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Title: A narrative of the causes which led to Philip's Indian War, of 1675 and 1676

Author: John Easton

Editor: Franklin B. Hough


        
Release date: October 11, 2026 [eBook #79766]

Language: English

Original publication: Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1858

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/79766

Credits: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A NARRATIVE OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO PHILIP'S INDIAN WAR, OF 1675 AND 1676 ***


  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

  This book was published in 1858 and is a careful reproduction of
  documents written between 1669 and 1676. The spelling and punctuation
  in those documents has been faithfully kept in this etext.

  The dates in the documents were all according to the Julian calendar,
  where new years begin on March 25th. Dates between January 1st and
  March 25th in the year 1675 in a document reflect the year 1676 in
  our modern Gregorian calendar. Many books including this one
  indicate this duality by printing both years, either in the copied
  document or a footnote to it, in an abbreviated format. In this
  etext the format is 167^{5/6}.

  Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
  placed at the end of each chapter or letter. The numbering is only
  unique within that chapter or letter.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

  A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example y^e or 29^{th}.

  Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.




                                 Munsell’s

                            Historical Series.

                                  No. 1.




[Illustration:

  MAP
  of y^e
  SEAT OF PHILIP’S
  _INDYAN WARRE_]




                                     A

                                 NARRATIVE

                        Of the Causes which led to

                           PHILIP’S INDIAN WAR,

                             of 1675 and 1676,

                   _By_ JOHN EASTON, _of Rhode Island_.

                  With other Documents concerning this
                  Event in the Office of the Secretary of
                  State of New York.

                   _Prepared from the Originals, with an
                         Introduction and Notes._

                           By FRANKLIN B. HOUGH.

                              _ALBANY, N. Y._
                       J. MUNSELL, 78 STATE STREET.
                              M D CCC LVIII.




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CONTENTS.

  _Introduction_,                                    v

  _A Relation of the Indian War, by Mr. Easton
  of Rhode Island, 1675_,                            1

  _Papers Relating to Philip’s Indian War_,         53

  _Record of a Court Martial held at Newport,
  R. I. in August, 1676, for the Trial of
  Indians charged with being engaged in
  Philip’s Designs_,                               173

  _Index_,                                         191




ERRATUM.


  The Statement inadvertently made in Note [14], Page 9,
  concerning the Absence of the Governor, is erroneous.
  He did not sail for England until November, 1677.




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INTRODUCTION.

The Years 1675 and 1676, will ever fill a gloomy Page in New England
History, and be equally memorable for the desperate but ineffectual
Efforts of its primitive People, to rid their Country of its European
Inhabitants, and the efficient Measures adopted by the latter, against
the Chances of future Hostilities.

The Details of these Events, have come down to us in the Narratives
of several prominent Actors in them, and from them, we have been made
familiar with the Scenes of Atrocity which distinguished the several
Combatants in this War of mutual Extermination; but in none of these
Accounts do we find Evidence of that earnest Desire to render a strictly
impartial Statement of Events, which alone constitutes the highest
Aim of History, and claims our strongest Regard. The Writers of these
Narratives, in their active Sympathies for the one Party, have scarcely
been willing to concede either Justice or Honor to the other. The Indian
Leader who acted so prominent a Part in this War, is represented as a
Monster in Iniquity, incapable alike of Generosity or Sympathy, waging an
unprovoked and aggressive War upon inoffensive Settlers, violating the
most solemn Engagement of Treaties, and wantonly butchering those who had
extended to him the kindest Offices of Friendship.

The Account of the Origin of this War, given in the following Pages, is
believed to be the only one that has been printed, in which a cotemporary
Writer has appeared anxious to represent in a favorable Light, the
Injuries that provoked the Natives to Acts of Hostility, or to concede
to them Motives of Honor and Equity in previous Attempts to adjust the
Grounds of Dispute without a final Resort to Arms.

The Government of Rhode Island, of which Mr. Easton was a Member, had
been excluded from the Union of the New England Colonies, on account of
her heretical Toleration of religious Freedom, and her open Advocacy
of that Liberty of Conscience which has since become a distinguishing
Feature of our Government. Her Territory was invaded by armed Forces
without previous Notification or Consent, and her Magistrates seized and
carried to Prisons beyond her Borders, for presuming to question the
Right of these informal Inroads upon her Soil.

The Boundary between Connecticut and Rhode Island, was at this Time
a Subject of Dispute, and upon it depended the Question of separate
Existence, to the greater Part of the latter. This Controversy had
excited a Feeling of Alienation between the two Colonies, as had a
similar Question between the former and New York, and in some Degree
prevented a cordial Coöperation, in Measures tending to the common
Welfare of the English Colonies. This may perhaps have influenced the
Writer of the following Narrative, in his Desire to prove that the
Complaints of the Indians might have been peaceably settled, and that
the immediate Cause of the War arose from the Indiscretion of their
Neighbors. Whatever Weight this Motive may have had, there is found
nothing either in the Narrative itself, or the Evidence of other Writers,
to lead us to question the Accuracy of the Facts therein stated, or to
doubt that the Grievances complained of, were fully as real as by them
represented.

Slighter Grounds of Difference between civilized Nations have often
sooner led to open War, and we may perhaps find in this Case, no other
Reason for patient Forbearance under continued Wrongs, than the Fact that
the Indians were dependent upon the Whites for the Means of commencing
and prosecuting Hostilities, and were without those Facilities for
Consultation and Coöperation which Education alone confers.

Prompted by that inherent Sense of Equality which has often led them to
share equally with their Prisoners, the last Morsel of Food, the Indians
had cheerfully given to the first Colonists a liberal Share of their
Lands, and had not only supplied them with Provisions when they would
otherwise have starved, but had taught them the Method of cultivating
Corn, and the Time and Mode of catching Fish, which preserved them from
Extremities to which there would have been no other Relief.[1] Thus
favored and assisted, the Colonists at Peace with the native Tribes
rapidly multiplied, and their Fields everywhere extended along the
Valleys and over the Plains that had been the Haunts and the Homes of the
primitive Owners. During more than fifty Years, they had been gaining
steadily upon the Wilderness, and the Indians had proportionably wasted
away, deriving few and doubtful Benefits from Civilization, but becoming
daily more degraded by its Vices, and more dependent upon its Arts for
the Means of Existence.

Massasoit, the chief Sachem of the Wampanoags, had been the early
and constant Friend of the Whites, and towards the Close of his Life
had taken his two Sons, upon whom his Authority was to descend, to a
principal Settler to make them pledge their continued Friendship to the
English. Alexander, the elder of these Brothers, was a few Years after
summoned to appear and answer to Charges made against him upon Suspicion
that he was plotting the Destruction of the Settlers; but not obeying
promptly, he was surprised at an unguarded Moment, and taken towards
Plymouth. Exasperated at this Treatment, he fell sick, was released
under the Pledge of Hostages, but died on his Way Home.

The chief Authority devolved upon Metacom,[2] better known as Philip, on
the Death of his Brother, and whatever may have been his early Feeling
towards the English, there can be no Doubt that from this Period he
harbored a secret Resolution of Vengeance, although Policy led him for a
Season to conceal his Purpose under a Cloak of Friendship, and even to
consent to repeated Renewals of the Treaties of Amity, which his Father
had made.

With this Design he visited many Indian Tribes, portrayed in eloquent
Language the steady Encroachments of the Settlers, reminded them of their
ancient Power now rapidly wasting away, and invoked them by the Love of
Country and Kindred, the Memory of their Forefathers, and their Duty to
Posterity, to unite in driving from the Land these dangerous Rivals,
whose past Encroachments foreshadowed the rapid and complete Destruction
of their Race.

The Magnitude of this Enterprise, and the evident Success with which he
privately advanced in its Arrangement, bespeaks a Mind capable of the
most comprehensive Generalization, while his future Course proved him the
Owner of Talents equal to the most pressing Emergencies that might arise
in the Execution of its Details.

His Tact in enlisting the Narragansetts, the hereditary Enemies of
his Tribe, in the general Scheme which he had formed, indicates the
Possession of a fair Degree of diplomatic Skill, and a thorough Knowledge
of the human Character.

The Circumstances attending the Conference related in the following
Narrative, are particularly interesting, as showing the Wrongs which
had for Years been practiced upon the unsuspecting Natives, and the
lively Sense of Injustice which these Injuries had awakened. The simple
confiding Ignorance of these untutored Sons of Nature, had led them on
from one Concession to another, until they were brought to a forcible
Realization of the Value of Land, by a pressing Sense of its Want, and
found themselves in almost as feeble and dependent a Condition, as were
the English upon their first Arrival.

There is something peculiarly refined and elevated in the Sentiment
expressed by Philip, in answer to their Remark, that the Whites were
now too strong for the Indians, when he replied, _that then the English
should do to them, as they did, when they were too strong for the
English_. In this was expressed the Spirit of that most sacred Injunction
of Scripture, that “all Things whatsoever ye would that Men should do to
you, do ye even so to them,” with all the additional Obligation that a
previous Performance of this Duty could impose.

His Plans, it is said, had been laid with Reference to their Development
in the Spring of 1676, but were prematurely hastened by the Death of
Sassamon, and the Executions which followed.

Perhaps fearing that he might be selected as the next Victim, Philip kept
himself surrounded by his armed Followers, and finally yielding to their
Impatience for Plunder, allowed them to commit Depredations. These by
provoking an Attack from the Whites, relieved him from the Superstitious
dread which he is said to have entertained of beginning the War, and
active Hostilities quickly followed.

The first Attack was made at Swansea upon People returning from public
Worship. A Body of Troops arriving soon after, were fired upon, and one
of the Party killed. The Indians fled, marking their Course by burning
Houses, and fixing on Poles the Heads of those they had slain; but being
pressed by the Troops, Philip left Mount Hope and retired to a Swamp at
Pocasset, where he succeeded in repelling the English and killing sixteen
of their Number.

Learning that his Enemy was preparing to guard every Exit from the Swamp
and thus reduce him to Starvation, he escaped towards the Nipmucks in
Worcester County, pursued by People of Rehoboth and Providence. The
Indians continued to hang upon the Outskirts of the Settlements in small
Parties, committing frequent Murders, and generally evading Pursuit.
Being intimately acquainted with every Locality, they could easily fall
upon an unguarded Hamlet, murder its Inmates, and escape before an Alarm
could be raised, or a Force collected. Mendon, Brookfield, Deerfield,
Hadley, Northfield, Hatfield, Northampton and Springfield, became in Turn
the Scene of desperate Encounters, in which Fortune favored sometimes
one and at other Times the other Party. Philip, who was generally present
in these Engagements to direct his Men, evinced a Boldness mingled with
Caution, that defied the utmost Efforts of the English to gain any signal
Advantage.

It being no longer doubted that the Narragansetts were in secret Alliance
with Philip, War was declared against them by the Commissioners of the
United Colonies in November, and in December an Army of from fifteen
hundred to two thousand Men, including Volunteers, Indians and a Troop
of Horse, the whole under the Command of General Winslow, assembled in
the Neighborhood of the Enemy. The Indians, under Philip, were located on
an Island in a Swamp in South Kingston, Rhode Island, and had surrounded
their Camp with Pallisades and an almost impenetrable Hedge of fallen
Trees, with their Tops pointing outwards. Within this Inclosure, the
Indians had gathered with their Families to the Number of three thousand,
comfortably supplied with Provisions and armed with Bows and Arrows,
Muskets and Tomahawks.

Here, on the 18th of December, was fought the most bloody Battle
recorded in the early Annals of New England, in which seven hundred
Indian Warriors were slain and three hundred wounded; three hundred more
and as many Women and Children taken Prisoners. The Number of Women
and Children that perished in the Flames was never known. The English
lost six Captains and eighty Men in killed and one hundred and fifty in
wounded.

The Weather was intensely cold, and the English suffered extremely
from Cold and Fatigue while traveling in deep Snows. Philip fled, and
is supposed to have passed the Winter upon the western Borders of
Massachusetts. The Winter was remarkably mild, and upon the Hudson River
opening unexpectedly in February, the Governor of New York sent up
several Sloops laden with Soldiers and military Stores, to resist any
Attack which Philip might make in that Quarter. Sudbury, Lancaster and
Medfield were attacked in February.

The Spring opened with renewed Hostilities, and Parts of Groton,
Marlborough, Warwick, Rehoboth and Providence were burned. A memorable
Engagement occurred in Rehoboth, on the 26th of March, known as the
“Pierce Fight,” in which Capt. Michael Pierce, of Scituate, at the Head
of a Band of 63 English and a few friendly Indians, was led into an
Ambuscade, in which 55 English and 10 of their Indian Allies were slain
on the Spot, but not without destroying several Times this Number of
their Enemies.

The Indians scattering in small Parties, were enabled to distract the
Attention of the English Forces by simultaneous Attacks in different
Quarters. In March, a Body of Volunteers from Connecticut, succeeded
in capturing Conanchet, Sachem of the Narragansetts, who was scarcely
less formidable than Philip, and Expeditions upon the Strongholds of
the Indians were constantly reducing their Numbers and rendering their
Prospects more gloomy.

On the 18th of May, Capt. Turner, with 180 Men, surprised a large Party
of Indians at the great Falls in the Connecticut River, above Deerfield.
They found the Camp entirely unguarded, and slew great Numbers, while
others rushed into the River, only to meet a watery Grave. The English
lost but one, while the Indians afterwards admitted the Loss of 300
Men in killed and drowned, some of them being principal Sachems. In
returning, the English in their turn experienced heavy Reverses at the
Hands of another Lodge of Indians, in which Capt. Turner was killed, and
before reaching Hatfield, their Numbers were reduced to thirty-eight Men.

The Slaughter at the Falls proved a death Blow to the Hopes of Philip,
and from this Time Misfortunes closed thickly upon him. There still,
however, remained sufficient Force to seriously annoy the Settlements. On
the 30th of May, six or seven hundred Indians invaded Hatfield, burned
several Houses without the Fortification, and killed five Men, but were
repulsed with the Loss of five Times this Number.

On the Morning of the 12th of June, about seven hundred Indians made a
furious Assault upon Hadley, and the Inhabitants were thrown into great
Confusion and Alarm. The Indians succeeded in forcing the Palisades
and gaining Possession of one House, but were beaten back with Loss.
Suddenly, a Man of noble Mien, peculiar in Dress, venerable in Appearance
and manifestly familiar with military Affairs, assumed the Command,
ordered the English to rally in the Manner best adapted to meet the
pressing Emergency, and by his Voice and Example inspired them to new
Activity and Courage. Under his Direction the Indians were at length
repulsed with Loss, and driven into the Woods. The mysterious Stranger
as suddenly disappeared, and it was long reported and believed that an
Angel from Heaven had led them to Victory. It was afterwards found, that
this Person was Col. Goffe, the Regicide, who had for fifteen Years, with
Whalley his Father-in-law, been concealed in the Colony, and who was then
living in strict Seclusion in the Family of Mr. Russell the Minister.

The Indians began to lose their Courage with these Failures, and their
Attacks were thenceforth made with less Bravery. They also found
new Enemies in the Mohawks of New York, who willingly listened to
Propositions from the English to engage in a War against the eastern
Indians. They did this the more readily, from having discovered an Act of
Treachery on the Part of Philip.

A Party of 200 Indians, on their Way westward from the Connecticut, was
surprised in the present Town of Stockbridge, of whom about sixty were
killed and taken, with the Loss of but one Man.

Thus repulsed from the Connecticut, Philip returned to the Plymouth
Colony, still following out his Purpose of Extermination, but daily
losing his Counselors and Friends, his Captains and Warriors. He
continued to struggle against Fate, and to gather new Energies from the
Desperation into which his Affairs were plunged. His Wife and Children
were seized or killed, and many of his Followers gave up in Despair and
threw themselves upon the Mercy of the English. Retiring to Mount Hope,
his former Residence, he took Refuge in a Swamp with about two hundred of
his Men. Some Time before he had slain one of his Followers, who presumed
to propose Submission to the English, and the Brother of this Indian, in
Revenge betrayed the Secret of his Retreat. Captain Benjamin Church, who
had been distinguished throughout the War for his Courage and Success,
surrounded the Swamp on the 12th of August, 1676, and but sixty of the
Indians escaped. Philip was shot by an Indian and fell with his Face in
the Mud. His Head was cut off and exhibited as a Trophy.

Annawan, his principal Captain, was taken August 28th, in Rehoboth,
which ended the War in this Section of New England, although Hostilities
continued one or two Years later, in the northeastern Part of the
Colonies.

The Indians, everywhere broken and scattered, either submitted to such
Terms as the English might dictate or removed North and joined the
French in Canada; and the exhausted Colonies were left to a realization
of the Ravages which this vindictive War had occasioned. Famine would
have followed close upon the Miseries of the Torch and Tomahawk, but for
timely Charities from Dublin and London, obtained through the Letters of
Dr. Increase Mather. One eleventh of the able bodied Men of New England
are said to have been slain during these two Years, and according to
another Writer, almost every Person in the two Colonies, had lost a
Relation or near Friend, so that every Family was in deep Mourning.

We have already alluded to the Jealousies then existing between New York
and Connecticut, on account of disputed Boundaries. The first News of
Indian Hostilities, naturally filled the Country with an Alarm which
was frequently renewed during the Progress of the War, as Rumors of
projected Massacres, magnified by the Fears of the Timid or the Exposed,
were circulated among the Settlers or reported to the Governor. Although
the Province of New York escaped the Calamities which fell upon the New
England Colonies, the occasional Intercourse of its Indians with those
to the Eastward, especially the tributary Dependence in which the Tribes
upon the east End of Long Island were held by the Narragansetts, gave
just Reason to suspect that these Indians might be in secret Alliance
with their powerful Masters, and justified the Measures that were adopted
for their Security.

