the best French speaker, Jules Simon, that it was well delivered, which is
enough to satisfy a modest man. The MS. will be printed and published in
several forms. Léon Say sat by my side. There were about thirty people
present.

I went to the Due de Broglie's reception last night. Nothing can exceed the
dulness of French society--ten or twelve men sitting in a circle to discuss
miserable municipal politics; not another subject, or a book, or an idea
so much as mentioned. I am now going to breakfast with the Duc d'Aumale at
Laugel's.

Gladstone seems to think that everything must go right since he is in
power. It is a case of mental delusion, but I am curious to see how the
House of Commons will deal with him.

_December 31st_.--We had a very pleasant breakfast with the Duc d'Aumale at
Laugel's yesterday. He was most agreeable. He had a narrow escape on Monday
from a stag at bay, which pursued him with fury, killed a hound and wounded
a horse. He said, 'J'ai fui comme je n'ai jamais fui de ma vie.' The stags
they hunt are wild red deer. He asked me to go in the evening with him
to the Français to see 'Hernani,' which I did; glad to see the old piece
again, though I thought it not well acted.

I am now going to breakfast with St.-Hilaire.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Paris, December 29th_.--I am very anxious to learn what the bulk of the
Liberal party in England now think of the results of a Radical policy in
Ireland and elsewhere. Unhappily our friends, the Whigs, are to a certain
extent responsible for having assented to it, though reluctantly; but the
real author of this Irish policy is Mr. Bright. The consequences of it
appear so disastrous that I cannot conceive it will last. But we are on the
eve of stormy times.

The Journal continues:--

1881, _January 2nd_.--Returned to London in 8 1/2 hours.

The Club met in January as Parliament was sitting.

_14th_.--Dinner at home. Prince Lobanow,[Footnote: The Russian Ambassador.]
Acton, Burys, C. Villiers, Leckys.

_15th_.--Small dinner at Lord Derby's.

_18th_.--Tremendous snow-storm. 21st. Excessive cold.

_From Mr. E. Cheney_

_Audley Square, January 5th_.--I must apologise for having kept your
precious manuscript [Footnote: The _Greville Memoirs_, second part], so
long. The truth is, I left town for a month, and left the volumes carefully
locked up, and only finished them on my return. I have read them with the
deepest interest, and am truly obliged to you for having procured me so
much amusement. I think these volumes even surpassing the last in interest.

I see you have marked several passages for omission which I should retain.
I allude particularly to those relating to the French Revolution and the
conduct of the Orleans family. It is impossible that any relation of those
facts can be made so as to be agreeable to that family; and no omissions
could be made that would render the narration palatable to them. Besides,
these are Charles Greville's opinions, and not yours; and you are not
answerable for them.

His remarks on the state of Ireland and the conduct of the Government are
curious, as being exactly those which people are making at this moment.
Gladstone's policy is exactly that of Lord John Russell; but the urgency of
action is now still greater, and the outrages committed still more heinous.
Gladstone may apply the words of the poet to himself--'In not forbidding,
you command the crime.' Also the Duke of Wellington's opinions on army
reform are applicable to the present moment, when such determined attacks
are made upon its efficiency. The Duke said, 'We had a damned good army,
and they are trying to make it a damned bad one.' Our present patriotic
Government, he might say, 'are trying to make it a damned deal worse.'

What would be personally offensive to the Queen should be omitted; but as
to his criticisms on public men and their measures, I cannot see why they
should be suppressed. The daily newspapers all over England are free to
make what comments they please, and I cannot see that a well-informed
individual is not entitled to the same privilege.

His account of his quarrel with Lord G. Bentinck should in justice to him
be printed; Lord G. told his own story, and Greville has every right to
give his version of it. He certainly intended it, for he read me that part
of his journal. The name of the Duchess of ------ should of course be left
in blank, but, with this exception, I think the whole might be printed.
There is no private scandal, and public men and their friends should not
be thin-skinned, and must learn to bear adverse criticism. The affectation
of calling Lord Russell 'John' and 'Johnny' is offensive and tiresome;
also, by omitting persons' titles there is frequently some ambiguity--
'Grey' may mean Sir George or the Earl, and the context does not always
make his meaning clear.

I think a few lines of preface from you explaining your motives for leaving
Greville to express his own views and opinions would quite clear you with
all reasonable people.

_From M. B. St. Hilaire_ [Footnote: At this time Ministre des Affaires
Etrangères.]

Paris: January 10.

Cher Monsieur Reeve,--I quite understand that the reticence of the Tories
is very wise. Office is not tempting, and it is prudent to leave it to
those who actually have it. But the situation is very precarious, as Mr.
Gladstone will no doubt soon learn. Meanwhile he has given me powerful
assistance by speaking of arbitration as he has done, supported by the
complete and unanimous assent of the English Cabinet. This may very likely
decide the Greeks and Turks to adopt more sensible notions. But the thing
is giving me a great deal of trouble...

I hope you may be able to pacify Ireland, but it will be very difficult.
Against such atrocious and persistent determination, force is almost as
unavailing as gentleness. If, as we may believe, that is what Cromwell met
with, we can understand the excesses into which the barbarity of his age
led him; but in two hundred and thirty years we have not gained much. Even
emigration has had no good effect. 'Tis a frightful sore; though during the
last forty years England has done wonders to cure it.

Much might be said on this subject. I see by the newspapers that you have
read before our Academy a most interesting paper on Property in Ireland. If
you should print it, I hope you will not forget me. Towards the end of this
month I will send you one of my latest works--to wit, a Yellow Book on
Greece. It will at least be curious.

Agréez, cher Monsieur Reeve, tous mes voeux de nouvel an pour vous et pour
tous ceux qui vous sont chers. Bonne santé.

Votre bien dévoué,

B. ST. HILAIRE.

_Paris, January 11th_.--I am greatly obliged for the account of your
interview with Musurus Pasha. If the key to this business is in our views
on the Conference of Berlin, the house is open, and we have nothing to do
but enter. I have written with my own hand three long despatches, showing
by a reference to Vattel that the Conference was nothing more than the
mediation promised by the XXIVth article of the Treaty of Berlin.
These despatches I have communicated in the first place to Athens and
Constantinople, and afterwards to all the foreign ambassadors here, as well
as to Essad Pasha and to Braïlas Arméni.

If there is one thing certain, it is that the Conference of Berlin neither
did nor could do anything but mediate; it merely gave advice; it did not
deliver judgement to be enforced. I am doing what I can to convince the
Greeks of this all-important fact, but hitherto without much success. I
have even gone farther, and have pointed out to them in these despatches
the limits within which arbitration will probably have to confine itself.
As I am only one out of six, I can do no more, and even this was perhaps
too much. The Porte and Greece cannot help knowing all this. The public
also will know it by the end of the present month, when I shall publish the
despatches in the yellow book which I am preparing, and which I will send
to you.

The state of Ireland appears to us here to be truly dreadful. We do not see
how such crimes can be tolerated.

_From Mr. E. Cheney_

_January 13th_.--I see no reason why this sequel [of the 'Greville
Memoirs'] should not be published whenever it is convenient, but of this
you only can be judge. There is very little private scandal, and that
little should of course be omitted.

The Queen should always be spared; but as to Lord J. Russell and Lord
Palmerston, they are public men, and their public conduct requires no
reserve in the discussion of it;--the Queen herself, in her own Journals,
speaks of them and of Gladstone in terms that prove how little reserve she
thought necessary. It is amazing to me that a man who lived so much in the
world [as Greville], and who had great curiosity and a taste for gossip,
should so carefully have avoided all scandal.

The criticism that was sometimes made on the former volumes reminds me
rather of the note on the quiz on Crabbe in the 'Rejected Addresses':--'The
author is well aware how ill it becomes his clerical profession to give any
pain, however slight, to any individual, however foolish or wicked.' Pain
must be given, and offence will be taken; but you will do what is right and
must be indifferent. I think these last volumes even more amusing than the
first, and the discussions about Ireland are of peculiar interest at this
moment--I am very glad that these precious volumes are again in your hands.
I felt quite uneasy whilst they were in mine.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Chateau d'Eu, le 2 février.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Nous ne pouvions douter, ma femme et moi, de la
part que vous et Madame Reeve prendriez au malheur si cruel et si inattendu
qui vient de nous frapper. Vous aviez vu ici le bel enfant que Dieu
nous avait envoyé il y a dix mois [Footnote: _Ante, p. 275_] et dont la
naissance nous avait causé une si grande joie. Il était si fort et si bien
portant que jusqu'à la veille de sa mort nous n'avions pas eu un instant
d'inquiétude. Vous comprenez done bien notre douleur. Je ne doute pas que
Mademoiselle votre fille ne s'y associe, car nous connaissons et nous
apprécions les sentiments dont vous nous avez donné, tons les trois, tant
de preuves.

Ma femme, qui depuis dix ans a perdu trois soeurs, deux frères, et deux
fils, est, comme vous le pensez, bien accablée; mais les enfants qui lui
restent l'obligeront heureusement à reprendre à la vie. Ne voulant plus
après notre malheur laisser derrière elle notre dernière fille, la petite
Isabelle, et ne pouvant l'emmener en Espagne dans cette rude saison, elle a
remis ce voyage à l'automne prochain, et s'est décidée à ne pas quitter le
château d'Eu, où l'hiver a été rude. Mais si nous avons eu le froid et la
neige, l'Andalousie n'a pas été épargnée par la tempête, et les inondations
y sont terribles.

Je termine en vous priant de croire aux sentiments bien sincères de
Votre affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

During the preceding autumn the state of Ireland had been exceptionally
bad. There were many who believed that the attempt was being made, by a
cold-blooded calculation, to work on the sentimental instincts of Mr.
Gladstone's character. The verb 'to boycott' had been introduced into the
English language; murders and agrarian outrages had been frequent; but
witnesses and juries were so terrorised, that prosecution was found to be
difficult and conviction impossible. In charging the grand jury at Galway
on December 10th, the judge had commented on the fact that, out of
698 criminal offences committed in Connaught during the four months,
thirty-nine only were for trial, no sufficient evidence as to the other
659 being obtainable. On November 2nd, fourteen members of the Land
League--including five members of Parliament--were arrested and committed
for trial on the charge of inciting to crime. The facts were matter of
public notoriety, but the jury refused to convict, and the prisoners were
discharged. The Government was compelled to act; and on January 24th Mr.
Forster moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better protection of
person and property in Ireland. After an unprecedented obstruction on the
part of the Irish members, and after a continuous sitting of forty-one
hours, the Speaker summarily closed the debate, and the bill, commonly
known as the Coercion Bill, passed the first reading on February 2nd. On
the 3rd, twenty-seven of the Irish members were suspended; and the bill,
having passed through the succeeding stages, finally became law on March
2nd.

       *       *       *       *       *

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, February 6th_.--I am happy in your approval, and permit me to add
that I am proud of it. I know the value and sincerity of your judgements.
You have a long experience of politics, and every reason not to be deceived
even by the most obscure complications. There was certainly an intrigue on
foot against the Cabinet, but I believe a stop has been put to it for some
time to come, and we shall now probably have all the trouble of the general
election, which will be very advantageous for the republic; but, from
a personal point of view, I am anything but charmed with the prospect,
finding myself chained up for several months. Nothing could be more
vexatious, though I put as good a face on it as I can.

We do not understand here how a political assembly can endure what your
Parliament has put up with. Thanks to Mr. Gladstone, the Speaker is now
armed with sufficient power, and I take for granted he will know how to
use it. But Ireland, terrible Ireland, is always there. If an insurrection
break out, it will be necessary to have recourse to repressive measures,
more or less similar to those of Cromwell. I do not believe that there
would be many in Europe to blame you. How can you do otherwise? Of their
own free will, the Irish sink to the level of brute beasts, which are to be
tamed only by force.

       *       *       *       *       *

The next letter, and many others following it, from M. Barthélemy
St.-Hilaire, refer to the action of France in regard to Tunis, as to which
there was a strong feeling in England both then and since. France, it may
be admitted, had grievances; whether she would have taken the steps she did
for their settlement if the English Government had been stronger in its
foreign policy may very well be doubted.

For many years, almost since the first establishment of the French in
Algeria, there had been differences between France and Tunis, over which
the French pretended a protectorate which neither Tunis nor Constantinople
would allow. There had been also many commercial difficulties--some
honest, some dishonest; but what led to the acute stage which these
difficulties and differences assumed in 1881 was the purchase, in 1880, by
the Société Marseillaise, for 100,000 £, of a large tract of land known as
the Enfida--subject, it had been stipulated, 'to the provisions of the
local law.' But the purchase was no sooner publicly declared than its
legality was disputed; a Maltese--therefore an English subject--named
Levy claiming that by the local law he had a right of pre-emption and was
prepared to buy. This right the French Government denied, and alleged that
the intending purchasers were really Italians--private or official--Levy
being only a man of straw put forward to strengthen their case by the
English name. Lord Granville, the then Foreign Secretary, instructed the
English Consul at Tunis that it was an affair of Tunis law, and that he was
not to interfere beyond seeing that the English subject got what the law
entitled him to. The French Government, however--of which M. St.-Hilaire
was the exponent--refused to be bound by Tunis law, and on May 1st landed
10,000 soldiers, and took military possession of Tunis, disclaiming all
idea of being at war with Tunis, but being obliged--they said--to defend
and maintain their just rights. They were neither going to annex Tunis nor
to rebuild Carthage.

       *       *       *       *       *

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, February 25th_.--I should be quite as deeply vexed as you if any
coolness should arise between England and France. I am doing everything in
my power to maintain and even strengthen the good relations. I am happy to
say we have a better understanding than ever in Egypt; but at Tunis matters
are not so favourable, and I fear that the English Cabinet has been too
hasty in taking under its protection a person who is but little deserving
of it. I hope to show this very plainly. The Marseilles Company which we
defend is quite _en règle_, in every respect, and what M. Levy is aiming at
against it is simply a forcible spoliation by means of an intrigue hatched
by the principal members of the Tunis Government, [Footnote: It is quite
possible that this was true, but it was merely an assertion based on the
one-sided declaration of the Marseilles Company and its agents.] with the
prime minister at their head. And whatever difference of opinion there may
be, Lord Granville, of his own accord, said to M. Challemel-Lacour that in
this there was no cause of quarrel between the two countries. That is my
opinion also, and I hope to bring the English Cabinet to it; but it is not
for us to sacrifice the Marseilles Company, by subjecting it to tribunals
whose hostile decision is known beforehand. The whole trouble has been
caused by the Italians, who have started and are prosecuting this intrigue,
at the very moment in which they are asking us for a loan of six hundred
and fifty millions.

The speech of M. Gambetta was eloquent, and above all dramatic, but not
convincing; and it is really very difficult to believe that he knew nothing
of the Thomassin mission till after it had failed. I have no knowledge of
what passed between M. de Freycinet and M. Gambetta; but it is certain that
for the last five months Gambetta has made no attempt to control me and my
policy. He affects to show his sympathy and approval whenever he meets me,
and notably so last Monday. At the same time, his newspapers attack me in
every way they can, whilst he, verbally, disavows them, as he did for M.
Proust and M. Reinach. This double game does not tell in Gambetta's favour;
he has lost much during the last two months, and if the _scrutin de liste_
is not passed, his influence will be greatly diminished. In short, he is
playing a very equivocal part, which is injurious both to himself and to
this republic. What saves him are attacks of the kind which M. de Broglie
ineffectually made yesterday in the Senate....

Of current and social events the Journal notes:--

_March 5th._--Visit to Battle Abbey. Duke and Duchess of Somerset there.
Ed. Stanhope, Arthur Balfour, H. Brougham, Lord Strathnairn.

_11th._--Dinner at home for General Roberts: but he had been ordered off to
the Transvaal.

_13th._--Emperor of Russia (Alexander II.) murdered.

_16th._--Tennyson gave an evening party in Eaton Square.

_April 7th._--To Foxholes. Cold: gouty. Lady Colvile came.

_20th._--My cousin, John Taylor, died.

_26th._--Lord Beaconsfield's funeral.

Of this last, he received the following account from Mr. T. Norton
Longman:--

_April 28th._--The sad ceremony I had the honour of attending the day
before yesterday will for ever live in the memory of all who were present.
Nothing could have been more simple in its character, nothing more striking
in its solemnity, and nothing more in strict accordance with his wishes.
I may well say I shall not forget so great an occasion, not only from the
fact that the ceremony was the burial of a great man, but from the very
select band of followers I had the privilege of joining. There were only
120 invitations sent out, and all these were not made use of. I travelled
down in a saloon carriage with Drs. Quain, Bruce, Lord Lytton, Lord
Alington, Count Münster, with all of whom I had very pleasant conversation.
Sir William Harcourt, Lord Rosebery, the Danish Minister, and another
ambassador were also in the carriage; so I had plenty of good company.
I had a little conversation with poor Lord Rowton, and thanked him for
thinking of me. 'Not at all,' he said; 'I am quite sure it would be _his_
wish that you should be here to-day.' This was, to say the least of it,
gratifying. The persons who appeared to be most touched were poor Bruce and
Lord Henry Lennox. On our return to the Manor about fifty of us went into
the drawing-room to hear the will read, and a very interesting document it
proved to be. It is perfectly clear Lord Beaconsfield contemplated a great
deal of publication. After the reading was finished and those present had
mostly left the room, I waited behind a little for the three Princes to
move first; and, much to my surprise, the Duke of Connaught turned round
and shook me by the hand. This little incident makes it all a peculiarly
interesting and eventful day. We all returned to town together (I mean the
Princes and the guests); and I think I may safely say that a train never
arrived at Paddington Station with a more distinguished company on board.

As I walked up from the church I could not help thinking that the last
time I walked up that hill I had poor Lord B. on my arm. The demand for
'Endymion' is very great, and in fact the demand for all his novels is
greater than we can meet. We are printing night and day to try and keep the
trade supplied.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, 27 avril_. Il y a bien des jours que je voulais vous écrire, et ce
long silence me faisait craindre que vous ne fussiez malade, comme vous
l'étiez en effet; mais je me disais aussi que les vacances de Pâques vous
ameneraient sans doute à Paris. J'espère que le printemps vous guérira
complètement de cet accès; et que vous serez délivré de ce mal si
douloureux, dès que la chaleur nous sera revenue. Ici, nous avons un temps
des plus maussades.

I have done everything in my power to keep clear of this Tunis business;
but the Khroumirs' affair has filled the cup to overflowing, and we are
obliged to resort to force. I shall finish the business off as quickly as
I can, and as we have no idea of annexation, all that we want is a treaty
with the Bey, giving a lasting guarantee for the security of our frontier
and our interests. I believe that even in Italy people are beginning to
understand or to admit the necessity which is pressing on us; but they will
owe us a grudge, and later on will resent it, if they can. For the present,
the loan of six hundred and fifty millions paralyses their wrath. We are
no more going to refound Carthage than Italy is going to re-establish the
Roman Empire.

The death of Lord Beaconsfield is a great blow for England. I have noticed,
not without some surprise, that I am of the same age as he was.

I have reason to believe that Lord Dufferin is quite of your opinion about
Russia, and thinks that the most truly sick man is not at Constantinople.
He may be right. Meanwhile the Conference will fail. I happen to know that
three of us will refuse--England, Italy, and France. Austria would like to
do the same.

People are speaking no more of the _scrutin de liste_ than if the question
did not exist. It was in fact altogether artificial; but the talk will
begin again with the meeting of the Chamber. The _scrutin d'arrondissement_
appears to gain ground. Its success is much to be desired; for if it is
rejected, we shall pretty quickly find ourselves in a critical position.

_May 16th_.--Your letter is gloomy indeed, and should your forebodings be
realised you may be sure that I should be as grieved as yourself. All my
life, and now as much as ever, I have looked upon the alliance of France
and England as infinitely desirable for both; and if I were so unfortunate
as to cause a breach between the two countries, it would be very much
against my will, and without my knowledge. Tunis cannot be a source of
discord between us, and I hope that public opinion, over-excited at
present, will return to a more calm and just appreciation of the case. We
have declared to Europe that we wish for no annexations or conquests, and
will attempt none; we have quite enough with the two million five hundred
thousand Mussulmans in Algeria; it would be madness to add fifteen or
sixteen hundred thousand more to them, and a hundred and fifty leagues
to our frontier. For Algeria thus extended we should require an army of
100,000 men, who would be much missed in case of any complication in
Europe. All that we want in Tunis is a power which will not be hostile to
us, and continually threaten our African possessions. We shall only occupy
Biserta and the other places as long as appears necessary; but we will not
make a port of it; for that, as Sir Charles Dilke has said, would involve a
cost of some 200 millions. I have just sent Lord Lyons a despatch upon that
special subject, which will appear in the next Blue Book.

Tunis will never belong to France; she does not want it; but should it
belong to Italy, who already owns Sicily, the passage to Malta might be
made difficult. I know that England has not much to fear from Italy; but
circumstances may change; and the gratitude she shows towards us now proves
how much she will have for other benefactors. I cannot understand how my
despatch of May 9th can have been interpreted as the announcement of our
taking possession. In form and intention it was quite the contrary. Our
actions will show that we only speak the truth. Neither can I admit that
even the conquest of Tunis can ever equal in importance the taking of
Constantinople by the Russians, which in my eyes will be the greatest event
of modern times, as the taking of it by the Turks in 1453 was an important
event in the fifteenth century.

As to the Treaty of Commerce, I am doing all in my power to facilitate
the negotiations. I suppose that public opinion in England is at present
principally occupied with this; and that, if it is satisfactorily arranged,
Tunis will very soon be forgotten. A thousand more interests are engaged
in the agreement on a specific tariff than could ever be involved in this
unfortunate Regency.

But I content myself with saying with the poet--_Di avertant omen_; and I
desire that England may be as well disposed towards us as we are towards
her.

_May 23rd_.--I knew of the correspondence between Lord Salisbury and Mr.
Waddington long ago. I should never have thought myself authorised to
publish it; but I will take it from the Blue Book and publish it in the
Yellow Book. It is quite allowable.

My declarations of our intentions in Tunis are the exact truth. Annexation
would be an act of folly. We have quite enough with three million
Mussulmans in Algeria without adding another two million in Tunis, and
another hundred and fifty leagues to the length of our frontier, which
already reaches from Nemours to La Calle. In doing good to the Regency we
are serving ourselves, and we only ask one thing in return--that it should
be as well disposed to us as we are towards it. But it is not easy to
establish the good terms which would be so profitable to all. England ought
to be very well pleased that both sides of the passage to Malta are not in
the hands of the same Power, which would be the case if Italy, who already
possesses Sicily, had possession of Tunis on the other side. Geography
demonstrates the fact. As to us, we wish to do nothing at Biserta. Our port
is necessarily at Algiers in the centre of our possessions.

Like you, I deplore the _scrutin de liste_. It will give rise to formidable
difficulties in the near future. I am an optimist by nature, but that
future seems to me very dark. I do all I can to prevent it by foretelling
it to everyone; but I only play the part of Cassandra. In the Council,
M. Ferry and myself were the only ones who supported the _scrutin
d'arrondissement_.

_July 9th_.--I did not think that the Tunis affair was concluded by the
treaty of May 12th; that is the first stage if you like; but it was rather
difficult. The difficulties which arise are very simple consequences; we
will put down rebellion, but this will not incite us to conquest, which
we do not want. The interests of the English, and those of other nations,
would not suffer by our preponderance; and unless all the advantages of
civilisation are ignored, it is certainly better to treat with the French
than with the Moors. Europe will soon see [Footnote: Europe has seen;
though not quite in the sense that St.-Hilaire wished to convey.] that our
promises are not vain, and that we have only good intentions towards Tunis.
We wish for nothing but the security of our great African colony.

The commercial negotiations have been transferred to Paris, at the request
of the English Cabinet, which had at first expressed a wish that they
should take place in London. This seems to me to imply the very opposite of
a rupture, which, for our part, I can answer for it, we ardently desire
to avoid. We only wish for an equitable treaty, and this I hope we shall
manage....

Est-ce qu'on ne vous verra pas durant les vacances? Mistress Ross est
passée par Paris il y a huit ou dix jours; elle est venue me voir un
instant; elle m'a paru très bien portante. Bonne santé et bien des amitiés.

_July 22nd_.--I assure you that should any rupture take place between
England and France, it will be very much in spite of all my efforts to
preserve harmony between two great nations. The English alliance is, in my
opinion, the right one for France; for many reasons, with which you are
as familiar as myself, it is the one which should take precedence of all
others. I do not by any means disdain other alliances, but the English is
the first, the most important, and, I may add, the most natural. It was
sincerely desired under Louis Philippe, in spite of a few passing clouds.
Under Napoleon III. they were, in reality, strongly inclined to break it,
notwithstanding the Crimean war. To-day we are anxious for an agreement
with England, if both sides will consent to reciprocal concessions.

I am deeply grieved--surprised too--at the death of Dean Stanley. Sixty-two
is too early to die, and nothing seemed to foretell his premature end. He
passed through Paris, scarcely two months ago, and came to see me at the
Ministère.

Like yourself, I should be happy to escape, but my chain is too short; and
whilst I am minister I shall not go the length of a day's journey away. We
must be at the command of circumstances, since they are not at ours, and
the shortest absence is enough to spoil many things. But I shall be happy
on the day when I can break my bonds, and return to philosophy.

_July 27th_.--I hope that my answer to the Duc de Broglie the day
before yesterday will convince England of the value I set upon our good
intelligence, and of the open honesty of French policy. I hope, too, that
my declarations may appease Italy and Turkey. I have done my best, and if I
do not succeed it will not be my fault.

Our treaty of commerce is my chief source of anxiety, and for my part I
am trying to avoid a rupture. But there are the resolutions of the two
Chambers which cripple the negotiators and above all our minister of
commerce. These are impassable limits to the best will. The negotiations
will doubtless begin again in Paris, in about a fortnight, but it is not
yet certain. The incident you point out is very curious, and England
becoming Protectionist, and England becoming Protectionist again under Mr.
Gladstone, would be an astonishing spectacle....

Je ne savais pas que l'île de Man fût 'le royaume des chats sans queue.'

The Journal meantime notes:--

_June 3rd_.--To Foxholes: beautiful weather; 13th, back to town. More
dinners.

_30th_.--To Drury Lane to see the German company act 'Julius Caesar.'

_July 2nd_.--Dinner at Walpole's to meet Archbishop Tait, Arthur Stanley,
Lord Coleridge, Lord Eustace Cecil.

_6th_.--Arthur Stanley's garden party at the Abbey. Lord Carnarvon's dinner
to the Antiquaries. [Footnote: Lord Carnarvon was president of the Society
of Antiquaries, of which Reeve was, at this time, a vice-president.]

_July 13th_.--Breakfast of Philobiblon at Lord Crawford's. Large garden
party at Holland House. Great heat.

_16th_.--To Foxholes and back. 18th, Arthur Stanley died.

_July 23rd_.--From London to Government House, Isle of Man, on a visit to
the Henry Lochs--eleven hours.

_25th_.--To Peel Castle with Loch and Coleridge; thence to Castletown.
27th, Ramsay.

_July 29th_.--To Barrow in Furness. Furness Abbey. [Thence to
Scotland--Ormiston, Novar, Perth, Abington, &c.]

_August 24th_.--Back at Foxholes.

_From Archbishop Tait_

August 16th.

My dear Reeve,--It seems to me that a most important service might be
done if a good article was published in the 'Edinburgh' on the pernicious
periodical literature which spreads low Radicalism and second-hand scraps
of infidelity amongst the labouring classes, both of town and country. My
friend Mr. Benham lately gave a lecture at Birmingham on the literature of
this or a kindred style, written for boys--'Police News' and the like. We
do little for the people if we only educate them to read and rejoice in
this trash. Ever yours,

A. C. CANTUAR.

The hint was not lost on Reeve, but it did not bear fruit till nearly six
years later. In January 1887 the 'Edinburgh Review' contained a strong
article on 'The Literature of the Streets,' in which the proposal was
definitely made for the issue of wholesome fiction and good works of good
writers, sensational and otherwise, in penny booklets. Eight or nine years
later the idea was taken up by at least two publishers; such penny books
are now issued by thousands, and, together with the countless number
of halfpenny and penny periodicals, do something to mitigate the evil
complained of by the Archbishop. The Journal notes:--

_September 9th_.--Picnic in New Forest with the Lochs and Clerkes. 30th,
steamed round the Isle of Wight.

_To Lord Derby_

_Foxholes, October 6th_.--I must express to you the very great pleasure
with which I have read your article [Footnote: 'Ireland and the Land Act,'
in the _Nineteenth Century_ for October. It does not attempt to argue the
question of Home Rule, but concludes with the pregnant words: 'My present
object will be sufficiently accomplished if I have indicated some of
the difficulties which lie before us, and explained why--at least in my
belief--it is premature to say, "Now we have settled our Irish troubles and
may deal in peace with questions that concern England."'] on the Irish Land
Act. It states in the most terse and telling language precisely the views
I have entertained for the last two years; and the conclusions it suggests
are even more striking than those it expresses. The ministers of England,
be they who they may, have a difficult task before them. The odd thing is
that our present ministers seem totally unconscious of the difficulty and
the dangers. I am told that they view the state of Ireland with great
complacency. It is astonishing how office blinds people's eyes.

We have lost two members of The Club--Lord Hatherley and alas! Arthur
Stanley. I hope you will be able to suggest somebody to replace them.

_From Lord Derby_

_October 8th_.--I am glad you liked the article in the 'Nineteenth
Century.' I do believe it comes near to an accurate statement of the facts
of the case--no one can hope for more than approximate accuracy in such
matters--and on that account I expected it to be equally disagreeable to
both sides. Its reception has been better than seemed probable. Gladstone
has spoken out his mind about Parnell, and quite right too; but I wish he
had not accused the unlucky loyalists in Ireland of being slack in their
own defence. He does not know, evidently, how much they are overmatched...