A prominent Source of Irritation between New England and New York, arose
from the Charges publicly made by the former, that the hostile Indians
were supplied with Powder and Arms by the latter. The Documents which
follow, exhibit the Grounds upon which this Allegation was made, and the
Spirit with which it was repelled. They also prove that the Indians were
in some Degree at least assisted by the French in Canada, with whom the
English were then nominally at Peace.

The Government of New York pursued an undeviating Line of Policy with
regard to the Indians within her Borders, and claimed at all Times the
exclusive Management of their Affairs; asserting sometimes rudely,
at other Times respectfully, but always firmly, her sole Right of
negotiating with them. Every Attempt of the neighboring Colonies to treat
with the New York Indians, for Aid against the eastern and northern
Tribes, was met with a prompt Refusal, unless conducted in the Presence
of the Governor or his authorized Agents.

This Policy, and the Grounds upon which it was based, were not understood
by those who had Occasion to deal with these Indians, and the unpleasant
Feeling which followed the Failure of informal Attempts at Negotiation,
has in some Degree influenced the public Mind, and imparted to the
historic Page a Tinge of Prejudice against the Conduct of New York, which
is by no means deserved. A careful Study of these Documents will convince
the Reader, that whenever proper Courtesy was shown to New York in these
Transactions, the Subject of Request received proper Attention.

The warlike Mohawks needed but slight Entreaty to engage in a Pursuit so
congenial to their Tastes, and had Hostilities continued, would doubtless
have aided in an effectual Manner, in the War against Philip. Indeed upon
several Occasions after the Peace, they made Inroads upon the Christian
Indians of Natick and other Villages, mistaking them for the late Enemies
to the English; and it became necessary to explain to them that their
Services were not further needed, and to dissuade them from Hunting in
that Quarter, least they might injure the friendly Natives.

The rude and unadorned Style and Language of these Documents afford an
interesting View of the Period and the Events to which they relate,
and we are enabled to catch a Glimpse of the Manners of the Age, the
Relations existing between the Whites and the Indians, the Hopes and
Fears of the Colonists, and the Light in which these Events were regarded
by the Government of New York, more satisfactorily perhaps than could
have been done by any other Means. Should they in any Degree answer this
Purpose, the Object of their Publication will be accomplished.

                                                              F. B. H.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantations, p. 100.

[2] Sometimes written _Metacomet_, and said to be a Contraction from
_Pometacom_.




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                                A RELATION
                                  of the
                               INDYAN WARR,
                     By M^r EASTON[1] of Rhoad Island,
                                   1675.


  _A true Relation of what I kno & of Reports & my Understanding
  concerning the Begining & Progress of the War now between the English
  and the Indians._

In the Winter in the Year 1674, an Indian was found dead, and by a
Coroner’s Inquest of Plimouth Colony iudged murdered.[2] He was found
dead in a Hole thro Ice broken in a Pond[3] with his Gun and sum Foulls
by him. Sum English suposed him thrown in, sum Indians y^t I iudged
intelegabell and impartiall in y^e Case did think he fell in and was so
drouned, and that the Ies did hurt his Throat, as the English said it was
cut;[4] but acnoledge y^t sumetimes naty Indians wold kill others but
not as euer they herd to obscuer as if the dead Indian was not murdered.
The dead Indian was caled Sansimun[5] and a Christian y^t could read and
write. Report was he was a bad Man, y^t King Philip got him to write his
Will, and he made the Writing for a great Part of the Land to be his, but
read as if it had bin as Philip wrote; But it came to be known, and then
he run away from him.

Now one Indian informed that three Indians had murdered him, and sheued a
Coat y^t he said thay gave him to conseall them. The Indians report y^t
the Informer had playd away his Coate, and these Men sent him y^e Coate,
and after demanded Pay, and he not to pay, so acused them, and knoing
that it wold pleas the English so to think him a beter Christian, and the
Reporte came y^t the three Indians had confesed and acused Philip so to
imploy them, and y^t y^e English wold hang Philip; so the Indians wear
afraid, and reported y^t the English had flatred them (or by threats) to
bely Philip y^t thay might kill him to have his Land, and y^t if Philip
had dun it, it was ther Law so to execute home ther Kings iudged deserved
it, y^t he had no Case to hide it.[6]

So Philip kept his Men in Armes. Plimoth Gouerner required him to disband
his Men, and informed him his Jealousy was falce. Philip answered he
would do no Harm, and thanked the Governer for his Information.[7]

The three Indians wer hunge, to the last denied the Fact; but one broke
the Halter as it is reported, then desired to be sayed, and so was a
littell while, then confessed they three had dun the Fact; and then he
was hanged.[8] And it was reported Sansimun before his death had informed
of the Indian Plot, and y^t if the Indians knew it they wold kill him,
and that the Hethen might destroy the English for their Wickedness, as
God had permitted the Heathen to destroy the Israellites of olde. So
the English wear afraid and Philip was afraid, and both incresed in
Arems. But for four Yeares Time, Reports and Iealosys of War had bin veri
frequent, y^t we did not think y^t now a War was breaking forth;[9] but
about a Week before it did,[10] we had Case to think it wold. Then to
indever to prevent it, we sent a Man to Philip, y^t if he wold cum to
the Fery we wold cum over to speke with him. About four Miles we had to
cum; thither our Messenger cum to them; they not aware of it behaved
themselves as furious, but sudingly apeased when they understood who
he was and what he came for, he called his Counsell and agreed to cum
to us; came himself unarmed, and about 40 of his Men armed. Then 5 of
us went over, 3 wear Magistrates. We sate veri friendly together.[11]
We told him our bisnes was to indever that they might not reseue or do
Rong. They said that was well; they had dun no Rong, the English ronged
them. We said we knew the English said the Indians ronged them, and the
Indians said the English ronged them, but our Desier was the Quarrell
might rightly be desided, in the best Way, and not as Dogs desided their
Quarrells. The Indians owned y^t fighting was the worst Way; then they
propounded how Right might take Place. We said, by Arbitration. They said
that all English agreed against them, and so by Arbitration they had had
much Rong; mani Miles square of Land so taken from them, for English wold
have English Arbitrators; and once they were persuaded to give in their
Armes, y^t thereby Jealousy might be removed,[12] and the English having
their Arms wold not deliver them as they had promised, untill they
consented to pay a 100^_L_, and now they had not so much Sum or Muny; y^t
thay wear as good be kiled as leave all ther Liueslyhode.[13]

We said they might chuse a Indian King and the English might chuse the
Governor of New Yorke,[14] y^t nether had Case to say either wear Parties
in the Diferance. They said they had not heard of y^t Way, and said
we onestly spoke, so we wear perswaided if y^t Way had bine tendered
they would have acsepted. We did endeaver not to hear their Complaints,
said it was not convenient for us now to consider of, but to indever to
prevent War; said to them when in War against English, Blood was spilt,
y^t ingaged all Englishmen, for we wear to be all under one King; we
knew what their Complaints wold be, and in our Colony had removed some
of them in sending for Indian Rulers in what the Crime concerned Indians
Lives, which thay veri lovingly acsepted, and agreed with us to their
Execution, and said so they were abell to satisfie their Subjects when
they knew an Indian sufered duly, but said in what was only between
their Indians and not in Towneshipes, y^t we had purchased, they wold
not have us prosecute, and y^t that thay had a great Fear to have ani of
ther Indians should be caled or forced to be Christian Indians.[15] Thay
said y^t such wer in everi thing more mischievous, only Disemblers, and
then the English made them not subject to ther Kings, and by their lying
to rong ther Kings. We knew it to be true, and we promising them y^t
however in Government to Indians all should be alike, and y^t we knew it
was our King’s will it should be so, y^t altho we wear weaker than other
Colonies, they having submitted to our King to protect them, others dared
not otherwise to molest them; expressed thay took that to be well, that
we had littell Case to doute, but that to us under the King thay would
have yielded to our Determinations in what ani should have complained to
us against them.

But Philip charged it to be disonestly in us to put of the Hering to iust
Complaints, therefore we consented to hear them. Thay said thay had
bine the first in doing Good to the English, and the English the first
in doing Rong; said when the English first came, their King’s Father was
as a great Man, and the English as a littell Child;[16] he constrained
other Indians from ronging the English, and gave them Corn and shewed
them how to plant, and was free to do them ani Good, and had let them
have a 100 Times more Land than now the King had for his own Peopell.
But ther King’s Brother, when he was King, came miserably to dy by being
forced to Court, as they iudge poysoned.[17] And another Greavance was,
if 20 of there onest Indiand testified that a Englishman had dun them
Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified
against any Indian or ther King, when it pleased the English it was
sufitiant. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English
wold say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove
against all them, and sum of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much.
He left his Peopell none, and sum being given to Drunknes the English
made them drunk and then cheated them in Bargains, but now ther Kings
wear forwarned not for to part with Land, for nothing in Cumparison to
the Value thereof. Now home the English had owned for King or Queen,
they wold disinheret, and make another King that wold give or sell them
these Lands; that now, they had no Hopes left to kepe ani Land. Another
Grievance, the English Catell and Horses still incresed; that when thay
removed 30 Mill from where English had ani thing to do, thay could not
kepe ther Corn from being spoyled, thay never being iused to fence, and
thoft when the English boft Land of them thay wold have kept their Catell
upon ther owne Land. Another Grievance, the English were so eager to sell
the Indians Lickers, y^t most of the Indians spent all in Drynknes, and
then raueved upon the sober Indians, and thay did believe often did hurt
the English Catell, and ther King could not prevent it.

We knew before, these were their grand Complaints, but then we only
indevered to persuaid y^t all Cumplaints might be righted without War,
but could have no other Answer but that thay had not heard of that Way
for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the Hearing of it.
We had Case to think in y^t had bine tendered it wold have bine acsepted.
We indevered y^t however thay should lay doune the War, for the English
wear to strong for them; thay said, then the English should do to them as
they did when thay wear to strong for the English.

So we departed without ani Discurtiousness, and sudingly had Letter
from Plimoth Governor thay intended in Arms to conforem Philip, but no
Information what y^t was thay required or w^t Termes he refused to have
their Quarrell desided; and in a Weke’s Time after we had bine with
the Indians the War thus begun.[18] Plimouth Soldiers were cum to have
their Head Quarters within 10 Miles of Philip; then most of the English
thereabout left there Houses, and we had Leter from Plimouth Governor to
desier our Help with sum Boats if thay had such Ocation, and for us to
looke to our selfs; and from the Generall at the Quarters we had Leter
of the Day thay intended to cum upon the Indians, and desier for sum of
our Boats to attend. So we took it to be of Nesesity for our Ieslanders
one half one Day and Night to atend and the other half the next, so by
Turnes for our owne Safety. In this Time sum Indians fell a pilfering sum
Houses y^t the English had left, and a old Man and a Lad going to one
of these Houses did see three Indians run out thereof. The old Man bid
the young Man shoot; so he did, and a Indian fell doune, but got away
againe. It is reported y^t sum Indians came to the Gareson, asked why
they shot the Indian. Thay asked whether he was dead. The Indians said
yea. A English Lad saied it was no Mater. The Men indevered to inform
them it was but an idell Lad’s Words, but the Indians in haste went away
and did not hearken to them. The next Day, the Lad that shot the Indian,
and his Father, and fief English Men wear killed so the War begun with
Philip.[19] But ther was a Queen y^t I knew was not a Party with Philip,
and Plimoth Governor recumended her y^t if she wold cum to our Iesland it
wold be well shee desired shee might if it wear but with but six of her
Men.[20] I can sufitiantly prove, but it is to large here to relate, that
shee had practised much the Quarell might be decided without War; but
sum of our English allso, in Fury against all Indians, wold not consent
shee should be reseved to our Iesland although I profered to be at all
the Charge to secuer her and those shee desired to cum with her; so at
length prevailed we might send for her; but one Day acsedentaly we wear
prevented, and then our Men had seased sum Cannos on her Side, suposing
they wear Philip’s, and the next Day a English House was there burned and
Mischief of either Side indevered to the other, and much dun, her House
burned; and so we wear prevented of ani Menes to atain hir. The English
Army cam not downe as informed thay wold, so Philip got over, and they
could not find him. Three Days after, thay came doune, had a veri stormy
Night, y^t in the Morning the Foote wear disabled to return. Before they
had Refreshment, thay wear free to acsept, as we wear willing to relieve
them,[21] but ... Trupers sayed of their Captaine they despised it, and
so left the Foote. After the Foote had refreshed themselfs they also
returned to their head Quarters, and after hunt[ing] Philip from all sea
Shores, y^t thay could not tell what was becum of him, the Naroganset
Kings informed us y^t the Queen aforesaid must be in a Thicket, a
starving or conformed to Philip; but thay knew shee wold be glad to be
from them, so from us had Incuragement to get her and as mani as they
could from Philip.[22]

After the English Army, without our Consent or informing us, came into
our Colony, brought the Naroganset Indians to Articles of Agreement to
them.[23] Philip being flead, about a 150 Indians came in to a Plimouth
Garrison volentarley. Plimouth Authority sould all for Slafes (but
about six of them) to be carried out of the Country.[24] It is true
the Indians genaraly are very barbarous Peopell but in this War I have
not heard of their tormenting ani, but y^t the English Army cote an old
Indian and tormented him. He was well knone to have bine a long Time a
veri decrepid and harmless Indian of the Queen’s.[25] As Philip fled
the foresaid Queen got to the Narogansets, and as manni of her Men as
she could get, but one Part of the Narogansets Agreement to Boston was
to kill or deliver as mani as they could of Philip’s Peopell, therefore
Boston Men demanded the fore said Queene and others y^t thay had so
reseved; for which the Indians wear unfree, and made mani Excuses, as
that the Queen was none of them, and sum others wear but Sudierners with
Philip becase removed by the English having got their Land, and wear of
their Kindred, which we kno is true, not but we think they did shelter
mani thay should not, and y^t they did kno sum of their Men did assist
Philip, but according to their barbarous Ruells thay accounted so was no
Rong, or they could not help it. But sum enemies Heds thay did send in,
and told us thay wear informed y^t however when Winter came thay might
be suer the English wold be their Enemies. And so thay stood doubtful
for about 5 Months. The English wear iealous that there was a generall
Plot of all Indians against English; and the Indians wear in like Manner
iealous of the English. I think it was generall, y^t thay wear unwilling
to be ronged, and y^t the Indians did iudg the English partiall against
them, and among all a philthy Crue y^t did desire and indever for War;
and those of any Solidety wear against it, and indevered to prevent the
War.[26] For conserning Philip we have good Intelligence y^t he advised
sum English to be gone from ther out Plases where they lived or they wear
in Danger to be killed; but whether it wear to prevent a War, or by their
Prests informed if thay begun thay should be beaten, and otherwise not,
so we have good Intelligence; for I do think most of them had a Desire
the English would begin; and if the English be not carefull to manifest
the Indians mai expect Equity from them, thay mai have more Enemies than
thay wold, and more Case of Jelosy.[27]

The Report is, y^t to y^e Estward the War thus begun, by supposing y^t
sum of those Indians were at a Fight in these Parts, and y^t thear thay
saw a Man wounded, so Authority sent sum forth to discufer, having
before disarmed those Indians and confined them to a Place which the
Indians wear not ofended at; but these Men coming upon them in a warlike
Postuer, they fled; y^t the Men cote but 3 of them. Those in Authority
sent out againe to excuse themselfs, but thay could only cum to the Spech
with one Man; as he kept out of their Rech, thay excused themselfs and
said his Father was not hurt; one of them thay had taken. He said he
could not believe them, for if it was so, thay wold have broft him; thay
had bin desaitfull to disarm them, and so wold have killed them all; and
so he run away, and then English wear killed, and the Report is, y^t up
in the Country here away thay had demanded the Indians’ Armes, and went
againe to parrell with them, and the Indians by Ambushcade tretcherously
killed 8 y^t wear going to treat with them.[28]

When Winter was cum we had Leter from Boston of the iunited Comitioners
that thay wear resolved to reduce the Narogansets to Conformity, not
to be trubled with them ani more, and desered sum Help of Botes and
otherwise, if we saw Case, and y^t we should kepe Secret conserning
it.[29] Our Governor sent them Word we wear satesfied Narragansets wear
tretcherous, and had ayded Philip, and as we had asisted to relive ther
Army before, so we should be ready to asist them still, and advised y^t
Termes might be tendred y^t such might expect Compation y^t would acsept
not to ingag in War, and y^t ther might be a Separation betwene the Gilty
and the Inosent which in War could not be expected, we not in the lest
expecting thay wold have begun the War and not before proclaimed it, or
not give them Defianc.

I having often informed the Indians y^t English Men wold not begin a
War, otherwise it was brutish so to do. I am sorry so the Indians have
Case to think me desaitfull, for the English thus began the War with the
Narogansets, we having sent ofe our Iesland mani Indians and informed
them if thay kept by the water Side and did not medell; y^t however
the English wold do them no Harem, altho it was not save for us to let
them live here. The Army first take all those Prisoners then fell upon
Indian Houses, burned them and killed sum Men. The War [began] without
Proclamation, and sum of our Peopell did not kno the English had begun
Mischief to Indians, and being confedent and had Case therefore; y^t the
Indians wold not hurt them before the English begun, so did not kepe
ther Gareson exactly; but the Indians having reseued y^t Mischief came
unexpected upone them, destroyed 145 of them beside other great Loss,
but the English Army say thay suposed Conetecot Forces had bine there.
Thay solde the Indians y^t thay had taken as afoersaid, for Slafes, but
one old Man y^t was caried of our Iesland upone his Sun’s Back he was
so decreped could not go, and when the Army tooke them upon his Back
caried him to the Garison, sum wold have had him devoured by Doges, but
the Tendernes of sum of them prevailed to cut ofe his Head; and after
came sudingly upon the Indians whear the Indians had prepared to defend
themselfs, and so reseved and did much Mischief, and for aboute six
Weeks sinc hath bine spent as for both Parties to recruet. And now the
English Army is out to seeke after the Indians, but it is most lickly
y^t such most abell to do Mischief will escape, y^t Women and Children
and Impotent mai be destroyed, and so the most abell will have the less
Incumbranc to do Mischief.[30]

But I am confident it wold be best for the English and Indians y^t a
Peas wear made upone onest Terems, for each to have a dew Propriety and
to enioy it without Opretion or Iusurpation by one to the other, but
the English dear not trust the Indian’s Promises, nether the Indians to
the Englishes Promises; and each have gret Case therefor. I see no Way
likely, but if a Sessation from Arems might be procured untill it might
be known what Terems King Charles wold propound; for we have gret Case to
think the Naroganset Kings wold trust our King, and y^t thay wold have
acsepted him to be Umpier if it had bine tendered, about ani Diferanc;
for we do kno the English have had much Contention against these Indians
to invaled the king’s Determination for Naroganset to be in our Colony;
and we have Case to think y^t was the great Case of the war against them.