As to The Club. Two names have occurred to me--one, Browning the poet,
who is an excellent talker (I have heard him), and as unlike his books as
possible; the other, Sir John Lubbock. What do you say?

The opening sentence of the next letter, from Lord Derby, appears to refer
to an after-dinner speech made by Mr. Gladstone at Leeds, on the 7th, when
he had alternately complimented Mr. Dillon and denounced Mr. Parnell. The
latter part, the denunciation of Mr. Parnell and his faction, is unusually
straightforward, and might profitably be studied in connection with some of
Mr. Gladstone's later speeches.

_October 11th_.--I don't understand Gladstone's phrase any better than
you. Probably the explanation of it is that in Ireland it will be read as
meaning fresh concession, in England as meaning coercion. For anybody who
had leisure and disposition to take it up, I think a very interesting and
useful article for the 'Edinburgh Review' might be made out of the present
state of Irish literature and journalism. I do not believe the Irish lower
and middle classes ever read an English book or newspaper, and their native
literature is saturated throughout with the bitterest hatred to England and
all that belongs to our side the water. We do not in the least know here
the kind of mental food which is supplied to the amiable Celt. A good
analysis of it would throw more light on the very old subject of why they
hate us so.

Reeve adopted the suggestion, and the subject was discussed in an article
on 'Irish Discontent' in the next number of the 'Review.' Lord Derby goes
on:--

_October 15th_.--Since you wrote the Government has screwed up its courage
to act. I never knew any proceedings so universally approved as the arrest
of Parnell. [Footnote: Mr. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, Mr. Sexton, and the chief
officials of the League were arrested in Dublin on the 13th and lodged in
Kilmainham.] But we have not seen the end yet.

_October 21st_.--Many thanks for your letter, which is returned. I do
believe that it would be of use, as making intelligible the present state
of Irish feeling, to show to the English public (which is absolutely
ignorant on the subject) what the kind of instruction is that the Irish
peasant and farmer receives.

Another matter. What do you think of Matthew Arnold as a possible member
of The Club? He is a good fellow and his literary reputation is very
considerable. I think we could do with him if he would attend.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_November 22nd_.--You know how little value I set on my office; I only
accepted it from a sense of duty, and quit it to-day, not only without
regret but with great pleasure. I am glad to receive your congratulations
because you correctly estimate the person to whom they are addressed.

Like yourself, I am not without anxiety for the future. In placing matters
in the hands of M. Gambetta, I said all I possibly could on the affairs
of Europe and our relations with Germany; but I will not swear that more
attention will be paid to my advice than to that of many others.

The Journal has:--

_December 10th_.--To Timsbury; 13th to Foxholes. The Mintos were living at
Bournemouth. Lunched with them on the 31st.

1882, _January 1st_.--At Foxholes. Sir A. Lyall came.

_9th_.--Returned to London. A few dinners.

_From Mr. E. Cheney_

_Badger Hall, January 19th_.--I have been reading the political articles in
the last number of the 'Edinburgh' with great interest and pleasure. The
one on 'The Bonapartes,' though not strictly political, amused me much,
as at one time of my life I knew Hortense and Louis Bonaparte intimately.
Hortense was an agreeable woman, very French, but lively and full of
anecdote. She had been and was _très galante_, but with decency. When I
knew her at Rome she was near fifty, and though not handsome, had still the
appearance of once having been a desirable woman.... Her son was then with
her--a youth of my own age, with whom I was intimate without liking him. He
was cold, disagreeable, and full of pretension, silent and reserved in his
own family, and anxious for distinction, which no one seemed willing to
accord him. I believe--contrary to the usual opinion--that he was the
son of Louis Bonaparte; he was like him. He was short, not ill-made, but
ungraceful; his face was plain, his skin bad, complexion muddy; small pig's
eyes, a coarse nose and mouth, lank hair, with little expression, and what
he had far from good. Neither I, nor any that then knew him, thought him
at all clever. I remember he got into a ludicrous scrape by intruding,
in female attire, into the apartments of the mistress of the Spanish
ambassador, from whence he was kicked out with every circumstance of
ignominy.

When the disturbances broke out in the Papal States, he took a part in them
which was eminently unfitting, as he and his mother had found hospitality
in the States of the Church which they were refused in every other country.
I saw Hortense at night, just before her hurried departure from Rome, when
the news of her son's participation in the revolt at Ancona became public.
I had always been well treated by her, and had tasted her hospitality both
at Rome and at Arenenberg, and wished to show her sympathy and interest,
though I had nothing else in my power.... She received a passport from
Sir Hamilton Seymour and travelled through France. In Paris she had an
interview with Louis Philippe, who was kind to her. In the days of her
prosperity she had had an opportunity of showing kindness to the King's
mother. She showed me a letter from that princess, in which there were very
ardent expressions of gratitude for the service rendered to her. This she
told me she intended to show to L. Philippe as the certificate for her
claims on his protection. I saw her in London several times during her
stay; she returned to Switzerland, and I never saw her again.

Louis Bonaparte I only spoke to once afterwards. I happened to be at Cork
when he landed there from America. I was at the same inn, and I understood
he was in great distress for money. I asked to see him, and we met. I asked
him if he required any trifling service that I could render him, thinking
a five-pound note might take him to London. He thanked me, but said he was
supplied for the moment. He lived with the D'Orsay and Blessington set,
which I did not frequent. I did not call on him, and in Paris I never
afterwards made the slightest effort to renew my former acquaintance with
him....

I had intended saying something about the two other articles that relate
to home politics, but I have been already too prolix. I must tell you,
however, how much I like them. Whigs as well as Tories will soon cease to
be separate; the struggle will soon be between those who have _culottes_
and those who have not. We have got already to the Girondist ministry--a
party I hate particularly, in spite of their pretensions to virtue and
philosophy, or perhaps in consequence of it. There are some men of
birth and distinction who belong to the party; but the Levesons and the
Cavendishes may soon find themselves stranded like the Narbonnes and
Montmorencies amongst the Rolands and the Condorcets....

When are your new volumes to make their appearance? I long to have them as
though I had not already read them.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_Rutland Gate, January 20th_.--I am uncommonly glad to hear from you again,
and I have to thank you for a most interesting and amusing letter. My
acquaintance with Louis Napoleon began when yours left off, and I saw a
good deal of him in 1838 and 1839. He wanted me to translate his 'Idées
Napoléoniennes.' But when he became a great man I dropped his acquaintance.

I am glad you like my tirade. I suspect my Whig friends do not; for the
more one asserts Whig principles, the bitterer is the reflection on those
who desert and betray them. I do not believe that the majority of the
country or of the Liberal Party is Radical; but the danger is that a
violent minority always overpowers an inert majority. I care nothing at all
for any political persons, and but little for parties. It seems to me that
the right and the wrong of government lies in the principles that regulate
it, some of which are as certain as the truths of mathematics.

The 'Greville Memoirs' have rather slumbered of late, but I am gradually
screwing up my courage to begin printing, slowly.

We are very well, and spent our Christmas pleasantly in Hampshire, the
weather being delightful. London is dark and _un_delightful.

Then the Journal:--

_February 24th_.--Visit to the Markbys at Oxford. Vespers at New College.
Dined at All Souls.

_28th_.--The Club. I was in the Chair. Mr. Gladstone attended; Lord Derby,
Maine, Hewett, Tyndall, Coleridge. Matthew Arnold elected.

_March 23rd_.--Electrical Exhibition at Crystal Palace, with Dr. Mann.

_April 1st_.--To Foxholes. Very fine weather. No rain for three months.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, April 4th_.--I like the concluding pages by Froude in the
Carlyle book, but I am disappointed in Mrs. Carlyle's letters. They are
pleasant and cheery, but there are thousands of women who write as well.
As for Carlyle himself, he is _odious_--arrogance, vanity, self-conceit,
ingratitude to old friends--I never thought I should dislike him so much.
He seems to have looked at everything the wrong side outwards.

The Journal notes:--

_April 11th_.--Lunched with the Mintos. They drove me to Christchurch. Lady
Minto died on the 21st.

_29th_.--A great salt hurricane that singed the trees all over the country,
and also in France.

_May 5th_.--Saw Lord Frederick Cavendish before he started for Dublin. On
the 6th he was murdered.

_From the Duke of Argyll_

_May 8th_.--You ask a difficult question about politics. On the one hand, I
see no possibility of a Conservative Government being formed just now,
nor do I believe that a Liberal Government could be formed on purely Whig
lines. On the other hand, I have the deepest conviction of the mischievous
tendencies of Gladstone's leadership, and of the utter instability he is
imparting to all the fundamental principles of government as hitherto
understood in all civilised countries. I can only advise that the truth
in this matter should be spoken freely, in the hope that when Gladstone
disappears from the stage, there may be some return to sounder principles
of legislation. I do not wish to see a change of Government just now. The
Tories could not govern Ireland in its present condition; at least it would
be a dangerous experiment. Half the Liberal party, which now supports
coercion when it is forced on Gladstone, would undoubtedly oppose every
possible form of it if proposed by Tories. The deplorable disaster made
known to-day will have its effect. I hope it will force the Government
to give form and substance to an amended Coercion Act--strengthening the
ordinary law and widely extending the sphere of summary jurisdiction. If
this be done well and sufficiently, it will be better than the power
of arbitrary arrest. But before this event, I really feared that die
Government might do nothing of the kind.

The Journal mentions:--

_May 20th_.--At Foxholes, till June 13th. Bought rowing boat.

_June 20th_.--Great dinner at The Club to the Duc d'Aumale. Nineteen
present.

_21st_.--Great dinner at Archbishop Tait's at Lambeth. Forty-three people.
Evening service in Lambeth Chapel.

_22nd_.--Wagner's 'Meistersinger' at Drury Lane.

_From Sir Henry Taylor_ [Footnote: A very old friend of Reeve's. See
_ante_, vol. i. p. 91.]

Bournemouth, June 22nd.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--Thanks for telling me what splendours I missed at The Club
dinner. You ask what Dr. Johnson would have said if he had stepped in. As
it was his own Club, he would have been gracious; but it was not every
dinner that could please him. Do you remember his remark as he went
away with Boswell from a dinner at one of the colleges at Oxford? 'This
merriment amongst parsons is mighty offensive.'

I always remember the singularly representative character of the only
dinner I have had an opportunity of attending since I was elected.
Literature and Learning represented by yourself, Dr. Dictionary Smith,
Lecky and Lord Acton; the Church by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Dean
Stanley; political life by Lord Derby and Spencer Walpole; the Law by Lord
Romilly, and the Dukes by the Duke of Cleveland--and there was no one else.
It was very pleasant, and there were not too many for conversation in
common.

I always feel that, as I have not been in London for more than a day since
that dinner, and am not likely to be there again, it is hardly right to
occupy a place which might afford so much pleasure to some one else; but I
have said this before, and your answer was that no one ever retired from
The Club. As I am in my eighty-second year, I suppose it will not be long
[Footnote: He lived four years longer, dying in 1886.] before Providence
will place my seat at the disposal of some one who will turn it to more
account. Believe me, yours sincerely,

Henry Taylor.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, 22 juin.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'apprends par M. Gavard que vous avez
l'intention de venir en France vers le 20 juillet. Je m'empresse de vous
dire tout le plaisir que vous nous ferez, à la comtesse de Paris et à
moi, en commençant ce voyage par un séjour au Château d'Eu. Je regrette
seulement que vous ayez l'intention de l'entreprendre seul. J'ai fait ici,
il y a trois semaines, de fort belles pêches à la truite, qui m'ont fait
regretter que Mademoiselle Reeve ne fût pas ici. Vous trouverez chez nous
le Duc d'Audiffret Pasquier, que vous avez déjà vu ici, je crois, il y a
deux ans; et un général américain, qui a servi avec moi sous M'Clellan, M.
de Trobriand.

Je ne vous parle pas de la situation de nos deux pays en Orient: elle est
pénible, et il me semble que le dernier numéro du _Punch_ l'exprime avec
une vérité parfaite.

Veuillez offrir mes hommages à Madame Reeve et me croire votre affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

The Journal here notes:--

_July_.--The Egyptian Expedition was now resolved on. [Alexandria was
bombarded on the 11th: the Army Reserves were called out on the 25th.] Lord
Granville thought it would be finished before the end of August.

_16th_.--Crossed to Boulogne. Thence by Abbeville to Château d'Eu. Duc
d'Audiffret, St. Marc Girardin, Duchesse de Montpensier. 21st, drive in the
Great Park. Tréport. 24th, returned to London. 28th, to Foxholes: quiet
life.

_To Mr. E. Cheney_

_Foxholes, October 20th_.--I am glad the article on Shelley [Footnote:
'Shelley and Mary,' _Edinburgh Review_, October 1882.] has interested you.
The perusal of these private letters and correspondence has considerably
altered and raised my estimate of Shelley as a man. As to his poetry, it
produces on me exactly the effect of delicious music, which enchants the
ear even when you can't understand it. But these papers, which Lady Shelley
has had printed in order to secure their preservation, are a sealed book. I
believe she never can show them again to anyone--at least not at present.
The copy she lent me has been returned to her and I do not possess it.
Nobody else does. It is, therefore, impossible to ask her for a copy. I
undertook to compile an article--as I did for Lady Dorchester, on her
father--_omissis omittendis_. But that is all. I think the history of
Allegra is in great part new, and one of the difficulties in this matter is
the connexion existing between these papers and the papers of Lord Byron,
which are unpublished.

Are you going to stay in London? I hope so. I shall return to town on
November 6, and should be very glad to find you there.

And the Journal accordingly has:--

_November 6th_.--Returned to London.

_18th_.--The troops came back from Egypt.

_December 3rd_.--Archbishop of Canterbury (Tait) died.

_4th_.--The Law Courts opened.

_16th_.--To Foxholes till the end of the year. Gambetta died just as the
year expired.

_To Lord Derby_

_Foxholes, December 23rd_.--The Club has lost one of its most respected
members in the Archbishop, and all parties seem now to feel how great
and wise a man he was. Huxley would be rather an odd successor to an
archbishop; but I am inclined to think that he ought to be one of our next
additions.

I am a very old and fervent supporter of the Anglo-French alliance, but in
the present state of France I doubt whether anything is to be gained by
making sacrifices to her pretensions. In justice to other States, such as
Italy and Austria, I see no reason for conceding to France any exceptional
position in Egypt, and I think all countries should be treated with equal
justice and liberality. It is probable that a firm though friendly attitude
towards the French will answer best for them and for us. Their expeditions
to Congo, Tonkin, and Madagascar will do more harm to themselves than to
anyone else; but they prove the weakness of the present French Government.

_From Lord Derby_

_Knowsley, December 25th_.--I agree in what you say about France, if you
mean that the dual control is dead and cannot be revived; nor ought it, if
it could. Other nations may fairly claim a voice in Egyptian affairs. What
I lay stress upon is that we should make it clear that we are not going to
take Egypt for ourselves; which nearly all foreigners suppose to be our
intention, and give us credit for disguising it so well.

It is odd that the French are doing badly. The country is fairly
prosperous, there is no war of classes, no apparent revolutionary feeling,
yet distrust and doubt as to the future seem universal. It almost looks
as if revolutions had driven the better sort of men out of public life. I
cannot believe that their colonial craze will last long. There is, in all
Europe, no country to which colonies are so entirely useless; for the
French never emigrate and seldom even travel; and to send conscripts to
tropical settlements cannot be popular with the peasantry.

As to The Club--I am quite in favour of Huxley's admission; but have we
only one vacancy? Would not any possible opposition to him be disarmed, if
he were brought in, not singly, but as one of two or three? We must talk
over candidates when we meet.... Poor old Owen cannot, in the course of
nature, last long. [Footnote: He lived, however, for another ten years,
dying at the age of eighty-eight in 1892.] Huxley would be his natural
heir; more than the Archbishop's.

_To Lord Derby_

_Foxholes, December 27th_.--To return to what you say of France. Do you not
think that a democratic republic, in which every citizen is striving to get
all he can for his vote at the expense of the State, necessarily becomes
the most rapacious and corrupt form of government? It is this which has
raised the budgets of France for 1883 to 122 millions sterling; and if you
add the communal expense, to 154 millions. It is this which compels them
to persist in a reckless expenditure, and to invent new modes of spending
money and creating places by absurd expeditions abroad. The system there,
as you say, drives every man of honour and honesty out of political life,
and substitutes for them adventurers and idiots. The evil will become more
intolerable still, and there will come another revolution, probably
at first violent in form and ultimately put down by force. This is a
melancholy forecast, but it is that of all the persons in France whose
judgement is of value.

As to The Club--we had better not propose Huxley while Owen is amongst us.
But we have several octogenarians--Overstone, Henry Taylor; and as for the
lower grade of septuagenarians, they are numerous; but I will say nothing
of them, as I shall shortly join that body. Altogether The Club presents
a respectable array of years, and tends to longevity. I should like an
engineer, if we could catch an agreeable one. What would you say to Sir
Henry Loch? Few men have seen more of the world--in India, China, the
Crimea, down to the Isle of Man; and I think him vastly agreeable. However,
we can talk this over when we meet.




CHAPTER XXI

THE FRENCH ROYALISTS


Many others besides Lord Derby were at this time speculating on the chances
of one more revolution in France. The state of public opinion seemed to
point to a coming weariness of the corruption incidental to a republic, and
a desire for the restoration of the monarchy. Since the obstinate refusal
of the Comte de Chambord, in 1873, to accept the change from the _drapeau
blanc_ of the Bourbon dynasty to the flaunting _tricolor_ which savoured of
democracy, monarchy had seemed impossible. But the Comte de Chambord was
known to be in feeble health, and he had no children. If he should die, the
fusion of the antagonistic parties was possible, was indeed probable; and
it was generally understood that the Comte de Paris was singularly free
from the prejudices which had rendered impossible a restoration in the
person of his cousin. He was, indeed, not ambitious, and he was wealthy.
The two ordinary motives of conspirators were wanting; but he loved France
by force of sympathy and education, and he honestly believed that a
restoration would be the best thing for his country. As a matter of love
and duty he felt bound to work in order to bring about this most desirable
of changes.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Chateau d'Eu, le 2 janvier 1883.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je suis bien touché de la bonne pensée que vous
avez eue de m'écrire à l'occasion de la nouvelle année. Je vous remercie
de tous vos bons voeux, et je vous prie de recevoir ici l'assurance de
ceux que je forme pour vous et pour les vôtres.

I am greatly obliged by your remarks on the future of France. This is
indeed dark; and, as you so well express it, the sterility of democracy and
the impotence of the institutions based on it are most striking. They are
especially so here. This dearth, this void, of which you speak increases
from day to day. The men of note who were formed under a different rule,
and who came to the front under special circumstances, are dying off and
are not replaced. It is only a few days since one, [Footnote: Gambetta,
died December 31st, 1882.] the most able we have had since the death of M.
Thiers, has been carried off by an obscure--a mysterious--illness. Of those
left, there is no one who can take his place. In some respects he was a
truly remarkable man. He, and he alone, was known from one end of France
to the other; he, and none but he, could even for one day have united the
blind and jealous forces of democracy; he alone could give the republicans
the organisation and appearance of a party, but owing to the violence of
his temperament he could never have held the reins of government. He would
have been exceedingly dangerous in the department of foreign affairs, which
would have been his choice. He would, indeed, have brought to it a most
honourable sentiment of the dignity of France, but he had neither prudence
nor experience. There were in Europe some who counted on him; others who
feared him; every one, I think, exaggerated what he would have done or
tried to do.

I regret extremely the difficulties which are rising between France and
England about Egypt, and I confess I do not understand the attitude of our
Government. The temper of France towards England resembles that of a man
who has been offered an equal share in a profitable adventure, who has
refused to accept the risk, and who is now vexed at the success of his
neighbour. But no Government worthy of the name will allow itself to be
influenced by such feelings, or is unable to adapt itself to the changes
which circumstances may give rise to. And besides, so little attention is
paid in France to foreign politics that the Government may do whatever it
likes, provided that does not lead to war--under any form or against any
enemy....

J'ai bien regretté de ne pas pouvoir rencontrer Mlle. Reeve à Paris.
Veuillez lui dire que si elle veut prendre quelques truites, elle devrait
venir ici du 28 ou 29 mai au 5 ou 6 pin. C'est la date exacte de l'éclosion
du May-fly, et à ce moment-là nous faisons vraiment de très belles pêches.
En attendant nous partons pour Cannes la semaine prochaine. J'espère
y rencontrer quelques amis d'Angleterre, dont plusieurs sont déjà fort
anciens--comme Lord Cardwell, Sir C. Murray, Lord Clarence Paget, le Duc
d'Argyll, &c.

Veuillez offrir mes hommages à Madame Reeve, et me croire.

Votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILLIPE D'ORLEANS.

_From Lord Granville_

_Walmer Castle, January 7th_.--I return you, with many thanks, the Comte de
Paris' remarkable letter. If the Duc de Bordeaux would follow the example
which has been sadly set by Gambetta and Chanzy, [Footnote: Chanzy had died
two days before, January 5th. The Duc de Bordeaux better known at this
time as the Comte de Chambord, did follow the example a few months later,
August 24th.] the prospects at Eu would be good.

With you, I do not feel inclined to gush over Gambetta. It is true that
he was well disposed towards England, but his love would have been of a
troublesome and exacting character.

The Journal has little of interest. It notes the return to London on
January 13th; a journey to York on the 29th, on a visit to the Archbishop
[Thomson], who wrote an article for the 'Review' on the Ecclesiastical
Commission; and, on February 17th, to Battle Abbey. Beyond these trivial
entries, nothing except the mention of several dinner parties--some 'good,'
some 'dull.' Then, later:--

_April 16th to May 22nd_.--At Foxholes. Very cold. Snow in May.

_June 8th_.--Dinner at Lord Carnarvon's. Sir R. and Lady Wallace, Lord
Salisbury, Lady Portsmouth.

_15th_.--Dinner at Alfred Morrison's, [Footnote: Mr. Morrison, so well
known to historical students by his splendid collection of MSS., died on
December 22nd, 1897.] first time. Splendid house.

_21st_.--Dinner at home. Duc d'Aumale, Granvilles, Malmesburys,
Carlingford, G. Trevelyans, and others.

_23rd_.--Philobiblon breakfast at Gibbs's. Duc d'Aumale, Duke of Albany. To
Military Tournament with Lady Malmesbury.

_25th_.--Duke of Cleveland's dinner to Duc d'Aumale. Duke of Grafton, Lady
Cork.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, 16 juin.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai hâte de répondre à votre aimable lettre du
8, et de vous remercier de votre bienveillante appréciation d'un travail
qui prend des proportions vraiment formidables. Je suis en effet en train
d'imprimer le 7me volume, et d'écrire le 8me, qui sera suivi encore de deux
autres, si Dieu me prête vie. Je suis obligé d'entrer dans beaucoup de
détails pour donner à cette histoire un véritable intérêt aux yeux du
public américain, qui est celui auquel je m'adresse particuliérement, le
seul qui puisse me fournir beaucoup de lecteurs. La traduction anglaise en
un gros volume a dû paraître ou paraîtra incessamment à Philadelphie.

Vous trouverez le Duc d'Aumale en fort bellé sante et très brillant, malgré
toutes les préoccupations que nous avons eues, et la blessure très vive
que lui a faite l'odieuse mesure militaire [Footnote: The removal of the
Orleanist princes from the active list of the army in February.] dont il a
été l'objet. Je regrette de ne pouvoir l'accompagner en Angleterre, où
j'ai tant d'amis que je serais heureux de revoir. Mais ne puis-je au moins
espérer que vous nous ferez cette année, avec Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve,
une visite au Château d'Eu? Nous resterons ici tout le mois de Juillet.
J'ai été assez heureux à la pêche ici dans notre petite rivéire. Pendant
une quinzaine, du 25 mai au 10 juin, j'ai pris à la mouche 82 truites
pesant 42 livres.

This was the sport to which he had particularly invited Miss Reeve in
January, and which, he goes on to say, has given him the idea of going to
Norway in August. As to this, he begs Reeve to make some inquiries for him,
and concludes--Veuillez me croire votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLEANS.

Another chatty letter, four days later, June 20th, has:--

Nous serons charmés de vous voir venir ici vers le 24 juillet avec Madame
Reeve, tout en regrettant que Mademoiselle votre fille ne puisse pas vous
accompagner. Nous espérons qu'elle pourra venir ici l'année prochaine en
mai. Mais qui peut faire sous un gouvernement démocratique des projets à si
longue échéance?

The visit was, however, prevented by an event of the most serious political
importance; an event which during the next three or four years was thought
by many to be likely to change the destinies of France, to affect the
fortunes of Europe. It may be best told in the words of the person most
affected.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, le 18 juillet.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je suis revenu ici il y a deux jours après avoir
fait en Autriche un voyage imprévu dont vous avez connu le motif et le
résultat. J'ai été reçu par l'auguste malade [Footnote: The Comte de
Chambord, known among the Legitimists as Henri V.] avec une affectueuse
cordialité qui m'a profondément touché, et j'ai quitté Vienne en conservant
quelque espoir de le voir sortir de la crise cruelle qu'il vient de
traverser. Les dernières nouvelles reçues ne démentent pas cet espoir,
quoique son état soit toujours fort grave et plein de périls. Je ne puis
naturellement faire dans une pareille situation de projets à longue
échéance. Non seulement tout plan de voyage est abandonné pour le moment,
mais je vis au jour le jour, toujours prêt à partir au reçu d'une dépêche
annonçant le dénouement fatal. Aussi ne puis-je dans ce moment insister
pour vous engager à faire au Château d'Eu cette visite dont je me
promettais tant de plaisir et d'intérêt, mais qui, dans les circonstances
actuelles, risquerait fort d'être brusquement interrompue. Je le regrette
vivement, et j'espère pouvoir m'en dédommager plus tard.

En attendant, j'ai hâte de vous remercier de tout ce que vous me dites sur
ma situation actuelle et sur l'intérêt que vous y portez. Je vous remercie
également de ce que vous avez écrit sur ce sujet à la fin du dernier numéro
de la _Revue d'Edimbourg_. On sent en lisant ce morceau combien celui qui
l'a écrit aime et connaît bien la France. Il a été fort remarqué chez nous.
Si vous me permettez d'ajouter un seul mot qui vous prouvera que je l'ai lu
avec attention, je vous signalerai un _lapsus calami_ qui vous a échappé.
Le fondateur de notre branche d'Orléans, fils de Louis XIII, frère de Louis
XIV, s'appelait Philippe et non Gaston. Gaston était le nom du fils de
Henri IV, frère de Louis XIII, le Duc d'Orléans de la Fronde, qui ne laissa
que des filles, entre autres Mlle. de Montpensier.

Like you, I am uneasy at the existing relations of France and England,
though I fully believe that the two Governments are respectively animated
by the most conciliatory intentions. In my opinion, the blame rests on
what is now called 'the colonial policy,' which consists in scattering our
forces to the four corners of the world, while Continental Europe is armed
to the teeth and does not afford us a single ally. But even this policy
might be followed without causing any difficulty with England, if there was
a readiness to anticipate it by frank explanations. The world is big enough
for it. Unfortunately, since the Egyptian business--which might easily have
been the opportunity for a friendly agreement, but which we have made such
a mess of--all these questions are confused and taken amiss....

Je termine en vous renouvelant encore tous mes remerciments, et en vous
priant de me croire votre bien affectionné,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLÉANS.

The Journal then has:--

_July 24th_.--Great dinner at the Granvilles' to receive Waddington
[Footnote: M. Waddington had a career that has perhaps no parallel. The son
of an Englishman settled in France, he was educated at Rugby and at Trinity
College, Cambridge; and was second classic, Chancellor's medallist, and
No. 6 in the University boat in 1849. Having elected to be a Frenchman, he
travelled in Asia Minor, and achieved a reputation as an archaeologist and
numismatist. After the fall of the Empire he entered into public life; was
foreign minister and the representative of France at Berlin in 1878; was
prime minister and the representative of France at the Coronation of the
Tsar in 1881, and was French ambassador in London from 1883 to 1893.
He died in 1894 at the age of 68.] [the new French Ambassador]. I was
introduced to Count Herbert Bismarck. Sat by Errington. Forty-two people
there at several tables.

_26th_.--To Foxholes.

_September 10th_.--Left Foxholes for Broglie _viâ_ Havre. Slept at Rouen.
11th, Broglie, by rail to Bernay; at Broglie, Vieil Castel, Laugel, Target,
Gavard. Old name of Broglie, Chambrey.

_15th_.--Left Broglie for Val Richer. Drive with De Witt.

_17th_.--Gout coming on in foot. Started for Honfleur and Havre; quite
lame. Spent the day on board the Wolf; met Prothero again. Managed to get
home on the 18th. Laid up in bed for a week.

_From Lord Granville_

_September 29th_.--The Comte de Paris has a difficult game to play; and the
large intelligent family, living in great luxury and consideration, is not
the best machine for carrying hopes more or less forlorn; but I expect it
would be difficult to find an abler or more judicious pretender. My fear is
that--as you say--their way to success lies through some disaster. I do
not feel convinced, if an opportunity or a necessity arose, that men like
Waddington and Ferry would not be among the first to act as civil Moncks.

In the meantime, we shall know in a very few days whether the wisest among
the present ministry will have their way and do the right thing by us in
the Madagascar matter. It will take a little longer to settle the Chinese
difficulty. This can only be done by great sacrifices on the part of the
French. The Chinese will not hurry themselves, and believe they have the
French in their pockets.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, 3 octobre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai reçu votre lettre du 4 septembre à mon
retour de Frohsdorf, mais j'ai eu tant à faire depuis lors que je n'ai
pas, jusqu'à ce jour, trouvé un instant pour vous remercier de la preuve
d'amitié et de sympathie que vous m'avez donnée dans ces circonstances si
graves pour moi. J'ai eu depuis des nouvelles de votre séjour à Broglie et
au Val Richcr par Messieurs Gavard et de Witt, et j'ai bien regretté que
les convenances du deuil ne m'aient pas permis de vous demander cette année
de venir an Château d'Eu. J'aurais été, en effet, fort heureux de pouvoir
causer avec vous de toutes les graves questions qui se posent aujourd'hui
devant nous, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur.

Je serai heureux d'en retrouver l'occasion; car, plus les événements
rendent ma situation grave et difficile, plus ils grandissent ma
responsabilité, plus naturellement je tiens à recueillir les avis d'un
observateur éclairé, impartial et bienveillant pour la France. Dans cette
situation si nouvelle, et, je puis dire, sans précédents, je tiens à
resserrer les liens de mes vieilles amitiés, et je tiens particulièrement
à entretenir mes relations avec la société anglaise, ce grand centre
intellectuel qui recueille et juge les affaires du monde entier....

Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve et de
me croire Votre bien affectionné,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PAEIS.

All the Comte de Paris' earlier letters are signed Louis-Philippe
D'Orleans, the capital D' being a noticeable peculiarity. By the death of
the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf on August 24th, the Comte de Paris had
become the head of the Bourbons, [Footnote: Always excepting the impossible
Don Carlos.] and linked the Legitimists and Orleanists in the person of one
capable man. At the same time he changed his signature, as now claiming
the throne by hereditary right. Among the Orleanists, however, there were
many--including the Duc d'Aumale--who considered the change ill-judged,
as implying that his grandfather, Louis Philippe, was a usurper--as,
of course, he was, if the will of the people is to count for nothing.
[Footnote: Cf. _Le Duc d'Aumale_, par Ernest Daudet, pp. 334-5.] Among the
Legitimists, on the other hand, there were many who protested that under
no circumstances could they accept one of the line of Philippe Égalité as
their lawful sovereign. Still, for the next two or three years, it seemed
not impossible that the Comte de Paris might be called to the throne by a
constitutional reaction and a popular vote. He does not seem to have had
any wish to head or stir up a revolution of force and bloodshed.

The Journal records:--

_October 29th_.--To Oxford. Dined at the Deanery. Jowett, Duke of
Buckingham, Max Müller, Brodrick. 31st, dined at All Souls. Sir William
Anson. November 1st, lunched with Max Müller.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_November 21st_.--I notice that to you, as to me, the situation of France
appears very sad. I conceive that it is a source of alarm to all Europe. We
are falling lower and lower towards the Radicals and the Extreme Left. If
that party should come into power, it would be a very serious threat to the
peace of the world. From the weakness of our Government, everything is to
be feared; and as this weakness must become greater, there does not seem
any remedy in the near future. Notwithstanding our wealth, our finances
are in a bad state, and it is on that side that the inevitable storm will
burst. To ward it off an entire change of conduct would be necessary; and
at the present time we have no one strong enough to guide our policy in the
right direction.

_To Mrs. Parker_

_Foxholes, December 18th_.--If anyone is to write Lord Westbury's Life,
yours is the pen to do it. Nobody expects a daughter to be impartial, or
wishes it. I will see what letters I can find, and will write again when I
have looked over my packets of letters.

This promise was afterwards fulfilled. Lord Westbury's letters were sent to
Mrs. Parker, and several of them, with some of Reeve's, were incorporated
in the 'Life of Lord Westbury' (2 vols. 8vo. 1888), by Mr. T. A. Nash, whom
Mrs. Parker afterwards married.

Early in January 1884, Mrs. Reeve went to Paris, on a visit to Lady
Metcalfe--one of Mr. Dempster's nieces. On the 16th Reeve joined her there.
Among other entries, the Journal notes a breakfast at Chantilly on the
27th--'château finished, galleries splendid'--and on the 30th, dinner at
the Embassy. They returned to London on the 31st. A few dinners in town are
noted, and a visit to Covent Garden on March 5th, to see Salvini in 'King
Lear.' To Foxholes on April 9th.

This meagre chronicle of course gives no idea of Reeve's intellectual
activity at the time, which was really very great. With his official
duties, the conduct of the 'Review,' an extensive correspondence, and, at
this time, the preparation of the second part of the 'Greville Memoirs,'
with dinner parties or receptions three or four times a week, it would seem
as if Reeve's days must have consisted of an abnormal number of hours. And
effectively they did; for, though on pleasure--at proper seasons--Reeve
might be bent, he had always a frugal mind as to the disposal of time.
Most, if not all, of his correspondence, much even of his more serious
work, was got through in spare half-hours at the Council Office; and when
at home, in his study in the house in Rutland Gate, it was a standing rule
that he was not to be disturbed. The study was a cosy room on the ground
floor, built out at the back, and so removed from all noise of passing to
and fro. It had no outlook to distract the attention, and no man was ever
less addicted to day-dreaming. To work whilst he worked and play whilst he
played was the golden rule which enabled Reeve for over fifty years to
get through as much hard work as a successful lawyer, to do as much hard
writing as a successful novelist, to hunt, shoot, or travel whenever
opportunity offered, and to be one of the best known figures in the world
of London society.

_From the Duke of Argyll_

_March 8th_.--Many thanks for your letter. I am pleased to know that the
scientists find my science accurate. Writers in the interest of religion
have generally, of late, been disposed to make as much as possible of the
distinction between man and nature. The speciality of my book [Footnote:
_The Unity of Nature._ There is an article on it in the April number of the
Review.] is, on the contrary, to maintain the unity, as really essential to
all belief, thus going back to the paths of Butler.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, 15 avril._--Cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'étais bien sûr de vous faire
plaisir en vous envoyant les discours prononcés sur la tombe de M. Mignet.
Celui de M. Martha est le plus remarquable; M. Jules Simon a très bien
parlé aussi; mais on peut trouver cependant que M. Martha l'emporte.

Je suis très sensible à votre amicale invitation, et je serai heureux de
visiter cet été votre ermitage de Foxholes. Nos vacances commenceront
probablement en août, et je réglerai mes mouvements sur les vôtres.

Je vous remercie de votre bienveillance pour l'Histoire des Animaux; je ne
crois pas que nulle part le génie d'Aristote se soit montré plus grand,
plus scientifique et, l'on peut ajouter, plus moderne. Entre lui et Linné,
Buffon et Cuvier, il n'y a rien. L'histoire de la science a beaucoup à
profiter de cet exemple frappant.

Je suis absolument de votre avis sur le rôle de l'Angleterre en Égypte;
vous n'avez qu'à faire ce que nous avons fait à Tunis, où les choses
marchent à souhait. C'est l'intérêt de votre grand pays, en même temps que
l'intérêt de la civilisation et de l'humanité. Les affaires égyptiennes ne
peuvent rester dans l'état où elles sont; et il faut les régler au plus
vite, pour l'honneur de tout le monde.

Je présente mes hommages bien respectueux a Madame Reeve, en attendant le
petit voyage a Foxholes vers l'automne. Votre bien dévoué,

B. St.-HILAIRE.

And here the Journal notes:--

April 16th.--Edward Cheney died, aetat. 82.

From Dr. Vaughan [Footnote: Then Master of the Temple; he died November 15,
1897, aged 81.]

The Deanery, Llandaff: April 19th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I am grateful to you for your kind letter. I will try to
remember to make the reference with which you furnish me when I am again at
the Athenaeum.

The year 1185 is always in my recollection as the date of the consecration
of the Round Church by the Patriarch Heraclius. I am already in
communication with Dr. Hopkins about the musical part of its celebration,
on or about the day (I think February 10) next year. And there must be a
sermon about it on the nearest Sunday. So you see how exactly your thoughts
and mine agree on the subject.

Ever truly yours,

C. J. VAUGHAN.

The other part of the church was consecrated on Ascension Day 1240. Who
will be Master when _that_ seventh centenary comes round?

_From the Duke of Argyll_

Argyll Lodge, Kensington: April 19th.

My Dear Mr. Reeve,[Footnote: Written in pencil.]--I am laid up with a very
sudden and sharp attack of the enemy; but I must write a line from bed to
say how _more_ than satisfied I am by the article in the Review, which goes
straight to the main points of my Essay, and which distinguishes exactly
those which best deserve notice. I am the more grateful as all the others
I have seen--whether laudatory or not--have all been the production of
ignorant men who did not see, or of learned men who did not wish to see,
any of the specialties of the book.

I am better, but unfit for any work.

Yours very truly,

ARGYLL.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, April 20th_.--Much obliged to you for the Beaconsfield book,
[Footnote: The _Beaconsfield Birthday-Book_.] which is very pretty. I hope
you will sell as many as there are bunches of primroses in Covent Garden
Market. The extent of Lord Beaconsfield's popularity is really curious. Yet
this is the man whom Gladstone hunted to death and called a fiend!!

And the Journal for the summer runs:--

At Foxholes all May.

_June 26th_.--Marriage of Hallam Tennyson and Miss Boyle in Henry VII.'s
Chapel.

_July 12th_.--Dinner at Sir Henry Maine's. The Actons, Lindleys, Evelyn
Barings, Brookfield, Venables--interesting party.

_16th_.--Duchess of Argyll's garden party.

_17th_.--The great Canadian case between the Provinces of Ontario and
Manitoba was argued for six days before the Judicial Committee.

_24th_.--To Foxholes. On August 11th we went to Strode, to see Mr. Gollop,
aetat. 93. 15th, back to Foxholes.

       *       *       *       *       *

At this time, on behalf of Sir Henry Taylor, Reeve had been conducting a
negotiation with Longmans for the publication of Taylor's Autobiography,
and an agreement had been come to which was to take effect after Taylor's
death.

_From Sir Henry Taylor_

Bournemouth, August 26th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--Thanks for your very kind letter. I am so glad you can
take a favourable view of my autobiography.

I am rather surprised myself that there is nothing in it of Mrs. Austin
and Lucy. I was intimately acquainted with them, and I may perhaps find
something said of them in letters, as I proceed with the task of sorting
my correspondence. Of Mr. Austin I saw very little. He led such a secluded
life. But one could not see him at all without knowing something of the
intellect which lay hidden in him for so many years.

As to the date of publication, I shall leave the necessary instructions. I
wish the work to be published as soon as possible after my death.

Believe me, yours sincerely,

HENRY TAYLOR.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, 17 septembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Je ne veux pas tarder un instant à vous remercier
de votre lettre du 14, et des félicitations que vous m'adressez à
l'occasion de la naissance de mon fils Ferdinand.... Grâces à Dieu, tout
s'est passé aussi bien que possible et, depuis l'événement, la mère et
l'enfant vont à merveille. Je vous remercie bien cordialement des voeux que
vous formez pour celui-ci. Je connais de longue date les sentiments qui
vous inspirent, et vous savez tout le prix que j'y attache.

Vous avez raison de dire que l'avenir se montre assez sombre pour toutes
les nations de l'Europe. Les opérations de l'Amiral Courbet au Tonkin et
en Chine montrent que notre marine se maintient à la hauteur de sa
vieille réputation; elle le doit aux traditions, à l'esprit de corps, aux
sentiments de respect pour les chefs qui s'est conservé chez elle tandis
qu'il disparaissait ou s'affaiblissait partout ailleurs. Mais cette
démonstration nous coûte bien cher. La guerre avec la Chine nous alarme,
parce qu'il n'y a pas de guerre plus difficile à terminer que celle-là. La
politique coloniale est un luxe que nous aurions pu nous donner dans un
autre temps, mais que ne nous convient pas dans notre situation européenne.
Elle a de plus été conduite d'une façon irrégulière, l'action au Tonkin
succédant à l'inaction en Egypte. Cette affaire d'Egypte aurait pu servir
de base à une entente avec l'Angleterre. Au lieu de cela on n'a pas voulu
l'aider, puis on a boudé parce qu'elle agissait seule, et lorsque les
difficultés ont commencé pour elle, on n'a su ni s'entendre absolument
pour agir en commun, ni s'effacer derrière l'Europe pour ne pas assumer la
responsabilité de l'echec de la conférence. Bien des gens croient ici que
toute cette politique a eu pour but de sauver le ministère Gladstone. Cela
n'en valait pas la peine. Il en est résulté de l'aigreur dans les journaux.
Mais cette aigreur sent bien un peu le fonds des reptiles, et personne n'a
sérieusement envie de chercher querelle à la perfide Albion.

Ceux qui admirent ses institutions et qui croient que leur pondération est
la garantie du plus précieux de tous les biens--la liberté, se préoccupent
vivement des tendances jacobines de notre ami Gladstone. L'extension du
suffrage est logique, l'anéantissement de la chambre des Lords est logique.
Mais les meilleures institutions ne sont pas les plus logiques. À force de
logique on tend à remplacer le gouvernement pondéré de l'Angleterre par ce
que nous appelons le gouvernement conventionnel, c'est à dire le despotisme
d'une Assemblée unique appuyée sur la brutale loi du nombre. Que Dieu vous
garde d'un tel avenir. C'est le voeu d'un ami sincère de vos institutions.

Ce qui préoccupe ici bien plus, et à bon titre, que les aventures
coloniales, c'est la situation économique. La France s'appauvrit parce
qu'elle perd en impôts improductifs une partie de son épargne, parce que
ses fils travaillent moins, dépensent plus et boivent davantage, parce
qu'ils demandent des salaires trop élevés, et parce que la concurrence
allemande, américaine, italienne, anglaise, nous ferme peu à peu tous les
marchés, et enfin parce que le phylloxera ruine la moitié du pays. Le
courant protectionniste se prononce avec une force irrésistible en ce
moment.

Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve, et de
me croire Votre bien affectionné,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

Paris, 19 octobre.

Cher Monsieur Reeve,--J'ai reçu le numéro de la _Revue d'Edimbourg_, et je
vous en remercie. Le rédacteur de l'article a été plein de bienveillance à
mon égard, et je vous prie de lui faire savoir que je suis fort touché de
l'appréciation qu'il veut bien faire de mes travaux. Je profiterai de ses
justes critiques pour mes autres traductions; mais il est un point où je ne
suis pas tout à fait d'accord avec lui. Je ne trouve pas qu'il tienne assez
compte à Aristote d'avoir commencé la science, et de l'avoir fondée.
Les débuts sont toujours excessivement difficiles, et il ne serait pas
équitable de demander à ces temps reculés de savoir tout ce que nous savons
aujourd'hui. Nous devons toujours nous dire que dans deux mille ans d'ici
on en saura beaucoup plus que nous, tout savants que nous sommes. Ceci doit
nous engager à être reconnaissants et modestes.

Je vais mettre sous presse le Traité des Parties des Animaux en deux
volumes, et je prépare celui de la Génération, qui, sans doute, en aura
trois.

J'espère que vous vous portez bien, ainsi que Madame Henry Reeve; je lui
présente mes respects et mes amitiés, avec tons mes voeux pour sa santé et
pour la vôtre.

Votre bien dévoué,

B. ST.-HILAIRE.

The Journal here has:--

_October 28th_.--Dinner of The Club to Lord Dufferin before his departure
for India.

_November 14th_.--Dinner at Lady Molesworth's to the Waddingtons.

_December 3rd_.--Small dinner at Lord Cork's, with Gladstone and Sir H.
James.

_From Sir Henry Taylor_

Bournemouth, December 10th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--It has come into the head of my family, and through theirs
into mine, that there is no particular reason why my Autobiography should
not be published now, instead of posthumously, and that there are some
motives for giving a preference to present publication. The agreement
with Messrs. Longman which you brought about has been, perhaps, a sort of
suggestion of this change of purpose; so I write to mention it. The work
was written with more unreserve than would be natural to a man who hears
what he says, and some erasures will be required; but a man in his
eighty-fifth year is, in some respects, as good as dead, or, at all
events, as deaf: so there need not be much alteration. I hope you will not
disapprove.

Believe me, yours very sincerely,

HENRY TAYLOR.

On December 17th the Reeves went to Foxholes, where they spent Christmas,
ushered in the New Year, and returned to London on January 15th, 1885. The
entries in the Journal are for the most part trivial, though politically
the year was one of extreme interest and excitement, much of which is
reflected in the correspondence.

_From the Comte de Paris_

6 _janvier_.--J'ai été vivement touché de la lettre que vous m'avez écrite,
des voeux que vous m'adressez au moment où nous entrons dans une année qui
semble nous réserver bien des surprises. L'avenir est plein d'incertitudes
et de dangers. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire que j'observe avec une
sérieuse inquiétude l'état des relations entre l'Angleterre et la France,
non que je croie même à la possibilité d'un conflit qui répugnerait
également à tous les membres des deux nations voisines, mais parce qu'une
hostilité diplomatique seule serait déjà un grand malheur pour l'une et
pour l'autre.... Vous avez raison de croire que le désir universel de la
paix prévaudra sur les périls de la situation internationale. Ce désir
est bien puissant en France, et les aventures de l'extrême Orient, dans
lesquelles on nous a lancés si mal à propos, ne font que lui donner
l'occasion de se manifester.

Ces aventures ne font pas diversion à la crise si grave qui éprouve notre
industrie et notre agriculture. Les causes de cette crise sont multiples.
Quelques-unes sont communes à toute l'Europe, d'autres le sont aux quelques
nations qui avaient le monopole de certaines industries, et le
perdent, grâce aux facilités actuelles des transports. Il en est une,
malheureusement très-active, qui nous est propre; c'est la tendance des
ouvriers depuis l'établissement de la Rèpublique à chercher l'amélioration
de leur sort, moins dans l'accroissement de leur salaire que dans la
diminution de leur travail. Cette funeste tendance leur a été inspirée
par les flatteries de tous ceux qui briguent leurs suffrages, et leur
rappellent que toute législation émane d'eux. Le pays produit moins, et
par conséquent s'appauvrit. L'imprévoyance de nos gouvernants a aggravé
la crise. Aujourd'hui un cri puissant s'élève en faveur des droits
protecteurs, même sur le blé. Il est probable qu'on en fera assez pour
inquiéter les consommateurs des villes, pas assez pour satisfaire
l'agriculture.... Si Mademoiselle Reeve voulait faire de jolies pêches de
truites, c'est le 1er juin qu'elle devrait venir à Eu.

_From the Duke of Argyll_

_Inveraray, February 13th_.--The Nile affair is too miserable. No possible
issue can be otherwise than a misfortune. The despatch in which the
Government asked Gordon to advise them how to relieve him--in April last,
when he was closely beleaguered--reads like a horrible joke now.

A horrible joke indeed:--for on February 5th news had come of the fall of
Khartoum and the death of Gordon. On the 26th a vote of censure on the
Government was carried in the House of Lords by 189 to 63; but a similar
motion in the Commons was rejected by 302 to 288. The Government majority
had fallen from 56 to 14.

On March 8th a special service was held in the Temple Church to commemorate
the completion of the seventh century since its consecration. [Footnote:
See _ante_, p. 322.] The Master preached the sermon on the text Psalm xc.
1--'Lord, thou hast been our dwelling place in all generations.' [Footnote:
The _Times_ of March 9th gave a pretty full abstract of the sermon.] Reeve,
who was present, considered it one of Dr. Vaughan's happiest efforts,
and wrote to say how greatly he had been pleased by it. Vaughan's
acknowledgement of the kindly feeling which dictated the letter has
otherwise no particular interest.

_From Sir Alfred Lyall_ [Footnote: At that time lieutenant-governor of the
North-West Provinces.]

_March 31st_.--When we closed in 1881 the second act of the Affghan drama,
I calculated on an interval of at least five years; and I thought that if
we could get a joint commission to settle some boundary that Russia could
provisionally agree to, the interval might be longer. But the Boundary
Commission, which I first pressed for in 1881, has propelled, instead of
delaying, the crisis. I suppose our Egyptian entanglement seemed to Russia
to offer an irresistible opportunity; at any rate, the Russians have some
reason for precipitating the issue between us, and at this moment we may be
on the verge of a war. It is very curious to find ourselves so close to the
collision that we have been so long trying to fend off, and to realise that
a land invasion of India by a European Power, which has been the nightmare
of Anglo-Indian statesmen since Bonaparte seized Egypt in 1798, is now no
longer a matter of remote speculation. The Russian menace is, however,
already producing one result that I had always anticipated; it is evoking
among all substantial classes of Indians a strong desire to support the
British Government in India. You may remember that in my paper of January
1884 I wrote that the natives would, in times of rumoured invasion, hold by
any Power that could keep the gates of India against Central Asia; and this
is now strongly showing itself. The adventurous classes are ready to
enlist and follow our colours; the propertied classes look to us as the
representatives of order and security; the educated classes depend wholly
upon our system; if the Russians calculate on any serious rising against
us in India, they will be mistaken. Of course a series of reverses would
change the whole face of affairs.... We are very fortunate in having Lord
Dufferin here at this time. Everyone likes him, and has confidence in him.
He is clearly a Viceroy who listens to everyone, but makes up his own mind
independently. And Lady Dufferin charms us all....

The Mahdi's fortunes do not interest India. The talk in some of the papers
about the necessity of smashing him, in order to avert the risk of some
general Mahomedan uprising, is futile and imaginative. The Indians think
the English rather mad to go crusading against him in the Soudan, and they
may soon get irritated at the waste of Indian lives at Suakin, when we want
our best men on the N.W. frontier; but, for the rest, they do not concern
themselves about remote Arab tribes. Of course everyone sees that the
English Government has now an excellent pretext for getting partially out
of a hopeless mess by transferring most of our English troops from the Red
Sea to the Punjab.

       *       *       *       *       *

On April 9th news reached London that on March 30th the Russians, under
General Komaroff, had attacked and carried the Affghan positions at
Penjdeh, concerning which negotiations were going on. As our Government was
pledged meanwhile to the support of the Amir, this action of Komaroff's was
held to be a very aggravated insult to England. Explanations were demanded,
but preparations for war were hurried on, and on April 27th, after an
impassioned speech by Mr. Gladstone, a vote of credit for eleven millions
was passed almost by acclamation. The negotiations, however, were
continued; explanations were given: the Russians kept Penjdeh; the Affghans
had lost their territory, their guns, and 500 men; and Mr. Gladstone
expressed himself satisfied. Four days afterwards, May 8th, the Government
was defeated on the budget, and resigned a few days later, the Marquis of
Salisbury forming the new ministry.

_From Sir Alfred Lyall_

_June 5th_.--Probably you know more in England than we do in India of the
course of negotiations with Russia, It seems just now more smooth than
satisfactory. I fear we have lost credit in India over that unlucky Penjdeh
business. One would fancy that our representatives on the spot might have
been wary enough to discern that where the Russians and the Affghans were
drawing close to each other, there lay the risk and the strain of the
situation. I have a very moderate trust in our ally the Amir, though he is
a very able, if unscrupulous, ruler. I hope fervently he has sense enough
not to use those breech-loaders we are sending in such quantities, and that
he won't repeat the Penjdeh blunder by provoking some collision with the
Russians on his border....

India is very quiet. The Russian scare of the spring has turned rather to
our advantage, as I always prophesied it would, by bringing home to the
natives their dependence on England for protection from foreign invasion.

_From Sir Henry Taylor_

_Bournemouth, July 14th_.--I have just read the excellent article in the
'Edinburgh Review' on my Autobiography; and as there is no amount of
kindness on your part which I cannot believe in, I am disposed to think
that it is you who have written it. [Footnote: It was written by Reeve.]
Whoever it is, I should like him to know that I am very thankful.

_From Sir Alfred Lyall_

_August 1st_--India is now perfectly quiet; but the new generation of
hungry, ambitious, English-speaking natives are persuading themselves
that they can have all the benefits of English rule without the burden of
English officialism. If they are encouraged and supported by the English
_Demos_, there will be confusion before long.

       *       *       *       *       *

On August 14th Parliament was prorogued, with the clear understanding that
the dissolution would follow. This, however, was put off for three months,
during which time the country was turned upside down by the excitement of
the electoral campaign and the unbridled license which many of the most
distinguished candidates permitted themselves; rank Socialism, the
abolition of property, 'three acres and a cow,' being freely spoken of by
the irresponsible, and hinted at, in no obscure language, by some who had
borne office in the Gladstone ministry. By a curious coincidence, the
French elections were nearly synchronous with ours, and the results were
keenly watched by one, at least, of Reeve's correspondents. But of all this
excitement and agitation the Journal has no trace. The only entries of any
interest are:--

Foxholes: very hot: no rain for two months.

_August 22nd_.--Excursion to Studland with the Denisons, Lord Canterbury,
and Prothero.

_26th_.--To Malvern with Hopie; 27th, Worcester; 28th, Tewkesbury; 29th,
Hereford Cathedral; then Boss, Monmouth, and Chepstow.

_September 1st_.--Chepstow Castle, Tintern Abbey, then to Clifton across
the Severn. 2nd, rain, so returned to Foxholes.

_From the Comte de Paris_

18 _septembre_.--Je m'empresse de vous remercier de votre lettre du 15, qui
m'est parvenue hier. Vous savez avec quel plaisir je reçois toujours de
vos nouvelles, avec quel intérêt je lis toujours vos appreciations sur la
situation de nos deux pays. Malgré de bien grandes différences dans l'état
politique, qui sont tout à l'avantage du vôtre, et dans l'état social, qui
le sont peut-étre moins, ces deux situations ne sont pas sans analogies.
Les modérés, de part et d'autre, comme vous le dites, semblent être
peu écoutés, et cependant je suis persuadé que leurs vues finiront par
l'emporter des deux côtés du détroit, parce que, sous une surface agitée en
apparence, aucune passion violente ne bouillonne dans l'une ou l'autre des
deux nations. Vous avez devant vous le grand inconnu de la nouvelle loi
électorale; dangereux, parce que l'omnipotence de la Chambre des Communes,
favorable au gouvernement parlementaire lorsque cette Chambre se recrutait
exclusivement dans la haute classe et en avait l'esprit, pourra être un
instrument redoutable pour la liberté et pour toute l'organisation sociale
le jour où MM. Chamberlain, Parnell et Bradlaugh auront chacun un parti
derrière eux. Heureusement pour vous, l'institution monarchique vous
permettra de traverser la crise qu'entraînera la modification de la
composition et de l'esprit de la Chambre des Communes. Grâce à cette
institution, l'esprit politique du pays pourra rétablir l'équilibre entre
les pouvoirs publics. En France, l'expérience de la République démocratique
et pacifique s'est faite dans les conditions les plus favorables, et a
échoué. Elle n'est ni conservatrice ni réformatrice. Tout en restant
bourgeoise, elle est pardessus tout prodigue. Les classes qui payent
l'impôt sont parfaitement édifiées sur son compte; celles qui nele
payent pas, et qui votent cependant, sont frappées indirectement par
l'appauvrissement national et commencent à s'étonner que la République,
dont le nom les flatte encore, réponde si mal à leur attente. La République
reste bourgeoise parce que le suffrage universel est trop défiant pour
chercher des représentants dans le sein de la classe la plus nombreuse.
Mais il n'est pas difficile dans les choix qu'il fait dans les rangs d'une
classe plus élevée. Le niveau intellectuel et moral des Assemblées qu'il
élit s'abaisse à chaque renouvellement. C'est un fait qu'il faudra accepter
désormais comme inévitable, et dont il faudra tenir compte dans l'avenir.
La République est essentiellement prodigue parce que, toute la machine
gouvernementale reposant sur l'élection, les ministres sont obligés de
donner aux deputés des places innombrables pour satisfaire la foule encore
plus nombreuse de leurs agents électoraux, et de permettre des travaux, des
dépenses exagérés dans chaque arrondissement, ici pour favoriser le député
républicain, là pour nuire au député conservateur. C'est par là qu'elle
périra, parce que le mal est sans remède et s'aggrave chaque jour. Loi
générale d'ailleurs. C'est par les finances que périssent les gouvernements
définitivement condamnés: témoin l'ancien regime. Cette mort-là est sans
résurrection.

Le caractère nouveau de la période électorale qui s'est ouverte
pratiquement depuis quelques mois est le réveil des Conservateurs. Ils
comprennent enfin qu'ils peuvent et doivent lutter pour défendre la société
menacée, les richesses nationales compromises. Ils apportent à cette lutte
une ardeur tout à fait nouvelle. Depuis deux ans [Footnote: Since the death
of the Comte de Chambord.] je me suis efforcé de faire comprendre à nos
amis que la politique avait sub les mêèmes transformations que la guerre;
que, pour gagner la victoire sur le terrain politique, il ne fallait rien
laisser au hasard, rien confier aux petites coteries; qu'il fallait agir
avec de gros bataillons, et que, pour les mouvoir il fallait un système de
mobilisation aussi parfait que celui de l'armée allemande. Ces conseils ont
été suivis, et les monarchistes se sont préparés à entreprendre la
lutte électorale avec une organisation de comités de départeméent,
d'arrondissement et de canton, appuyés le plus souvent sur des réunions
plénières qui marquent un grand changement dans la vie politique du parti
conservateur. Cette organisation se perfectionnera dans les élections
mêmes. Elle doit donner un jour, et par l'élection et par l'action plus
puissante encore de l'opinion publique, le pouvoir à ceux qui l'auront
constituée et qui sauront s'en servir.

A la veille des elections... tandis que tous les autres partis faisaient
faire leur programme par un petit comité parisien, craignant qu'une grande
réunion ne trahît leurs divisions, les monarchistes ont envoyé des quatre
coins de la France des délégués qui, tous animés du même esprit, ont adopté
par acclamation le programme soumis à leur approbation. Je dois même dire
que nous avons tous été frappés de leur extrême modération. Pas une voix ne
s'est élevée pour réclamer en faveur d'un ton plus aggressif. Le programme,
retouché sur place par une commission de neuf membres, avait, vous le
pensez bien, été soigneusement préparé d'avance; toutes les expressions en
avaient été pesées. Aussi suis-je heureux qu'il ait eu l'approbation d'un
aussi bon juge que vous.