I see no Menes likely to prevent a Sesation from Arems, except the
Gouevner of New York can find a Way so to interfere, and so it will
be likely a Pease mai be made without trubbling our King; not but it
allwais hath bine a Prinsipell in our Colonly, y^t ther should be but
one supreme to English Men, and in our natief Country wher ever English
have Iurisdiction; and so we know no English should begin a War and not
first tender for the King to be Umpier, and not persecute such y^t can
not conforem to ther Worship; and ther Worship be what is not owned by
the King, the King not to mind to have such Things redresed, sum mai take
it that he hath not Pouer, and that ther mai be a Wai for them to take
Pouer in Oposition to him.[31] I am so perswaided of New England Prists,
thay are so blinded by the Spirit of Persecution and to maintaine to
have Hyer, and to have Name to be mere Hyrelings y^t thay have bine the
Case y^t the Law of Nations and the Law of Arems have bine violated in
this War; and y^t the War had not bine if ther had not bine a Hyerling,
that for his Moni, giving what he caleth the Gospel by Voiolanc to have
it chargabell for his Gaine from his Quarter; and if ani in Magistracy
be not so as ther pack Horses, thay will be trumpating for Inovation or
War.[32]

5 : 12^m : 1675. _Poadiestan._

                     [Illustration: John Easton (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] JOHN EASTON, the Author of this Account, was the Son of Nicholas
Easton, who emigrated to New England with his Sons Peter and John, in
the Spring of 1634, and settled at Ipswich. He subsequently removed to
Newburgh, and then to Hampton, where he built the first English House. In
1638 he removed to Rhode Island, on account of the religious Intolerance
he experienced, as a Quaker, and the second Year after settled at
Newport, where he also built the first House. In 1641 this was burned by
the Indians setting Fire on his Lands. In 1640 and 1653 he was chosen an
Assistant, and from 1650 to 1652, and in 1654, he was President under the
first colonial Charter. From 1672 to 1674 he held the Office of Governor,
and died at Newport in 1675.

His Son John Easton, held the Office of Attorney General of Rhode Island
fifteen Years between 1652 and 1675, was Deputy Governor in 1674-1675;
was several Times an Assistant, and from 1690 to 1695 he was elected
Governor. He died at Newport, Dec. 12, 1705, aged 88 Years, and was
buried in the Coddington burial Place. _Callender’s Discourse, p. 125,
148: Peterson’s Hist. R. I._--ED.

[2] He was first buried by his Friends, without an Investigation, but
David, a Tetticut Indian, having noticed some Bruises about the Head,
reported to some English and the Governor of Plymouth ordered an Inquest.
This proved that sufficient Injuries had been received to cause Death
without drowning. An Indian also acknowledged, that while standing on a
Hill near the Pond, he saw the Murder committed, but being fearful for
his own Life, at first was unwilling to disclose it. _Bayley’s Plymouth_,
ii, 27.--ED.

[3] Assawomsett Pond, in Middleborough, in the Present County of
Plymouth, Mass.--ED.

[4] Other Accounts state that his Neck was broken. _C. Mather._--ED.

[5] This Indian was JOHN SASSAMON, alias _Wassasamon_, of the
Massachusetts Tribe, who had been converted to Christianity and received
a partial Course of Instruction at Harvard College. Being well acquainted
with the English Language, and able to read and write, he was employed
as a Teacher at Natick. Renouncing his Faith, he went to reside with
Alexander, Philip’s Brother, and afterwards with Philip, where his
Learning made him useful as a Secretary. He thus had the Means of
becoming thoroughly acquainted with the Sachem and his Plans.

Incurring the Displeasure of his Employer, or yielding to the
Solicitations of his Friend and Instructor the venerable Eliot, he
returned to Natick, where, upon Professions of Repentance, he was again
baptized, received into the Church, and employed as an Instructor. Being
frequently with his Countrymen, he gained a full Knowledge of the hostile
Feeling that was rapidly spreading among them, and going to Plymouth he
imparted this Information to the Governor.

This Advice was at first disregarded, but Circumstances soon occurred to
strengthen his Statement, and Philip with several of his Indians were
examined, but without gaining any new Proof of the Allegation. They were
accordingly dismissed, under strong Suspicions, and Sassamon disappeared
soon after. His Death occurred early in the Spring of 1674-5. _Bayley’s
Plymouth_, ii, 27; _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 194 et seq.--ED.

[6] TOBIAS, alias _Poggapanossoo_, one of Philip’s Counsellors, his Son,
and _Mattashinnamy_, were apprehended and tried by a Jury consisting of
four Indians and twelve Whites. On the 8th of June, 1675, two of them
were hung, and a few Days after the third was shot, at Plymouth, one of
them, before his Execution, confessing the Murder, but the others denying
it to the last. One of the absurd Grounds of Evidence that influenced the
Jury is thus related by Dr. Increase Mather: “When Tobias (the suspected
Murderer) came near the dead Body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it
had been newly slain; albeit, it was buried a considerable Time before
that.” _Mather’s Relation_, 75; _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 195.--ED.

[7] Other Accounts state that Philip paid no attention to the Court, and
made no Effort to free himself from the Suspicions that were aroused
against him, marching from Place to Place with his Men in Arms, and
receiving all strange Indians who came to him. _Bailey’s Plymouth_, ii,
28.--ED.

[8] This Circumstance is not mentioned by other Contemporaries.--ED.

[9] Strong Suspicions of Indian Hostilities had arisen in the Spring of
1671, occasioned by warlike Preparations on the Part of Philip and Men on
Account of some Injury alleged to have been done to his planting Ground.
The Massachusetts Government, anxious to preserve Peace, sent Agents to
mediate between the Parties, and on the 12th of April a Conference was
obtained at the Meeting House in Taunton. Philip represented that his
Preparations were designed to protect himself from the Narragansetts, but
on its being shown that his Relations with that Tribe were never more
friendly, he acknowledged the Charges and signed a Covenant in which he
agreed to remain friendly to the Colonists, and to deliver up to the
Government of New Plymouth all his English Arms, to be kept by them for
their Security so long as they might see Reason. _Hubbard_, _Mather_,
_Hutchinson_, _Bayley_, &c. Another Conference was held in September of
the same Year. A Letter from the Governor of New York, on the Subject of
these Rumors of Hostility, will be found in a subsequent Page of this
Volume.--ED.

[10] This Indian War began June 24th, 1675, at Swansea, and ended with
the Death of Philip, Aug. 12, 1676, at Pokanoket.--ED.

[11] No other Historian of this War has given an Account of this
Negotiation. The Relations existing between the Indians and the
Government of Rhode Island, had been friendly from the Beginning, and
all the Engagements on the Part of the English had been fulfilled with
scrupulous Exactness. Mr. Roger Williams relates that he had obtained
by Love and Favor the Title of Rhode Island, which could not have been
purchased by Price or Money, and that the Indians, always shy and jealous
of selling their Lands, chose rather to make a Grant of them to such as
they esteemed. The Gratuities however expected in return, often made
these Gifts a very dear Bargain. _Callender’s Discourse_, 85.

It is said that shortly before the War of 1675 began, the Governor
of Massachusetts sent to inquire of Philip why he would war upon the
English, and to request him to enter into a Treaty. The Sachem replied:
“Your Governor is but a Subject of King Charles of England; I shall
not treat with a Subject, I shall treat of Peace only with the King my
Brother. When he comes I am ready.” _Old Indian Chronicle_, 68. The
Respect and Confidence which the People of Rhode Island had acquired with
the Indians, secured a Hearing for their pacific Overtures on the above
Occasion, at a Time when probably no other English could have safely
solicited an Interview.--ED.

[12] The Conference at Taunton, April 12, 1671, is here referred to. All
the Arms which Philip’s Men had with them on that Occasion were given up,
and they agreed to bring in the Remainder at Plymouth by a certain Time.
But this for some Reason was not done. The Government at Boston being
looked to as an Umpire, a Complaint was made to them by the Colony of New
Plymouth. Philip appeared in Person, and by his plausible Address quieted
all Apprehensions, and proposed that Commissioners from the several
United Colonies should meet at Plymouth for a Discussion and Settlement
of the existing Differences. This Meeting occurred Sept. 29th, 1671, and
“Philip again acknowledged his Offence, and was appointed to give a Sum
of Money to defray the Charges which his insolent Clamors had put the
Colony unto.” _Mather’s Relation_, 73. The Sum agreed upon, as stated in
the Text, was £100, payable in three Years. He also agreed “to send unto
the Governor, or whom he shall appoint, five Wolves’ Heads, if he can get
them, or as many as he can procure, until they come to five Wolves’ Heads
yearly.” The Disarming of the Indians was continued through the Spring
and Summer of 1671. _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, 204.--ED.

[13] The Indians of New England were first taught the Use of Firearms by
Thomas Morton, an unprincipled and dangerous Adventurer, who came over
with Captain Wolaston in 1622, in the Capacity of a Servant, and settled
in the present Town of Quincy. In the Absence of Wolaston he succeeded
in persuading his Associates to throw off all Obligation to their
Master, and they fell into the most riotous Excesses. The neighboring
Settlements becoming alarmed, united in suppressing this Nuisance,
and Morton was sent a Prisoner to England in 1628. _Bradford’s Hist.
of Plymouth Plantation_, 238. At the Time of Philip’s War, the Use of
Firearms had become general among the Indians throughout New England,
mostly superceding the primitive Weapons of the Natives, and forming an
indispensable Means of Success in Hunting.--ED.

[14] Sir Edmund Andros, was at this Time Governor of New York, but at the
breaking out of the War, he was absent in England, and the Government was
administered by Capt. Anthony Brockholls the Lieutenant Governor.--ED.

[15] The Narragansets in particular, made it a Matter of public Policy to
oppose the Propagation of the Christian Religion among them. The Priests
and Sachems imagined that the Prevalence of the Gospel would put an End
to their Authority, and although Mr. Roger Williams at first attempted
to Instruct the Natives in religious Matters, upon longer Acquaintance
he appears to have changed his Opinion on this Subject. _Callender’s
Discourse_, 136; _Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc._, iii, 9; _Bayley’s Plymouth_,
ii, 16. Better Results followed the Labors of Eliot, the Mayhews, and
others in Massachusetts, Plymouth, Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket,
but even among the praying Towns in which Gookin enumerates about 1150
Indians in 1674, in six Years after, Eliot claimed but four out of
fourteen Towns with some 300 Souls. Some had joined Philip and the others
had been much scattered.--ED.

[16] Massasoit, the Father of Philip, and Chief of the Wampanogas, at
the Time of the Arrival of the English at Plymouth, dwelt at Sowams, in
the present Town of Warren, R. I., and his People occupied the Region
now constituting Bristol, Barrington, and Warren, in Rhode Island, with
Parts of Seekonk and Swanzea in Massachusetts. This Tribe, with others of
New England, had a few Years before been greatly reduced by an Epidemic.
The Dominion of Massasoit extended over nearly all the southern Part of
Massachusetts, from Cape Cod to Narragansett Bay. Note to _Bradford’s
Hist. of Plymouth Plantation_, p. 94. So greatly were the Settlers of
Plymouth reduced by Sickness and Famine, in the early Years of their
Residence, that they must have fallen an easy Prey to any concealed
Plan of Hostilities. The Kindness and Assistance which they received
from the Natives is gratefully acknowledged by several of their early
Annalists.--ED.

[17] Alexander, alias Wamsutta the elder Son of Massasoit, succeeded
to his Authority upon the Death of the latter in the Winter of 1661-2.
He had married Weetamoo, Squaw-Sachem of Pocasset, and thus extended
his Influence with the Natives. From his Conduct in 1662, towards the
Narragansetts his ancient Enemies, Suspicions were raised that he might
be plotting Mischief against the English, and the Governor of Plymouth
appointed Captain Willet, who lived near the Residence of Alexander, to
desire him to attend the next Court at Plymouth, which he agreed to do.
He failed to attend, and Circumstances appearing to confirm the Reports,
Major Winslow was ordered to bring him before them by Force. This Party
surprised the Sachem and about eighty of his Men, and having secured
their Arms made known their Instructions. He at first “fell into a
raging Passion at this Surprise, saying that the Governor had no Reason
to credit Rumors, or to send for him in such a Way, nor would he go to
Plymouth but when he saw Cause.” (_J. Matther_). Yielding to the Advice
of his Interpreter (a Brother of John Sassamon) he went with them. On
his Way being taken sick, he was received and nursed at the House of Mr.
Winslow, but his Malady increasing, his Followers entreated those that
held him Prisoner that he might have leave to return. He was accordingly
dismissed with the Promise of sending his Son as a Hostage till he could
appear, and died on his Way Home. (_Mather_; _Hubbard_.) Philip and
Weetamoo always believed he was poisoned, and from this Time, without
Doubt, a deep and settled Purpose of Vengeance was harbored by Philip.
Fear or Policy, had induced him to yield an outward Compliance, and
subscribe to the written Conditions which they imposed, but the Interval
was busily occupied in maturing his Schemes, and engaging the Alliance of
the neighboring Tribes. The Spring of 1676 is said to have been agreed
upon as the Time for commencing Hostilities, but the Death of Sassamon,
and the Trial and Executions which followed, are believed to have led to
a Rupture before his Plans were matured.--ED.

[18] The Execution of the alleged Murderers of Sassamon, greatly
irritated the Indians, insomuch that Philip, sending the Wives and
Children of his Tribe for Protection to the Narragansetts, allowed his
young Men to commence Aggressions by killing the Cattle and plundering
the Houses of the English, on the 24th of June, 1675. Irritated at
this, the Indians were fired upon, and one was wounded. Accounts differ
somewhat in relation to the Manner in which Hostilities commenced.--ED.

[19] An Account printed soon after this War in London, and republished
in Boston in 1836, with others under the Title of the _Old Indian
Chronicle_, gives the following Version of this Event. “By this Time the
Indians have killed several of our Men, but the first that was killed
was June 23, a Man at Swansey; that he and his Family had left his House
amongst the Rest of the Inhabitants, and adventuring with his Wife and
Son (about twenty Years old) to go to his House to fetch them Corn, and
such like Things (he having just before sent his Wife and Son away), as
he was going out of the House was set on and shot by Indians. His Wife
being not far off, heard the Guns go off, went back,” and fell into their
Hands. Dishonored and afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died,
and her Son was at the same Time scalped. “They also the next Day killed
six or seven Men at Swansey, and two more at one of the Garrisons; and as
two Men went out of one of the Garrisons to draw a Bucket of Water, they
were shot and carried away.” _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, 209.--ED.

[20] This Indian Queen was undoubtedly _Awashonks_, Squaw Sachem of
Sogkonate (Seconet), the Wife of an Indian, called _Tolony_. Her
Residence was on a Peninsula on the northeast Side of Narraganset Bay,
opposite the Island of Rhode Island, and now chiefly included in the Town
of Compton, R. I. A few Days before the War commenced, Philip sent six
of his Warriors to invite her to join him in it. Mr. Benjamin Church,
who afterwards acted a conspicuous Part in the War, and who had lived
with his Family a Year in the midst of her People, induced her to decline
the Invitation and to consent to place herself under the Protection of
the English. He advised her to pass over to Rhode Island for Security,
and proceeded to Plymouth to make Arrangements according to this
Agreement. He arrived June 7, but was prevented from returning by the
Outbreak of Hostilities, and the good-hearted Awashonks was constrained,
though reluctantly, to join Philip. _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, 249;
_Bayley’s Plymouth_, ii, 28, 32. _Church._--ED.

[21] The Government of Massachusetts at first imagined that Hostilities
might be averted by Mediation, but were quickly undeceived, and on the
26th of June, they dispatched a Company of Infantry and of Horse to Mount
Hope, to aid the Plymouth Forces already in the Field. They reached
Swansey in two Days, depressed with gloomy Forebodings from a lunar
Eclipse, in which the Superstitious read a melancholy Omen of the divine
Displeasure. After several sharp Encounters with the Indians, it was
decided to march to Mount Hope where Philip was posted. The Inclemency
of the Weather prevented an immediate Execution of this Purpose for
several Days, which Delay was improved by the Indians in effecting their
Escape by Water, and when the Troops finally proceeded, they met only
with revolting Trophies of Massacre and Desolation. The Quarters lately
occupied by the Enemy were found deserted, with Evidences of their
precipitate Flight. Finding no enemy, General Cuddeback with some of the
Plymouth Forces passed over to Rhode Island to obtain better Shelter than
could be found at Mount Hope, while Major Savage with the Massachusetts
Troops, remained in the open Fields through an inclement Night, and the
next Morning returned to Swansey. _Bayley’s Plymouth_, ii, 38.--ED.

[22] The Assistance which Awashonks rendered to Philip was more from Fear
or Policy than from Inclination. She and her People appear to have spent
the Winter with the Enemy on the Frontiers of Massachusetts, and in June,
1676, through the Influence of Mr. Benjamin Church, friendly Relations
were restored between her and the English. She offered to join her
Forces with those of the Colonists against the Enemies of the latter, on
Condition that she and all of her Warriors with their Wives should have
their Lives spared, and that none of them should be transported out of
the Country. This Treaty was never afterwards broken. About the Year 1700
there were one hundred Men of this Tribe, and about 1760, a mortal Fever
swept off many. A Remnant was living in Compton in 1803. _Drake’s Book of
the Indians_, 252.--ED.