21 _septembre_.--Depuis gue je vous al écrit, j'ai lu le grand manifeste
de M. Gladstone. De celui-là, on ne peut pas dire qu'il brille par la
modération. Il y a des phrases redoutables et effrayantes à l'adresse de la
richesse et de la propriété, base de la société. Jamais je n'aurais cru le
Gladstone que j'ai connu capable de parler de la Chambre des pairs comme il
le fait. Et cependant, une profonde modification dans la composition de
la Chambre Haute ne sera-t-elle pas un jour le salut de la cause et des
intérêts conservateurs en Angleterre? Si cette Chambre se retrempe au
moins partiellement dans l'élection, elle y trouvera, peut-être, une force
capable de lui assurer dans le gouvernement une part au moins égale à celle
de la Chambre des Communes, au moment où celle-ci baissera en valeur morale
proportionnellement à l'extension du suffrage....

En ce moment, il serait bien désirable, également en France et en
Angleterre, de voir les modérés de nuances diverses se rapprocher, pour
former un véritable parti conservateur: chez vous, anciens whigs et anciens
tories; chez nous, les centres droits et les centres gauches. Mais c'est
entre ceux qui sont le plus rapprochés en politique que le souvenir des
luttes passées laisse les plus profondes rancunes.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Journal notes:--

_October 12th_--Went to town for the Riel [Footnote: Louis Riel had
stirred up a rebellion in Manitoba, had been captured, tried, and sentenced
to death. He appealed, and the case thus came before the Judicial
Committee. On October 22nd the appeal was dismissed, and on November 16th
Riel was duly hanged at Regina.] case. Dined with Captain Bridge [Footnote:
Now Rear-Admiral Bridge, lately commander-in-chief on the Australian
station.] at the United Service Club.

_14th_.--Second part of 'Greville' published; 2,700 copies subscribed.

       *       *       *       *       *

In comparison with the tremendous excitement caused by the publication of
the first part of the Greville Memoirs, the second part attracted little
notice, although large sales testified to the interest it raised. Reeve
mentions 2,700 as the number of copies subscribed for: but the first
edition of 4,000 was exhausted almost immediately, and a second large
edition was sold out within a few months.

_To Lord Derby_

_Foxholes, October 28th_--I am much obliged to you for your note. We might
elect three new members of The Club, because there remain two vacancies
caused by the honorary list, besides the death of Houghton. I should very
much like to see Edward Stanhope and Harry Holland in The Club. They are
among the most rising men of the day--accomplished and agreeable--and their
fathers were respectively two of our most faithful members. We should,
I think, choose men from the younger generation, for many of us are
frightfully old. It is more difficult to point out eligible men in the
literary or scientific world. To say the truth, there is a remarkable
dearth of distinguished authors. Violent politicians are objectionable.

I am very much gratified by what you say of the new volumes of Greville's
Journals. Your estimate of their value exactly coincides with my own. I am
happy to say that I have not yet heard that anyone is annoyed or offended.
I sent a copy to Henry Ponsonby, who laid it before the Queen, but I have
not heard what sentence Her Majesty has passed upon me.

There is a great deal of political noise, but very little light. In the
south of England I think the Conservatives will carry a good many seats. If
I were to venture on a prognostic, I should say that the opposition will
have a majority in Great Britain, though by no means so large a one as the
Radicals expect. The effect of this would be that the Irish can turn the
scale, and I think Mr. Parnell would refuse, for the present, to turn out
the present Government in order to bring in Mr. Gladstone. In that case,
the existence of the present ministry may be prolonged for some time, but
it would be on sufferance and by Irish support. On the other hand, if a
Liberal Government were formed, it could only exist with the support of the
Irish vote. Eventually, I hope, this anomalous state of things may bring
the moderate men of both the British parties together, and throw both
extremes into opposition. That, I am convinced, is the real wish of the
country, and the obstacles to such a combination are chiefly personal.
I fancy the next parliaments will be very impracticable and probably
shortlived.

_From the Comte de Paris_

22 _novembre._--Je vous remercie de ce que vous me dites à propos des
Mémoires de M. Greville. [Footnote: Sc. that there were passages in it not
complimentary to the Orleans family.]

Je comprends parfaitement que vous ne pouviez supprimer certains passages
dont vous ne voulez cependant pas assumer la solidarité. Ces passages
ne m'empêcheront pas de lire avec intérêt la suite des oeuvres de cet
observateur peu bien-veillant, mais fin et spirituel.

Ne croyez pas que je vous écrive avec d'autre pensée que de faire part de
mes vues à un êtranger qui connaît, comprend et aime la France.

On November 18th Parliament was dissolved by proclamation and the elections
were held from the 23rd to December 18th. In the English towns, where the
elections were first held, the Conservatives had a large majority, and it
seemed as if they were going to sweep the board. In the counties, however,
the 'three acres and a cow' was taken by the ignorant rustics, just
admitted to the franchise, as a splendid reality, and their votes went
strongly in favour of the Liberals, or rather--as it would be more correct
to say--the Radicals. Mr. Gladstone had appealed to the country to give him
a working majority. He had, in fact, a majority of eighty-four over the
Conservatives; but the Irish, or so-called Nationalist, party numbered
eighty-six; and as these were bound by their bond of union to oppose the
Government, whatever it was, they had to be counted with the Conservatives
as soon as the Conservative Government had fallen. And the comparison of
the numbers showed that it must fall as soon as Parliament met. As Reeve
had forecast, neither party could form an effective administration without
the support of the Nationalists, a position which seemed for the moment to
render them the arbiters of the nation's destiny.

_From Count Vitzthum_

Paris, December 1st.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--Many thanks for your kind letter. You will find me here
in my winter quarters until the end of May, then from June to the end of
October at Baden-Baden, where we have built a villa. I would always be
happy to see you and talk over old times.

I have just finished reading the third volume of Greville's Memoirs and
have been very much struck by your notes, without which some passages would
not have been intelligible. Old Greville was a portrait-painter rather in
Rembrandt's style. In putting together all he says of Palmerston, Peel, and
the Duke of Wellington, very remarkable full-length portraits would come
out. He seems rather partial for John Russell.

My little book makes more noise in Germany than I expected. W. Oncken, the
celebrated historian of Austria and Prussia in 1813, will review it for
the 'Allgemeine Zeitung,' and the Vienna press has been unexpectedly
favourable. An English friend of mine wants to translate it. I think it
would be 'love's labour lost;' for everybody who cares for such trifles and
photographs taken on the spot understands German nowadays in England, and
will prefer the original. Still, if you thought it worth your while to send
a short notice to the 'Times,' it would be a favour. My old friend Delane
is no more, else I should have asked him. Cotta writes me that he has
secured the English copyright, and sent some copies to the principal
Reviews and the 'Times.' Believe me, very faithfully yours,

VITZTHUM.

_From the Comte de Paris_

Château d'Eu, 9 décembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,--Un de mes amis va partir pour la Belgique. Je
tiens à en profiter pour lui confier une lettre à votre adresse, qu'il
mettra à la poste chez nos voisins. En effet, je connais par expérience
I'indiscrétion dont la poste française a pris la mauvaise habitude sous
l'Empire, habitude qu'elle n'a pas perdue sous la République. J'ai hâte de
vous remercier de votre lettre du lr qui m'a vivement intéressé. J'ai été
un peu confus d'apprendre l'usage que vous aviez fait de la mienne, car
je l'avais écrite au courant de la plume, et uniquement pour me donner le
plaisir de causer avec vous. Mais, puisque vous l'avez trouvée bonne à
montrer, je m'en rapporte à votre amitié, et j'espère qu'elle n'a pas été
trop indulgente. Je suis d'ailleurs fort heureux d'avoir quelquefois, par
votre intermédiaire, des relations avec Lord Salisbury, pour le caractère
et le talent duquel j'ai toujours eu une si haute estime, et que j'aime
d'ailleurs toujours à considérer comme mon proche voisin de campagne.

The success of the Conservatives in the towns, their defeat in the country,
is the very opposite of what is taking place here; so that we foreigners
must exercise great reserve in giving an opinion on the political situation
created in England by these last elections. It is, however, evident
that there, as everywhere else, the old parties are in process of
disintegration, and that, in a new social state, in presence of new
problems, a new distribution of parties is called for. In the history of
all nations there are periods when the need of political progress renders
it necessary for the reformers to remain long in power; and if from time to
time they yield it to their adversaries, it should only be for long enough
to recover breath in climbing the long ascent. On the other hand, there
are also periods when the wearied people long for repose; when progress no
longer aims at completeness, but at change; when reforms are mere Utopian
fancies or appeals to evil passions; and when the partisans of the _status
quo_ ought to have the direction of affairs for as long a time as possible.
I believe that we are now entering on one of these periods. But it becomes
the duty of the Conservatives to defend existing institutions by taking the
initiative in such modifications as may be necessary. This is what, with a
true political insight, they have always done in England. The vote of the
counties does not affect the justice of your appreciation of the general
character of the elections. It is not a return to the old Tory party, but
rather the condemnation of the Radical programme; and from this point of
view they have an international importance which nothing can weaken. All
the same, this vote of the counties seems to me to render absolutely
necessary the modification of parties which the complete success of the
Ministry would have postponed. After the redistribution of seats, there
is need of a redistribution of persons and of political groupings. Either
Parliament will be controlled by the Irish Nationalists, and Ireland by Mr.
Parnell, or, in opposition to the Nationalists and the Radicals, there will
be formed a Government which will be Conservative in its respect for
the great social institutions, in its antagonism to the levelling and
centralising spirit, and withal Liberal in the manner in which it will
handle the agrarian question.

Judging by what I see here, where over three millions of rural proprietors
are 'a tower of strength' for the Conservatives, I am persuaded that in
England also the Conservatives have no greater interest--after the defeat
of the socialist and revolutionary plans of Mr. Chamberlain--than to work
vigorously at the formation of a numerous class of small landowners.
_Mutatis mutandis_, we have here also the corresponding phenomenon of the
transformation of parties. We are unquestionably entering on a period of
lassitude. The Conservatives have gained one hundred and twenty seats at
the last elections, for four principal reasons, all of which spring from
the faults of their adversaries.

1. The Tonkin expedition.

2. The waste of the national and municipal finances.

3. The aggravation of the agricultural and industrial crises by the gross
errors in the conclusion of treaties of commerce and the establishment of
transit tariffs.

4. The war on the clergy, foreshadowing the separation of Church and State.

To these particular reasons must be added the general dissatisfaction with
an administration at once weak and corrupt, which is not in accord with
those instincts which a thousand years of monarchy have impressed on our
manners and tone of thought.

The moderate Republicans have been beaten because they allied themselves
with the Radicals, and because they themselves have not shown the governing
qualities which could gain the confidence of the country. If the check
has not been still greater, it is because the country has a horror of all
change; because the interest of the Government is exceedingly strong;
because the electors do not care to vote for the opposition candidate, who
cannot do anything for them; and lastly, because, at the second _tour de
scrutin_, the Government, in the most shameless manner, brought pressure to
bear on all who are directly or indirectly dependent on it, the number of
whom is very great.

We have then two hundred Conservatives deputies, who represent three and a
half millions of electors. Three-fourths of these are Monarchists more or
less avowed; one-fourth represents the Bonapartist element, and among these
last are many with whom I have well-established personal relations. It is
not, however, the part of this large minority to set forth any opinions as
to the form of the Government, nor even to cause obstruction; still less to
ally itself with the Radicals for the vain satisfaction of overturning the
Ministry. Its aim must always be to promote the passing of Conservative
laws, and by every possible means to oppose such Radical measures as will
be proposed to the Chamber. It is for this that it has been elected. If it
fulfils its task aright, when the dissolution comes--and this cannot be
far off--it will reap the fruits of its policy. It will have merited
the country's confidence, which the Radicals will have lost; and,
notwithstanding the pressure, perhaps even the violence of the Government,
the current of public opinion will be so strong that it will send a
Conservative majority to the Palais Bourbon. Under the influence of this
current we may hope to see the collective or individual conversion of
the moderate Republicans, which must lead to the reconstruction of the
Conservative party and to placing the direction of it in the hands of the
Monarchists. For, though by temperament these moderate Republicans ought
to be the last to come to us, the Radical danger must bring them; they are
bound to come; their place is marked in our ranks. They will never go to
Bonapartism: on the contrary, they will one day enable us to rid ourselves
of the _intransigeunt_ element which forms a disturbing minority in the
party.

This will be the work of to-morrow. To-day, the principal task which I
recommend to my friends is the reconstitution, or rather the creation, of
the 'active list' of the Conservative array. We have the model in Belgium.
People are beginning to understand that the Conservatives cannot remain for
ever on the sufferance of the Government. No Government shall he stable
but that which they can support. For this they must form a compact and
well-organised party. Encouraged by the results of the elections, every one
has set to work with new ardour. My only trouble at present is the utter
inexperience of the Conservative minority. It is made up of men almost all
of whom are new to Parliament, are unacquainted with each other, and as
yet are without a leader. I reckon, however, that such blunders as it may
commit will be balanced and amended by those of its opponents.

Je tennine sur cette pensée consolante, et je vous prie de me croire.

Votre bien affectionné,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.

It is interesting to compare with this another view of the French elections
and of the probable course of events, taken from a very different
standpoint.

_From the Due de Broglie_

8 _novembre_.--Vous avez vu le rèsultat de nos élections, qui ont été plus
heureuses pour la cause générale du parti conservateur que pour ce qui me
regarde particulièrement. Si nous ne vivions pas dans un temps oú toutes
les prévisions sont trompées par une certaine inertie générale qui amortit
toutes les passions et ralentit le cours naturel des événements, je
croirais qu'une crise violente est assez prochaine, les éléments extrêmes
se trouvant réums et rapprochés dans l'Assemblée nouvelle, de manière à
former un mélange explosible comme la chimie redoute d'en amener. De part
ni d'autre, d'ailleurs, il n'y a d'homme en état de diriger les événements;
ils iront done probablement tout seuls, commes des chevaux qui n'ont pas de
cocher, ce qui est le moyen à peu près sûr d'aller dans le fossé.




CHAPTER XXII

RETIREMENT


Christmas and the early days of the New Year were passed at Foxholes. On
January 15th the Reeves returned to Rutland Gate. Parliament met on
the 21st, and, as had been foreseen, the Government was defeated on an
amendment to the Address. Lord Salisbury's resignation was announced on
February 1st, and, on the 3rd, Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet was formed, Sir
William Harcourt being Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Rosebery Foreign
Secretary, and Mr. John Morley Secretary for Ireland. Sir Henry James,
now Lord James of Hereford, declined the office of Lord Chancellor; Lord
Hartington, the present Duke of Devonshire, declined office of any sort in
a Ministry whose policy, as yet but dimly shown, was generally understood
to be on the lines of advanced Radicalism. For his part, Reeve abhorred
Radicalism. He had never approved of Gladstone as a politician, and now
less than ever. He looked on him as a danger to the Empire, to be fought
against, to be resisted, to be crushed. Nor was he singular in this. It
is customary to speak of the extraordinary influence which Gladstone
exercised. It was this influence, directed by sentiment or by vanity, which
constituted the danger. There were many who believed the country to be
on the eve of a violent, perhaps a sanguinary, revolution, fomented and
abetted by Mr. Gladstone; and this belief was strengthened when, on
February 8th, an East-end mob, meeting in Trafalgar Square, was allowed,
without opposition, to march by Pall Mall, St. James' Street and
Piccadilly, to Hyde Park, breaking the windows and plundering the shops on
the way. When to this supposed revolutionary tendency of the new Ministry
was added their avowed intention to bring in a measure for the pacification
of Ireland, which--in the absence of details--was believed to mean the
disintegration of the kingdom, the feeling of alarm, which must be very
well remembered by many who read these pages, can be easily understood.

_From Lord Ebury_ [Footnote: Lord Ebury died at the age of 92, in 1893.]

Moor Park, January 4th, 1886.

Dear Reeve,--Allow me to wish you and Mrs. Reeve a happy New Year, and
to say how much I have been interested in the second part of our common
friend's Memoirs, which--if you care to know it--pleased me more than the
first; but the most characteristic passage of the writer, and which made me
laugh aloud, is the three pages in which he vents all his wrath against the
public for their approbation of Lady Blessington as an authoress, and the
pedestal upon which they placed her. I was glad to read the editor's note,
which completed the page. When once he got into that sort of mood, and
perhaps was influenced by a touch of gout, and let himself go, it was very
funny to listen to him; and really he was a good-natured man. I wonder
what he would have said of Parnell and his ragged regiment, and the G. O.
M.[Footnote: As even in twelve years the name has become quite obsolete, it
may be as well to note that Mr. Gladstone was generally designated by these
letters, said by his friends and admirers to stand for Grand Old Man.] as
he now appears. What in the world are we to do? The 'Times' is working most
patriotically; but why, in the world, did it or he not find out earlier
what the G. O. M. really was and is?...

With my best regards to Mrs. Reeve,

I remain, yours very truly,

EBURY.

_From the Comte de Paris_

_8 janvier_.--Je vous remercie bien sincèrement des bons voeux que vous
m'adressez pour la nouvelle aimée. Comme vous le dites fort bien, il y a
des bonheurs que la politique ne peut pas empoisonner, et ce sont les plus
solides.

L'année 1886, je le crois comme vous, nous réserve des surprises plus
dramatiques que celle don't nous venons de voir la fin. En France, ce
renouvellement de l'année nous donne un Président renommé mais non rajeuni,
un Ministère reconstitué mais non raffermi ... En Angleterre, Gladstone
et les Irlandais vous auront pour une fois rendu service s'ils forcent à
s'unir les conservateurs, aujourd'hui séparés par d'anciennes divisions
en whigs et en tories. Ce jour-la vous pourrez de nonveau avoir un
gouvcrnement fort et national.

_From Lord Ebury_

_February 13th_--I cannot recollect anything about Charles Greville's
pamphlet on Ireland, though I imagine I must have read it at the time. Can
one get it now to look at it? or are things so much changed by the march
of events since that its interest has passed away? I re-read Gustave de
Beaumont's marvellous work, with which no doubt you are acquainted.
I confess it rather staggered me when it first came out; and how the
prophecies it contained are accomplished, almost to the letter! I remember
calling the old Duke's attention to it; especially to that strange
phrase-speaking of the then Irish landowners--'C'est une mauvaise
aristocratic; il faut la détruire.' Was it ever reviewed in the
'Edinburgh'?

When will this horrible Government be overthrown?

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Rutland Gate, March 29th_--From what I learned yesterday as to the
probable course of proceeding in the House of Commons, I am strongly of
opinion that it will be necessary to accelerate the publication of the
'Review' by two days, instead of postponing it, as we had proposed to do.
The 'Review' would be of use in the debate which will then be going on, and
will probably be noticed; whereas, after the division on leave to bring in
the Bill, it would be less opportune. The article on Ireland is complete,
and it would be premature to speculate on the details of an unknown
measure.

The 'Review' was published on April 13th, and, as Reeve had expected, the
article on 'England's Duty to Ireland' was in everyone's mouth. It was a
powerful appeal to the Liberals, as distinct from the Gladstonians, which
may even now be read with advantage as a lucid exposition of the principles
of the Union.

_From Lord Ebury_

_April 14th_.--Thank you for so speedily answering my question: also for
pointing my attention to the concluding article of the 'Edinburgh'--just
published--written by yourself. I have just finished its perusal, and am
very much pleased with it. No doubt you have had a certain advantage
in seeing what has been already said upon this insane proposition of
Gladstone's; but I have hitherto seen nothing which so completely exposes
the dangers that threaten us, and gives so much historical information to
guide opinion upon the subject; and you have put forward a subject which
to my astonishment has not (or scarcely) been noticed at all. I mean
the danger to the throne of England. I see you dismiss with scarcely a
remark--which, indeed, in your province, would have been injudicious--the
responsibility of those, our grandees--I won't mention names--who have
assisted in giving the G. O. M. power to do the almost irreparable mischief
he has perpetrated.

The Journal here has:--

_April 17th_.--To Foxholes. On the 29th, Unionist meeting at Christchurch;
Lord Malmesbury in the chair. I read an address [which was printed and
circulated as a leaflet]. This was one of the first Unionist meetings in
England.

_May 3rd_.--To Portsmouth, on a visit to Captain Bridge, on board the
'Colossus.'

On May 10th Gladstone, in moving the second reading of his 'Home Rule'
Bill, seemed to accept the truth of the maxim that 'Speech is given to man
to conceal his thoughts,' and led someone--commonly believed to be Mr.
Labouchere, who made no attempt to hide his own opinions--to say, 'How is
it possible to play with an old sinner who has got an ace up each sleeve,
and says God Almighty put them there?' What Gladstone wanted to do was,
in fact, never exactly known; all that could be made out was that he was
prepared to grant whatever the Irish Nationalist party demanded. It was for
Mr. Parnell to speak; for him to obey. Such an attitude was revolting to
a very great many of the Liberal party. They maintained--they rightly
maintained--that the name 'Liberal' belonged to principles, not to men; and
that those who sacrificed their principles to follow the lead of one man,
even of Gladstone's eminence, ceased to be Liberals, and could only be
called Gladstonians. The Bill was discussed for many days, and on June
7th it was negatived by the House of Commons in the fullest division ever
known; the numbers being:

  _Against the Bill.          For the Bill._

  Conservatives. . . .  250  Gladstonians. . . . 230
  Liberals.    . . . . . 93  Nationalists. . . .  83
                        ___                      ___
                        343                      313

       Majority against the Bill, 30.

Reeve was triumphant, and wrote to Mr. T. Norton Longman the next day,
'What a triumphant division! What a defeat for the G. O. M.! Even he must
believe this. I think his colleagues will hardly agree to dissolve. If they
do, they will be annihilated.'

They did, and they were. The General Election held in July fully ratified
the vote of the House on June 7th, and left the Gladstonians and
Parnellites combined in a minority of 115.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_C. O., June 23rd_.--Sir Francis Doyle's Epilogue [Footnote: The last
chapter of Doyle's _Reminiscences and Opinions_ (8vo. 1886). It is
more than 'invective;' it contains much sound argument and admirable
illustration.] is a powerful piece of invective; but it is essentially
addressed to Gladstone's public career and conduct, and if he likes to
publish it, I see no objection. Doyle was at Eton with Gladstone, and is
one of his oldest and most intimate friends--or rather, _was so_. What he
has written is not stronger than what George Anthony Denison has published
on Gladstone, he too being a friend of forty years. I do not remember
another instance in which a man's best and earliest friends have turned
upon him, to unmask him, and that without any motive of personal
resentment. It is the noble motive which led Brutus to strike Caesar.

If this is to appear, it should be published _immediately_, as it relates
to the affairs of the day.

_C. O., July 21st_.--I think Gladstone has fulfilled all my predictions and
completed the ruin of the Liberal party and his own. The net result is that
he has brought in the Tories for several years.

Whilst this tremendous storm was raging in the political world in England,
France also had been much excited. The letters of the Comte de Paris
have shown that he was, in point of fact, conducting an intrigue for the
subversion of the republic, the re-establishment of the monarchy; and it
is not surprising that the Government, more or less cognisant of what was
going on, struck in defence of the constitution under which they ruled.
Their action was said to be illegal; but in time of war the laws depend on,
are upheld by, and interpreted by the greater force; and on June 23rd
the Comte de Paris, with his family, was ordered to quit France, and the
Orleanist princes, including the Duc d'Aumale, were deprived of their rank
in the army, their names being erased from the army list. On June 29th
Reeve noted in his Journal, 'To Tunbridge Wells, to see the Comte de
Paris, exiled the week before;' but that is all; the home interest was too
absorbing, though even of that the only trace in the Journal is on July
5th, 'Unionist meeting at Tuckton. I took the chair. Election.'

_To Lord Derby_

_C. O., July 10th_.--I am much obliged to you for the copy of your
excellent speech. In this remarkable debate _coram populo_, it seems to me
that the defeat of the Home Rulers in argument has been even more complete
than their rout at the polling booths. The people have shown more serious
intelligence than I had given them credit for. I saw this even in our
Hampshire bumpkins.

On July 20th the Gladstonian Ministry resigned, and before the end of the
month the new ministry was formed under Lord Salisbury as premier and first
lord of the treasury. The Journal is occupied with personal and family
affairs of special interest.

_July 25th_.--To Antwerp by the 'Baron Osy.' Forty-seven Americans on
board. Aix very dull. Back to London on August 11th.

_August 18th_.--Letter from Hopie announcing her intended marriage.

_September 6th_.--Hopie married at Kirklands to Thomas Ogilvie of Chesters.

Chesters is in the immediate neighbourhood of Kirklands, and the friendship
between Miss Reeve and Mr. Ogilvie was of many years' standing, though the
determination to marry was rather sudden, and the engagement very short.
Mr. Ogilvie was a man of good family and property, and though several years
older than his bride, Reeve appears to have been very well satisfied; his
relations with his son-in-law were always cordial, though the distance at
which they lived restricted the intercourse, and the formed habits of both
prevented anything like intimacy.

Amidst the political excitement and the family interest of the summer, the
following comes in almost like the Fool in 'King Lear' or Caleb Balderstone
in the 'Bride of Lammermoor.' It refers to a proposition--surely one of the
strangest ever submitted to a publisher--which, in ordinary course, had
been sent to Reeve for an opinion. And this is what Reeve wrote:--

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, August 24th_.--Your correspondent is the coolest fellow I ever
heard of. He not only proposes to complete Macaulay's 'Lays' by some new
ones, but to re-edit and correct the original Lays, which, he says, 'are
very irregular.' His own verses have not a spark of poetry or fire in them;
they are mere trash, and he is an impertinent fellow.

Here the Journal has:--

_September 7th_.--Went to Exeter with Christine; 8th, to Chagford and
Dartmoor; 10th, back to Foxholes.

_29th_.--To Holyhead and Penrhos with Christine. Bad weather at Penrhos;
gout in hand came on.

_October 2nd_.--To Knowsley; Lord Lyons there.

_6th_.--To London and Foxholes. Christine went on to Chesters. On the 20th,
Mrs. Ogilvie came from Scotland. November 2nd, James Watney died.

_From Count Vitzthum_

Paris, November 7th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I beg you to accept kindly a copy of my memoirs 'St.
Petersburg and London,' 1852-1864, which Cotta will send you from the
author. Please to remember, if you find time to read these two little
volumes, that it is a German book, written for Germans, by one who is
neither Whig, nor Tory, nor Red; who is very fond of Old England,, but
has nothing to do with your party feelings and prejudices. I see men and
things, not from the English, but from the European standpoint, and leave
it, as far as possible, to the leading men of the day to tell their own
tale. If you find time, read the book and tell me what you think of it.

Yours very truly,

VITZTHUM.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

C.O., _November 12th_.--My old friend, Count Vitzthum, formerly Saxon
Minister in London, has sent me his 'Reminiscences of St. Petersburg
and London from 1852 to 1864' in German, 2 vols. This is a book of
extraordinary interest to the English public, full of conversations and
confidential details of Prince Albert, Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon,
Disraeli, &c.--quite a contemporary political history, as amusing and
interesting as Greville himself. Vitzthum knew this country well, and all
its society.

I shall write on Monday [15th] to thank him for the book, and I propose to
ask him whether he has made any arrangements for the translation of it. I
am not much in favour of translations; but this book is of such peculiar
and exciting interest that I should strongly recommend you to secure it
if possible. I think the Taylors, who did Luther, would undertake the
translation.

I think this an important affair.

_November 15th_.--I am afraid you are out of town, but it is of great
importance to come to an immediate decision about Count Vitzthum's book. It
is a work of the greatest possible interest and importance, and contains
many entirely new facts and anecdotes as to contemporary history. You will
perceive this from the enclosed notice of the book which appeared last
week in the 'Daily News.' [Footnote: November 6th, 'From our Berlin
Correspondent,' a notice mostly made up of extracts from the book, then
described as 'just about' to be published by Cotta of Stuttgart.]

The Queen has seen the sheets and approved them.

The result of this notice was that three English publishers at once applied
to Cotta for the right of translation; but the Count has retained that in
his own hands, and he says that, if _you_ will publish the translation on
suitable terms, and if _I_ will edit the translation with my name, and
write a preface to it, he will make an arrangement with us. This I am ready
to do, and I shall tell him so to-day. There is not a moment to lose; and
as you appear not to be in town, I must act myself in the matter. I want
to know as soon as possible what terms you would offer. I think the Count
would accept either a sum down or a share of the profits; you might propose
either alternative. The Taylors would execute the translation promptly and
the book would appear in May. I do not suppose that you will hesitate to
agree to so important a proposal; but if it does not please you, I am
certain that Murray or Macmillan would jump at it.

_C.O., November 17th._--Max Müller has written to Count Vitzthum, to make
exactly the same suggestion I have done. He highly applauds the book and
recommends the Count to make arrangements with _you_ for the translation. I
have seen Fairfax Taylor. He will undertake to complete the translation by
the 15th or 20th of February. The printing can go on when he has got some
copy in hand, and the book can be brought out early in April, which is a
very good time. I have given him my copy of the first volume to begin upon.
Pray get another copy of the book.

_November 18th._--Count Vitzthum accepts your proposal. He asks me whether
he should write to you; but that is unnecessary. _Four_ other English
publishers have applied to him for the right of translation.

_November 23rd._--It will be necessary that the translation of Vitzthum's
book should be set up in slips, in order that he and I may have an
opportunity of adding notes or making omissions.

At this time the question of having him elected as a foreign member of the
Institute was mooted by Reeve's friends in Paris. It is to this that
the following letters refer. Though not successful on this occasion,
because--as Reeve was afterwards told--two out of the six foreign members
were already English, they carried their point some eighteen months later,
on an English vacancy.

_From M. Jules Simon_

Paris, 18 décembre.