[23] The Massachusetts Government had given Orders for their Troops to
proceed to the Narragansett Country and prevent any Aid being rendered by
them to Philip. Part of the Country occupied by these Indians was found
abandoned, and several Days elapsed before they met with any Indians
with whom to treat. At length four Men were found, whom the English
styled Sachems, and a Treaty in the Name of the whole Tribe, secured
by Hostages, and most humiliating in its Conditions, was drawn up, and
signed on the 15th of July, 1675. This Treaty was held at Pettyquamsott,
now Narrow River. By this Agreement, the Narragansetts were bound to
the impossible Task of seizing all and every of Philip’s Subjects, and
bringing them dead or alive to the English; they were to kill them
wherever found, and to restore all stolen Goods. A large Reward was
promised for Philip delivered alive, or for his Head if slain. _Bayley’s
Plymouth_, ii, 48; _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 211.--ED.

[24] Soon after the Destruction of Dartmouth, a Party of Indians who had
not been concerned in the Outrage, were induced to surrender through
Persuasion and Promises and were taken to Plymouth where the Government
ordered the whole, to the Number of about one hundred and sixty, to be
sold as Slaves. _Bayley’s Plymouth_, ii, 47. “In the beginning of the
War, Capt. Moseley captured eighty who were confined at Plymouth. In
September following, one hundred and eighty Captives were put on board a
Vessel commanded by Captain Sprague, who sailed with them from Plymouth
for Spain.” _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 224. In Rhode Island, Numbers of
Indian Captives were sold into Servitude for a limited Time.--ED.

[25] While this Reputation of Forbearance from Cruelties on the Part of
the Indians is scarcely sustained by the Evidence of cotemporary Records,
that of Barbarity to the Indian Prisoners by the English is abundantly
proven. The War was upon both Sides one of Extermination, and in their
Eagerness to accomplish this Purpose, friendly Indians and those who had
surrendered themselves under Pledges of Protection were in several Cases
massacred. In September, 1675, an Indian Prisoner was executed in Boston,
to appease the Fury of the Mob, “in a Manner so revolting, that were the
Truth alone related, the Reader’s Belief might be confounded.” _Drake’s
Boston_, 410.--ED.

[26] Although there were well grounded Suspicions that the Narragansetts
were in secret Alliance with Philip, War was not openly declared against
them until November following. The Commissioners of the United Colonies
appointed Governor Winslow, Commander in Chief of all their Forces,
and made Arrangements for an active Winter Campaign. _Moore’s Lives of
Governors of N. Plymouth._--ED.

[27] “Tradition says: ‘He was forced on by the Fury of his young Men sore
against his own Judgment and Inclination; and that though he foresaw and
foretold the English would in Time by their Industry root out all the
Indians, yet he was against making War with them, as what he thought
would only hurry on and increase the Destruction of his People,’ and the
Event proved he judged right.” The Powaws had given out an ambiguous
Oracle, in which they promised the Indians would be successful, if the
English fired the first Gun, and that no Englishman should ever kill
Philip. _Callender’s Discourse_, 126.--ED.

[28] This account appears to be an incorrect Report of the Proceedings
against the Indians under Wonolancet, in the Country of the Merrimack in
September, 1675. As this Transaction is elsewhere reported, the Indians
exhibited an unparalleled Forbearance under the Injuries they received
from the English, and the latter having the next Year enticed about 400
Indians within their Power, sold into foreign Slavery or executed more
than half of this Number. _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 279.--ED.

[29] The Commissioners of the United Colonies met at Boston, September
9, 1675, at which those of Plymouth laid before their Body a Narrative
of the Origin and Progress of the War. Upon receiving this they at
once declared War against the Indians, and agreed to raise a thousand
Soldiers of whom half were to be Dragoons. These Troops were levied
upon the several Colonies in the following Proportion: Massachusetts
527, Plymouth 158, Connecticut 315. To encourage volunteer Parties, the
Plunder which they might obtain, whether Goods or Persons, was promised
to the Captors, and Bounties were offered to friendly Indians for such
Captives of the Enemy as they might bring in. Although the Narragansetts
had been suspected to be concerned in Philip’s Plans and Individuals of
that Tribe had been found openly engaged in Arms against the English, it
does not appear that they had fully and openly commenced Hostilities at
this Time. In October, 1675, a written Engagement had been renewed by
several Sachems of the Tribe in which they engaged to deliver up every
Indian belonging to Philip, the Pocasset Squaw (Weetamoo, former Wife of
Alexander, Philip’s brother), Saconet, Quabaug, Hasley, or other hostile
Indians. This Agreement had been evaded, and the united Colonies were in
Consequence induced to undertake their Extermination. At another Meeting
the Force formerly ordered was increased, and their united Forces were
placed under the Command of Josias Winslow of Plymouth Colony.

[30] The memorable swamp Fight of Dec. 18, 19, had not occurred at the
Time the above Narrative was written. In this sanguinary Engagement the
Indians lost over 700, and of the English 80 were killed and 150 wounded.
(See _Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc._, iii, 84; iv, 132; v, 161. _Bayley’s
Plymouth_, ii, 93. _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 218. Also _Hubbard_,
_Mather_ and other Historians). The Share taken by Rhode Island in
this War is thus stated by Callender: “As to the Part this Colony had
in that War, it must be observed that though the Colony was not, as
they ought to have been, consulted, yet they not only afforded Shelter
and Protection to the flying English, who deserted from many of the
neighboring Plantations in Plymouth Colony, and were kindly received by
the Inhabitants, and relieved and allowed to plant the next Year on their
Commons for their Support; but they likewise furnished some of the Forces
with Provisions and Transports.” _Hist. Discourse_, 133.--ED.

[31] It will be remembered that the Writer of this Account was a
Quaker, who many Years before, with others, had sought in Rhode Island
an Asylum from the religious Intolerance of Massachusetts. The Sect
to which he belonged was especially noted for its Disapproval of the
System of a professional and paid Clergy, common among other religious
Denominations.--ED.

[32] The Sequel of the War of 1675-6, is briefly stated in the
introductory Chapter.--ED.




[Illustration: (decorative banner)]


                                  PAPERS
                               _RELATING TO_
                           PHILIP’S INDIAN WAR.


  _Letter from Governor_ FRANCIS LOVELACE _of New York, to Governor_
  BENEDICT ARNOLD _of Newport_.

                   [Orders, Warrants, Letters, ii, 461.]

Sr This Opportunity presenting, I was willing to give you Notice of y^e
Apprehension some Persons at y^e east End of Long Island have of Comocons
like to arise by their Indians and yo^{rs} of the Narragansett, sett
on by their Sachem Ninsecrast against the English.[1] A Copy of some
Passages in a Letter sent expresse from thence to mee, I here inclosed
send you. For my Part I can not thinke them in a Condicon strong enough
to make any such bould Attempt. Whatsoever their Will may bee, however,
its Good to be cercumspect and to provide against the Worst. I shall
desire you would make Enquiry into y^e Matter, and send mee yo^r Opinion
of it by y^e First.

It seemes Nonecrast hath become an old Enemy to y^e English so to be
suspected. Mr. Thomas Terry,[2] of Block Island, informes mee that he
hath had 6 Indyans Servants run away from him, which Nonecrast protects
and keepes, though none of his Indians. I thinke you may do well to
admonish him of it, and that hee ought not to doe the least Injury to
the English under whose Protection hee liues, without giving Satisfaction
for it. It may bee by his Answer you may iudge of his Intent. I have not
further but to desire a neighbourly and friendley Correspondence between
us, which shall bee cherished upon all Occasions.

                                   Yo^r affectionate Friend and Serv^t
                                                         FRANCIS LOVELACE.

_New York this 5th July, 1669._

  To Mr. BENEDICT ARNOLD,
  Governo^r of Rhode Island.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Apprehensions of Indian Hostilities, appear to have been entertained
in Rhode Island at this Period. Ninicraft was charged with detaining
some Indian Servants of Thomas Torrey of Block Island, and on the 20th
of July, 1669, a Warrant was issued for his Arrest on Suspicion of a
Plot, seven of Philip’s ancient Men having been with him nine or ten Days
without sufficient Reason. He appeared eight Days after and stated that
the Indians had had a great Dance lately, which was an Invocation for
a plentiful Harvest. He ascribed the Report of hostile Intentions to a
Long Island Indian, and stated that he had formerly taken Captive their
Sachem’s Daughter, and obliged them to pay him Tribute. The Sachem and
his Daughter were both dead, and the Tribute after some Difficulty, had
been lately paid. He was again summoned before the Governor and Council
in August, but was dismissed. _Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc._, iii, 71.--ED.

[2] Torrey.




  _Letter from Governor_ LOVELACE _of New York, to Governor_ ARNOLD _of
  Rhode Island_.

                   [Orders, Warrants, Letters, ii, 519.]


  _For y^e Hon^{ble} M^r_ BENEDICT ARNOLD, _Governo^r &c. of Rhode
  Island, These_:

S^r I rec^d y^r L^{re} of y^e 29^{th} of July --69, in Answer to myne
for which I must render you my pticuler Thanks for those Civilityes you
were pleased to afford me in yo^r friendly Expressions. Next, I cannot
but kindly reseve y^t Care you have showne in setling y^e Myndes of some
over credulous Prsons amongst us, who (being possest w^{th} a pannick
Feare) were apt to entertaine very melancholly Thoughts according as
they were instilled by y^e Intelligence and Informations of some fond
Indians, to y^e great Disturbance of y^e publique Peace, and by it
animating y^e Heathens who taking Courage from our Feare might be apt to
breake forth into Extravagances not to be redrest w^{th}out a Warre, and
all y^e Miseryes attending it, but those Apprehensions are now vanisht
and men’s Myndes by y^e Reason of yo^r excellent L^{re} well pacified
and settled, neither do I believe they will too hastily againe give
Credence to y^e Information of a faithlesse and false Generation. All
that I shall further add and heartily desire for y^e Future, is that this
friendly and neighbourly Correspondence w^{ch} by this Occasion hath
had its first Rise, may by y^e same Zeale and Kindnesse be continued;
to w^{ch} we are not onely oblieged by y^e comon Tyes of Xtianit ybut
comon Safety, and y^e Happinesse promised to all Brethren living in Love
and Unity togeth^r w^{ch} as none shall be ready to cherish it more than
myselfe, as to y^e Gen^{ral} so I shall not be wanting to embrace all
Occasions to demonstrate y^e sincere Service I have to you pticuler in
y^e Compellation of

                                   Yo^r affectionate Freind and Serv^t
                                                           FRAN. LOVELACE.

  _Fort James in N. Yorke,
  Aug. 24th, 1669._




  _Extract from a Letter of_ FRANCIS LOVELACE _Governour of New York, to_
  THOMAS PRENCE, _Governour of New Plymouth, dated May 5, 1671_.

                        [Court of Assize ii, 678.]


* * * As to yo^r Indyan Affaires,[1] I am heartily glad that yo^r
Courage and Wisdome has met w^{th} that Success as to compell him to
a Complacency to yo^r Desires; and I verily believe (by what Relacons
I have met with) even of our own Indyans, the Defection seemed almost
universal. At present, there can be no better Prevention practisd then
Vigilancy, and such a Composure towards them as may testify wee rather
despise than feare them. The Confession of the Sagamore seems cleere
enough, w^{ch} if his Compunction be soe toe, it then may proove in y^e
politique Body as sometimes it happens in y^e naturall; that a Bone
once broken and well sett, strengthens y^e Limbe; which good Effect
I heartily wish it may have, and if my Endeav^{ors} can any Wayes be
subservient to you, you shall as freely command mee as I subscribe myselfe

                     Yo^r affe^{te} ffriend and
                                      Humble Servant,
                     [Illustration: Fran Lovelace (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Alluding to the Difference that arose between Philip and the Plymouth
Colony in 1671, mentioned in a Note on Page 6.--ED.




  _Fragment of a Letter from Governor_ JOHN WINTHROP _of Connecticut, to
  the Governor of New York_.[1]

                       [N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxiv.]


                                              _New London, June 29, 1675._

  S^r

  P ... att M^r Richards Smith
  ... tt I met Cap^t Hutch-
  ... n Boston with a Lre
  ... verno^r and Councill dir ...
  ... Le ... craft, and the
  ... ca, the Contents whe ...
  ... ernore p’ticularly
  ... ams, which being brought
  to ... morning with the said Robert
  of the farther Confirmation of the Truth of the
  Murther committed upon several English by Philip;
  there is P^r paration for Conveyance to yourselfe,
  and being something ill myselfe since my
  Returne, have desired M^r Witherly what Intelligence
  is passing, to convey it.

                                         A Coppy is subscribed p^r
                                                              J. WINTHROP.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Parts of this Letter indicated by Dots have been lost, but
enough remains to show its general Tenor. It was probably the earliest
Intelligence of the Outbreak of Indian Hostilities that reached New
York.--ED.




  _Fragment of a Letter from New London about the Indian News._

                      [New York Colonial MSS., xxiv.]


                                              _New London, June 29, 1675._

  Yestarday Lef^t Avery, myselfe and some others
  went vp to Vncas,[1] to vnderstand, iff possible we
  could, how he stood affected to Phillip’s Designe. He
  informed us that he heard of much Damage done
  by Philip, by killing many English, and burning
  theire Houses. But would not be known that he
  held any Correspondence with him, but vpon carefull
  Vew, we have Reason to beleive that most of
  his Men are gone that Wa ... ath ... very
  ... th ... three
  few Men Gunns it m ...
  hath had great ...
  and many presen ...
  that particular Course ...
  Part, into a Posture of ...

  It is reported that ...
  expects farther ...

  (Copy)      Subscribed by ...


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegans. He was originally a Pequot, but
revolted from the Sachem of that Tribe, and upon the Settlement of the
English in Connecticut, he became their Ally and aided in the Wars
that proved so disastrous to his native Tribe. Although his Villainies
occasioned frequent Annoyance and Anxiety, he remained attached to the
English till his Death, and in the Wars with Philip, he sent a Number of
his Warriors to their Assistance. His Friendship to the English appears
to have been dictated by Policy rather than Affection, and he strenuously
opposed the Introduction of Christianity and Civilization among his
People.--ED.




  _Council Minutes concerning Indian Hostilities._

                        [Council Minutes, iii, 44.]


                                             At a Councell July 4th, 1675.

  Present, The Governor,
           The Secretary,       Capt. Brockholes,
           Mr. J. Laurence,     Capt. Dyre.

It is the Opinion of the Councell that Conecticott doth not expect nor
desire Assistance from us in Relacon to the Indyan Disturbance at this
Time.[1]

Upon due Consideracon of y^e Intelligence now sent from thence concerning
y^e Indyans,

Resolved, That y^e Governo^r doe proceed on his intended Voyage to
Conecticott forthwith, and do take a Force with him, to be in a Capacity
to protect that Part of his Royall Highnesse Government, as there may be
Occasions.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] At the Time that Indian Hostilities commenced, in June, 1675, the
Governor and Council of New York were actively discussing the Question
of Boundary, and an Expedition was in Preparation with the View of
enforcing the Claims of New York if found expedient. The Patent of the
Duke of York was claimed by Andros as extending to the Connecticut, and
this Construction was subsequently approved by the Duke of York, but from
prudential Reasons its Adjustment was deferred. _Coll. Hist. N. Y._ iii,
235. The Council coinciding with the Governor had passed a Resolution
declaring that Disobedience to his Majesty’s Pleasure, as signified by
Letters Patent, was Rebellion. _Council Minutes_, iii, 42.--ED.




  _A Letter from the Governour to Governour_ WINTHROP, _upon the Indyan
  News_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 117.]


  S^r

About 3 a Clock this Morning, [July 4] I rec^d yo^{rs} of the 1^{st}
Inst, together with severall Copyes of L^{res}, of the Indyans being in
Armes in Plymouth Colony, and their having destroyed severall Christians
to the Eastward of you, as neare as Narrowgansett, and Apprehencon of
their trending further to you wards. I am very much troubled at the
Christians’ Misfortunes, and hard Disasters in these Parts, being so
overpowered by such Heathen.

Here upon I have hastened my coming to your Parts, and added a fforce
to bee ready to take such Resolucons as may be fitt for mee, upon this
extraordinary Occasion, with which I intend (God willing) to sett out
this Evening, and to make the best of my Way to Connecticutt River, his
Royall Highnesses Bounds there; where at my Arrivall you shall heare
further from

                                S^r
                                     Yo^r most humble Serv^t
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  This was sent in Post hast,
  from Cons^t to Constable.[1]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The earliest Proposition for the Establishment of a regular Post is
believed to have been made in 1672. Previously Intelligence was conveyed
by special Express, or occasional Opportunities.--ED.




  _A Letter to Governor_ CARTERETT, _upon the Indyan News; sent July 4th,
  1675_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 117.]


  Hon^{ed} S^r[1].

The severall inclosed Copyes, came to my Hands at 3 o’clock this Morning,
which I thought fitt (as soone as I could), to dispatch to you, that you
may see the Power of, and Outrages committed by the Indyans in Plymouth
Colony, as farre as Narrowgansett, on the Christians; and Apprehencons of
their further Proceedings, upon which, I have quickened my Voyage that
Way, and resolve to take a Force with mee, which I intend (God willing)
to imbarke this Night for Connecticutt River.

                                           I am in Haste S^r
                                                  Yo^r humble Servant,
                                                                E. ANDROS.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Philip Carteret, Governor of New Jersey.