Cher Monsieur,--J'ai en effet exprimé à notre ami commun, M. Gavard, le
désir que j'éprouve de vous attacher plus complètement à notre Académie.
C'est line opération assez difficile, car les associés étrangers pouvant
être choisis indistinctement dans tous les peuples du monde, il y a
rarement disette de candidats. A chaque vacance, une commission est nominée
au scrutin. Elle présente trois noms à l'Académie, qui consacre une séance
à les discuter, et vote dans la séance suivante. Nous devons élire tout à
l'heure le successeur de Ranke. Parmi les deux noms qui ne sortiront pas de
l'urne, il y en a un qui pourra bien réussir quand on élira le successeur
de Minghetti. En général on est porté deux ou trois fois avant de passer.
Vos amis s'occuperont d'abord de vous faire figurer sur la liste. Il faut
pour cela qu'un d'entre eux ait la liste exacte de vos écrits, et de tous
les titres que l'on peut invoquer en votre faveur. Les débats ne sont pas
publics; les candidats n'écrivent pas de demande; celui qui les propose
parle en son propre noni, ct est même censé les proposer à leur insu.
Enfin, le public ne connaît que le nom de l'élu. Je crois que vous avez
envoyé a M. Barthélemy St.-Hilaire les renseignements nécessaires. Si cela
n'est pas fait, faites-le, je vous prie, sans délai. Vous pouvez, si vous
le préférez, les envoyer à M. Gavard, qui me les remettra, ou m'écrire
directement. Je vous prie, cher monsieur, de croire à mes sentiments
cordialement dévoués.

JULES SIMON.

_From M. Leon Say_

Paris, 25 décembre.

Mon bien Cher M. Reeve,--Je ferai naturellement tous mes efforts pour vous
rapprocher encore plus de l'Institut, et vous y donner un rang digne de
vous; mais je ne dois pas vous laisser ignorer qu'il y aura lutte. Je ne
sais s'il vous conviendra que votre nom soit discuté. Pour vous éclairer
sur ce point, je vous envoie à titre confidentiel un billet que me fait
parvenir M. Aucoc pour faire suite à un entretien que j'ai eu avec lui.

Je vous prie de croire à mes sentiments les plus distingués et les plus
affectueux.

LÉON SAY.

Jules Simon m'a promis une note qui me servirait à soutenir vos titres, et
me permettrait de dire aux Français de ma section, passablement ignorants
de l'étranger, avec exactitude ce que vous avez fait.

Meantime the Journal notes:--

_December 7th._--Meeting of the Liberal-Unionist party. On the 11th, dinner
at home. Duc d'Aumale, Froude, Carnarvon, Lady Stanley, Colonel Knollys, F.
Villiers, Lady Metcalfe, Newton.

_19th_--Dined at the Duc d'Aumale's, who had bought Moncorvo House in
Ennismore Gardens. Comte and Comtesse de Paris, Haussonville, Ségur,
Target, Audiffret, Leighton.

_December 21st_.--To Timsbury. 24th, to Foxholes. The Ogilvies there.

1887. _January 3rd_.--Came to London. 10th, dinner at Pender's to meet
Stanley, the African traveller, before he went to find Emin Bey.

_19th_.--The third part of Greville published, 3,007 copies subscribed.

Among the many letters which the publication of these last volumes of
the 'Greville Memoirs' brought him, the following from Sir Arthur Gordon
[Footnote: Fourth son of the Earl of Aberdeen.]--now Lord Stanmore,
and then Governor of Ceylon--have a peculiar interest from their exact
criticism of a point of detail with which the writer was personally
acquainted at first hand:--

Queen's House, Colombo, June 18th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I have very long delayed answering your last letter, in
the hope that, when I did so, I might at the same time be able to send you
my notes on the two last volumes of 'Greville.' But these notes will
be numerous, and my time is scant for such work. On one point, the
'graspingness' alleged to have been shown by the Peclites after the
formation of the Government in December 1852, and its modification to
satisfy their exigencies, I have felt constrained to address the 'Times.'
[Footnote: June 13th. The letter is reprinted in the Appenduxm _post_, p.
411.] The truth happens to have been exactly the other way, and Greville's
notes are only the echo of the grumblings of the disappointed Whig placemen
who talked to him. It is decidedly unjust not only to my father, Graham,
and Gladstone, who are indirectly charged with this trafficking, but to the
Duke of Newcastle and Herbert also, who more directly are so.

I have, of course, read the volumes with great interest, but have had
my suspicions greatly heightened that whatever may have been the case
before--say 1841, the confidences Mr. Greville received in the later years
of his life were not unfrequently only half-confidences, for the sake
of obtaining his opinion on some collateral point, or of flattering or
pleasing him by the show of confidence. There are, of course, many matters
treated of in these volumes as to which I have no personal or private
information, and I have no reason to question what he says about them; but
I have some inclination to doubt, even as to these; for I find that as
regards almost every transaction of which I do happen to know the whole
history, he knows a good deal about it, but not _all_ about it. He was
kept specially in the dark about the real history of Lord Palmerston's
resignation in 1853 which is all the odder because he very nearly found it
out. Hardly anybody does know what lay behind, though the difference about
Reform was a very real one, so far as it went, and quite sufficient to
justify--at all events, ostensibly--Lord P.'s virtual dismissal. Again, on
another occasion, I see Mr. G.'s special friend, Lord Clarendon--I will
not say, deliberately deceived him, but, certainly with full knowledge
--allowed him to deceive himself on the strength of a half-confidence.
[Footnote: A politic reticence, that has been called 'an economy of
truth.']

I am more disappointed than I can say to find that M. de Sainte-Aulaire's
elaborate Memoirs have been 'used up' for that stupid book of Victor de
Nouvion's, [Footnote: Histoire du Règne de Louis Philippe (4 tom 8vo.
1857-61)], if--as I suppose-that is the book you refer to. I thought it had
never got beyond the first two volumes, and have never seen any more of it.
I am vexed that M. de Sainte-Aulaire's elaborate Memoirs should have been
utilised for such a book; generally, because I know M. de Sainte-Aulaire
contemplated their publication, and because they deserved to appear in
a separate form; and, personally and specially, because, of course, his
accounts of his intercourse with my father, and the elaborate study of his
character which he had written, are thus lost....

Yours ever faithfully,

A. GORDON.

_To Sir Arthur Gordon_

_C.O., June 13th_.--I have just read in the 'Times' of this morning your
interesting letter on the formation of Lord Aberdeen's ministry. I have no
doubt you are quite right. It _was_ John Russell and the Whigs who were
rapacious for office--much more than the Peelites. John Russell, I know,
kept Cardwell out of the Cabinet. You observe that Greville only notes what
Lord Clarendon told him; and I have no doubt that Clarendon was rather out
of humour with arrangements which were personally disagreeable to himself.
But that again was John Russell's fault, because he insisted on taking the
Foreign Office _pro tem_. I shall probably publish another complete edition
of Greville next year, and I think it would be well to insert in a note the
whole of your letter, or at least the greater part of it. [Footnote: See
Appendix, post, p. 411.] If you have any other criticisms to make, they
would be valuable to me. I have availed myself of those you were so good as
to send me on the second series.

You are aware that Mme. de Jarnac is dead. I do not know who has her
husband's papers; but the Comte de Paris is here, and as I frequently see
him, I will take an early opportunity of asking him whether he can give me
any information about Lord Aberdeen's letters. M. Thureau's 'Histoire de
la Monarchic de Juillet' is a remarkable book, because he has access to
original sources and quotes largely from them, especially from the Memoirs
of M. de Sainte-Aulaire which are still in MS. [Footnote: And _still_ so in
1898.] They appear to be extremely interesting.

We are getting on here pretty well. If the Whigs had joined the Government,
there might have been a scramble for office, as there was in 1853; for
the Whigs are now in the same position as the Peelites were at that
time--officers without an army. It is much more to the credit of my friends
to give a disinterested support to Lord Salisbury; and this alliance gives
a sufficiently Liberal colour to the measures of the administration. There
is every appearance that the Unionists will hold together. Mr. Gladstone
continues to be in a state of hallucination and excitement which exceeds
belief. It is a case of moral and political suicide. The crisis will
probably end by the death of Mr. Parnell, the falling [off] of the American
subscriptions, and the extinction of Mr. Gladstone; but in the meantime
they have totally ruined Ireland.

_From Sir Arthur Gordon_

_August 30th_.--Your letter of June 13th must have crossed one from me,
in which I explained to you why I had written to the 'Times' about
the formation of the Government of 1853 instead of merely sending my
observations to you as a note for future use. I need not say that I am much
flattered by your proposal to insert the letter--or part of it--in a note
to a future edition of Mr. Greville's Memoirs... I am struck very much
by what I think I mentioned once before--the frequency with which Mr.
Greville's friends gave him what may be called 'a three-quarters knowledge'
of pending affairs. They told him a great deal, but frequently not _all_.
In the affairs with which I am really acquainted, there is almost always
something--and that an important something--which does not appear in his
notes... I have specially noticed this with regard to Lord Palmerston's
'resignation' in 1853, It is the more remarkable, because it is apparent
from various passages that he 'burnt'--as they say in a game of hide and
seek--but never actually quite caught the true facts. I have never known
a secret better guarded than the fact--which, after a lapse of four and
thirty years, one may, I think, mention--that Lord P.'s resignation on
that occasion was _not_ voluntary, and that he was, in fact, extruded.
[Footnote: In a later letter, June 5th, 1888, Sir Arthur Gordon wrote:--'He
had given great offence to the Queen; and his colleagues--at least, his
most important colleagues--distrusted his action in reference to pending
negotiations, Lord Clarendon especially resenting the intrigues he believed
he was carrying on. Things being in this state, he announced his hostility
to Reform, and it was determined to take advantage of this announcement to
remove him; and removed he would have been, but for the two causes I have
noted.'] But, to be sure, half the Cabinet did not know this; and it was
their ignorance, coupled with Newcastle's and Gladstone's dislike of Lord
John, that brought him back again.

I must get M. Thureau's 'Histoire de la Monarchic de Juillet,' of which I
never even heard. It is dreadful to reflect how utterly behindhand one gets
in all things, literary, artistic, and political, through long sojourns out
of Europe. But I do hope there is some prospect of M. de Sainte-Aulaire's
Memoirs themselves being published at full length. I know it was M. de
Sainte-Aulaire's wish and deliberate intention that they should be given to
the world, and he took much trouble with them.

_From the Duke of Argyll_

Inveraray, January 22nd.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I have been longer in getting the book off my hands
than I had hoped. It is now in the press, and Douglas talks of getting it
out about February 10th or a little later.... There is a good deal in
the book which, in one sense, may be called 'padding,' because I have
endeavoured to relieve the very dry subject of Tenures and Agricultural
Improvement with historical episodes, with pictures of manners, and even
with personal anecdote. But I think there is a considerable bulk of new
matter, or at least of old matter put in new points of view, and every part
is written with an aim to establish the principles which _we_ think 'sound'
on Law, on Property, and on Union. Your new Greville seems to be very
interesting.

Yours very sincerely,

ARGYLL.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris_, 29 _janvier_.--Je vous remercie de la peine que vous voulez
bien prendre, et j'ai profité des corrections que vous avez bien
voulu m'indiquer. J'avais déjá profité des deux articles de la 'Revue
d'Edimbourg' sur les chemins de fer russes en Asie et sur l'armée indienne.

I have no wish to appear more royalist than the king himself; but I cannot
feel so sure as you do about the security of India. The Russians are
already threatening it, and I do not think they are near stopping. The base
of their operations will be in the Caucasus, where they already have very
considerable forces. It is true that their finances are in bad order; but
this may perhaps be an additional motive to them to undertake a war of
conquest. I agree with you, however, that before the attack on India will
come the attack on Constantinople, the consequences of which will be very
great. On the other hand, the railway connecting Candahar with the Indus
will certainly be a great obstacle to the advance of the Russians on Cabul.
In all this I see many of the elements of catastrophes which the next
generation will witness. I hope I may be out of this world before they
come.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes_, _April 17th_.--I see the 'Athenaeum' complains that I did not
correct all Vitzthum's mistakes and rearrange his book; but that is more
than I undertook to do. We did correct a good many mistakes, natural enough
in a foreigner; but I do not hold myself responsible for his facts or his
opinions.

_April 22nd_.--I know more about M. Barthélemy St.-Hilaire's book on India
than any other Englishman, for I revised and corrected the proof-sheets for
him. A French writer on the subject was sure to make blunders. The book is
most valuable to _foreigners_, for it is a perfectly fair account of the
British administration of India; but it would be entirely useless in this
country, inasmuch as it is a mere compilation from well-known English
documents. I think, therefore, that a translation into English would be a
work of supererogation and a failure.

_Journal_

_April 30th_.--Dined at the Royal Academy dinner.

_May 9th_.--Great Unionist meeting at Winchester.

_28th_.--Barthélemy St.-Hilaire came to Foxholes on a visit.

_June 10th_.--Dined with the Duc d'Aumale, Moncorvo House. Electric light.

_15th_.--Dined at the Middle Temple. Grand day; Prince of Wales in the
chair.

_18th_.--Dined with the Lord Mayor. Literature, Science, and Art.

_21st_.--Celebration of the Jubilee. Splendid day.

_July 3rd_.--Went to Eastbourne.

_7th_.--Dined at East Sheen with the Comte de Paris. Duc and Duchesse
of Braganza there. Duke of St. Albans, Arran and daughter, Duc de la
Tremoille--twenty.

_18th_.--Duc d'Aumale's evening party; very brilliant.

_25th_.--To Ostend and Brussels. 26th, to Cologne. Great heat.

_27th_.--To Wiesbaden. Lady Dartrey died while I was at Wiesbaden. I took
leave of her on her death-bed just before I started. It was the loss of a
most kind, faithful, and affectionate friend.

_August 5th_.--Ill in the night; incipient fever. 6th, to Cologne. 7th, to
Aix, very unwell. 9th, got back to London by Ostend-Dover.

_From Captain Bridge, R.N._

H.M.S. 'Colossus,' Gibraltar, August 3rd.

Dear Mr. Reeve,--The Naval Review and the ensuing operations have not, I
hope, given you such a surfeit of naval affairs as to indispose you to hear
a little of the recent cruise of the Mediterranean squadron. We left Malta,
under the command of the Duke of Edinburgh, in May, and visited several
ports on the coast of Italy. During H.R.H.'s absence in England, when
attending the Jubilee, we stayed at the convenient harbour of Aranci Bay
in the island of Sardinia. There we carried out a series of instructive
torpedo and under-water mining exercises. After leaving Sardinia, we
called at several Spanish ports--Barcelona, Valencia, Cartagena and
Malaga--eventually reaching this place last Friday evening.

The effect of our visits to both Italy and Spain has been--especially in
the case of the latter country--remarkably gratifying. The presence of
a son of the Queen was evidently taken as a compliment by Italians and
Spaniards of all classes. Barcelona, Cartagena, and Malaga are notoriously
anti-monarchical in sentiment. Yet in every one H.R.H. had a most
flattering reception. The enthusiasm of the populace at Cartagena was fully
equal to any shown by an English crowd for any popular royal personage.
People may say what they like, but the advantages to the country of
having a prince in the position held by the Duke are considerable. The
friendliness of the Italians is striking; and I am confident the feelings
of Spaniards of all classes are more favourable to England than they have
been for half a century. We hear now that we are to go on to Cadiz, where a
maritime exhibition is to be opened this month; and it is understood that
this extension of our cruise is at the request of the Spaniards themselves.
I have visited Spanish ports often before now, and never noticed any
friendliness towards us. Should the necessity of looking for allies arise,
it is nearly certain that both Italy and Spain would be disposed to range
themselves on our side. It will be a pity if diplomatic bungling occurs to
alter this satisfactory condition of things....

Pray give my kind remembrances to Mrs. Reeve.

Yours sincerely,

CYPRIAN A. G. BRIDGE.

It has been seen that for some years back Reeve had been occasionally
thinking of retiring from his post of Registrar. The near completion of
fifty years' service revived the notion, and his illness at Wiesbaden,
following an earlier attack in April, confirmed it. When his mind was once
made up, the rest was a matter of detail. The Journal notes:--

_August 10th_.--Taxed costs and wound up business at the Council Office for
the last time again; but went there again on October 11th.

_12th_.--To Foxholes, where fever and bad fit of gout came on; I was very
unwell till September 3rd.

_21st_.--My dog Sylvia [Footnote: A collie, so called after her donor, M.
Sylvain van de Weyer. A brother of hers belonged to the Queen.] died. A
fond and faithful companion of sixteen years.

_September 5th_.--Mr. G. H. Dorrell came as my secretary, and I dictated an
article on foreign affairs.

_From Mr. C. L. Peel_ [Footnote: Clerk of the Council in succession to Sir
Arthur Helps. Now Sir Charles Peel.]

56 Eccleston Square, October 5th.

My Dear Reeve,--I was so taken aback by your announcement to-day, that I
really could not find words in which to express the sincere regret with
which I heard it. You are so thoroughly identified in my mind with the
Council Office, and I am so much indebted to you for advice and assistance
during the last twelve years, that I shall feel quite lost when I can
no longer rely upon the experience, judgement, and kindness which have
hitherto been available to me in any difficulty.

I only trust that by relieving yourself in good time from the ties of
office, you may enjoy a long spell of happy and active retirement, which
you have so well earned, and into which you will be followed by the best
wishes of all you leave behind. Believe me always,

Yours most sincerely,

C. L. PEEL.

It appears from the Journal that the resignation was not officially made
till some days later.

_October 24th_.--I resigned the Registrarship of the Privy Council, which I
had held, as Clerk of Appeals and Registrar, since November 17th, 1837. The
rest of the year at Foxholes.

At the sitting of the Judicial Committee on November 2nd, Sir Barnes
Peacock formally announced to the Bar the resignation of the Registrar, and
after briefly mentioning the dates of his service as Clerk of Appeals since
1837 and Registrar since the creation of the office in 1853, he went on:--

'It is unnecessary to state to the Bar the manner in which the duties of
that office have been performed by Mr. Reeve. He is not present to-day. He
has been prevented, I believe, by the state of his health, from travelling
to London. Their Lordships are sorry that he is not present, that they
might personally bid him farewell. They have given me, as the oldest member
of the Judicial Committee now present, the privilege of expressing and
recording their deep sense of the loss which must be sustained, both by
the Judicial Committee and the public, by being deprived of the valuable
services of Mr. Henry Reeve. His long and varied experience, extending over
a period of nearly half a century, his extensive knowledge, his great tact
and the sound judgement which he brought to bear in the discharge of the
duties of his office, render his retirement a serious loss both to the
Judicial Committee and to the public. Their Lordships could not allow Mr.
Reeve to depart from his office in silence. They trust that he may long
enjoy in health and happiness that rest, relaxation, and repose which
he has so fully and meritoriously earned, and to which he is so justly
entitled. Many men retire from an arduous profession or office, and when
they are relieved from the duties which they have for many years been
called upon to discharge, sink into a state of _ennui_ and listlessness
which are not conducive either to a long life or to health or happiness.
But their Lordships feel sure that that will not be the case with Mr.
Henry Reeve. His literary and other congenial tastes and pursuits, and his
industrious habits, will no doubt supply him with full employment for his
still active and vigorous mind. In taking their leave of Mr. Henry Reeve
on his departure from office their Lordships will only add, 'Let honour be
where honour is justly deserved.'

To this Mr. Aston, Q.C., replied, as the oldest member of the Bar
present:--

'I refrain from attempting to add anything to what your Lordship has said,
for fear that the feebleness of my addition might detract from the force
of that which your Lordship has expressed. But I cannot help saying that,
after having appeared at your Lordships' Bar in this place for upwards of
a quarter of a century, I have myself personally received, and I have seen
the members of the Bar who have practised with me always receive, from Mr.
Reeve the utmost courtesy, attention, and assistance. We often have, my
Lords, in practising before you, a difficult task to discharge. Our clients
are not familiar with the practice of your Lordships' Court, if I may use
the term. But on all occasions Mr. Registrar Reeve has given the utmost
assistance, and therefore I beg to say, on behalf of the Bar whom I venture
to represent, that we cordially endorse all that your Lordship has said,
and express our unfeigned regret that we shall no longer have the services
of Mr. Reeve in your Lordships' chamber.'

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, November 4th._--I hope you saw the funeral oration Sir Barnes
Peacock pronounced on me in the Privy Council. It is in the outer sheet of
the 'Times' of Tuesday [Nov. 1st], and perhaps in some other papers; a very
kind and handsome tribute; and it is pleasanter to have these things said
when one is alive than when one is dead.

The notice in the 'Times' brought Reeve many letters from his friends;
amongst others, the following:--

_From Lord Ebury_

_November 9th._--I see you are going to desert the Council altogether. I
hope you will long enjoy the _otium_ which you have so worthily merited,
and will have time to assist in extinguishing Gladstone.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Woodnorton, 15 novembre._--Je regrette d'apprendre que votre santé a été
si eprouvée.... Je suis toujours affligée de voir mes amis se retirer de
la vie active; mais je comprends les motifs qui vous ont dicté votre
demission....

Je suis si honteux de ce qui se passe en France que je n'ose pas vous en
parler, et je me borne a vous serrer bien cordialement la main.

The Journal then notes:--

1888.--The year began at Foxholes. The Ogilvies there for three weeks. Came
to London on January 3rd.

_February 4th._--Sir Henry Maine died at Cannes. A great loss.

_March 5th._--The railroad from Brockenhurst to Christchurch opened. Went
down to the ceremony. Came back at 7 and dined with Millais to meet the
Lord Chancellor. Mrs. Procter died.

_9th_--Emperor William of Germany died. Various dinners.

_April 10th._--Gladstone dined at The Club. Froude, Smith, Hewett, and
Hooker there.

_27th_--Left London for Basle with Christine at 11 A.M. and arrived there,
and thence, at Lucerne, on the 28th at 9 A.M. Capital journey.

From Lucerne they went on to Milan and Bologna and to Florence, which they
reached on May 3rd, which they made their headquarters for the next three
weeks, seeing all that was interesting in the city and the neighbourhood,
and visiting Siena, Chiusi, Perugia, and Assisi. Then to Spezia, Turin,
Geneva, and to Paris on the 24th.

Meantime Reeve, having been proposed by St.-Hilaire, supported by the Duc
d'Aumale, Jules Simon, and Duruy, as a foreign member of the Institut de
France, in succession to Sir Henry Maine, had been elected by a large
majority on May 8th. He seems to have received the first news of this from
the Duc d'Aumale, who wrote from Palermo on May 10th:--

Mon ancien maître, confrère et ami, Duruy, m'ecrit que vous venez d'etre
nommé associé étranger de son Académie par vingt-sept voix. C'est un beau
succès dont je veux tout de suite me réjouir avec vous, en attendant que je
puisse le faire de vive voix. Je compte être le 20 de ce mois à Bruxelles,
et dîner avec le Club quelque jour du mois de juin.

The election had to be approved by the President of the Republic, and the
result was not officially communicated till the 19th. It would seem that
Reeve did not receive it till his arrival in Paris, and on the next day,
May 25th, St.-Hilaire wrote:--

Demain je vous accompagnerai pour votre entrée à l'Académie. Vous verrez
que le cérémonial est des plus simples. Je vous présenterai spécialement à
M. Franck, qui, sur ma demande, a été votre rapporteur, et qui a parlé de
vous en termes excellents.

From the Duc d'Aumale he received, a few days later:--

_Bruxelles, 31 mai._--Je ne doutais pas du bon accueil qui vous serait fait
à l'Institut, et je suis ravi d'en recevoir le témoignage par votre lettre.
Je voudrais bien pouvoir assister au dîner du Club du 12 juin; mais j'en
ai quelque doute, tandis que je crois être certain, _Deo adjuvante_, de
pouvoir m'asseoir à notre table fraternelle le mardi 26. Je vous serre
affectueusement la main.

On May 28th Reeve returned to London. The entries in the Journal are of
little interest, but he noted:--

_June 12th._--At Lady Knutsford's, evening, met Lord and Lady Lansdowne,
just back from Canada.

_15th_.--To Foxholes. The Emperor Fritz of Germany died. During the whole
of his short reign, which lasted ninety-nine days, the most bitter quarrels
went on about his medical treatment. It was a great tragedy.

_25th_.--To London again. 26th, breakfasted with the Duc d'Aumale, who
dined at The Club.

_July 2nd._--To Winchester Quarter Sessions to qualify as J.P. for
Hampshire, having been recently appointed by Lord Carnarvon.

_9th_.--Attended Petty Sessions at Christchurch.

_30th_.--Winchester Assizes. On the Grand Jury.

The next letter, from Sir Arthur Gordon, refers to an incident alluded to
in the 'Greville Memoirs,' [Footnote: Third Part, i. 54-5.] which Reeve
had commented on at some length, with a reference to the Memoirs of Lord
Malmesbury, published some four years before.

What Lord Malmesbury had said amounted to this--that in 1844, when the
Russian Emperor Nicholas was in London, 'he, Sir Robert Peel (then prime
minister) and Lord Aberdeen (then foreign secretary) drew up and _signed_
a memorandum' to the effect that England 'would support Russia in her
legitimate protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy Shrines,
without consulting France. Lord Malmesbury added that the fact of Lord
Aberdeen, one of the signers of this paper, being prime minister in 1853,
was taken by Nicholas as a ground for believing that England would not
join France to restrain the pretensions of Russia, and therefore, by
implication, that Lord Aberdeen's being prime minister was a--if not
the--principal cause of the war. [Footnote: _Lord Malmesbury's Memoirs of
an Ex-Minister_ (1st edit.), i. 402-3.]

The memorandum itself, as printed in the Blue Book, differs essentially,
both in matter and form, from Lord Malmesbury's description of it. It
is entitled 'Memorandum by Count Nesselrode delivered to Her Majesty's
Government and founded on communications received from the Emperor of
Russia subsequently to His Imperial Majesty's visit to England in June
1844.' [Footnote: _Parliamentary Papers_, 1854, lxxi. 863.] It is unsigned,
and from the nature of it must be so; it is in no sense an agreement, but
a proposal that England should agree to act in concert with Russia and
Austria; and nothing whatever is said about the Greek religion, the
Holy Places, or the Russian protectorate. It is of course possible that
conversations between Nicholas and Lord Aberdeen, which preceded the
drawing up of this memorandum, may have encouraged the one and hampered
the other; but of this there is no evidence, and Lord Malmesbury could
not possibly know anything about it, though he did know something--very
inaccurately it appears--about the memorandum. The discrepancies had,
in fact, led Reeve to suppose that Malmesbury's statement must refer
to another memorandum; and thus Lord Stanmore's letter has a singular
historical interest, bearing, as it does, on a point that has been much
discussed.

_From Sir Arthur Gordon_

_Queen's House, Colombo, July 30th_--I am very sorry that I did not
contrive to meet you while in England.... I am almost equally sorry--in
fact, am equally sorry--that my laziness and procrastination in sending you
my notes prevented their being of any use in the revision of the seventh
volume [of the Greville Memoirs]. I am the more sorry because I confess
I greatly regret that the mare's-nest of the Russian Memorandum of 1844
should remain unpulled to pieces. You seem half-incredulous as to my
explanation, and ask very naturally, If that is all, why should there have
been any secrecy about it? The secrecy was due to the form, not the matter.
The memorandum was the Emperor's own account of his conversations with
the Duke, Sir R. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen, and a copy of it was sent in a
private letter from Count Nesselrode to Lord Aberdeen. It was never in the
hands of the ordinary diplomatic agents for official communication to the
English Government, nor was it ever treated as an official document. But
its importance was too great to allow its being treated as an ordinary
private letter, and my father personally handed it to Lord Palmerston when
replaced at the F. O. by him. Lord Palmerston delivered it in the same way
to Lord Granville, Lord Granville to Lord Malmesbury, Lord Malmesbury to
Lord John Russell, and Lord John to Lord Clarendon. In 1853 the Emperor
made some reference to this paper which was supposed to make it a public
document, and it was then printed and laid before Parliament soon after the
beginning of the war. This I assure you is the whole history and mystery
of the Russian Memorandum, Lord M. notwithstanding. This is not the only
instance in which Lord M. has mixed up, in singular fashion, what he
himself knew and what was the club gossip at the time.

The Journal here notes:--

_August 20th._--Drove over to Lytchet Heath, to stay with the Eustace
Cecils.

_September 10th._--Joined Mrs. Watney in the 'Palatine' yacht at
Bournemouth. Crossed to Trouville in the night. Lay in 'the ditch' for
twenty hours. 12th, Cherbourg. Met the French fleet and saw the arsenal.
13th, back to Southampton and to Foxholes. Pleasant trip; good weather.

_20th_--The Eustace Cecils came: took them to Heron Court. This was the
last time Lord Malmesbury saw people there.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

Woodnorton, 26 septembre.

Très cher ami,--Vous êtes bien heureux de pouvoir aller vous promener à
Cherbourg et à Paris. Enfin!

Oui, j'ai reçu un peu de plomb, et même assez près de l'oeil gauche; mais
le proverbe dit que ce métal est ami de l'homme. J'en serai quitte pour
quelques petites bosses sous la peau, et je vous souhaite de vous porter
aussi bien que je le fais en ce moment.

J'irai à Knowsley dans la seconde quinzaine d'octobre; à Sandringham,
dans les premiers jours de novembre; puis mes neveux viendront tirer mes
faisans. J'espère bien prendre part aux agapes du Club le 27 novembre et 11
décembre, et serai bien heureux de vous revoir un peu. En attendant je vous
serre la main, mon cher confrère.

H. D'ORLÉANS.

_To Lord Derby_

_Foxholes, October 2nd._--I am amused by the Court quarrel in Germany,
though I am afraid the broken heads will not be royal heads. Bismarck will
wreak his vengeance on numberless victims. Geffcken is a very old friend
of mine, and an occasional contributor to the 'Edinburgh Review;' but I am
afraid it will go hard with him, for Bismarck regards him as a personal
enemy. If the Prince had lived Bismarck could not have remained in office,
and the course of affairs might have been materially changed.