  _A Lre at Seabrooke, from the Go. to the Go. or Dep^{ty} Go. and
  Assistants, or chiefe Magistrates of the Colony of Conecticutt, to be
  delivered to the Chiefe of them at Hartford,[1] July 8th, 1675._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 118.]

  Hono^{ble} Gent.

I writt to you at large, the 28th past, by Mr. John Collyer, and also by
another the 4^{th} Instant in the Morning, by Returne of yo^r Expresse,
upon yo^r Notice of the Indyans’ Rebellion and Barbarisme did give you
Acco^t of my Intent this Way, and to this Place, where I am now arrived.
But finding no Occasion heer upon the Indyan Acco^t I am sending a small
Vessel further eastward for Intelligence, and do send this by Express
to you, in his Ma^{ties} and Royall Hignesse Behalfe to desire your
direct and effectuall Answer to my former L^{re}, which I here attend in
Discharge of my Duty, accordingly.

                           In the Meantime I remaine
                                 Hono^{ble} Gent.
                                       Yo^r affec^{ate} Friend and
                                                    Humble Serv^t
                                                               E. ANDROSS.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Governor Andros, upon his Arrival at Saybrook, made a formal Demand
of Surrender, but being met by a spirited Refusal on the Part of Capt.
Bull in Command of the Fort, supported by a respectable Force hastily
assembled from the neighboring Militia, he prudently forebore further
Measures of Hostility, and shortly after crossed to Long Island.
_Dunlap’s Hist. N. Y._ i, 132.--ED.




  _A Letter of the same Date from Governour_ ANDROS _to the Governour of
  Boston_.

                   [Orders, Warrants, Passes, iii, 118.]


  Hono^{ble} S^r

I cannot omitt this Opportunity by M^r Andrew Belcher, with my Respects,
to give you an Acco^t of my Arrivall to this Place, being intended to
these Parts upon Acco^t of the Limitts, expressed in his Ma^{ties}
L^{res} Patents, between his Royall H^{ss.} and Connecticutt: But
suddenly hastened by the Newes from Go: Winthrop, by Expresse, of the
Indyans Irruption and Barbarousnesse; of which Proceedings hearing no
further, I hope there already is (or will be speedily) a good Event. And
as to the Limits, having proceeded in y^e fairest Manner, (according to
his Ma^{ties} Pleasure and Commands) I will not doubt a suitable Issue
therein, accordingly, for w^{ch}, and the Indyan Concernes, I do attend
here; where I shall bee glad, or at my Returne, of any Opportunity to
serve you, remaining,

                                        Hono^{ble} S^r
                                              Yo^r very humble Serv^t
                                                               E. ANDROSS.




  _Letter from Governour_ ANDROS _to Major_ WINTHROP, _at New London_.

                   [Orders, Warrants, Passes, iii, 119.]


S^r According to the Acc^{ts} I gave Go: Winthrop, I arrived yesterday to
this Port, where I am very sorry to hear of your continued Indisposition,
which I hearing no further Certainty of the Indyans Proceedings,
occasions my sending this small Vessell herewith, desiring to heare more
particularly of yo^r Health, and if you please, what Newes you heare of
the said Indyans. I have also ordered the Master, William Welch, (if
you shall thinke fitt) to proceed further eastward, for Intelligence,
not beyond Rhoad Island, and hope in the meane Time to have a good
Issue concerning the Limitts; having proceeded therein according to his
Ma^{ties} Pleasure and Commands, with all Fairnesse; and shall still with
all Respect in my Power, to the worthy Governor, and bee glad, I may bee
any Wayes capable of serving you, being really,

                             S^r Yo^r most affec^{ate} humble Serv^t
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _Seabrooke, July the 9th, 1675._




  _Instructions for_ WILLIAM WELCH.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 119.]


Having herewith rec^d a L^{re} to Major Winthrop, you are forthwith to
repaire with it to New London, and having delivered the same, (if he
shall think fitt) to proceed further eastward, as he shall direct, for
Intelligence about the Indyans, but not further than Road Island: And
having his Despatch, that you make the best of yo^r Way back to this
Post. I wish yo^u a good Voyage, and am,

                            Yo^r loving ffriend,
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  _Seabrooke, July the 9th, 1675._




  _A L^{re} sent from the Governo^r to Capt._ JOHN YOUNG, _at Southold_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 119.]


  _Capt. Young_:

Being afore designed for these Parts, I was hastened the sooner, by
the Receipt of the L^{re} from Go: Winthrop, with the Intelligence of
the Indyan Disturbence, and Insurrection in Plymouth Colony, so that
I immediately made ready to come out with two Sloopes, and arrived to
this Place, where I may stay yet some few Days longer. I have this
Evening received a L^{re} from Major Winthrop, relating to the Indians
being disperst, but continue in their mischievous Practices. Having now
this Opportunity by a Boat going over to Southhold,[1] I was willing to
advertize you hereof. And the rather it being by them eastward suspected
that there is a gen^{all} Intelligence and Confederacy between the
Indyans even to Delaware Bay, which wee cannot perceive to the Westward.
But if you do finde any Thing from yo^r Parts, amongst those Indyans,
I desire you’l give mee present Notice to this Place, and in the meane
Time, will not doubt yo^r Care upon all Occasions; And do intend (God
willing) to see you in my Returne. I hope Mr. Arnolde and Mr. Silvester
gott well to Boston, having heard Nothing to the Contrary, though many
others found Dead upon the Wayes. I am

                                            Yo^r very loveing ffriend.
                                                                E. ANDROS.

  _Seabrooke, July 10th, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] On the north Side of Long Island and near its east End.




  _A Letter to Mr._ THOMAS BACKER, _Justice of the Peace at East Hampton,
  of the same Date_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 120.]


[The Beginning as the former; the Conclusion viz:] At my going from hence
I do intend (God willing) either to see you, or to send a Sloope, for the
Endeavouring the getting up, or taking in of those Guns of the Wreck,
which I writt to you of before. Therefore if the Indyans have not done it
already I pray they may be in Readynesse for it, which I thinke may bee
in a few Dayes.

                                             I am Yo^{rs}
                                                                E. ANDROS.




  _A Letter to Mr._ THOMAS MAYHEW, _or Chiefe Magistrate at Martin’s
  Vineyard_.[1]

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 120.]


                                      _Southhold, July the 14^{th}, 1675._

  Mr. MAYHEW:

Having Notice of the Irruption of the Indyans, and their barbarous
Proceedings against the English, in and on this Side of Plymouth Colony,
hath occasioned my hastening to visite these Parts and to take Order in
any Thing that may bee wanting for their Security: To which End I am
proceeding as farre as South and East Hampton. But lest you and yo^r
Neighbo^{rs} of Nantuckett bee not furnisht with Ammunicon, and thereby
suffer by the said Indyans Irruptions, I have without Delay, despatcht
this Sloope w^{th} Ammunicon, and to inquire of yo^r State, to wit, for
you one Barrell of Powder, ffifteen Musketts, and foure Skeynes of Match.
The which, to bee returned in kinde, to the Stores at New Yorke, when you
can with Convenience bee supplyde. I desire you will furnish the Master
of the Sloope with a Pilot, or Direcons to Nantuckett, as hee shall have
Occasion; And that you will send mee by him, an Acco^t of the State of
all Things with you, in this present Juncture, as to y^e Strength or
Posture of Defence, if any of the said Indyans should attempt to come
upon yo^r Island, that I may take such further Order as may be fitt. In
w^{ch} I shall not faile (God willing.) All our Indyans westward, are
hitherto very quiett, and promise faire, and I hope, will not intermeddle.

                            I am,
                                 Yo^{rs}
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Nantucket, Martha’s Vineyard, and the adjacent Islands, as well
as the Country on the Coast of Maine, eastward of the Kennebec, had
been purchased by the Duke of York from the Earl of Stirling, and were
at this Time Dependencies of the Government of New York. The Country
in Maine known as _Pemaquid and its Dependencies_, was transferred to
Massachusetts in 1686, on the Accession of the Duke of York to the Throne
as James II, and the former Islands were included in the New England
Charter in 1692. A local Government had been organized at Nantucket
and Martha’s Vineyard, under the Direction of a Chief Magistrate in
each Island, and a General Court held alternately in one and the other.
The Decisions of this Court were subject to Appeal to the Governour
and Council and to the Court of Assize at New York. Mr. Thomas Mayhew
had been appointed Governour of Martha’s Vineyard for Life. With such
Assiduity and Success had he labored for the Conversion of the Indians
upon these Islands, that although much more numerous than the Whites, the
latter retained their Friendship without Interruption, and these Islands
became an Asylum for many English Families driven from the Main-Land
by Philip’s War. There is no Evidence that the slightest Disaffection
prevailed among the Natives on these Islands during the War. _Nantucket
Papers, Albany_, 1856.--ED.




  _A L^{re} of the same Tenor and Date was sent to Nantuckett by the
  Sloope at that Time likewise._


The Ammunicon sent thither was one Barrell of Powder, ten Musketts, and
three Skeynes of Match.

The L^{re} was directed, To M^r Richard Gardner, and Capt. John Gardner,
or Chiefe Magistrate and Offic^{rs} at Nantuckett.




  _Instructions for_ FRANCK LEE, _being sent with his Sloope to Martin’s
  Vineyard and Nantuckett_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 121.]


  FRANCK LEE:

Having received on Board yo^r Sloope two Barrells of Powder, twenty-five
Musketts, and seven Skeynes of Match, with a L^{re} to Martin’s Vineyard,
and another to Nantuckett, and a Pilott to the said Places, you are,
(Wind and Weather permitting) to make Sayle the next Tyde, and the best
of yo^r Way thither, where being arrived, you are to deliver my L^{re}
to Mr. Mayhew, or Chiefe Officer at Martin’s Vineyard, together with one
Barrell of Powder, ffifteen Musketts, and foure Skeynes of Match, and
at Nantuckett my other L^{re} with one Barrell of Powder, ten Musketts,
and three Skeynes of Match, taking a Receipt of the Chiefe Magistrate or
Officer, at each Place, to whom you shall deliver it. Having so done, you
are not to stay in either Place above one Tyde, unlesse it may happen
that the Indyans should flock over from the Maine, and the Chiefe
Magistrate or Officer desire yo^r Assistance for obstructing the same by
Water; in w^{ch} Case you are to stay, as there may bee Occasion, for
their Preservation; which having p’formed, and received the L^{res} to
mee, from the Chief Magistrate or Officers in each Place, you are (Winde
and Weather prmitting) to make the best of your Way back to mee, to New
Yorke.

In yo^r going there and returne, you are to take Care, that yo^rselfe,
Souldyers and Seamen, be vigilant and carefull in the Businesse, and
do give no just Cause of Complaint or Offence; If they should not have
Occasion, or desire y^e Armes, you are to bring them back with you. I
wish you a good Voyage, and am

                                          Yo^r loving ffriend,
                                                                E. ANDROS.

  _Southold, July 14th, 1675._




  _Abstract of a Letter from the Governour of Rhode Island to the
  Governour of New York, dated July 21st, 1675._

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 128.]


A great Part is a Relation of severall Passages of the Warre betweene
Plymouth Colony and the Indyans, and their own being in a warlike Posture
of Defence.

Then relates the coming of an Army from Boston and Connecticut Colonyes
into their Colony (without informing them thereof) to bring the Indians
there to their own Terms, and to call that Part of Roade Isl Colony
theirs (viz^t Kingstoune in the Narrogansett Country)[1] and having made
Terms with the Indians, tooke one Tho. Gould appointed a Conservator
of the Peace in Kingstown Prisoner, for questioning whether they should
not firstly have informed them of their coming with an Army within that
Province, and pinioned him and guarded him, and the next Morne sentenced
him to bee sent from Constable to Constable to Connecticutt Prison with 8
Horsemen at his own Charge, but afterwards tooke Bayle from him.

And further, those of Connecticutt have formerly threatned Force, that
we should not use the K’s Authority there, and not to maintaine it for
the K’s Province, as confirmed to us. It intimates their Force was as
much therefor as their Pretence ag^{st} y^e Indyans, and we doubt not
but we could have prevailed to have brought y^e Indyans to greater
Conformity than they have done by their Armes; and so with Relacon of
some Skirmishes with the Indyans take leave.

                                                 Signed,
                                                            R. CODRINGTON.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Boundary between Rhode Island and Connecticut was during many
Years a Subject of Disagreement and often of angry Dispute, from the
conflicting Terms of their respective Charters. In April 1663, Mr. John
Winthrop, Agent for the Colony of Connecticut, and Mr. John Clarke,
Agent for the Colony of Providence, agreed to refer the Question to
Arbitrators, who recommended a Line much like the present, as the
Boundary. A farther Attempt was made by Commissioners from the two
Colonies in November, 1699; but not until May 12, 1703, were these
Negotiations finally settled by Articles of Agreement that received the
royal Sanction Feb. 8, 1726. _Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc._ iii, 200, 213.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                    [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, 44.]

                                             At a Councell, July 24, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,          Capt. Brockholes,
           Mr. Jas. Lawrence,      Capt. Dyre.


The Governo^r relates y^e severall Passages of his Voyage.[1]

Resolved, That an Order be sent to y^e severall Tounes upon Long Island
to continue a good Constable’s Watch until further Order, and to take
Care that y^e Indyans now disarmed bee not any Wise injured, but assisted
upon any Occasion requireing it.

That Mr. Pell[2] be written to to take a daily Acco^t of his Indyans,
unlesse they send Hostages to this Place, which would be best.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Referring to the Voyage to Saybrook. See p. 49.

[2] JOHN PELL, a Justice of the Peace, had several Indians living on his
Land at Anne Hookes Neck, in Pelham, on the East River, near the Line of
Connecticut. He was the first Lord of the Manor of Pelham; born Feb. 3,
1643; died about 1700. _Bolton’s Westchester._--ED.




  _Letter from Governour_ ANDROS _to Mr._ WOODHULL.[1]

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 125.]

                                     _New Yorke, August the 4^{th}, 1675._

  Mr. WOODHULL:

I have this Afternoone rec^d yo^{rs} of the 4^{th}, which I suppose was
writ yesterday. You have done well in prosecuting my Orders to yo^r out
Indyans of _Unquechauge_,[2] for their Armes, and particularly sending a
Party to compell them, when they did not punctually bring them in, as you
desired, which cannot bee amisse, though ’tis possible the Sachem being
at South’ton, (as you alleadge) to that Day, and others disperst might
have no Notice, so not faulty. But I would not have you faile to seize
the Indyan Messengers you sent, as soone as you can light on them, and
unlesse they can give you a satisfactory Account of their Endeavo^{rs}
that you send them up hither, by the first Convenience, and for others,
that you continue the same Care for their Proteccon (being disarmed)
and do them Justice upon all Occasions requiring it, of which you may
acquaint them againe.

I dispatch this the sooner to you, upon receiving this Night a Paper and
Letter from the Eastward, of which I send you Copyes, desiring you’l send
forthwith towards _Nesaquacke_,[3] to informe yourselfe if there hath
been any Meeting of the Indyans that Way, as intimated, and that you give
Order to Mr. Smith to be careful, and give you Notice if any Thing happen
there for the Future; and that you take such Order therein as you shall
judge necessary, and give mee Account thereof, if any Thing requiring it.

As to the Charge of the Party, or any Thing else concerning the Publick,
I think it ought to be borne by the Publicke, and shall bee allowed out
of the country Rates: But if any seeme to exact at any Time, you may send
up their Demands hither, where it shall bee determined, but none are to
bee suffered to refuse a publicke Service. I hope all our Indyans will
bee quiet. But you are not (however) to omit yo^r watching till further
Order.

                       I am,
                            Yo^r very loving ffriend,
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] RICHARD WOODHULL was born at Thenford, Eng., Sept. 13, 1620, and
removed to Long Island, about 1648, settling first at Jamaica, and
afterwards at Setauket, in the present Town of Brookhaven, Suffolk
County. He died October, 1690. He had a Son Richard, born Oct. 9, 1649,
who was early chosen a Magistrate, and retained the Office until his
Death, which occurred Oct. 18, 1699. It is probably the Son that was
addressed in the above Letter. _Thompson’s Long Island_, ii, 398.--ED.

[2] These Indians inhabited the Point north of Peconic Bay, near the
eastern Extremity of Long Island.--ED.

[3] The Nesaquake Indians possessed the Country between the River of that
Name and Stony Brook, and from the Sound to the Middle of the Island
in the northwestern Part of Suffolk County. _Thompson’s Long Island_;
_Prime’s L. Island_.--ED.




  _A Letter sent to Seatalcott by the Deputy Governour in the Governour’s
  Absence._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 126.]


  Gent:

In the Absence of the Governo^r[1] I rec^d your L^{re} by Serjeant
Briggs. The Contents thereof relating some Apprehencons you have, of
yo^r Indyans ill Designe, for that they stragle abroad, and are not
conformable as they ought, to the Orders left by the Governour. I have
made some Enquiry about the Matter, and advised thereupon, and in Answer
thereunto (at psent) can make you no other Returne, then that you
give yo^r Indyans Notice duly to observe the Governo^{rs} Orders and
Direccons; and if any one of them shall do any violent Act, or harbo^r
strange Indyans, without giving Notice thereof, that you send them up
hither, where they shall be secured to answer their Misdemeano^r or
Contempt; of the which, the Governo^r will shortly bee back to bee Judge.

In the meane Time, it will not bee proper for you to shew any Doubts or
Feares you may have of them; onlly to have a vigilant Eye over their
Accons, otherwise to live with them as formerly.

Tom the Indyan hath been heere, who saith hee came from the Sachem, only
to see if the Governo^r were returned, for that hee intends then to come
to the Governo^r as hee was appointed. At his Hono^{rs} Returne (which
may be expected the latter End of this or Beginning of the next Weeke)
such further Order will bee taken about yo^r Affaires as will bee thought
convenient. This is all at psent from,

                                       Gent,
                                            Yo^r very Loving ffriend,
                                                        ANTHO. BROCKHOLES.

  _New York, Aug^{st} 30^{th}, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Gov. Andros was at this Time on a Journey to Albany for the Purpose
of holding a Treaty with the Mohawks.--ED.




                      _Rumour of Indian Hostilities._

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 137.]

                                                      _September 10, ’75._

  _To Mr._ TOWNSEND,[1] _or to the Constable and Overseers and
  Inhabitants of Oyster Bay_:

  Gentlemen and Naibours,

I being at the South, and our Naibours being informed by an Indian that
the Indians would be speedily in Action, soe that it is my Advice to get
yourselves in the best Poster of Defenc you can, which is the Advice of

                                                   Your Friend,
                                                             JOSEPH BAYLY.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] HENRY and RICHARD TOWNSEND, Quakers, and their Families, were then
living at Oyster Bay. _Thompson’s L. I._--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                    [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, 50.]

                                     At a Councell, Sept^{ber} 10th, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,             Capt. Brockholes,
           Mr. Jas. Lawrence,         Capt. Dyre,
                      Mr. Frederick Philips.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Matter under Consideracon was about ye Indyans at this present
Juncture.

Resolved, That we ought not to breake w^{th} our Indyans, upon Acc^t of
ye Warre betweene our Neighbours and their Indyans, they receiving more
Benefitt by o^r Peace w^{th} them, whereby they are hindred from joyning
w^{th} their Enemys.

Neither to prohibitt y^e selling of Powder to our Indyans, but to be
regulated as formerly, and according to Law.

Resolved, To send for all the Sachems, and acquaint them with y^e Peace
made above at Albany, and to assure them that comporting themselves as
they ought, and have done, they shall be protected, and may live quiet,
and thereupon, that an Order be made for the Redelivery of their Arms to
them.


                              [Ibid. p. 51.]

[Sept. 14, the same Members present.]

A flying Rumour of y^e Indyans taken into Consideracon.

Ordered to be respited for any Resolucon untill y^e Indyans come in or
are heard of, they being sent for.


                              [Ibid. p. 52.]

[Sept. 15, the same Members present.]

Resolved, That y^e Indyans of Long Island shall by Reason of their good
Comport, and y^e Season of y^e Year, have their Guns restored to them
againe by y^e Officers of y^e Townes where they have been delivered,
unlesse to such Indyans as shall not be thought fitt to be trusted
therewith. Excepting East Hampton and Shelter Island, who having paid
Contribution to those of Narrogansett, are not to have their Armes for
y^e Present, but to have equall Justice, and (if quiet) Protection, as
others of y^e Government.

Copies of this Order were sent out.

Resolved, That there be a Proclamation issued forth to quiett people’s
Mindes, and satisfy them of the Falsity of the late Reports about y^e
Indyans ill Intents.

That each Toune upon Long Island and its Dependencies be enjoyned to
fortify some particuler Place in their respective Touns for their Defence
upon all Occasions, and to secure their Wives and Children in Case of any
Enemy.




  _A Proclamation about the Indyans and making of Block Houses._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 132.]


Whereas there hath lately been severall Reports or Rumours spread, of
the Indyans evill and mischievous Intents and Readynesse to execute it
against the Inhabitants of this Government, particularly Long Island,
which hath very much disturbed the Mindes and the lawfull Occupacons of
his Ma^{ties} Subjects in the same; And whereas upon a strict Examinacon,
there appeares no Evidence or Cause for such Reports, but the Contrary,
these are therefore by the Advice of my Councell, in his Ma^{ties} Name,
to require and charge all his Ma^{ties} Subjects of this Government,
Christians and Indyans, that shall know or heare any Thing of such a
publick Nature, forthwith to repaire and give a full Relacon thereof, to
the next Magistrate or Chiefe Officer, and the said Magistrate or Officer
to take the Examinacon and give necessary Orders or Notice, and send mee
a present Account thereof, as the Thing may require.

And whereas it is necessary to keep Watch and Ward, all Magistrates and
Officers of the severall Tounes and Places within this Government, are
hereby required to see y^e same continued and punctually performed; And
where there is not a Block House or some stockadoed or palisadoed House
or Place, that there bee one forthwith fitted, in the most convenient
Place in each respective Toune, for a Retreat to the Women and Children,
into which our Indyan Women and Children, to bee also received and
protected if they desire it: And that all our Indyans bee friendly
treated, and have equall Justice according to Law, of which all Persons
are to take Notice and conforme themselves thereunto accordingly as they
and every of them will answer the Contrary at their utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 16th Day of Sept^r in the
      27^{th} Yeare of his Ma^{ties} Reigne, Annoq Domini, 1675.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  To the Mayo^r and Aldermen
  of this City, &c.




                    [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 138.]


                                                       _Sept. 18th, 1675._

This Morning there came to the Governo^r in the Fort one of the Long
Island Sachems that mist yesterday ... he is of Rockaway[1] or.... The
other ... Day upon the Newes of ... sse. Here was ... with Tom ... and
others, and were very well ... what was done. Yesterday ... the behalfe
of the Rest.

There were also two Sachems from the other Side, one from Hackingsack,[2]
the other from Tapan, who hearing of the Go^s Returne from Alb. came to
bid him welcome Home and promise all Friendship.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Rockaway Tribe occupied the southern Part of Hempstead, a Part
of Jamaica, and the Whole of Newtown, in Queens Co. _Thompson’s Long
Island_, i, 94; _Prime’s L. I._, 90.--ED.

[2] A Number of Hackensack Indians waited upon the Governour July 23d,
assuring him that their Hearts were good, and presenting him some Deer
Skins. The Governour informed them that he had for the Present taken away
the Canoes of the Indians of Long Island, because they had paid Tribute
to the Narragansetts. He required of his Visitors some Assurance of their
Sincerity: “Thereupon they consent to leave two of their young ones for
Hostages, and are very well satisfied. The Go. prests 3 Sachems each with
a Coat of Duffels, and gives them each a Dram. Their Compa. was about
50.” Presenting them with Bottles of Liquor, they were dismissed. _N. Y.
Coll. MSS._, xxv, 130.--ED.




  _A Letter to South’ton and Seatalcott._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 133.]


  Gent.

I yestarday rec^d yo^{rs} of the 13^{th} Instant, so long a coming, (as
the Indyan saith) by Reason of the wet Weather. I arrived here on the
9^{th} Instant, late, and am sorry to heare that you (as well as the
most Part of the Island) have been so alarm’d upon a false Report of
our Indyans ill Intent against us, which I endeavour’d and hope is now
rectified, and all Partyes well satisfied and quiet. Some Officers from
all the Tounes on this side Seatalcott, and all the Sachems of Long
Island and Neighbourhood on the Maine, having been here with mee since;
And although I did hope you would not have been alarm’d, yet I writ to
you on the 11^{th}, which I hope came well to yo^r Hands, and satisfide
you. The same Night I ordered and sett out a Sloope armed, to cruise in
the Sound, and the next Morning went myselfe in my Pinnace as farre as
Mr. Pells, to the Indyans there, and from thence to Fflushing, and Home
by Land, the better to settle people’s Mindes.

I now send you a copy of a Proclamacon, relating to the said Matters,
that it may be forthwith put in Execucon, both by you, and the
neighbouring Tounes of Southold and Easthampton, to whom you are to send
Copyes attested, and also to communicate this, not having Time to write
to them, and unwilling to stay yo^r expresse Indian. Though I do not
apprehend any Danger by the Indyans, yet there shall continue an armed
Sloope to ply in the Sound that so, no ill Indyans may have Opportunityes
to cross it at their Pleasure; which Sloope is intended to call at
Southold and Easthampton, some Time the next Weeke. And if there should
happen any Occasion, more Sloopes shall bee forthwith sent out, as the
Matter may require, so that I hope none will have Cause to neglect their
lawfull Occasions. Recommending you to bee vigilant, and that I may heare
from you, upon all Occasions requiring it, I remaine,

                                           Yo^r very loving friend,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _New Yorke, Sept.
  the 18th, 1675._


  _Postscript._

It being Resolved, That the Indyans of the north and west Ridings of Long
Island, shall (by Reason of their good Comport and the Season of the
Yeare) have their Guns restored to them; you have likewise Liberty to do
the same in yo^r Parts, unlesse you know any of yo^r Indians not fitt to
bee trusted therewith, excepting Easthampton, and Shelter Island, who,
having yo^r Contribucon to the Narrowgansett Indyans, are not to have
them for the P’sent.

  _To Mr._ JOHN TOPPING,
                  _Justice of the Peace,
        and Capt._ JOHN HOWELL.
  These at East Hampton.




  _The Governour’s Letter to Mr._ WOODHULL _sent by the Indyan, Sept. 18,
  1675_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 134.]


  S^r

I rec^d yo^{rs} of the 16^{th} the last Night, and am very well satisfyed
of yo^r Care and Justice in Relation to y^e Indyans, who I finde have not
misbehaved themselves, notwithstanding the great Noise, Jealousies and
Apprehencons of them, so that the Cause and Instruments thereof ought to
bee severely Punisht: However the Indyans to the Eastward, being still
strong and active, I have issued forth the Proclamacon herewith sent, the
better to satisfy all people’s Minds, particularly the Christians, and to
keepe a Sloope armed in the Sound, that no ill Indyans may easily crosse
it, and shall bee ready to send more upon any Occasion requiring it. I
would advise you to be vigilant, though as yet no Cause of Feare, but to
continue in being just and protecting yo^r Indians upon all Occasions.

Had you named those of yo^r Towne who you seeme to imply to bee
troublesome, or exceed their Bounds towards the Indyans, I would have
taken such present Order in it as had been fitting: But you having
sufficient Power as a Justice, I do not doubt but you will make Use of it
as there is Occasion, and you see Cause.

I sent for Capt. Bayley, and the Offic^{rs} of more of the other Townes,
(as well as Sachems of Long Island and Neighbourhood upon the Maine) have
been w^{th} mee since my Returne, and all satisfyed and well.

                        I am,
                           Yo^r very loving ffriend,
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  [The same Postscript as in the previous Letter.]




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 57.]

                                  At a Councell, Sept^{ber} 28^{th}, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Brockholes,
           Mr. J. Lawrence,       Capt. Dyre.
                     Mr. ffred. Philips.

[Sidenote: 1500 Indyans Men, Women and Children.]

The Matter in Consultation was about a Letter brought by an Expresse from
y^e Island Nantuckett, intimateing their Weaknesse, and great Strength
of the Indyans, both on their Island, and Martin’s Vineyard, not above
40 Men at y^e last, and 30 on y^e former, capable of bearing Armes. On
Nantuckett y^e Indyan Men 5 or 600; not so many on Martin’s Vineyard.

They desire in their Letter a Couple of great Guns, and halfe a douzen
Sould^{rs}. They pretend an ill Consequence may arrive upon the Indyans
trayning in Armes upon Martin’s Vineyard.

Resolved, To send them each a great Gun at y^e two Islands of Nantucket
and Martin’s Vineyard, and to each y^e Proclamation concerning y^e
Indyans of keeping Watches, erecting Block Houses, &c.




  _Memorial of the Sachem of Montauk to the Governour._

                     [N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxiv, 157.]


  Right Hon^{rble}.

I and my Men understanding that y^r Hon^r was pleased to graunt Liberty
to the other Indians to have their Guns restored to them, but a Restraint
was imposed vpon vs the Montaakut Indians by Reason of some Complyance
we have had w^{th} Nenccraft the Narbiggen Sachem, have sent this our
Messenger w^{th} these few Lines, to intreat your Hon^{rs} Fauour
towards yo^r poor Supplicants. Your Hon^r may vnderstand my Father
and Grandfather haue stood always loyall to y^e English in y^e Pequot
Warrs, now towards 40 Years since.... Forefather was a great Help to
y^e English, haueing then this whole Island att his Command, and since
then upon all Occasions manifested his Faithfulnes to the English; and
if any Plots were att any Tyme against them, tymely discouered them; and
this is known to many of the English yet alive. And concerning this Plot
now on Foot against the English, and yo^r Hon^r may be assured (for we
speak it before God the Knower of all Hearts) that had we been in the
least acquainted w^{th} any such Matter, we should haue discouered the
same; and though of late Years we have held some Correspondency w^{th}
Ninecraft, yo^r Hon^r may be assured it was onely w^{th} respect to
our own Security, we being very weak and few in Numbers, and he being
great, and having had wofull Experience of the great Desolation he made
amongst us while we stood in Termes of Hostility against him. But this we
vnderstanding is offensive to yo^r Hon^r we shall forbear for the Future,
onely entreate yo^r Hon^r to take some speedy Course for our Security,
that we may not be more hectr’d by the Narhegansits, for our Dependance
is wholly upon yo^r Hon^r for Protection, as we hope yo^r Hon^r shall
find us ever loyall Subjects to the King and Duke of Yorke, and to yo^r
Hon^r and to all Authority under you.

Yo^r Hon^r may be pleased to take Notice, that 4 of our stoutest Men
have been this Tyme of Warre w^{th} the English Captaines, and fought
vnder them, and helped to doe some Execution vpon their Enemies, and had
their free Liberty to returne Home, being dismissed upon their Desire
to retire to their Friends and Relatives, by the Govern^r at Boston.
We leave our selues w^{th} yo^r Hon^r hopeing yo^r Hon^{rs} favourable
Acceptation of vs. Now is the vsual Tyme of our Hunting, and to gett
a litle Provision and some Skins for Cloathing, and if our humble
Request herein may find a gracious Answer, we shall take it as a further
Engagem^t to yo^r Hon^r and shall rest

         Yo^r Hon^{rs} humble Servants,
  _Easthampton, Oct 5th, 1675._

  MOSSUP Sachem [Illustration: Marks.]
  GHEKONNA, Couns. [Illustration: his Mark.]
  WILL, alias _Wuttauntaquim_ [Illustration: his Mark.]
  MONUGABONGUN, alias _Gentleman_,
  [Illustration: his Mark.] Counsellor.

  In y^e Name and w^{th} the Consent of y^e Reste of y^e Indians at
  Montaukut.


  Right Hon^{able}.

The Lines upon the other Side I wrote vpon the Desire of the Sachem and
his Men. They are their own Words, and the Substance thereof they also
had expressed before Mr. Backer, but since my writeing or them, w^{ch}
was almost a Week since, I perceiue that deliuering up their Armes to
the Indians doth not relish well w^{th} the English, especially since of
late we h ... of the great Slaughter they haue made vp ... English in
other Parts of the Country. I perceiue at Southampton y^e English are
much troubled, the Indians haue their Armes, and I thinke it doth much
disturbe y^e Spirits of those have them not. As for these Indians, for
my owne Part I doe thinke they are as cordiall Friends to the English as
any in y^e Country, and what is written by y^m and known by many to be
y^e Truth, though God knows their Hearts as their Counsellor s^d. Yo^r
Hon^{rs} Predecessor wrote severall Letters to me to stirre me vp about
instructing the Indians in the Knowledge of God and his Religion, and
that he would further and encourage the Busines, so farr as lay in his
Power. I doe thinke if yo^r Hon^r be pleased to sett in att this Tyme it
may be a good Promotion of that Work w^{ch} as I have seen in severall
Writeings of his most excellent Majesty y^e King his pious Desires
expressed for y^e putting forward y^t Worke. But S^r I cease further to
trouble your Hon^r att present, and for w^t y^e Indians have written I
leave to yo^r Hon^{rs} Prudence to act for y^e Best, and rest w^{th} my
humble Service to yo^r Hon^r and Hon^{rs} Counsell,

                               Yo^r Hon^{rs} humble Supplicant att
                                                  y^e Throne of Grace.
                                                            THO. JAMES.[1]

  _Easthampton, Oct. 5th, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Rev. THOMAS JAMES settled in East Hampton as its first Minister
in 1650. He learned the Indian Language and translated the Catechism and
Parts of the Bible into the Indian Tongue, and succeeded in gaining to
a great Degree the Confidence of these People. He died 16th June, 1696.
_Thompson’s Long Island_; _Prime’s do._--ED.




  _An Order to reinforce the Building of Block Houses._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 139.]

Whereas there issued forth a Proclamacon bearing Date the 16th 7ber last,
for the keeping of Watches, and immediate making of Block Houses in the
severall Townes upon Long Island and Dependences, for their gen^{all}
Safety, and to bee a Retreat (upon all Occasions) for the Women and
Children, and observe the said Proclamacon; and many from all Parts
resorting to this Gen^{all} Court of Assizes, These are therefore, (by
the Advice of my Councell) in his Ma^{ties} Name to require you, that
forthw^{th} and w^{th}out Delay, you cause the said Proclamacon to bee
fully put in Execucon, And that you give mee a psent Acco^t thereof, and
how strong you keep y^e Watches in yo^r respective Townes. Hereof you are
not to faile in any Particular, as you or any of you, will answer the
Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 6th Day of October, in the
      29th Yeare of his Mat^{ies} Reigne, Annoq. Domini 1675.

                                                                E. ANDROS.




  _Letter from Gov._ ANDROS _to the Deputy Governour of Connecticut_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 141.]


  S^r

An Indyan under a P^rtence of ffriendship, telling and affirming very
confidently, to one of this Place, That there is an extraordinary
Confederacy between all the neighboring Indyans, and eastwards, (in
w^{ch} yo^r pretended ffriends to bee included) and designed this
light Moone, to attack Hartford itselfe, and some other Places about
Greenw^{ch}, of which being informed this Morning, I have immediately
despatched this, to give you Acco^t thereof, least there should bee
some Thing in it, though not so much as they report, 5 or 6000 Indyans
enjoyned together.

                                            I am,
                                                Yo^r humble Serv^t
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _New Yorke, Octobr.
  10^{th}, 1675._




  _Extract from the Minutes of a Court of Assizes._

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxiv, 172.]


  At a Gen^{all} Court of Assizes held in the City of New York [&c.] the
  6th Day of Oct. 1675.