       *       *       *       *       *

On October 25th Reeve, with his wife, crossed over to Paris. He attended
the Institut on the 26th, and heard mass at Notre Dame on the 27th; but his
principal object seems to have been to consult Dr. Perrin about his eyes,
which for some time back had caused him some uneasiness. A literary man of
seventy-five is naturally quick to take alarm, and an English oculist had
recommended an operation. This Reeve was unwilling to undergo, at any
rate without another and entirely independent opinion; and as Dr. Perrin
pronounced strongly against it, no operation was performed; and with care
and good glasses his eyes continued serviceable to the last. On November
8th the Reeves returned to London, where, as Parliament was sitting, they
remained till Christmas; and, according to the Journal:--

_November 27th._--The Club was brilliant with the Duc d'Aumale, Wolseley,
Lord Derby, and Coleridge. Boehm and Maunde Thompson were elected.

_December 1st_.--To All Souls, Oxford. Prothero, Dicey, Oman, George
Curzon, &c. Stayed over Sunday.

_27th_.--To Timsbury: thence to Foxholes on the 29th.

_January 15th_, 1889.--Returned to London.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, January 20th_.--It was very good of you to think of my book on
'L'Inde Anglaise,' and I thank you for the 'Edinburgh Review' which you
have sent me. I read the article with great interest. It is very well done,
and I beg you to thank the author in my name for having taken the trouble
to read me with so much attention and good will. I do not think I have
exaggerated the danger which threatens your great enterprise in India. The
Transcaspian Railway, which will very soon run from Samarkand to Tashkend,
seems to me one source of it. Yours will, indeed, soon reach to Candahar;
but Russia is at home in the country, whilst England is very far off.
The magnanimous confidence you have in your own strength is most
praiseworthy--provided that your watchfulness is not allowed to slumber....
Meanwhile I remain constant in my admiration of what the English are doing
in India; and the administration of Lord Dufferin may well confirm me in my
opinion. There is nothing like it, or so great as it, in the history of the
past.

_From Lord Dufferin_

British Embassy, Rome, January 27th.

My dear Reeve,--Many thanks for your letter of the 16th. As you may well
suppose, I am delighted with Lyall's article; for he is acknowledged, both
by Indian and by so much of English public opinion as knows anything of
the matter, to have been the best Indian public servant that the present
generation has produced. In addition, or, as perhaps some would say, in
spite of possessing real literary genius, he proved himself a most wise,
shrewd, and capable administrator. I do not believe he made a single
mistake during his whole career. At all events, I never heard of his having
done so; and a slip is scarcely made in India without the fact being duly
recorded. What pleases me most is that the kind words he uses about myself
should be embedded in the exposition of his own opinions upon Indian
questions--opinions full of acuteness, justice, and knowledge. It is
these that will really make the article interesting to your readers, and
consequently give a greater importance to what he has said about me than
otherwise would have been the case. I have obeyed your orders in regard to
sending a copy of my speech to M. Barthelemy St.-Hilaire.

The social history of the season is adequately chronicled in the Journal:--

_February 5th_.--The Ogilvies in London.

_22nd_.--Mr. Gollop [Mrs. Reeve's father] died; born October 11th, 1791.
Christine had been down just before.

_March 12th_.--The Club. Good party: Lord Salisbury, Walpole, Tyndall,
Hooker, Hewett, Lecky, Lyall, A. Russell, Layard, and self.

_March 20th_.--Meeting at Lord Carnarvon's about the bust of Sir C. Newton.

_25th_.--Breakfast at Sheen House with Comte and Comtesse de Paris, to meet
Lefèvre-Pontalis and Bocher.

_28th_.--Lunched with Major Dawson at Woolwich and went over the Arsenal.
Very interesting.

_April 12th_.--Meeting for Matthew Arnold's Memorial. 7,000 _l_. raised.

_May 4th_.--Dined at the Royal Academy dinner. Sat by Horsley, Tyndall, and
Chitty.

_From Sir Arthur Gordon_

_May 5th_.--You may rely upon it that I am absolutely right as to the
Russian Memorandum--Lord Malmesbury does not himself assert that he ever
saw it, which, had it existed, he must have done when Foreign Secretary. I
cannot, of course, expect you to attach the same weight that I do to what
I may call the personal reasons which make me utterly incredulous of Lord
Malmesbury's story; but there are other reasons for doubting it, some of
which may have already occurred to you. One is the alleged form of the
document, which is said to be signed by the Emperor, the Duke, my father,
and Sir R. Peel. Lord Malmesbury prides himself on the knowledge of
diplomatic forms and etiquettes derived from his grandfather's papers. He
might have known that the signature of an engagement by a Sovereign (and
such a Sovereign!) on the one side and _three ministers_ of another
Sovereign on the other (thereby putting them on species of equality) was
an impossibility. Such a paper, if it existed, would be signed either by
_both_ Sovereigns or by the ministers of both. I think I may say with
confidence that the Emperor Nicholas was a most unlikely man to perform
such an act of condescension. And why should he? He had his confidential
minister with him. Another, and I think fatal, objection is that neither
my father nor Lord Clarendon were altogether absolute fools, and when, in
answer to the Emperor's challenge, they published the secret memorandum
which had till then been handed on privately from minister to minister,
they knew what they were about, and would never have put it into the power
of the Emperor to retort that _that_ was not what he referred to, but to a
paper which would not improve the cordiality of the Anglo-French alliance.
Again, is it likely that, if the Emperor had entered into such an
agreement, he would take the trouble to write another long memorandum,
containing the 'substance' of his discussions with the English ministers?
This is the memorandum which was sent in a private letter, which I possess,
from Count Nesselrode to my father; which was handed from minister to
minister, and which was published in 1854. The original draft, Count
Nesselrode said, was in the Emperor's own hand. I have another little bit
of evidence which I think also goes to prove that no such agreement was
entered into in 1844, as Lord Malmesbury supposes. In 1845 Count Nesselrode
visited England. My father, writing to the Queen, gives an account of his
conversations with Nesselrode, and says: 'His language very much resembled
that held by the Emperor; and _although he made no specific proposals_, his
declarations of support, in case of necessity, were _more_ unequivocal.'
(The italics are mine.) Could he have written this if he had already,
some months before, signed an agreement with the Emperor, which was both
unequivocal and specific?

_From the Comte de Paris_

Sheen House, 7 mai.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve ,--Nous aussi, nous n'avons pas oublié votre
présence à notre mariage le 30 mai 1864. La Comtesse de Paris et moi nous
sommes bien touchés de la manière dont vous nous le rappelez, et je vous
remercie de tout coeur de ce que vous me dites et des voeux que vous
m'adressez en cette occasion. Au milieu de toutes les vicissitudes de notre
vie pendant ces vingt-cinq ans nous avons été constamment soutenus par
le bonheur domestique que cette union nous a donné et par toutes les
satisfactions que nous ont causées nos enfants.

Lorsque j'ai reçu votre lettre j'allais vous écrire, ainsi qu'à Madame
Reeve, de vouloir bien venir ici le 30 mai dans l'après-midi: nous recevons
entre 2 et 5 tous les amis qui viendront fêter cet anniversaire avec nous.
Je me souviens bien que Madame Reeve était avec vous à la chapelle de
Kingston, mais ma mémoire n'est pas sûre en ce qui concerne Madame votre
fille. Je vous serais bien reconnaissant de me faire savoir si elle était
avec vous ce jour-là. En attendant je vous prie de me croire Votre bien
affectionné,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.

The Journal notes:--

_May 7th._--The Club: Due d'Aumale, Lord Salisbury, Wolseley, Carlisle, A.
Russell, Hewett, Stephen--very brilliant.

_8th_.--Returned to Foxholes.

_16th_.--Drove to Heron Court. Lord Malmesbury dying.

_17th_.--Lord Malmesbury died. 22nd, attended his funeral in Priory Church.
29th, to London.

_30th_.--The silver wedding of the Comte and Comtesse de Paris at Sheen.
All the French Royalties, Prince of Wales, &c. About five hundred people;
169 persons still alive who were at the wedding in 1864. A silver medal was
sent to all the survivors.

_From M. B. St.-Hilaire_

_Paris, June 6th_.--If I am free in the autumn, it will give me great
pleasure to pay you another visit at Foxholes; the first has left a
pleasant memory, and I ask no better than to repeat it. But, without having
to complain of old age, I find more difficulty in going about. I am not
exactly ill, but my strength gradually fails--a sign that the end is not
far off.

I foresaw that General Boulanger would have no success in England; you are
much too serious for such a nature as his. His popularity diminishes daily;
and if the Cabinet act with judgement from now to the October elections,
I have no doubt they may regain public favour. The triumph of Boulangism
would be the signal for horrible anarchy at home and war abroad, provoked
by the madmen who had climbed into power.

Monarchy, in the person of the Comte de Paris, is losing rather than
gaining ground here. If France should ever return to a dynasty, it would be
more likely to be the Bonapartes. The terrible name of Napoleon has still
an immense _prestige_, however unworthy his successors.

M. St.-Hilaire's visit did not come off. The Journal mentions many dinners,
receptions, and garden parties in town during June and July, and eleven
days in August on board Mrs. Watney's yacht 'Palatine,' to see the naval
review on the 5th. 'Very rough weather all the time.' In September a
journey to Edinburgh and on the 14th to Chesters, chronicled as 'my first
visit to my daughter.' A week later Reeve returned south; and, paying a few
short visits on the way, including a day at Knowsley, was back at Foxholes
by the 26th.

_From Count Vitzthum_

Villa Vitzthum, Baden Baden, August 30th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,--I beg to send you the proofs of the preface and
contents, in order to show you the plan of my book.

I am very sorry that you do not approve of the account I have given of our
interview in September 1866. It was unfortunately too late to cancel the
letter, but nothing would prevent leaving it out if those memoirs should
ever be translated. On further consideration, and after reading the
foregoing pages, you will find, I am sure, that your comment on the
situation in September 1866 was not only correct, but very valuable. The
peace of Europe then was threatened by two eventualities, of which one
happened: by an ostensible alliance between Prussia and France, or by an
immediate war between both. Rouher and Lavalette worked very hard for the
alliance, and your sound judgement indicated the consequences which such an
alliance would have had. I quite agree with you about these relations. But
the opinion of a man like you is a fact, and an important fact; because you
have been in those days what they call a representative man; because you
represented a great portion of the Liberal party. It does not take one iota
off the value of your opinion--which, you may depend upon it, was correctly
recorded--if the course of events took another turn, and if this monster
alliance remained a dream of adventurous French politicians. The thing was
on the cards.

As for Napoleon's malady, all I can say [is] that Nelaton, who then was
consulted for the first time, wrote a letter to King Leopold of Belgium,
stating that it was very probable the Emperor of the French would be found
any morning dead in his bed, and that he would most likely die before the
end of November. Very truly yours,

VITZTHUM.

In consequence of this letter Mr. Reeve wrote to Mr. T. Norton Longman:--

_Foxholes, September 3rd._--Count Vitzthum is about to publish two more
volumes of his political reminiscences during his mission in London. I send
you the index of the work, from which you will see that it contains a good
deal of matter, anecdotes, &c., of interest to English readers. You will
judge from the result of the former work whether you think it worth while
to engage in the publication of a translation of these later volumes. But,
as I am going away till the end of the month, I cannot negotiate with Count
Vitzthum or with the translator, and I must beg you to take that upon
yourself.

A month later, however, on October 2nd, he wrote that, after seeing the
book, he was of opinion that it would not stand translation. It was
reviewed in the 'Edinburgh' of January 1890, but was not translated.

_From Lord Derby_

_November 11th_.--I have only begun the Life of Lord John. It would be a
very difficult one to write in a spirit at once of fairness and friendship.
My impression of the man was and is that he was more thoroughly and
essentially a partisan than anyone I have known; and sometimes open to the
comment, that he seemed to consider the Universe as existing for the sake
of the Whig party. Perhaps this would not strike anyone who was trained up
in the same school, as strongly as it did me. On the other hand, I think he
was more generally consistent, and had fewer of his own words to eat, than
any politician of his time or of ours. His religious politics were his weak
part; they were rather narrow and sectarian. I suppose he was forced by the
Court into his quarrel with Palmerston; which was the trouble of his later
official life, and caused these uneasy struggles to recover a lost position
which did him harm. But with all drawbacks he has left an honoured and
distinguished name. Do you think there is any ground for the idea which
Lady Russell puts about that, if he had lived till now, he would have gone
for Home Rule?




CHAPTER XXIII

THE ONE MORE CHANGE


The very wide range of Reeve's studies has appeared from many indications
scattered through these pages, and it has been seen how, at different
times, he was occupying himself with various subjects far outside the
ordinary course of reading. These were, however, connected by some general
idea which pervaded the whole. Of natural science he knew little. As a boy,
the study of mathematics was irksome to him and repulsive, nor was he at
any later time more favourably inclined towards it. His acquaintance
with astronomy, chemistry, physics, and the cognate sciences was very
limited--not more, perhaps, than he picked up in his careful and
intelligent study of the articles published in the 'Edinburgh Review'
during the forty years of his editorship. His real knowledge was confined
by a band of history, but of history in its very widest sense, including
not only war and politics and law, but political economy, literature,
religion, and superstition. Of military science he had read sufficient to
take a technical interest in the details of battles and campaigns, and
he was perhaps one of the first landsmen of this age to understand the
'influence of sea-power.' His attention had been called to this at a very
early period in his career by the utter collapse of Mehemet Ali in Syria;
and reasoning on that, he had learned that 'sea-power,' or, as he preferred
to call it, 'maritime-power,' controlled and directed affairs with which,
at first sight, it seemed to have absolutely nothing to do.

Long before Captain Mahan began to teach, or to write those admirable works
which came as a revelation to the English and the European public, he had
opened the pages of the 'Edinburgh Review' to writers who, in different
ways and in different degrees, were inculcating the same doctrine, which
during the long peace, and by reason of the overwhelming superiority of the
allies in the Russian war, had been almost forgotten, even by professional
men. It would not be difficult to show how, during the thirty years which
preceded the publication of Captain Mahan's 'Influence of Sea-Power,' its
most important theories were illustrated and discussed in the pages of the
'Review.' The following, by one of the most accomplished officers in our
navy, refers to such an article in the January number:--

_From Captain Bridge, R.N._

_January 19th_.--As an Englishman and a sailor, I feel it to be a duty
again to congratulate you on the article 'Naval Supremacy,' &c., in the new
number of the 'Edinburgh Review.' That article and the one concerning which
I previously addressed you can hardly fail to do good. The Maurician school
and its 'two Army-corps and a cavalry division,' which were to be launched
at the Caucasus, must have received a severe check from the earlier
article. The disaster-breeding facts of the fort-builders can hardly
survive many more such assaults as that so sharply driven home in 'Naval
Supremacy.' The opinions of the writer of the latter, I venture to think,
foreshadow those of the Navy on the subject of huge ships and huge guns.
I hold it to be highly beneficial to the country that the editor of the
'Edinburgh Review' should have so keen an appreciation and, for a civilian,
so rare a knowledge of naval affairs.

_From Lord Derby_

_April 3rd_--What a new Europe is beginning! Bismarck dismissed; Emperors
holding Socialist conferences; more attempts to murder the Tsar; strikes
all over the world; Germans going to Prussianise Central Africa! No want of
novelty in our time and amusing enough, if one is far enough off.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Chantilly_, 14 _juin_.--Où diable avais-je la tête, mon cher ami? (ne
montrez pas ce préambule à nos amis puritains.) Je croyais bien vous avoir
écrit que je comptais passer la mer vers le 22, dîner avec le Club le 24,
embrasser mes neveux et nièces de toutes générations, voir quelques amis,
et rentrer ici vers la fin de la semaine. Je persiste dans ce projet,
_weather permitting_; c'est-à-dire sauf le cas de tempête que l'on est bien
forcé de prévoir avec une pareille saison. A bientôt donc, s'il plaît à
Dieu. Je finis mieux que je ne commence, et je vous serre la main.

H. D'O.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Chantilly_, 26 _juillet_.--J'essaye de chasser par le travail les
préoccupations qui m'obsèdent. Je n'y réussis pas toujours. Est-ce l'effet
de l'âge? mais je suis de plus en plus anxieux sur l'avenir de mon pays et
même de l'Europe. Nous sommes dans le faux depuis 1848, et il est sorti de
la guerre de '70 un état de choses bien périlleux.

Au revoir et mille amitiés.

The diary and the correspondence for the rest of the year are singularly
barren of interest. A troublesome attack of sciatica in the end of July led
to Reeve's being advised to try Harrogate, whither he accordingly went
in the beginning of August. He found the place--possibly also the
water--disagreeable, and after a week's stay he went on to Bolton Abbey, to
Minto, and to Chesters. By the end of the month he was back at Foxholes,
where he remained throughout September. Early in October he went for a ten
days' visit to Knowsley, where he met Froude and the Duc d'Aumale, with
whom he returned to London. Then to Foxholes for a month, coming up to
town in the middle of November, and--with the exception of a week at
Easter--staying there till May 1891.

_From Lord Derby_

_Knowsley, January 20th_.--What do you think of Home Rule in its present
phase? Chamberlain says it is dead; I say it is badly crippled, but capable
of a good deal of mischief still. I see no new question coming forward,
except that of strikes, eight-hours legislation, and Socialism generally.

Do you ever see the 'New Review'? I picked it up yesterday, and read a very
pretty Socialist programme by Morris and a Mr. Bernard Shaw, whom I never
heard of before, but who is apparently rather clever and rather cracked. I
suspect ideas of that class are making progress.

This letter, though not calling for any hurry, Reeve answered immediately,
as was his general custom. It was indeed only by this prompt attention
that, with the enormous correspondence which he carried on, he could
prevent an accumulation which would have been overwhelming.

_To Lord Derby_

62 _Rutland Gate, January 21st_.--I think Home Rule, as an English party
cry, has received a death blow, and cannot be used to bring a party into
power. But Ireland remains open, an eternal field of agitation, and the
Irishmen are still in the House of Commons. Perhaps the want of funds may
embarrass them. I have not seen the 'New Review,' but there is a vast deal
of lawlessness and wild speculation in the air, injurious to the first
conditions of social life, and I confess I have no unbounded confidence in
the boasted good sense of the English people; they are very ignorant and
very selfish. No one tells them so many sensible home truths as yourself.
As for the strikes, the strikers are the greatest sufferers.

I have published a remarkable article on the fiscal system of the United
States--by an American--which I hope you will read. My contributor thinks
there are great difficulties ahead in America, and Mr. Blaine's bluster is
an attempt to direct public attention into another channel.

I have been laid up for some days with a cold and gout, but have been out
to-day and am better. I never remember so terrible a winter; but we hope it
is passing away, though it is still freezing here.

_Foxholes, May 12th_.--I was sorry to leave London without seeing you and
Lady Derby again; but the Fates were against me: you were laid up with
cold, and I have been troubled for some weeks with sciatica, which impedes
my movements. I hope you have shaken off your attack and will get out of
town. The atmosphere of London seems to be in a very noxious state, and I
don't know that the atmosphere of the House of Commons is much better. A
committee of the whole House strikes an outsider as the clumsiest machine
for legislation that was ever invented.

An unlimited power of moving amendments brings us to the same results as
the Polish Veto.

I hope to come up to the dinners of The Club on June 2nd and 16th. On the
latter day the Duc d'Aumale will dine with us, so I trust you will keep it
free.

_From Lord Derby_

_May 13th_.--You are quite right about the House of Commons. They will
pass the Land Bill, I suppose, but scarcely anything else. Most of the
obstruction is unintended; loquacity, vanity, and fear of constituents do
more mischief than faction. I am not sure that it is an unmixed evil that
the legislative coach should be compelled to drive slowly.

For Reeve the principal social event of the year, or rather the one most
out of ordinary course, was the conferring an honorary degree on the Duc
d'Aumale by the University of Oxford. Of the preliminary step no record
remains, but it would seem that at a very early stage Reeve was requested
to sound the Duke, who wrote on November 30th, 1890, that he should feel
greatly honoured if the University of Oxford should confer on him the
degree of D.C.L.--'si pauvre légiste que je sois.' On this Reeve wrote to
Dr. Liddell, then Dean of Christ Church, [Footnote: After having held this
office for thirty-six years, Dr. Liddell retired in 1891, and died at the
age of 87, on January 18th, 1898.] who replied on December 2nd:--

Dear Mr. Reeve,--I shall be proud to propose H.R.H.'s (the Duc d'Aumale's)
name for an Honorary Degree at the next Encaenia. This will not be till
June 17th, 1891. I hope his R.H. will be my guest on the occasion.
Meantime, it is our rule that no mention should be made of the name to be
proposed. Yours very truly,

H. G. LIDDELL.

Other correspondence about this there was, and on February 25th, 1891, Dr.
Liddell again wrote:--

The arrangements you suggest for the Duc d'Aumale will suit very well. Of
course it is running it rather fine to arrive at 11.13; but we will see
about this as the time approaches. Meantime I must ask you and the Duke's
friends not to say anything about the matter at present. I shall have to
give notice to our Council in May. A fortnight after, his name will be
submitted to ballot; and though there can be no reasonable doubt that
H.R.H.'s name will be received with acclamation, they make a great point of
secrecy till the ballot takes place.

Perhaps about the beginning of May you will be so good as to send me a
complete statement of H.R.H.'s claims to an Honorary Degree. I know much
about them, but should be glad to be fully equipped.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Chantilly_, 9 _juin_.--Bon! très cher ami, nous irons, s'il plaît à Dieu,
ensemble à Oxford, le 17, par 9.55 en cravate blanche. Je compte arriver le
14 au soir à Claridge's, où je serai présent le lundi, 15, de 10 à midi,
et de 6 à 7; le mardi, 16, de 10 à midi. Si vous pouvez venir m'y voir,
je serai très heureux, car j'ai encore besoin de quelques renseignements
complimentaires.

Vous m'avez offert l'hospitalité du Dean, et je lui ai écrit que je
l'acceptais. Mais en quoi consiste cette hospitalité? Simple luncheon suivi
d'un départ, ou dîner et coucher au doyenné? Je ne voudrais pas manquer de
courtoisie; but above all I would not intrude--et je suis _très disposé_
à me retirer de très bonne heure. Seulement j'aimerais à être fixé pour
prendre tous mes arrangements.

The Journal simply notes that on June 16th the Duc d'Aumale dined at The
Club; and on the 17th 'with Duc d'Aumale to Oxford, where he was made
D.C.L. Lunch at All Souls; very pleasant day.' Reeve left early and
returned at once to Foxholes.

_From the Duc d'Aumale_

_Chantilly_, 1er _juillet_.--Après votre départ de Christ Church [Oxford]
le 17 nous avons eu le ou la 'Gaudy.' Ainsi que vous l'aviez prévu, j'ai dû
dire quelques mots à peine préparés. Comme il n'y avait pas de _reporter_,
et que je n'avais aucune note, et comme l'auditoire, y compris nos
Seigneurs les évêques, avait accueilli mon _speech_ avec bienveillance, je
l'ai noté sur le papier--comme disent les musiciens--avant de me coucher.
Vous avez été presque mon parrain à Oxford, je vous en dois bien la copie.
C'est, en tous cas, un témoignage de ma fidèle amitié.

The speech which follows, although delivered under circumstances which
necessitated a complimentary tone, is a more than usually graceful tribute
to our old Universities, and the introduction of the little analogue is
singularly happy. The Duke, whose letters to Reeve are all in French, wrote
this _verbatim_ as here given, in correct English, perfectly well spelt.

Mr. Dean, my Lords and Gentlemen,--Let me first express how highly I prize
the honour which has been conferred upon me to-day, and how glad I am to be
so connected with your illustrious University. I have always admired the
University of Oxford. I have more than once visited this town, when I
received a princely hospitality in the noble baronial halls of this
neighbourhood--Nuneham, Blenheim--or when I was quietly living on the banks
of the Avon. Often I brought here my French friends, and I tried to
explain the peculiarities, the complicated machinery of this illustrious
corporation; to show how, remaining faithful to the traditions, preserving
your old customs, you did not remain deaf to what might be said without,
nor blind to the movement of the world; how, slowly perhaps, but prudently,
step by step, you managed to bring the necessary changes, the wanted
modifications, so as to keep pace with the times without breaking with the
past.

'Mais c'est le couteau de Jeannot que cette Université,' said one of my
interlocutors. Well, I will give you the tale of Jeannot's knife.

There was once a young peasant called Jeannot, and he had a knife of which
he took great care. He found that the blade was rusting and he changed the
blade. Then he found that the handle was decaying from dry-rot, and he
changed the handle; and so on. His friends laughed at him, and would not
take the same care of their knives, which they lost--one breaking the
blade, another the handle. But Jeannot, having always kept his knife in
good order, could always make use of it, cleverly and powerfully.

Well, I think there is some analogy between the tale of this humble man and
the history of your great University. It seems to me I see the huge frame
of a large fabric which has stood for centuries glorious and proud. The
stones are changed, the bricks, the mortar, or the roof are renewed; and
the fabric still stands through the ages, through the storms, glorious and
proud. And I hope it will so remain and stand everlasting, with its old
frame and the new materials; and I wish glory and prosperity to the
University of Oxford.

To all who have thought of my name and conferred upon me the honour I have
just received, and to those who have given me such a kindly reception, I
send my best thanks, and I wish prosperity and success.

At this time, and indeed ever since his retirement from the Council Office,
Reeve's chief work was in connexion with the 'Review;' but he also did a
very great deal as literary adviser of the Longmans. He had indeed, to some
extent, acted in this capacity ever since he undertook the conduct of the
'Review;' the two offices fitted into and were supplementary to each other;
and it will be remembered that in 1875 [Footnote: See _ante_, p. 243.]
he had contemplated retiring from the public service, with the view
of undertaking the main responsibility of this work for the firm.
Circumstances had delayed his retirement; but by an arrangement with the
firm in 1878, which continued in force during the rest of his life, the
number of works he examined and reported on was considerably increased, and
must have been very large. Books in French, German, or Italian offered for
translation, MSS. in English offered for publication--whatever there was of
grave, serious, or important, as well as a good deal that was not, was sent
to him for a first or a revised opinion. And this opinion was given very
frankly, and most commonly in the fewest possible words: 'My advice is that
you have nothing to do with it' was a not unfrequent formula. Another,
less frequent, was, 'He--the aspirant to literary fame and emolument--can
neither write nor spell English;' 'I wish they wouldn't send their trash to
me' was an occasional prayer; 'Seems to me sheer nonsense;'--'What a waste
of time and labour!'--'It is very provoking that people should attempt to
write books who cannot write English,' were occasional reports. Of course
many of his judgements were very different: 'A work of great interest which
must have a large sale;' 'Secure this if you possibly can;' 'A most
able work, but will scarcely command a remunerative sale;' 'Not worth
translating, but send me a copy for the "Review,"' are some of his more
favourable verdicts. But in all cases the judgements were sharp and
decisive; there was about them nothing of the celebrated 'This work might
be very good if it was not extremely bad,' or its converse. These reports
were, of course, in the highest degree confidential; and, especially of the
unfavourable ones, Reeve made a point of forgetting all about the origin of
them. On one occasion, when a reference was made to a work he had reported
on a few weeks before, he wrote in reply, 'The numerous MSS. &c. sent for
an opinion leave no trace on my memory.'

As it was with printed books and larger MSS., so it was with articles
submitted for the 'Review;' but he did not encourage casual contributions,
and seldom--perhaps never--accepted any without some previous
understanding. The political articles and the reviews of important books
were almost invariably written in response to a direct invitation; but
whether the articles sent in were invited or offered, he equally reserved
the right to express his approval or disapproval or disagreement, and to
insist, if necessary, on the article being remodelled or withdrawn. Such
an insistence is more than once noticed in his correspondence, quite
irrespective of the high reputation of the author. Probably every one whose
contributions have been at all numerous has had an opportunity of noticing
how perfectly candid and yet how courteous his remarks always were. If an
article pleased him, he said so in terms that from anyone else might have
seemed extravagant. Many letters of this type might be given; one must
suffice, written to a valued contributor, dead, unfortunately, many years
ago--Colonel Charles Cornwallis Chesney:--

_C. O., February 26th, 1873_.--I received the proofs of your article on Lee
last night, and therefore I conclude that you have received them also. I
don't exaggerate the least when I say that the article strikes me as
a _chef d'oeuvre_ of military biography. You have drawn a most heroic
character with peculiar grace and fervour, and the account of the military
operations is singularly clear and interesting. It only strikes me that you
have repeated the comparison with Hannibal rather too often.

Pray be so good as to return the proofs to _me_ as soon as you can, that I
may have the article made up and printed off. I feel infinitely obliged to
you for it.

The value of such praise was heightened, its apparent extravagance done
away with, by the knowledge that dissatisfaction would be expressed in
language equally unmistakable, and that either by the contributor or the
editor the modifications which seemed to him desirable would be made. It
was partly because he reserved to himself this power and accepted all the
responsibility, that he insisted so strenuously on the anonymous character
of the articles. But more even than that was his abhorrence of anything
like 'log-rolling,' which, in his opinion, was inseparable from signed
reviews. To the very last he discouraged, and indeed openly expressed his
disapproval and dislike of the presumably inspired announcements of
authors' names in the 'Athenaeum' or other journals. Here is an extract
from a letter dated October 6th, 1891, which illustrates this objection:--
'The only objection I have to the republication of articles with the name
of the writer is that it destroys their anonymous character, which ought
especially to be retained when they contain criticism of contemporaries.'
So careful was he lest anything might warp the perfect fairness of
criticism, which should 'nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.'
I, who write these lines, can say positively, after having written for the
'Review' under Reeve for upwards of twenty years, that in all that time I
never received a hint or suggestion that any book should be dealt with
otherwise than on its merits; and whilst engaged on this present work I
have learned, for the first time, that men whose books I have reviewed,
not always favourably, were personal friends of the editor. The following
letter, addressed to Mr. T. N. Longman, is merely a concrete illustration
of this:--

_December 26th_, 1891.--I thought it best to tell Froude frankly that the
review of his book [Footnote: The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon,' in the
_Review_ of January 1892.] in the 'Edinburgh' would be an unfavourable one.
At the same time I disclaimed in the strongest language any disposition
to make a personal attack on himself. Unfortunately he seems to ascribe
adverse criticism of his works to personal animosity, which, in his case,
is entirely wanting.