       *       *       *       *       *

Upon the Governo^{rs} Receipt of a L^{re} from Governour Carteret[1] in
Court, all but the Bench were ordered to withdraw.

The Contents were a late Violence acted by some Indyans at the
Nevesans,[2] who plundered a Boat sent by him to trade, whereupon he hath
issued forth a Proclamation to prohibit every one to carry Goods or trade
w^{th} them, and desireth the like may bee done here.

It is ordered in like Manner that there bee no Trading with the Indyans
at their Plantacons.

That the Law bee observed w^{ch} prohibits selling strong Liquo^{rs} to
Indyans, Albany excepted.

The selling of Powder and Shott to the Indyans debated and put to the
Vote.

Capt. Chambers,[3] to be forbid to all but the Maques and Sinnekes.

Mr. Geo. Hall[4] the like.

Mr. Cornell[5] idem.

Mr. Topping,[6] forbid to all except those that comport themselves well.

Mr. Pell,[7] a Restraint for a Time.

All the Rest[8] to continue as it is, w^{ch} is by farre the majo^r Vote.

That pursuant to the Law the Constables of the severall Tounes take Care
no Powder or Lead bee sold to the Indyans, but by them as directed or
their Consents.

The Proclamacon about the Block Houses, &c. approved of.

       *       *       *       *       *

                              At a Court of Assizes Octob^r 11^{th}, 1675.

Vpon a Proposall whether it will not bee convenient at this Juncture of
Time, of the Indyan Disturbance to the Eastward, to bring all Canoes
on the north Side of Long Island to this Place, or to have them all
destroyed, to prevent any Intercourse w^{th} the Indians on the Maine.

Or that the Canooes bee brought to the next Towne and secured by the
Officers.

Resolved, That all Canooes whatsoever belonging to Christians or Indyans
on the north Side of Long Island, to the East of Hell-Gate, shall within
three Dayes after Publicacon hereof, bee brought to the next Townes and
delivered into the Constables Custody, to bee laid up and secured by
them, neare the Block House.

And that whatsoever Canooe shall be found upon the Sound after that Time
bee destroyed.

And that the Indyans at Mr. Pells bee ordered to remove within a
ffortnight to their usuall Winter Quarters within Hell Gate upon this
Island, during w^{ch} Time loaden Canooes which shall have Certificates
from the Magistrates of the Place from whence they come, expressing
whether they are going, shall bee permitted quietly to passe along the
Shoare, except out of the Government, which in no Case is to be allowed.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] PHILIP CARTERET, Governour of New Jersey.

[2] In New Jersey, south of the Raritan River, sometimes written
_Newesing_, _Newasons_, or _Navesink_.

[3] Capt. THOMAS CHAMBERS, was sitting at this Time as Justice for Esopus.

[4] GEORGE HALL, a Sheriff of Esopus.

[5] RICHARD CORNELL, a Justice for the North Riding of Yorkshire, on Long
Island.

[6] JOHN TOPPING, a Justice for the East Riding of Yorkshire, on Long
Island.

[7] JOHN PELL, see Note, p. 64.

[8] The Court present consisted of the Governour, Secretary, 3
Councilors, two Aldermen, and 18 Justices of the Peace.




  _A Proclamation about Canooes being laid up and secured by the
  Constables,[1] &c._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 141.]


Whereas it hath been thought convenient, and it is ordered by the
Gen^{a11} Court of Assizes, at this present Juncture, That all Canooes
whatsoever, belonging to Christians or Indyans, on the north Side of
Long Island, to the East of Hell Gate, shall within three Days after the
Publication hereof, bee brought to the next Tounes and delivered into
the Constable’s Custody, to bee laid up and secured by them, near their
Block Houses. And that what Canooes soever shall bee found upon the
Sound after that Time, shall be destroyed: As also that the Indyans at
Mr. Pell’s[2] bee ordered to remove within a ffortnight, to their usuall
Winter Quarters, w^{th}in Hell-Gate, upon this Island; During which Time
all loaden Canoes which shall have Certificates from the Magistrates of
the Place from whence they came, expressing whether they are going,
shall bee permitted quietly to passe along the Shoare, except into or out
of the Government, which in no Case is to be alloued; These are in his
Ma^{ties} Name to require a strict and due Observance of this Order from
all Persons, as they and every of them will answer the Contrary at their
utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in N. Yorke, this 12^{th} Day of October, 1675.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  To all Magistrates, Constables, and
  Overseers, or other his Ma^{ties} Officers,
  and others whom it may concerne.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Issued in Accordance with the preceding Order of the Court of Assizes.

[2] Anne Hookes Neck, Pelham, Westchester County.




                      _Order to disarm the Indians._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 142.]


Whereas there lately past an Ord^r of Councell, That by Reason of the
good Comport of the Indyans, their Armes should be restored unto them,
except those of Easthampton and Shelter Island, for the Reasons therein
given, or such others as were not fitt to be trusted therew^{th}: The
which hath in most Places beene attended: These are (notwithstanding
the former Order) to empower and authorize Mr. John Topping, Justice
of the Peace, and Capt. John Howell of Southampton, That as the Matter
may require, and they shall see Occasion, They send for their Indyans
and disarme them againe, yet w^{th}all, to afford them due Proteccon as
formerly; ffor the doing whereof this shall bee your Warrant.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 14th Day of October, 1675.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.




  _A Letter sent to Mr._ TAPPING _about y^e Indians_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 143.]


                                    _New Yorke the 14^{th} October, 1675._

  Mr. JUSTICE TAPPING:[1]

In Answer to some of your Lines, wherein you seem dissatisfyed at the
delivering the Indyans Armes. Yourselfe nor Capt. Howell, nor yet
the Constable and Overseers, not finding just Cause to detaine them
longer, you have done well. And as for the other, you are of yourselves
sufficiently authorized (upon any Occasion requiring it) either for the
publicke Peace, or Safety, to call for or take from the said Indyans, or
any other that shall happen to bee in yo^r Parts, All or Part of their
Armes, or secure the Persons of any that shall, or indeavo^r to do Harme,
or cause Disturbance; But are alwayes to do Justice, and protect the Good
and Unconcerned, from

                                          Yo^r affectionate ffriend,
                                                                E. ANDROS.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] JOHN TOPPING.




  _An Order sent to all the Townes within the Governm^t about reinforcing
  the Watch &c._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 143.]


Whereas notw^{th}standing two severall Proclamacons or Ord^{rs}, the
last of the 6^{th} Inst. strictly requiring and commanding all Townes
and Villages within this Government (that have not before) forthw^{th}
without Delay, to ffortify and make compleat, in some convenient Place, a
block or palizadoed House, or Place for a Retreat to Women and Children,
&c. and keeping good Watch and Ward, in their said Townes, and to make
a present Returne thereof, unto mee: of which, having had no Account,
and being credibly informed that most do neglect the due Execucon of
Part of the said Proclamacon: These are in his Ma^{ties} Name to require
you forthw^{th} to cause double and strict Watches to bee kept in your
respective Townes; And yo^r Constable, or one of the Overseers, on Sight
hereof, to repaire to mee, to give mee an Acco^t of yo^r Proceedings,
and answering yo^r and yo^r Tounes Contempt, if you have not obeyed
every Part of the Proclamacon; Of which you are not to faile, as you will
answer the Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 16^{th} Day of October, 1675,

                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]




             _A Letter to y^e Dep^{ty} Governo^r of Hartford._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 145.]


  Gent.

Last Night I received yo^{rs} of y^e 6^{th} Instant, and am as from the
Beginning very sensible of, and much troubled at the Indyans continued
Depradations and Successes, and Misery of our Countrymen in those Parts,
and have endeavoured not to bee wanting in my Duty, though at the very
first slighted and rejected. When I was at Albany, I took the Occasion on
a Lett^r from Majo^r Pinchon[1] to the Command^r and Comissaryes there to
returne him an Answer myselfe, and of my Endeavo^{rs}, in which I have
been as carefull since as possible, but noe Answer.

The 10^{th} Inst. I gave you by Expresse an Acco^t of some Indian Newes,
of their Designe on Hartford itselfe,[2] &c. and immediately dispatched
Capt. Brockholes my first Lievten^t to Albany with reiterated Orders to
those Parts, for yo^r Advantage, as farr as I might, not having heard
from you. But if you desire anything further, and please to send a fitt
Parson, I shall be ready to doe what is fitt for mee, and serve you to my
Power, being

                                   Yo^r affectionate ffriend and
                                                      Humble Servant,
                                                             EDM^D ANDROS.

  _New Yorke, Octobr.
  17^{th}, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] JOHN PYNCHON was perhaps more prominent in the public Service of
Massachusetts than any other of the earlier Settlers upon the Connecticut
River. He came to Springfield when but ten Years old, was a Magistrate
fifty Years, and on almost every Commission and Committee, whose Duties
he discharged with remarkable Ability and Success. He died in 1703, at
the Age of seventy-six.

[Illustration: (small drawing of the house)]

The Pynchon House, the first brick Structure in the Valley, was built in
1660, and torn down in 1831. Its Picture is preserved in the Seal of the
City of Springfield.--_Holland’s W. Mass._, i, 44, 162.--ED.

[2] See Letter of Oct. 10, 1675, ante, p. 89.--ED.




                _A Letter to Capt._ BROCKHOLES _at Albany_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 146.]


  Capt. BROCKHOLES:

I long much to have an Acco^t from you. Yesterday wee had the Newes of
Springfield being burnt,[1] and Indyan Strength in those Parts, which
evinces the Necessity of yo^r being carefull in keeping good Guards.

I have nothing more to add to yo^r Instructions, but that you order
Matters the best you can accordingly, and see that the Maques may see
tis ffriendship, not Apprehension or Need of them, but for their Good;
Hearing that they and the Sinnekes are inclinable to a Warre w^{th} the
Indyans to the East, if soe, though they have not yet attack^t us, ’tis
the Opinion of my Councell, that ’twere well the said Maques were rather
encouraged than hindred; and you may lett them have a ffree Markett for
Powder &c. as formerly, continued.

Pray remember mee to all w^{th} you. I hope my Brother, Knapton,[2]
Sharpe,[3] &c. will bee here per first.

                                          I am,
                                                 Yo^{rs} &c.
                                                            EDM^D ANDROSS.

  _N. Y. Octbr. 19^{th} 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] On the Night of October 4th, 1675, an Expresse was despatched from
Windsor, Ct., to Springfield, Mass., with the Intelligence derived from
a friendly Indian, that a Party of about 300 of Philip’s Warriours were
on their Way to burn the Town and destroy the Inhabitants. The Alarm was
hastily spread, and the Citizens fled to the fortified Houses, three
in Number, with such Valuables and Necessaries as they could carry. On
the Morning previous, the Springfield Soldiers, to the Number of 45,
had left for Hadley, to join in a Demonstration, concerted against the
Enemy at that Place, and a Messenger was sent thither to inform them of
the threatened Danger. When the Morning came, no Enemy appearing, two
Persons rode forwards toward the Indian Fort, and were shot by the Foe
in Ambush. The Town was soon filled by Savages; about thirty Dwellings
and twenty-five Barns were burned, besides the Corn and Saw Mill; four or
five Persons were wounded, and one Person was killed. The Enemy retired
on the Arrival of the military Force that had been recalled, leaving the
Settlement in Ruin and the Inhabitants in the greatest Distress near the
Verge of Winter. _Holland’s Western Mass._, i., 95.--ED.

[2] CÆSAR KNAPTON.

[3] THOMAS SHARPE.




               _Letter from the Governour to Esopus, &c._[1]

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 147.]


  Gent:

I have just now received yo^{rs} of the 16^{th} Instant, and think you
have done well to putt yourselves in a fitting Posture for all Events,
and securing the Goods and Corne of yo^r out ffarmers, which is also
done in these Parts, where all is quiet; but have a Rumour that Stanford
Indyans are in Armes, but have done noe Harme. However its thought they
have noe good Intent in it. I doe not know that I have any brasse Gunn
of yours, but if you have Occasion shall notwithstanding bee ready to
send you one or more such iron Gunns as are here, the least of which is
a small Saker, and if I can will gett and fitt up a Petrara for Capt.
Chambers, having none in the ffort ready, and the Sloope in hast not to
loose their Tide. I am,

                                     Yo^r affec^{ate} ffriend,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _N. Yorke, October 19, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Esopus near Kingston, about Midway between New York and Albany, was
one of the earliest Settlements by the Dutch in this Colony.--ED.




                 _An Order for Oyster Bay to fortify, &c._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 148.]


  _By the Governo^r_:

Whereas I am informed that severall of the Inhabitants of Oyster Bay,
notwithstanding the late Orders and Proclamacons, are still very
backward in making up their ffortifications, These are by the Advice
of my Councell, in his Ma^{ties} Name, to require all the Inhabitants
in Gen^{all}, that with all Speed they apply themselves to finish the
said Worke already begunn, only that it bee left to the Discretion of
the Constable and Overseers to excuse such Persons as they shall think
most proper, and may not bee a Hindrance to the setting forward soe
needfull and publick a Work: Provided they bee such auncient Persons
as have principally contributed to the House taken in within the said
ffortificacon.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke this 19th Day of October, 1675.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  To the Constable and Overseers
  of Oyster Bay.




              _An Order about selling Powder to the Indyans._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 151.]


Whereas there was at the City Hall an Order of the last Gen^{all} Court
of Assizes, publisht the 12^{th} Instant, strictly prohibiting the
Sale of Powder or Strong Drink to Indyans in any Part of Yorkshire,
on Long Island, or Dependencyes, as p^r said Order; notwithstanding
which some Persons think it doth not comprehend or is binding to the
city Inhabitants; These are therefore by Advice of my Councell in his
Ma^{ties} Name to require and command the strict Observance of said Order
in this City in every Particular, under the Penaltyes therein expressed,
at their utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke, this 12^{th} Day of October, 1675.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.




  _An Order for the Inhabitants of Madd Nan’s Neck[1] to make a Block
  House._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 153.]


  _By the Governour_:

Whereas I am given to understand that notwithstanding the severall Orders
for making of Block Houses, or some Place of Defence in each respective
Toune upon Long Island and Dependencyes, the Inhabit^{ts} of yo^r Place
have neither contributed any Help or Assistance towards the making of
the Block House or Fortification at Hempstead, nor taken Care to make
any for themselves; These are in his Ma^{ties} Name to require you, that
forthwith and without Delay you make up some Fortification upon yo^r Neck
of Land, and give mee an immediate Acco^t thereof by one from yo^r Neck,
and Answer of short Contempt, as you and every of you will answer the
Contrary at yo^r utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke, y^e 21^{th} Day of October, 1675.

                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  To the Deputy Constable at
  Madd Nan’s Neck.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Now known as _Great Neck_, in the Town of North Hempstead, Queens
County. It contains about 4000 Acres of Land, and was patented in 1666
to Thomas Hicks, who sold a Part of it the same Year to Richard Cornell.
_Thompson’s Long Island_, ii, 61.--ED.




  _Letter from the Governour to the Constable of Harlem_.

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 153.]


  _Mr. Constable_:

I have just now seen yo^{rs} of this Day, sent Expresse by W^m Palmer,
of yo^r having stopt 10 or 12 Indyan Canoes with Women, Children, Corne,
and Baggage, coming as they say from Westchester, and goeing to Wickers
Creek,[1] but not any Passe mentioned. Soe that you have done very well
in stopping the said Indyans, and giving Notice thereof.

These are now to order all the said Indyans to stay in yo^r Toune, and
that you send some of the chiefest of them to mee early to-morrow, and
one of yo^r Overseers for further Orders; and that it may bee the better
effected you are to order them some convenient House or Barne to bee in,
and draw up their Canooes until y^e Returne of them you shall send; And
that you double yo^r Watch.

                                           I am,
                                               Yo^r loving Friend,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _N. Y. Octbr. y^e 21^{th}, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Name applied to a Stream flowing into the Hudson at the upper
Landing of Dobbs’ Ferry, in Greenburgh, Westchester County. It was called
by the Indians _Weghqueghe_, or _Wysquaqua_. The _Wichquaesqueecks_,
or _Weckquaskecks_, a Tribe of the Mohegans, anciently inhabited the
adjacent Country, and from these Names, the one given in the Text was
doubtless derived. _Bolton’s Westchester_, i, 2, 164.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 65.]


                                   At a Councell, Oct^{ber} 23^{th}, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,       Capt. Dyre.
                       Mr. Philips.

A Letter from Mr. Leete, Dep. Govern^r of Conecticott about y^e Indyan
Affaires and in Answer to y^e Governo^{rs} Letter of Intelligence to
them, was read.

The Governo^r had another Letter of private Intelligence about y^e
Indyans ill Intent upon Long Island.

Resolved, upon y^e said Indyan Intelligence of our Indyans being in
Confederacy w^{th} the Narrogansett Indyans upon y^e Maine, and plotting
Mischiefe, That all our said Indians on Long Island be forthwith disarmed.

The Armes to be delivered into y^e Constables Hands of y^e severall
Touns, who may lend some few of them to such Indyans as they shall think
may be trusted, for their Hunting, w^{th} y^e Approbacon of y^e Justice
of Peace, and where no Justice at Hand, of y^e chiefest military Officers
of y^e Place.

That an Order be made hereupon for the putting of this in Execucon.




  _Letter to Mr. Wm. Leet, Deputy Governor of Connecticott, &c._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 155.]


  Hon^{ble} S^r.

I have just now received yo^{rs} of y^e 19^{th} Instant, for w^{ch} this
is only my Acknowledgment, having writt fully in my last, to which have
nothing more to add; being ready if any Thing bee yet wanting to doe my
Duty, and serve you to my Power.

                                  I am,
                                     Yo^r affec^{ate} humble Serv^t,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  To M^{r.} Leet, Dp^{ty} Governo^r
  of Connecticot.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 66.]


                                   At a Councell, Oct^{ber} 24^{th}, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,        Capt. Dyre.
                     Mr. Fred. Philips.