It is a painful necessity. Froude and his book are too important to be
passed over in silence. But the judicial character and consistency, and I
may say honour, of the 'Review' absolutely require that the truth should be
told about the book. I should consider it a derogation to my duty to the
'Review' if, from personal motives or affection, I suppressed an adverse
criticism of a work which imperatively demands an answer. The independence
of the 'Review' requires an independent judgement; but I expressly
stipulated with the writer of the article that he should abstain from
_bitterness_, which was carried too far in Goldwin Smith's article on
the same subject in 1858. The 'Review' is pledged to the views already
expressed on that occasion.

I have therefore modified as far as possible any expressions which appeared
to be of too censorious a character; but it is impossible to avoid
condemning a mistaken book because the author is a personal friend. _Judex
damnatur si nocens absolvitur_ is our motto.

Froude does not like Mr. Gardiner's book. He says, 'It's a menagerie of
tame beasts.' I think very highly of the book; and as we differ, I have
yielded to his wish to be released from the engagement.

Nobody can regret more than I do any differences between old friends; but
my duty is to look solely to the consistency and integrity of the 'Review,'
without which criticism is worthless; and this consideration leaves me no
other course.

Another point, of a similar nature, I can illustrate by my own experience.
I had undertaken, at Reeve's request, to review a rather important
historical work published by Longmans, but on reading it was so
unfavourably impressed by it that I wrote to say that the best thing I
could do would be to return the volumes; that the book was bad, and if
I reviewed it I must say so; but that doing this in the publisher's own
Review would have a certain resemblance to seething a kid in its mother's
milk, and might probably be objected to. 'Not a bit of it,' was the sense
of the reply I received by return of post: 'a bad book may be the text for
an interesting article, and we have nothing to do with who published it.'
So I expressed my opinion of the book in very plain terms; the review was
printed exactly as I wrote it, and the editor thanked me warmly for what
he was pleased to speak of as an 'excellent article.' It may, perhaps, be
assumed that this was not an isolated case; but written evidence of any
others is not before me.

After returning from Oxford, Reeve spent the rest of the year at Foxholes,
He had intended going to London and possibly to Scotland in October, but an
accidental stumble in his library over a heavy despatch box made a nasty
wound on the left shin, which took many weeks in healing and prevented his
travelling till the middle of December. On the 19th he went to town, where,
with the exception of some short visits to Bath or to Foxholes, he remained
till June, dining several times at The Club, entertaining at home in his
customary manner, and keeping up a constant--almost daily--correspondence,
such as has been indicated, with the Longmans, for the most part with the
head of the firm, whom he had known from childhood and habitually addressed
by his Christian name.

As he returned to Foxholes the country was in the throes of a general
election. Tired, it would seem, of steady and consistent government, it
longed for a change--anything for a change; and so opened the door for an
administration whose almost avowed object was to play skittles with the
Constitution--to bowl down the Union, the Established Church, the House
of Lords, the rights of property, and any other little trifles that were
sacred to law and religion. It was with deep regret that Reeve watched the
overthrow of what he considered the true Liberal party, and he wrote to Mr.
T. Norton Longman:--

_Foxholes_, _July 14th_--The results of the elections are far worse than
could be expected. Some of them are very odd. I have to deplore the defeat
of many of my friends. I suppose the Queen will have to make up her mind
to a ministry composed of men she abhors; but the majority will have in it
inherent weakness and the seeds of dissolution.

I have found it difficult to say anything about the elections and have been
as short as possible.

From a somewhat different point of view, he wrote a few days later to Lord
Derby:--

_Foxholes, July 22nd._--I have, of course, been watching with great
interest the progress of the elections, and I am happy to say that
Hampshire, like all the southern counties, comes out with a clean Unionist
bill. If the ultimate majority was to be small, is it not better to be in
opposition than in power? Mr. Gladstone's position, as the man responsible
for the conduct of affairs, is much less desirable than that of Lord
Salisbury, for he has the better half of the country dead against him. How
curious it is to trace on the map in the 'Times' the old traditions of
Saxon, Celtic, Mercian, and Danish origin in the counties of England,
Ireland, and Wales! Are the Celts to govern the Saxons?

Early in August Reeve was visited at Foxholes by Count Adam Krasinski
[Footnote: Son of Ladislas and grandson of Reeve's early friend Sigismond
Krasinski. He was born in 1870, and married at Vienna in 1897.]--a
connecting link with the past, the merry days when he was young; and on
Krasinski's departure, he went north to visit some friends in Wales and
thence on to Chesters.

Parliament met on August 4th, and on a simple motion of want of confidence,
as an amendment to the Address, the Ministry was defeated. Lord Salisbury
resigned, and Mr. Gladstone came into office with a Cabinet in which every
shade of unconstitutional opinion and every socially destructive fad were
fully represented. Reeve consoled himself with the belief that such a
ministry could not last. To Mr. T. Norton Longman he wrote:--

_Chesters, August 22nd_.--I have been paying some visits in Wales and have
come on here, where Mrs. Reeve preceded me. We find the Ogilvies very
flourishing, and the place beautiful. Here, at least, it is not hot, which
seems to be the grievance elsewhere.

We are going to Rutland Gate on Friday and to Foxholes on Monday, and shall
remain there, except for a visit to a neighbour.

I think Mr. Gladstone's Ministry a wretched affair. The old ones are worn
out, and the young ones are not broken in, and bring no weight at all.
The sole gratification of every one of them is absolute submission and
obedience to the Chief. But he will have some troublesome outsiders.

_Foxholes, September 7th_.--We shall stay here till October 6th, when I
mean to come to London for two or three days, on our way to Knowsley. The
world seems fast asleep after the excitement of the summer, and people have
nothing to talk or write about but the cholera--which is not amusing.

It was whilst at Chesters that Reeve received a curious note from the
Marquis of Lorne, written to 'The Editor of the "Edinburgh Review,"' as to
a total stranger:--

Osborne, August 21st.

SIR,--I have found a number of original unpublished letters written by the
Duke of Argyll in 1705 and the Earl of Leven in 1706, from Edinburgh, to
Queen Anne and Godolphin, on the measures taken in the Scots Parliament
for the Union between England and Scotland, and am writing a notice of and
giving extracts from these papers, and wish to ask if you would care to
have this notice as an article in your 'Review.'

I remain, yours faithfully,

LORNE.

Reeve's answer corrected the mistake, and in forwarding the MS. referred
to, to Foxholes, Lord Lorne wrote:--

Kensington Palace, September 5th.

My dear and ancient friend and editor,--I did not know, to my disgrace,
that you are still in command. I never thought when the grey mare subsided
under you at Inveraray, in--year, [Footnote: Blank in the original; meaning
presumably--'so long ago that I've forgotten.' Reeve's one recorded visit
to Inveraray was in August 1858 (_ante_, vol. i. p. 395), when the Marquis
of Lorne was a boy of thirteen.] that in 1892 I should be writing to you
about proofs! It makes me feel young again to think of you in your old
capacity. If old times' gossip suits the 'Review,' please send the proofs
to me here--to Kensington Palace--whence, if I be away, they will be
forwarded to me.

Yours very faithfully,

LORNE.

A few days later came the following letter from Count Adam Krasinski, to
whom, when at Foxholes, Reeve had given the letters of his grandfather,
Sigismond Krasinski.

Royalin, September 10th.

SIR,--On arriving in Warsaw a few days ago, I took the liberty of sending
you some bottles of wine from our cellar, among which is some
Hungarian Tokay, one of the oldest wines we have, bought by my
great-great-grandfather, the father of General Vincent, in the year of the
latter's birth. I hope you will be so good as to accept this little
present and make it welcome; for, being young myself, I have chosen an old
ambassador to thank you for your kindness to me. I can never sufficiently
thank you for the charming way in which you have made me the handsome
present of my grandfather's correspondence, which is of inestimable value
to me. The more I read it the more I realise its value. It contains the
whole developement of a noble character, and a fine nature, set forth in
long, full, and frequent letters to a trusted friend. And what a pleasure
it is to have the answers of this friend, so clearly showing your relations
to each other, and the reciprocal influence of two minds! Thanks, and again
thanks.

I am very well, and am at present with my stepfather in the Grand Duchy of
Posnanie. Our plans for the winter are not yet fixed. Paris attracts me
greatly; but, on the other hand, I am advised to go to Heidelberg, where
there is better air and a milder climate. In any case, I will endeavour to
revisit England next year, and so recall myself to your memory.

Agréez, Monsieur, l'expression de ma très grande considération, à laquelle
je joins des sentiments respectueux pour Madame votre femme.

ADAM KRASINSKI.

To Mr. Norton Longman at this time Reeve wrote--primarily on the business
of the 'Review,' but incidentally on a literary conundrum which was just
then causing a little excitement:--

_Foxholes, September 16th_.--I do not think the translation of a French
book on Political Economy is _primâ facie_ advisable. But the book seems
(from the accounts in the 'Nation') to be so excellent that I should be
glad to see it, and may have it reviewed in the 'Edinburgh.' The title is,
'Le Capital, la Spéculation et la Finance au XIXe Siècle;' par Claudio
Jannet. Published by Plon.

No one who knew Sir Richard Wallace could believe that he wrote 'The
Englishman in Paris.' I said from the first that it was a mere collection
of old gossip to be passed off on the English public as something racy. If
Grenville Murray were alive, this is exactly the sort of thing he would
have done. But Grenville Murray left a son, who must now be grown up, and
who may have inherited some of his father's sinister talents. They have
lived for many years in Paris. Sir Richard Wallace was the very type of a
gentleman of the highest breeding--rather stern, melancholy, not at all
humorous, and incapable of vulgarity or pretence.

October slipped away in visits to Stratton (Lord Northbrook's) and to
Knowsley, and the remainder of the year for the most part at Foxholes. In
December Reeve was proposing to have a review of Sir Mountstuart Grant
Duff's 'Life of Sir Henry Maine,' and consulted the author as to who would
be the best fitted to write it. This is what Sir Mountstuart wrote in
reply:--

_Twickenham, December 11th_.--I am very proud to find that so excellent a
judge thinks well of my little memoir of Maine. As to the article about
which you write, I think Sir Frederick Pollock would be very much the best
man to undertake it--the only man who could tell us, without any bias, what
I exceedingly want to know: how much of Maine's juridical speculations,
especially in 'Ancient Law,' is finally accepted. He may say that he has
said his say about Maine; but he has not; he has said a little, but I am
sure he has a great deal more to say. I wish to know the real value of each
of Maine's books.... I am writing a quite small book about Renan--the only
great Frenchman of our day whom you did not know very well.

The next was a Christmas greeting from Lord Derby, with an interesting
comment on the situation in France:--

_Knowsley, December 5th_.--Thanks for your letter of inquiry and good
wishes; the latter are cordially returned. Lady Derby joins me in the hope
that the coming year may be one of health and happiness to you and yours. I
cannot give a very rosy account of myself, being still ill and weak; even
if all goes well, I expect to have to lead in future a life of quiet
and privacy. My days of speeches are almost certainly ended; and after
forty-four years of public life, I do not much regret it.

The developement of events in 1893 will be interesting to watch. All
reports agree that Gladstone is taking the work of his office very easily,
and that he leaves nearly everything to his colleagues. That will not be so
easy in the Session. The Cabinet will be prevented by fear of ridicule
from breaking up on the Irish Bill, but all their friends and backers seem
prepared for its failure.

You are a hopeless pessimist as to French affairs. They certainly are not
going on smoothly, but where is the new Boulanger? Bourbons and Bonapartes
are played out; and France might advertise for a dictator without finding
one. If that be so, what threatens the republic? A socialist outbreak would
only strengthen it. Surely a nation may go on muddling its affairs a long
while without mortal harm.

Waddington, I am told, was informed by his friends that he had no right
to remain a Senator without taking his seat, and that he must give up one
position or the other. This is the excuse made for his recall. The truth, I
suppose, is that his place was wanted. He will be a real loss.

With the new year the party from Foxholes came to town, and there Reeve was
laid up with a serious illness which lasted nearly a month. The Journal
notes on February 7th--'I attended a dinner of The Club, and resigned the
treasurership, which I had held for twenty-five years.' A corresponding
entry a month later, on March 7th, is 'At the third dinner of The Club.
Lord Salisbury came "to my obsequies" and Gladstone wrote to me. Grant Duff
elected to the treasurership.'

Sir Mountstuart Grant Duff has been so good as to amplify this by a note
from his own diary. 'At the dinner on February 7th, 1893'--he writes--'I
was in the chair.... Reeve made a statement for which he had prepared me
by letter, to the effect that his great age, breaking health, and frequent
absences from London, would oblige him to resign ere long the treasurership
of The Club--the only office which exists in connection with it. He has
held it for some five-and-twenty years, and it is not surprising that his
voice faltered as he addressed us....

_March 21st_--Dined with The Club, taking my seat for the first time as
treasurer. After the last meeting mentioned, Reeve wrote to me to say that
there was a feeling in favour of my becoming his successor, and asked
whether I should object. I replied in the negative, and on the 7th I was
unanimously elected, upon the proposal of Sir Henry Elliot, who was in the
chair, and was seconded by Lord Salisbury.'

Of the correspondence of this period there is little. Lord Derby, who was
almost, or quite, the last of his political correspondents, was too ill
to write, and died on April 21st. On the 27th Reeve attended the funeral
service at St. Margaret's. Letters relating to the 'Review,' of course,
continued. Here are three referring to a political problem which, so lately
as five years ago, few could have the patience to be bothered with. That
Reeve, at his advanced age, could take it up with such interest is a strong
proof of the vitality and even freshness of his intellect.

_To Rear-Admiral Bridge_

62 Rutland Gate: April 27th.

My dear admiral,--I wish you would read an article in 'Blackwood's
Magazine' for May (just out) on the Russian occupation of Manchuria. I
never read a more impudent piece of _blague._ ------ must have written it.
Nobody else would boast of swindling the Chinese with a false map.

This induces me to ask whether you could not give me a short article for
the 'Review' on The Russians on the Pacific' and the naval effects of their
position at Vladivostock. They have made it a fortress, but it will take a
long time to make it a settlement. But it may become important.

Yours very faithfully,

H. REEVE.

_April 30th._--I am very glad you will revert to the North Pacific. You
should refer to your excellent article of 1880, which I have read over
again. It seems to exhaust the subject as far as relates to the settlements
on the Amoor, and even as to Vladivostock; but I suppose that thirteen
years have materially augmented the strength of Russia on the Pacific, and
any additional information would be valuable.

_Foxholes, May 23rd_.--I am much obliged to you for your interesting
article. I think the best heading would be 'Russia on the Pacific.' As I am
much pressed for room, I have ventured to excise some of your introductory
remarks, which are not essential to the main objects of the paper; but when
you come to positive business at Vladivostock, all that you say is most
excellent and important. I believe the Siberian railroad--like the line to
Samarkand--is only a single line. Such a line 5,000 miles long is a very
ineffective instrument for military and commercial purposes. How much can
it carry, allowing for return trains, chiefly empty? Where is Russia, with
a debt equal in charge to our own, to find forty millions sterling for such
a work, which would be wholly unproductive? It is true that, by employing
troops and Turkomans, the work may be done cheaply; but all this will take
a long time.

I am very glad you touch on the question between France and Siam: it is a
serious one.

In the early days of July the Reeves settled down for the summer at
Foxholes, avoiding the great heat, with the thermometer at 80° F. when in
London it was reaching as high as 93° F. In the beginning of September
Reeve, together with his wife, returned to London, crossed over to
Boulogne, and so to Chantilly, where, as the guests of the Due d'Aumale,
they spent his 80th birthday. They stayed there till the 12th, and
returned, again by Boulogne and London, to Foxholes. It was his last visit
to the France he had loved so well. The year was in many respects a sad
one. His own health was becoming very uncertain, and gout, feverish colds,
and violent bleeding of the nose laid him up for weeks at a time. The
deaths of his friends, too, recurring in rapid succession, were frequent
reminders of what he had written nearly sixty-two years before: 'Between
seventy and eighty there rarely remains more than one change to be made.'
[Footnote: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 17.] He had now exceeded the higher
limit, and it happened that the obituary of 1893 contained an unusual
number of men of high literary and scientific distinction. Through all,
however, Reeve's head remained clear, and his work was seldom disturbed.
There is no sickness or feebleness in the following:--

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, October 3rd._--I have read a great part of the 'Life of
Pusey'--an appalling book from the length of the letters in it. In my
opinion it lays bare, as nothing else has done, the total weakness and
inconsistency of the Tractarians, and their absolute disloyalty to the
Church of England. It is very difficult and very important to find a
suitable person to review such a work, for it must be done in the spirit
of the articles of Arnold, Tait, and Arthur Stanley, which express the
principles of the 'Edinburgh Review.' I incline to think it had better be
done by a layman. The parsons are all hostile to their own Church.

_To Rear-Admiral Bridge_

62 _Rutland Gate, November 12th._--We are come to town, and I hope it will
not be long before I have the pleasure of seeing you. Meanwhile, I have
been reading again the article on Mediterranean Politics which you gave us
last autumn. The combination of the French and Russian fleets seems to me
to be a matter of grave importance. Both those countries are unhappily
animated by very hostile intentions to us. They have discovered that it
is only by a superiority of sea power in the Mediterranean that they can
accomplish their twofold object, which I take to be for Russia to force the
Dardanelles and for France to compel us to evacuate Egypt. This seems to me
to be the _but_ of the alliance, in as far as it is an alliance. It is all
very well to talk of our maritime supremacy, but have we got it? You
know, and I do not. But to my mind, the worst is that we have got a
Government--or rather a minister--profoundly incapable of foreseeing a
great emergency or providing against it. It is quite possible that the
Gladstone administration may be blown up by a tremendous catastrophe. These
thoughts perplex me; but I hope you will tell me that I am quite wrong and
that Britannia rules the waves.

An exceptional chance gives us a picture of Foxholes, at this time, when
twenty years' occupation had enabled its owner to perfect all the details
which go to make up comfort.

During his absence in London in the beginning of 1894, he let it, for the
only time, to his friend, Lord Hobhouse, for many years a member of the
Judicial Committee, and just then convalescent after a serious illness. A
couple of notes which Lord Hobhouse wrote during his four weeks' tenancy
may be classed as 'Interiors' or 'Exteriors' from the practical point of
view.

Foxholes, February 16th.

My dear Reeve,--I imagine that this morning Mrs. Reeve will have got a note
from my wife telling her of our settlement here. I was contemplating 'a
few words' to you, when Lady H. told me of her writing; and now comes your
letter, partly of welcome, partly of information.

I don't think it possible that we could be more happily housed. Size,
arrangement, warmth, beauty, inside and out, evidences everywhere of
cultivated taste and refined pursuits--all is calculated for enjoyment and
repose, probably for anybody, certainly for an invalid. I have established
myself in a corner of the library--which, partly from its intrinsic
advantages and partly from the presence of a thick cushion in the seat of
the armchair, I conjecture to be yours--between the writing desk and the
N.W. bookcase, with the N.E. window at my back and my legs protruding
beyond the jamb of the mantelpiece into the sacred [Greek: temeuos], which
is guarded by a low marble fence, and over which the fire which I
worship has sway. Both by day and by night the situation is perfect for
distribution of light and warmth. And I can read almost all my waking
hours; for all through my illness my head has been clear. My principal
embarrassment is to choose among the many temptations with which your
goodly bookcases beset me. However, after reading Traill's 'William III.'
(a rather thin composition, I think) I have settled into Gardiner's 'Civil
War,' which is much more solid and satisfying.

This morning I have been reading your little notice of Lord Derby; and I
think you do not speak at all too highly of his capacity for examining
political and social movements. In 1880 I delivered a lecture, which
was printed and circulated, on the eternal division of political
tendencies--movement and rest; and I took Lord Derby (then temporarily in
the Liberal Camp) as the best type of conservatism; cool, patient,
keen, sceptical, critical, just, impartial, with a mind always open
to conviction, but refusing to move until convinced. Such men are an
invaluable element in the deliberative stages of every question; but their
very critical powers paralyse action, and when movement becomes necessary
their hesitations are a drawback. I fancy that Cornewall Lewis was just
such another, but I did not know so much about him....

For me, I improve, slowly but enough, I think, to show at least that our
move was not premature. In the pick of the day (would that it were always
afternoon) I am able to walk for an hour or more, and I get good sleep in
the most luxurious of beds. Pray give my kind remembrances to Mrs. Reeve,
and believe me,

Sincerely yours,

HOBHOUSE.

_Foxholes, March 6th._--Alas, alas! time flies away, and pleasant things
come to an end, and I shall not have many days' more enjoyment of your
charming house and library and outlook. But my time has not been wasted. I
have recovered strength, a good deal more than I expected, and am probably
now--at all events hope, by our return next Monday or Tuesday, to be--able
to re-enter the ordinary routine of life. Of course, we have had, like
other people, a great deal of blustering wind--for the most part from
north-west--very cold and very noisy in your chimneys. But there has also
been a great deal of sunshine with the gales, and the exposure of your
house to south-east has, on most days, given us a sheltered walk. Moreover,
your soil is so porous and absorbent, that one gets dry walking immediately
after rain. I have only been kept indoors two days since our arrival.

A few letters from Reeve himself show the continued activity of his mind,
and at the same time his consciousness of, his readiness for, the end which
was drawing nigh.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, May 29th._--Lord Derby's Speeches contain more political wisdom
than any other book of our time. I think people will find out its permanent
value.

_June 13th._--I have nothing to correct or alter in the Greville Memoirs,
and am glad to find that some sale of them goes on.

I am much touched by the [approaching] death of Coleridge, whom I have
known so well and so long. I expect he will not survive to-day. He dined
with us at The Club on April 24th, and was then very well. _Sic transit._

_Foxholes, October 23rd_.--The notices of our old friend Froude
[Footnote: He died on October 20th, in his 77th year.] have been very
gratifying--especially the leader in the 'Times.' He leaves the world quite
glorified, and they now find out what a great man he was. I wonder
whether you are going to attend the funeral. I never send wreaths on such
occasions, but if I ever did send one it would be now, for I am truly
affected by the loss of such a friend. The newspapers seem to have
discovered that there were some big men in the last generation, and that
there are very few of them in the present.

_Rutland Gate, February 16th, 1895._--I am pretty well--not worse than
usual; but I don't go out.

My dear old friend, Lady Stanley of Alderley, died this morning. She was
only ill four days, and expired without pain or suffering at eighty-seven.
To me an irreparable loss, and to a vast circle of descendants and friends.
[Footnote: Among Reeve's papers there are a great many letters from Lady
Stanley of Alderley, telling plainly of the long and close friendship
between the two. Unfortunately, there are no available letters from Reeve
to her.]

_To Rear-Admiral Bridge_ [Footnote: At this time Commander-in-Chief in
Australian waters.]

62 Rutland Gate, May 2nd.

My dear admiral,--I wish you were in reach of us, to discuss the
extraordinary events which are taking place in the North Pacific, to which
your articles on that subject have for some time pointed; but no one
foresaw the sudden uprising of Japan.

It seems to me that, in spite of her victories, Japan is in a very critical
position, politically speaking. She lies between two huge empires, and she
has undertaken to occupy more than she can hold. Her position is absolutely
fatal to the grand design of Russia, of crossing the north of Asia to the
Pacific, and I expect Russia will not submit to it. But Russia would find
it extremely difficult to carry on military and naval operations at such
an enormous distance from her base. I doubt whether she could destroy the
Japanese fleet, and it certainly is not for our interest that it should be
destroyed. The disposition here is to observe strict neutrality and watch
the course of events.

It is curious that nobody points out that the United States are the country
with the largest future interest in the Pacific, and that they must have
a voice in this controversy. It also largely affects our own Australian
colonies. A Russian establishment in Corea would effect a momentous change
in the Pacific, and Japan will doubtless resist it to the uttermost.

We are very dull here. Lord Rosebery has sunk into complete insignificance,
and his state of health is doubtful. The Government is rotten, but
continues to hold together. I think something must occur before long to
stir the waters.

We are going to Foxholes on May 20th to stay there. I have spent a dreary
winter, being unable to go out, but I am not seriously ill--suffering
chiefly from old age. Mrs. Reeve sends you her kind regards, and I am
always

Yours very faithfully,

H. REEVE.

       *       *       *       *       *

_To Miss A. M. Clerke_

_Foxholes, September 8th_.--Many thanks, dear Miss Clerke, for your elegant
and instructive Life of the Herschels; they could not have had a more
accomplished biographer, if they had waited for it another century. Your
article on Argon fills me with amazement and admiration. How can the
human mind fathom such things! I beg you to send me the corrected proofs
to-morrow by return of post, as I want to make it up immediately. If
anything new is said on the subject at the British Association, you can add
a note to be printed at the end of the number.

To-morrow is my 82nd birthday--probably the last. But I am not ill, only
feeble and tired of living so long.

Yours most faithfully,

H. REEVE.

_To Captain S. P. Oliver, R.A._

_Foxholes, September 12th._--I have sent your corrected proofs [Footnote:
'The French in Madagascar,' October 1895.] to Spottiswoode, with a few
slight suggestions of my own. They will send you a revise.... I see you
have now so far modified your opinion that you think with me that the
position of the French is most critical. Unless they can announce some
signal success in the next two weeks, there will be a disaster and an awful
row. I see by the map that on the 5th of this month they were still
at Andriba, which I take to be about three-fifths of the distance to
Antananarivo. They have been five months getting there, and as they advance
the difficulty of bringing up stores, supplies, and reliefs increases, and
will increase. In my opinion, the Hovas are quite right _not_ to treat for
peace till they see what the rains will do for them. I hope they will hold
out, but avoid fighting.

Captain Oliver writes that 'One of Reeve's last pieces of work connected
with the "Edinburgh Review" must have been the paragraphs which he
substituted for my ending to the article. He was doubtful of the eventual
French success, whereas I felt pretty certain that affairs would terminate
as they have done in that island.' The forecast of the result of a
complicated business was erroneous, but to make one at all, and to commit
it to paper, was a remarkable display of energy in a dying man who was now
in his eighty-third year.

_To Mr. T. Norton Longman_

_Foxholes, September 12th_.--Thanks for your birthday congratulations, but
I doubt whether great age is a subject of congratulation at all.

_29th_.--I am extremely feeble, faculties low, eyesight weak. I should
like, if I live so long, to edit the January number of the 'Review;' but
after that I must stop.

_October 2nd._--Much obliged to you for your very kind note.... You will
doubtless pay me on November 15th the sum due then; but I wish to say that
I cannot go on to receive remuneration for services I am scarcely capable
of rendering. Therefore this payment in November will be the last on that
account [as literary adviser].

This was probably the last letter Reeve wrote with his own hand. For
several months he had been very much of an invalid, though he had persisted
in continuing his work, in which he found distraction and relief. And no
complaint passed his lips. 'The kindest thing you can do for me,' he said
to his anxious wife, 'is to leave me alone.' He made a point of coming down
to breakfast; but his strength was gradually failing, and he moved with
difficulty. His medical attendant recommended an operation, but this he was
unwilling to undergo, feeling doubtful whether at his advanced age it could
be successful. Sunday, October 13th, he passed in the library among the
books he prized. He dictated a letter, listened to the Psalms of the day,
and asked his wife to read also the First Epistle General of St. Peter.
In the afternoon Dr. Roberts Thomson and Dr. Davison saw him, and after a
consultation wrote to the distinguished specialist, Mr. Buckston Browne, to
be prepared to come on receipt of a telegram. On Monday Reeve was unable
to get up; he consented to undergo the operation, and Mr. Browne was
telegraphed for. On his arrival, about 7 o'clock in the evening, it was
decided to lose no more time. The operation was successfully performed,
under chloroform, and everything, the surgeons hoped, would go well. And
this they repeated for the next few days; the wound, they thought, was
closing nicely. At 82, however, wounds do not close readily, and Reeve's
system was weakened by some years of bad health. He never regained entire
consciousness; and though from time to time he gave some directions about
the 'Review,' they were not intelligible to those who heard; they probably
had no meaning even to himself. On Monday, October 21st, at half-past
one in the morning, 'the one last change was made,' and he passed away
peacefully and without suffering.

In a letter of sympathy to Mrs. Reeve Dr. Roberts Thomson wrote:--

'I was very much struck with your husband's wonderful patience when I saw
him, and the calm way in which he was able to face the future--whatever it
had in store for him. It is some consolation to know that he did not suffer
much, and that perhaps, had he recovered from the illness, his health
would have been so affected that great valetudinarianism would have been
inevitable. To him, this would have been suffering; and for his sake we are
thankful that he was spared it.'

His remains were interred in the Brookwood cemetery at Woking on October
24th.

He died, literally in harness. On Saturday, October 12th, he dictated a
last letter on the business of the 'Review;' and his indistinct words
during the few days of partial unconsciousness showed that his mind was
still endeavouring to fix itself on what had occupied it for so many years.

It was in his editorial capacity that I, who write these lines, first knew
him in 1866, though I did not make his personal acquaintance till 1877,
when he was a few months over 63. I found him a tall, stout, and--though
not strictly handsome--a good-looking man, who might very well have passed
for ten years younger than he actually was, and whose burly figure might
have seemed more at home in the covers or the turnip-fields than in the
Privy Council Office; his weight, which cannot, even then, have been much
under eighteen stone, must have stopped his hunting some time before. But
in his manner there was no trace of this fancied rusticity--how could there
be, indeed, in one trained in society almost from the cradle?--and his
voice was soft and musical. I have seen it stated that he was pompous,
self-assertive, and dictatorial. That his manners, formed by his mother and
his aunt on eighteenth-century models, and perfected in Paris among the
traditions of the _ancien regime_, had about them nothing of the 'hail
fellow, well met' fashion of the present day is very certain, and, joined
to his height (about 6 ft. 1 in.) and his great bulk, may sometimes
have given him the appearance of speaking _de haut en bas_, and must,
unquestionably, have enabled him to repress any unwelcome or undue
familiarity. As an editor, of course, he was dictatorial. We may talk of
the Republic of Letters; but in point of fact a successful journal is
and must be an autocracy. In his private capacity, I never found in his
conversation that habit of 'laying down the law' which some, with probably
inferior opportunities of judging, have complained of. Of his untiring
application and power of work enough has already been said; but the uniform
good luck which attended him through life is worthy of notice. In the
course of eighty-two years he experienced no reverse of fortune, no great
disappointment, and--with the one, though terrible, exception of the death
of his first wife--no great sorrow beyond what is the lot of all men. We
know that fortune favours the brave. It favours also those who to ability
and temper join prudence, courtesy, and careful, systematic, painstaking
industry.

At the age of 82 Reeve had outlived all of his contemporaries--the men who
had associated with him and worked with him in his youth. Their opinion of
him is only to be gauged by the fact that, with but few and easily explained
exceptions, the friendships of his early manhood were broken only by the
grave. The number of friends of forty or fifty years' standing who died
during the last decade of his life is very remarkable. As these are
wanting, I am happy in being able to conclude this tribute to his memory
by two appreciations, one English, the other French; the first, from and
representing the 'Edinburgh Review' to which it was contributed in January
1896, by Mr. W. E. H. Lecky.

'Although it has never been the custom of this "Review" to withdraw the
veil of anonymity from its writers and its administration, it would be mere
affectation to suffer this number to appear before the public without some
allusion to the great Editor whom we have just lost, and who for forty
years has watched with indefatigable care over our pages.

'The career of Mr. Henry Reeve is perhaps the most striking illustration in
our time of how little in English life influence is measured by notoriety.
To the outer world his name was but little known. He is remembered as the
translator of Tocqueville, as the editor of the "Greville Memoirs," as
the author of a not quite forgotten book on Royal and Republican France,
showing much knowledge of French literature and politics; as the holder
during fifty years of the respectable, but not very prominent, post of
Registrar of the Privy Council. To those who have a more intimate knowledge
of the political and literary life of England, it is well known that during
nearly the whole of his long life he was a powerful and living force in
English literature; that few men of his time have filled a larger place
in some of the most select circles of English social life; and that he
exercised during many years a political influence such as rarely falls
to the lot of any Englishman outside Parliament, or indeed outside the
Cabinet.

'He was born at Norwich in 1813, and brought up in a highly cultivated,
and even brilliant, literary circle. His father, Dr. Reeve, was one of the
earliest contributors to this Review. The Austins, the Opies, the Taylors,
and the Aldersons were closely related to him, and he is said to have been
indebted to his gifted aunt, Sarah Austin, for his appointment in the Privy
Council. The family income was not large, and a great part of Mr. Reeve's
education took place on the Continent, chiefly at Geneva and Munich. He
went with excellent introductions, and the years he spent abroad were
abundantly fruitful. He learned German so well that he was at one time a
contributor to a German periodical. He was one of the rare Englishmen who
spoke French almost like a Frenchman, and at a very early age he formed
friendships with several eminent French writers. His translation of
the "Democracy in America," by Tocqueville, which appeared in 1835,
strengthened his hold on French society. Two years later he obtained the
appointment in the Privy Council, which he held until 1887. It was in this
office that he became the colleague and fast friend of Charles Greville,
who on his death-bed entrusted him with the publication of his "Memoirs."

'Mr. Reeve had now obtained an assured income and a steady occupation, but
it was far from satisfying his desire for work. He became a contributor,
and very soon a leading contributor, to the "Times," while his close and
confidential intercourse with Mr. Delane gave him a considerable voice in
its management. The penny newspaper was still unborn, and the "Times" at
this period was the undisputed monarch of the press, and exercised an
influence over public opinion, both in England and on the Continent,
such as no existing paper can be said to possess. It is, we believe, no
exaggeration to say that for the space of fifteen years nearly every
article that appeared in its columns on foreign politics was written by
Mr. Reeve, and the period during which he wrote for it included the year
1848,--when foreign politics were of transcendent importance.

'The great political influence which he at this time exercised naturally
drew him into close connexion with many of the chief statesmen of his time.
With Lord Clarendon especially his friendship was close and confidential,
and he received from that statesman almost weekly letters during his
Viceroyalty in Ireland and during other of the more critical periods of his
career. In France Mr. Reeve's connexions were scarcely less numerous than
in England. Guizot, Thiers, Cousin, Tocqueville, Villemain, Circourt--in
fact, nearly all the leading figures in French literature and
politics during the reign of Louis Philippe were among his friends or
correspondents. He was at all times singularly international in his
sympathies and friendships, and he appears to have been more than once
made the channel of confidential communications between English and French
statesmen.

'It was a task for which he was eminently suited. The qualities which most
impressed all who came into close communication with him were the strength,
swiftness, and soundness of his judgement, and his unfailing tact and
discretion in dealing with delicate questions. He was eminently a man of
the world, and had quite as much knowledge of men as of books. Probably
few men of his time have been so frequently and so variously consulted.
He always spoke with confidence and authority, and his clear, keen-cut,
decisive sentences, a certain stateliness of manner which did not so much
claim as assume ascendency, and a somewhat elaborate formality of courtesy
which was very efficacious in repelling intruders, sometimes concealed from
strangers the softer side of his character. But those who knew him well
soon learnt to recognise the genuine kindliness of his nature, his
remarkable skill in avoiding friction, and the rare steadiness of his
friendships.

'One great source of his influence was the just belief in his complete
independence and disinterestedness. For a very able man his ambition was
singularly moderate. As he once said, he had made it his object throughout
life only to aim at things which were well within his power. He had very
little respect for the judgement of the multitude, and he cared nothing
for notoriety and not much for dignities. A moderate competence, congenial
work, a sphere of wide and genuine influence, a close and intimate
friendship with a large proportion of the guiding spirits of his time, were
the things he really valued, and all these he fully attained. He had great
conversational powers, which never degenerated into monologue, a singularly
equable, happy, and sanguine temperament, and a keen delight in cultivated
society. He might be seen to special advantage in two small and very select
dining clubs which have included most of the more distinguished English
statesmen and men of letters of the century. He became a member of the
Literary Society in 1857 and of Dr. Johnson's Club in 1861, and it is a
remarkable evidence of the appreciation of his social tact that both bodies
speedily selected him as their treasurer. He held that position in "The
Club" from 1868 till 1893, when failing health and absence from
London obliged him to relinquish it. The French Institute elected him
"Correspondant" in 1865 and Associated Member in 1888, in which latter
dignity he succeeded Sir Henry Maine. In 1870 the University of Oxford
conferred on him the honorary degree of D.C.L.

'It was in 1855, on the resignation of Sir George Cornewall Lewis, that he
assumed the editorship of this "Review," which he retained till the day
of his death. Both on the political and the literary side he was in full
harmony with its traditions. His rare and minute knowledge of recent
English and foreign political history; his vast fund of political anecdote;
his personal acquaintance with so many of the chief actors on the political
scene, both in England and France, gave a great weight and authority to his
judgements, and his mind was essentially of the Whig cast. He was a genuine
Liberal of the school of Russell, Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cornewall
Lewis. It was a sober and tolerant Liberalism, rooted in the traditions
of the past, and deeply attached to the historical elements in the
Constitution. The dislike and distrust with which he had always viewed the
progress of democracy deepened with age, and it was his firm conviction
that it could never become the permanent basis of good government. Like
most men of his type of thought and character, he was strongly repelled by
the later career of Mr. Gladstone, and the Home Rule policy at last severed
him definitely from the bulk of the Liberal party. From this time the
present Duke of Devonshire was the leader of his party.

'His literary judgements had much analogy to his political ones. His
leanings were all towards the old standards of thought and style. He had
been formed in the school of Macaulay and Milman, and of the great French
writers under Louis Philippe. Sober thought, clear reasoning, solid
scholarship, a transparent, vivid, and restrained style were the literary
qualities he most appreciated. He was a great purist, inexorably hostile
to a new word. In philosophy he was a devoted disciple of Kant, and his
decided orthodoxy in religious belief affected many of his judgements. He
could not appreciate Carlyle; he looked with much distrust on Darwinism and
the philosophy of Herbert Spencer, and he had very little patience with
some of the moral and intellectual extravagances of modern literature. But,
according to his own standards and in the wide range of his own subjects,
his literary judgement was eminently sound, and he was quick and generous
in recognising rising eminence. In at least one case the first considerable
recognition of a prominent historian was an article in this "Review" from
his pen.

'He had a strong sense of the responsibility of an editor, and especially
of the editor of a Review of unsigned articles. No article appeared which
he did not carefully consider. His powerful individuality was deeply
stamped upon the "Review," and he carefully maintained its unity and
consistency of sentiments. It was one of the chief occupations and
pleasures of his closing days, and the very last letter he dictated
referred to it.

'Time, as might be expected, had greatly thinned the circle of his friends.
Of the France which he knew so well scarcely anything remained, but his old
friend and senior, Barthélemy St.-Hilaire, visited him at Christ-Church,
and he kept up to the end a warm friendship with the Duc d'Aumale. He spent
his 80th birthday at Chantilly, and until the very last year of his life he
was never absent when the Duke dined at "The Club." In Lord Derby he lost
the statesman with whom in his later years he was most closely connected by
private friendship and political sympathy, while the death of Lady Stanley
of Alderley deprived him of an attached and lifelong friend.

'Growing infirmities prevented him in his latter days from mixing much in
general society in London, but his life was brightened by all that loving
companionship could give; his mental powers were unfaded, and he could
still enjoy the society of younger friends. He looked forward to the end
with a perfect and a most characteristic calm, without fear and without
regret. It was the placid close of a long, dignified, and useful life.'

The second, the French appreciation, was spoken at the meeting of the
'Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques,' on November 16th, 1895,
by the Duc d'Aumale, who, after regretting his absence on the previous
occasion when the President had announced the death of their foreign
member, Mr. Henry Reeve, continued:

'Je n'aurais sans doute rien pu ajouter à ce qui a été si bien dit par M.
le Président, mais je tenais à rendre personnellement hommage à la mémoire
d'un confrère éminent, pour lequel je professais une haute estime et une
sincère amitié, et je demande à l'Académie la permission de lui adresser
quelques mots.

'Qu'on l'envisage au point de vue littéraire ou au point de vue social,
la figure d'Henry Reeve était essentiellement originale, et il devait ce
caractère non seulement à la nature de son esprit, mais à l'éducation qu'il
avait reçue. Sur la base anglaise de la forte instruction classique son
père [Footnote: A momentary lapse of memory. It is scarcely possible that
the Duc d'Aumale did not know that Reeve's father died whilst Reeve was
still an infant, and that his education was directed by his mother.] voulut
ajouter le couronnement des hautes études continentales, et, pour que cette
culture intellectuelle n'eût rien d'exclusif ou d'absolu il fit choix de
Genève et de Munich. C'cst dans ces deux villes, dans ces deux grands
centres intellectuels, que Reeve passa une partie de sa jeunesse. Ce séjour
dans des milieux si différents laissa dans son esprit une double impression
qui se refléta sur toute sa vie.

'Peu de personnes, de nos jours, ont aussi bien connu que lui cette
charmante et originale société de Genève, qui semblait dater du
dix-huitième siècle, et qui en a si longtemps conservé les traditions.
C'est là qu'il acquit la connaissance approfondie de notre langue; il en
avait saisi les nuances délicates; il connaissait toute notre littérature.
Je ne connais guère d'étrangers qui puissent parler, comprendre, écrire le
français mieux que lui.

'L'allemand ne lui était pas moins familier. Le séjour à Munich lui inspira
aussi le goût des arts envisagés à un point de vue qui n'est pas tout à
fait le nôtre. Dans un petit volume, oeuvre de jeunesse, "Graphidae," il
traduisit sous une forme poétique l'impression que lui avaient laissée les
oeuvres des premiers maîtres italiens. On y retrouve, avec la mesure qui
etait un des caractères de cet esprit bien pondéré, la trace des théories
qui prévalaient alors dans l'Allemagne méridionale.

'À d'autres points de vue ce long séjour à l'étranger lui avait laissé
des traces plus profondes encore. Il en avait rapporté une sorte de
cosmopolitisme éclairé, tempéré, entretenu par ses nombreuses relations.
Je ne veux pas dire qu'il ne fut pas Anglais avant tout. Passionnément
patriote--et ce n'est pas moi qui lui en ferai un reproche--il épousait les
passions, les colères de son pays, mais sans rudesse, sans hauteur, sans
haine ou mépris des autres peuples, sans préjugés contre aucune nation
étrangère.

'Il ne cessa d'entretenir des relations intimes et constantes avec tout le
parti libéral français (je prends le mot libéral dans le vrai sens, le sens
le plus large), depuis M. le Duc de Broglie et M. Gruizot jusqu'à notre
vénéré confrère M. Barthelémy Saint-Hilaire.

'Malgré son impartialité j'oserai dire qu'il avait une certaine faiblesse
pour la France. Certes il n'aurait jamais épousé la cause de la France
engagée contre l'Angleterre; mais quand il voyait la France et l'Angleterre
d'accord sa joie était vive. Et lors de nos malheurs, sans prendre parti
dans la querelle, il n'a jamais cachée la sympathie que lui inspirait la
France vaincue.

'Je ne sache pas que Reeve ait écrit aucun ouvrage de longue haleine, sauf
certaines traductions difficiles, importantes: quelques-unes rappellent à
cette compagnie des noms qui lui sont chers--la "Vie de Washington," par
Guizot; la "Démocratic," de Tocqueville, un de ses plus intimes amis.

'Il n'a pas pris une part directe au mouvement des affaires de son pays,
n'ayant siégé ni dans le parlement ni dans aucun cabinet; mais son
influence était considérable: sans cesse consulté, souvent chargé de
messages importants; enfin sa plume, sa plume surtout, ne restait jamais
inactive, et ses écrits portaient coup. Le "Times" l'a compte longtemps
parmi ses principaux collaborateurs; plus tard il se recueillit et se
consacra exclusivement à la direction de la "Revue d'Edimbourg," dont il
avait été longtemps un des principaux redacteurs. [Footnote: The Duke would
seem to have misunderstood Reeve's position, or, more probably, his
memory was confused by the lapse of forty years. Reeve was never _'un des
principaux rédacteurs'_ of the Edinburgh Review. Till he became sole editor
and, in a literary sense, autocrat, he had no part in the conduct of it,
nor was he a constant contributor (cf. _ante_, vol. i. p. 173).]

'Je n'ai pas besoin de rappeler à l'Académie quel rôle appartient à
"l'editeur" dans les grandes revues anglaises, quelle part il prend au
choix des sujets, à la rédaction des articles, quelle autorité il exerce,
ni de m'etendre sur l'histoire du plus ancien, je crois, des recueils
périodiques, assurément un des plus importants. La "Revue d'Edimbourg" est
plus qu'un simple organe; souvent elle donne la note, la formule des idées
acceptées par le parti dont elle continue d'arborer les couleurs sur sa
couverture bleue et chamois, les couleurs de M. Fox.

'J'ai dit que Reeve n'avait pas pris part au gouvernement. Il exerçait
cependant une charge, un veritable office de judicature, dont les
attributions ne sont pas d'accord avec nos moeurs et dont le titre même se
traduit difficilement dans notre langue. Attaché au Conseil privé comme
_Appeal Clerk_, puis comme Registrar, il jugeait des appels des îles de la
Manche. [Footnote: This, as has been seen (ante, vol. i. pp. 85-6), is a
very inexact and imperfect description of Reeve's duties, either as Clerk
of Appeals or as Registrar.] On comprend qu'une connaissance si parfaite
de la langue et des usages français le qualifiait particulièrement pour
remplir ces fonctions, quand on songe que la langue officielle de ces
îles est encore aujourd'hui le français et que dans les questions de
jurisprudence la coutume de Normandie y est constamment invoquée.

'Officiellement Reeve était sous les ordres du secrétaire du Conseil privé,
et ces rapports de subordination avaient créé des relations intimes entre
son supérieur et lui. M. Charles Gréville avait tenu la plume du Conseil
dans des circonstances deélicates et s'était trouvé mêlé à une foule
d'incidents; en mourant il chargea Reeve de publier ses mémoires. Cette
publication eut un grand retentissement.

'Reeve était fier d'appartenir à votre compagnie. Lorsque l'Université
d'Oxford me conféra le degré de docteur il était près de moi.
"Rappelez-vous," me dit-il en souriant, "que l'Académie des Sciences
Morales a sa part dans l'honneur que vous venez de recevoir." Fort répandu,
fort apprécie dans le monde, il menait de front ses travaux littéraires,
ses devoirs de juge, ses relations sociales, ses excursions; son activité
était extraordinaire. La goutte le gênait quelquefois, et d'année en année
ses visites devenaient plus fréquentes.

'Il avait bâti au bord la mer, en face de l'île de Wight, sous un climat
doux, une charmante villa, où il aimait a s'enfermer avec ses livres,
poursuivant ses travaux auprès de la digne et gracieuse compagne de sa vie.
Ses dernières années s'écoulèrent ainsi entre cette résidence et la maison
bien connue de Rutland Gate, où sa table hospitalière était toujours
ouverte à ses amis de France ou d'ailleurs. C'est à Foxholes que la mort
est venue le chercher.

'Je n'ai pas la préention de prononcer devant vous l'éloge d'Henry Reeve;
la competence me manque comme la preparation. En vous rappelant quelques
traits de cette noble figure je voulais, comme je vous l'ai dit tout à
l'heure, acquitter une dette de coeur envers un ami qui, jusqu'aux derniers
moments de sa vie, m'a prodigué les marques d'affection. Il voulut célébrer
à Chantilly le 80e anniversaire de sa naissance, et un de ses derniers
soucis était de réclamer les bonnes feuilles du septième volume de
"L'Histoire des Condé," dont il voulait rendre compte dans sa Revue.
[Footnote: The present writer feels a personal satisfaction in adding
that one of the last letters which Reeve dictated about the work of the
_Review_, was to him, asking him to undertake this article.]

'La mémoire du philosophe, du lettré, de l'érudit, dn confrère éminent, de
l'homme bon et aimable, mérite de rester honorée dans notre compagnie.'






APPENDIX





It has been seen (_ante_, vol. ii.) that Reeve intended quoting Lord
Stanmore's letter on the formation of the Aberdeen Cabinet, in a future
edition of the 'Greville Memoirs.' There seems, however, to have been no
opportunity for doing so, and the letter has remained buried in the
columns of the 'Times' of June 13, 1887, becoming each year more and more
inaccessible. As relating to an interesting point raised by the 'Greville
Memoirs,' and also as, to some extent, carrying out Reeve's intention, it
is here reprinted, with Lord Stanmore's express permission.

_To the Editor of the 'Times'_

Sir,--It is only recently that the two new volumes of the 'Greville
Memoirs' lately published have reached Ceylon. I fear that before this
letter can arrive in England the interest excited by their appearance will
have passed away, and that, consequently, comments upon their contents
addressed to you may seem as much out of place as would a letter written
for the purpose of correcting some error in any well-known collection of
memoirs which have been long before the world. It is therefore not without
some hesitation that I venture to request permission from you to point out
the inaccuracy of a statement which appears near the commencement of the
first of these two volumes, and casts an undeserved imputation upon the
conduct, in 1852, of the chief members of the Peelite party.

Mr. Greville, under the date of December 28, 1852, writes thus:--

'Clarendon told me last night that the Peelites have behaved very ill, and
have grasped at everything; and he mentioned some very flagrant cases, in
which, after the distribution had been settled between Aberdeen and John
Russell, Newcastle and Sidney Herbert--for they appear to have been the
most active in the matter--persuaded Aberdeen to alter it, and bestow or
offer offices intended for Whigs to Peelites, and in some instances to
Derbyites who had been Peelites' (vol. i.).

In the next two pages lie comments with severity on the selfishness and
shortsightedness of the Peelites in reference to this matter. Now, the
reflection thus cast on the foresight and disinterestedness of the Peelite
leaders is in no wise warranted by the facts. What really occurred at the
formation of the Cabinet of December 1852 was, in truth, the exact reverse
of what is stated in Mr. Greville's pages. It was not the Peelites, but
Lord John Russell and the Whigs, who, after the list of the Cabinet and of
the chief officers of the State had been agreed on between Lord Aberdeen
and Lord John Russell, and had been submitted to and approved by the Queen,
objected to the composition of the Cabinet as 'too Peelite,' and strove to
change the arrangements made originally with Lord John Russell's entire
acquiescence. I will not, however, occupy your space with remarks of my
own; I will at once produce incontestable proof of what I have asserted. I
have now before me a manuscript journal kept by Sir James Graham, and from
it I quote the following extracts. In reading them it should be borne in
mind that the proposed distribution of offices agreed on between Lord
Aberdeen and Lord John Russell had been formally approved by the Queen on
December 23rd.

_December 24th_.--'Lord John Russell most unexpectedly raised fresh
difficulties this morning, on the ground that the Whigs are not represented
in the new Cabinet sufficiently. He wished that Sir F. Baring should be
placed at the Board of Trade to the exclusion of Cardwell; that Lord
Clarendon should have the Duchy, with a seat in the Cabinet; and that Lord
Granville should be President of the Council. He thus proposed at one
_coup_ an infusion of three additional Whigs, and talked of Lord Carlisle
as the fittest person for the Lieutenancy of Ireland. It became necessary
to make a stand and to bring the Whigs to their ultimatum. Lord Aberdeen
consented to Lord Granville as President, and proposed that Lord Lansdowne
should sit in the Cabinet, without an office. This proposition, which
reduced the Whig addition, from three to two, saved the Board of Trade for
Cardwell, but excluded both him and Canning from the Cabinet. Lord John
did not regard it as satisfactory, and fought the point so long and so
pertinaciously, that the new writs could not be moved to-day, and the
House was adjourned till Monday. Towards evening, at the instance of Lord
Lansdowne, Lord John Russell yielded an unwilling assent to Lord Aberdeen's
last proposals...'

_December 25th_.--'Lord John Russell is very much annoyed by the
disparaging tone of the articles in the "Times," which, while it supports
Lord Aberdeen, attacks him [Russell] and the Whigs. He is still also
dissatisfied in the exclusion of Lord Clarendon and of Sir George Grey from
the Cabinet, and thinks that the Whig share of the spoil is insufficient.
It is melancholy to see how little fitness for office is regarded on all
sides, and how much the public employments are treated as booty to be
divided among successful combatants. The Irish Government, also, is still
a matter of contest. The Whigs are anxious to displace Blackburne and to
replace him with Brady, their former Chancellor; they are jealous also of
St. Germans and Young, as Lord-Lieutenant and Chief Secretary, and want to
have Lord Carlisle substituted for the former. I discussed these matters at
Argyll House with Lord John and Lord Aberdeen. If we three were left
alone, we could easily adjust every difficulty; it is the intervention of
interested parties on opposite sides which mars every settlement...'

_December 27th_.--'The Whigs returned to the charge, and claimed in a most
menacing manner a larger share of the minor offices. Sir C. Wood and Mr.
Hayter came to me in the first instance and tried to shake me individually
in my opinion. I was stout and combated all their arguments, which assumed
an angry tone. We came to no satisfactory conclusion in my house, and the
discussion was adjourned to Lord John's. I found Lord John more amenable to
reason; but the whole arrangement was on the point of being broken off.
It was 1 o'clock. The House of Commons was to meet at 2 by special
adjournment, and the writs were to be issued punctually at that hour.
Sir C. Wood intimated that unless some further concessions were made
the arrangement was at an end, and that the moving of the writs must be
postponed. I said I should go down to the House, and make then and there
a full statement of the case, and recall by telegraph my address to
the electors of Carlisle, which declared my acceptance of office. This
firmness, coupled with my rising to leave the room, brought the gentlemen
to reason. I had a note in my pocket from Lord Aberdeen, which placed the
Duchy of Lancaster at their disposal, and Strutt was in the House ready to
receive it at the hands of Lord John. This offer was snatched immediately;
Strutt was consulted and accepted on the spot, and Hayter was sent to the
House of Commons, and he moved the writs of the Cabinet Ministers, of
Strutt also, and of Baines...'

_December 28th_.--'The contest as to minor offices was renewed with equal
pertinacity, but with less effect, after the moving of the principal writs.
A battle was fought for the Great Seal of Ireland, which was ultimately
yielded to Brady, the ex-Whig Chancellor. This concession was no sooner
made than an attempt to force Reddington as the Under-Secretary for Ireland
was commenced. He, being a Catholic, had consented to the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill, against his private judgement and in defiance of his
coreligionists. His appointment would have been war with the Brigade, and
it was necessary to refuse it peremptorily. The dissatisfaction of
Lord Clarendon and of Lord John Russell was eagerly expressed, but was
ultimately mitigated by the offer to Reddington of the Secretaryship of
the Board of Control. The suggestion that Lord John might provide for him
abroad was not so favourably entertained. I have never passed a week so
unpleasantly. It was a battle for places from hostile camps, and the Whigs
disregarded fitness for the public service altogether. They fought
for their men as partisans, and all other considerations, as well as
consequences, were disregarded. Lord Aberdeen's patience and justice are
exemplary; he is firm and yet conciliatory, and has ended by making an
arrangement which is, on the whole, impartial and quite as satisfactory as
circumstances would permit.'

The evidence of Sir James Graham on points of fact will hardly be disputed,
nor will it be denied that he, who took an active part in the construction
of the Government and was in the most intimate confidence of Lord Aberdeen,
was in a better position for knowing what passed than Mr. Greville, who
was dependent on the information which he received from others. But if any
confirmation be desired it will be found in the extracts which I add from
the correspondence of Lord Aberdeen. The Queen, as I have before said,
approved the lists submitted to her on December 23rd. The same evening,
Lord John Russell wrote to Lord Aberdeen as follows:--

'I am told that the whole complexion of the Government will look too
Peelite. G. Grey suggests, and I concur, that Clarendon should be President
of the Council immediately, and when he leaves it someone else may be
named--Harrowby or Granville. I am seriously afraid that the whole thing
will break down from the weakness of the old Liberal party (I must not say
Whig) in the Cabinet. To this must be added:--President of the Board of
Trade, Postmaster, Chief Secretary for Ireland, all in Peelite hands. I
send a note which Bessborough has given me, and which is said to convey the
opinion of the Irish Liberal members. _It is not very reasonable_, but I
think Blackburne should be changed for Moore, and St. Germans for Lord
Carlisle. Palmerston consents to Bernal Osborne. You should write or see
Cranworth. Forgive all this trouble.'

Lord Aberdeen replied:--

'I do not admit the justice of the criticism made on the composition of the
Cabinet, if you fairly estimate the persons and the offices they fill. I do
not object to Clarendon; but my fear is that he will not be able to do the
business of the office in the House of Lords, and we are so weak there that
I entertain very great apprehensions.'

Lord John rejoined:--

'What I suggest is (1) that, as I have frequently proposed, with your
consent, Lord Granville should be Lord President; (2) that Sir F. Baring
should be President of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet; (3)
that Clarendon should at once enter the Cabinet as Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster; (4) that Lord Stanley of Alderley should be Vice-President,
not in the Cabinet. Let me add to what I have said that ten Whigs, members
of former Cabinets, are omitted in this, while only two Peelites are
omitted, and one entirely new is admitted--Argyll. Let me propose further
that the minor posts be recast with less disproportion. Cardwell ought not
to have office while Labouchere, Vernon Smith, and others are excluded.

'Pray let me have an answer before the writs are moved. I have sent for F.
Baring. If he will not join, G. Grey will.

'P.S.--About Ireland afterwards.'

On the receipt of this letter Lord Aberdeen wrote to the Queen that it
put it entirely out of his power to go to Windsor on that day as had been
intended, and that 'he regretted to say that the new propositions, which
had been made by Lord John that morning, although the scheme submitted to
the Queen had been approved of, were so extensive as very seriously to
endanger the success of his [Lord Aberdeen's] undertaking.'

It appears to me to be thus shown, beyond dispute or question, that it was
the Whigs and not the Peelites who, after the distribution of offices had
been fully agreed on, and approved by the Queen, sought to modify the
arrangements effected. Whether the Whigs had or had not cause for their
discontent is another question, on which it is unnecessary now to enter.
That such discontent was (considering their numerical strength) extremely
natural, none can deny. That, on the other hand, it would have been
impossible to exclude Sir James Graham, Mr. Gladstone, or the Duke of
Newcastle from a Cabinet formed and presided over by Lord Aberdeen, and
that the important share taken by Mr. Sidney Herbert in the overthrow of
Lord Derby's Government rendered him also entitled to claim Cabinet office,
most men will admit.

While anxious to correct a statement which appears to me injurious to the
reputation of public men, some of whom are still living, I trust I may
be permitted at the same time to record my strong sense of the general
accuracy of Mr. Greville's information. Where his notes are inaccurate,
their inaccuracy may, I believe, be more generally accounted for by his
omission in those cases to insert in his diary (as in many other instances
he has done) a subsequent correction of the erroneous reports which had in
the first instance reached him.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

ARTHUR GORDON.