       *       *       *       *       *

Letters being brought from y^e Commissaryes of Albany by Mr. Knapton,
who had been Commander there, concerning a Peace newly made or renewed
by them at the ffort between y^e Maques and Mahycanders[1] Indyans,
though without Leave, it is ordered to be kept. It is likewise resolved,
That there be at this Juncture, a Prohibicon of selling Powder and Lead
to any Indyans whatsoever at Albany, unlesse it be to y^e Maques &
Sinnekes, the same to be under y^e Penalty of one hundred Guild^{rs}
Beaver,[2] for each Quart^r of a Pound,[3] and so proporconably for more
or lesse, or corporall Punishment extending to Life as the Case may
require, except allowed by the Commander himselfe under his Hand, to some
adjacent Mahycand^r Indyan well knowne to himselfe or Magistrates; the
Quantity of one Quarter of a Pound for y^e present Hunting, or to some
few such Indyans, who shall be knowne by them to be designed for y^e
beaver Hunting who may by the said Command be allowed one Pound with Lead
proportionable. This Prohibicon to continue for the Space of six Months
after this Date.

It is also ordered and resolved, That y^e like Ord^r be sent up to
Esopus, only the Alteration of the Words (_Mutatis Mutandis_) instead of
y^e Comander, the Justices or chiefe Officers to be inserted. Upon y^e
Receite of a Letter from y^e Esopus, relating their great Apprehension of
y^e Indyans.

It is resolved, That y^e Magistrates there be checkt for their needlesse
Feares, and they are all ordered to keep at their usual Habitations and
Places of Abode, both at y^e distant Villages and out Farmes, untill more
apparent Cause to y^e Contrary.

Ordered, That y^e Magistrates doe give a present Acc^t what is meant
by the Indyans offering to deliver up y^e Articles made betweene Coll.
Nicolls and them, and who spake of it first, whether private Persons
amongst the Indyans, or Sachems. The Agreement in y^e said Article
sett forth having been renewed with those Indyans, this very Spring,
and themselves having no Authority to alter or make either Peace or
Warre, nor to treate of either in y^e least, but to do their Dutyes in
continuing Things as they are.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Mohegans, inhabiting the eastern Borders of New York and the adjacent
Parts of New England. They were at this Time considered subordinate to
the Iroquois and under their Influence. Those living near the Hudson were
often called _River Indians_ or the _North Indians_.

[2] The Currency of the Colony then in Use, as established by
Proclamation, June 24th, 1675, was as follows:

  Pieces of eight,           six Shillings.

  Wampum,                    { three Black,  } one Stiver.
                             { or six White, }

  Three Stivers Wampum,      { one Penny Silver,
                             { New England Money.

  Four Stivers, Wampum,      one Penny Sterling.

  One Beaver, (in merchantable Condition),     13s. 4d. Sterling.

_Council Minutes, iii. Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii_, 102.--ED.

[3] This Penalty was about $38, as Money is now reckoned, although this
Sum was relatively much greater then.--ED.




                  _Letter to Mr. Baker of East Hampton._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 156.]


  Mr. BAKER.

I have just now received yo^{rs} of y^e 24^{th} of yo^r Indyans
friendly Intelligence and Declaracons of their good Wills and constant
ffriendshipp w^{ch} I shall also acknowledge upon all Occasions, and may
assure them that if any Disturbance shall happen to the Eastward, or any
other against the Governm^t soe long as they continue thus they shall be
sure of Protection, and need not feare.

But I finde no Cause or Likelyhood of their Intelligence w^{ch} I rather
believe the ffancyes of some disaffected Indyans who would gladly have
it soe, for I have not heard of one English Man killed, much less 12,
which could not have been concealed, nor is there nor hath been for some
Years one Indyan belonging to Staten Island, and those towards Achter
Cull[1] are now as friendly as ever. However wee, as you know, are upon
our Guard, and upon some Intelligence of the Rockaway and Masha-Peage[2]
Indyans Plotting have againe disordered them, and see rather lesse Cause
of apprehending Troubles this Way than when you were here, but would have
all Watches continued, and see none neglect their Occasions abroad as
well as at Home.

If any Troubles should happen, you have by yo^r Commissions, and Places
of Peace and Militia sufficient Power to call before you, disarm and
committ any that shall goe about, or (you suspect) would break the
King’s Peace, not only Indyans but Christians, and if any resist to make
Use of all the fforce of yo^r Towne to reduce them. Pray doth you and
Southampton send daily to see yo^r Indyans in their Plantacons, and then
unlesse you discover very good Cause, bee not at all alarm’d to hinder
(as above) any yo^r Occasions.

                                       I am,
                                          Yo^r affectionate Friend,
                                                                E. ANDROS.

  _N. Yorke, 27th October, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Newark Bay.--ED.

[2] Residing in Queens Co., chiefly at Fort Neck.--ED.




                 _Letter from the Governour to Mr. Hicks._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 156.]


  Mr. HICKS.[1]

I have just now received yo^{rs} dated yesterday, of yo^r Indyans having
brought in their Armes, and ffriendlynesse, which is well, and think may
lend them as many back as you judge proper for their present Hunting,
without any Apprehension from them however that those of Hempstead omitt
not sending daily to see them according to order.

The Letter from the Eastwards is Mr. Justice Bakers of East Hampton,
occasioned upon Rumo^{rs} from these Parts for which I can see noe Ground.

                                        I am,
                                          Yo^r affec^{ate} Friend,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _N. Yorke, y^e 27^{th}, Octbr. 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Thomas Hicks, a Justice of the Peace at Hempstead, L. I.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 68.]


                                    At a Councell, Nov^{ber} 8^{th}, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Dyre,
                    Mr. Fred. Philips.

The Matter under Consideracon was upon Occasion of Nehemiah Peirce and
James Pennymans being sent downe from Albany by Capt. Brockholes, upon
Suspicon of writing false Storyes to Boston.

Nehemiah Peirce being first examined saith, That he never hath writt to
Boston of Powder sold to y^e Indyans to y^e Eastward, nor knows of any,
but on the Contrary, having heard from y^e Command^r y^t whosoever should
sell any Powder to them if it could be discovered, y^e Person or Persons
offending should be severely punisht. He saith y^t hereupon he did
forewarne many thereof as he had Oppertunity, and had watch^t some whom
hee did suspect, but never could meet with any Powder so sold.

Withall being demanded if he had not sold Powder himselfe, he saith yes,
that he did sell some few Barrells, being all that he had, but it was to
y^e Christians.

[Sidenote: Mr. Wilson his Security.]

The said Peirce is ordered to be dismist he giving Security to make his
Appearance when called for, or to give Notice if he shall have Occasion
to depart y^e Governm^t before a Returne from Boston about this Matter,
from whence if nothing materiall shall come against him as to this
Businesse, within three Months, then to be totally discharged and cleare.

James Pennyman being examined saith, that he knoweth no more, than what
he hath set down in a Paper which he delivered in, it being a Recitalle
of y^e Contents of a Letter to his Wife at Boston, which is as followeth,
viz^t:

      To the Right Honored Governor.

    If it may stand with your Honours Pleasure upon this Occasion I have
    recollected my Memory and according to my best Remembrance, I shall
    give you y^e true Contents of y^t Letter as I wrote to my Wife,
    w^{ch} as it is circumstanced it is by some counted Matter of Fault,
    but when your Hon^r has a View of it, I hope you will esteeme of it
    otherwise. My Wife has oftentimes when she wrote Letters to me sent
    me News in her Letters concerning the Warre, and att some Times how
    y^e Enemy prevayles. I never received any News but I acquainted the
    Governor at Albany with it, and shew him my Letters; now that as I
    write to my Wife is as follows:

    That when our hon^{rd} Governo^r Gen^{ll} was here in Albany, there
    came two Men as Post from Major Pinchon of Springfield, which as I
    heard peticoned to our Governor that no Powd^r should be sold in
    this Place, truely Wife what a vain Thing was that, for this Place
    is upheld by Trade, I believe there is two or three hundred Barrells
    of Powder bought and sold in this Towne in one Yeare, and I thinke
    there were sold out of my House twenty or thirty Barrells this Yeare,
    but as I heare our honoured Governo^r has laid a Restraint of selling
    to our Englishes Enemyes and that upon a great Penalty. This is y^e
    Summe of what I writt, now if yo^r Hon^r be displeased at this as I
    writt, I rather choose to forbear writing to my Wife though I love
    her as well as a Man can do his Wife, I say I rather doe it than
    gett your Honours Displeasure.

                                                           JAMES PENNIMAN.

[Sidenote: Clement Salmon his Security.]

The said Pennyman was hereupon ordered to find Security for his good
Behaviour, and to make his Appearance when called for.




                 _Letter to the Governour of Maryland._[1]

                [Orders, Warrants, Letters, &c., iii, 164.]


  Right Hon^{ble}.

I have received yo^{rs} of the 4^{th} past, of your Progresse against the
Indyans, which I wish may have ended it, but am sorry the Susquehannas
were concerned, having allwayes (as the Maques to this) had the Repute
of being perfect ffriends to the Christians, particularly Maryland; and
being Offsprings of the Maques, though by the Sinnekes engaged in Warre,
and the Indyans to the Eastward, soe great Successes in Plymouth and
Massachusetts Colonyes having engaged all others their Neighbo^{rs} and
endeavoring by all Meanes of Command and Profitt to engage the Maques
and sent to all other Parts as farre as Canada, w^{ch} New England think
doe supply their said Enemyes, and all our Indyans as farre as Delaware,
thought only to wait Opportunityes.

There only remaines firme the Maques and by their Meanes the Sinnekes,
which as seated are most able to do Good or Harme and too farre and
particularly the Sinnekes, if they fall off to bee forced.

I here send you an Abstract of a Letter sent from the Commander at
Albany, relating to some Particulars (writte by y^e Jesuite among the
Maques), by which you may see his Sence, though I think him in a great
Measure mistaken, but of myselfe can doe more than I have already.

I heare that all New England have joyned a very great Force to fall on
the Narragansett Indians, the Event whereof (w^{ch} I hope good) will
very much influence Things, and conduce to the Future or next Yeares
Action, which is all in Addition to mine of y^e 21^{th} of October last.

                                        Soe remaine
                                           Yo^r very humble Serv^t,
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  _N. Yorke, Decem. 10^{th}, 1675._


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Charles, Lord Baltimore.




  _A Speciall Warrant sent to Huntington to Demand the Indyans Armes of
  Rockaway and Seaquatalke, who are to Kintecoy there._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 189.]


  _By the Governo^r_:

Whereas I am informed that several Indyans at Rockaway, Unchechauge
and Parts adjacent, are in a few Dayes to have a great Kintecoy[1] at
Seaquetalke, which being unusuall at this Time of Yeare, is at this
Juncture in no Case to be neglected; And therefore (by the Advice of my
Councell) you are in his Ma^{ties} Name hereby required upon Notice of
the Time or Day the said Indyans Kintecoy is to bee, with six or more
Men, not exceeding ten (as you shall judge fitt to bring Home their
Armes) to repaire to Seaquatalke or Place where the above Kintecoy shall
bee, sending two Men a little before, to give them Notice of your coming
(that they bee not scared at your Arrivall) to informe yourselfe of what
Indyans are there, and demand their Armes; which having rec^d to warne
and command them to separate, and each to repaire to their proper Place
of Abode, and for the Future to forbear appointing or coming to any such
public Meetings, or Kintecoyes, w^{th}out speciall Leave, and to bring
away with you all their said Armes, w^{ch} you are safely to lay up and
keepe in your Towne, till further Order. But in Case the above Indyans
should happen to be refractory, and refuse to deliver their Armes, you
are (having taken the best Acco^t or Notice you can from whence they are,
their Number, &c.), to warne and command all their Sagamacks, w^{th}out
Delay, to repaire to mee at this Place, and all other Indyans Home,
and so leave them. At yo^r Return, you are immediately to give mee a
particular Acc^t of yo^r Proceedings, according to the aboue; of which
you are not to faile, as you will answer the Contrary at your Perills.
And for so doing this shall bee to you, and every of you, a sufficient
Warrant.

      Given under my Hand and Seale in New Yorke, this 13^{th} Day of
      December, 1675.

                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  To the Constable or chiefe Overseer
  of Huntington.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] “The Indians sometimes assemble in large Numbers and retire far into
the Wilderness, where they eat and drink in a profuse Manner. These
Conventions are called _Kenticoys_. Some esteem them to be debauched
Revels or Bacchanalia, but those who have followed them into these
Recesses give some Accounts of their Conduct as lead one to imagine
that they pay a joint Homage and Supplication to some invisible Being.”
_Smith’s Hist. of N. Y., Alb. Ed., p. 76._ This Term was adopted by the
Whites and is still used in the River Counties and on Long Island, to
designate _a Revel_. A Description of the wild Excesses of the Indians
at their “_Canticos_,” is given by Denton, in his Description of their
Customs, p. 9. Mr. Henry R. Schoolcraft in a Letter to the Editor,
expresses the Opinion that this Custom was analagous to the modern
_Wabino_, the most viscious of Indian Orgies, the Name denoting that the
Dancing is continued till Daybreak.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 74.]


                                     At a Councell, Decem^r 22^{th}, 1675.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Dyre.
                       Mr. Philips.

Ordered that a Letter be writt to y^e Governour of Roade Island, upon
News or Report that a Vessell designed or bound for this Port, is stopt
at that Island upon Acc^t of having Powder and Armes in her.

That Copies be likewise sent of the Orders for Prohibicon of Powder at
Albany to be sold to the Indyans.




               _Letter to the Governour of Rhode Island._[1]

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 169.]


                                                   _Decem. 22^{th}, 1675._

  Hon^{ble} S^r.

This is by a Sloope bound to yo^r Parts not to omitt noe good
Opportunity, though there bee nothing new, but that I heare you have
stopped a Vessel bound to this Place, on Acc^t of some Powder and Armes
in her, which (as represented) would not only reflect on mee, and all
the Magistrates of this Government, but also on his Royall Highnesse
and the King himselfe, whose Commissions I have. And therefore as I
have endeavoured to do my Duty, and (un-asked) to serve my Neighbours,
particularly yo^r Colony from the Beginning of the Indyan Troubles, &c.,
Sale of Powder to Indyans being soe strictly forbidden here, I cannot
give Creditt to this Report, not having heard from yo^r selfe or Colony
of it, which I am confident I should, yet being told mee by sufficient
Men, I pray I may. And if any such Thing bee, whether you have any
Orders from the King to stop any of his Ma^{ties} Subjects, Vessells or
Goods coming to these Parts and you^l oblige,

                    Yo^r humble Servant,
                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] William Coddington.




  _The Governour of Rhode Island to the Governour and Councell of Boston._

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 67.]


The Governo^r and Councell of y^e Mathacusetts and Comissioners of y^e
Vnited Collonies writing to us do give vs Thanks for transporting their
Sould^{rs} and P^rvision and y^t our Sloops transported their Wounded and
desired vs to lett out 100 or 200 Souldiers answering you denying so to
doe and gave your Grounds. This was our Postcript.

Friends, Since our writing y^e aboue said to you is come to our Hands,
certain printed Lawes or Orders of y^e 3^{th} Nouemb^r 1675[1] set forth
by y^e Authority of yor Generall Assembly of y^e Matathusetts your
Secretaries Hand being to y^m wherein you say you haue apostated from y^e
Lord with a great Backsliding: To w^{ch} I do consent so great hardly to
be paralleled, all Things considered, we were a People p^rfessing y^e
Feare of y^e Lord in England against Bishops and Ceremonies in tender
Loue to all y^t pfessed Godliness, and so departed from y^e Land of our
Nativity, declaring y^e Ground of our Removall into New England, viz: to
seek out a Place for our Brethren where we might enjoy y^e Liberty of
our Consciences y^t y^e Sons of Wickedness might vex vs noe more, as was
y^{ri}[2] publikely preached and declared.

2^dly ... For y^e P^rpagating of y^e Gospel converting y^e Indians &c:

3^dly ... That we might enjoy such as preached y^e Gospell (y^e Power
of God to Salvation) for y^e Bishops did y^n Silence our best Ministers
these and others in 1630 was printed and dispersed both in England and
Holland w^{ch} I haue by me in Print, y^e Governo^r and Deputy Governo^r
and Assistants Hands being to it, my selfe and Simon Broadstreet being
two of y^e y^n Assistants our Hands is to it, I haue y^m at large in
Print to be seene.

How well this hath bin performed by you, let your printed Lawes declare,
and this amongst y^e Rest our Houses are now open to receive your Wounded
and all in Distress, we have p^rpared an Hospitall for yors, but you
a House of Correction for all y^t repaire to our Meetings, is this
soe do as you would be done by? Your Ministers with us have not been
molested, ours with you have been persecuted,[3] is this a Time for you
to establish Iniquity by a Law,--will not y^e Lord be avenged on such a
Nation as this y^t set vp Ministers y^t are not so made Ministers by yo^r
Power of and endless Life, but of y^e Letter y^t kills but not y^e Spirit
y^t giues Life and a Worship, y^t is not in Spirit and Truth, set by
Christ aboue 1600 Yeares agoe; we cannot come to you, but depart from o^r
Lord as you haue done, therefore desiring your returne to y^e Power y^t
made you y^e true Light y^t is in you.

This is written to you by one who aboue 45 Yeares past was one of you
and now is one y^t desires your true Good both eternall and temporall as
I did when I was with you, and am,

                                          Yours in true Loue,
                                                    WM. CODDINGTON,
                                                                Gouerno^r.

  _Rhoad Island, January
  y^e 9^{th}, 167^{5/6}_.
      Vera Copia.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] “Att a Meeting of the Vnited Collonies in Boston, by Adjournment,
Nouemb. 2: 1675.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Commissioners do agree to comend to the severall generall Courts or
Councells, of the Vnited Collonies that they appoint and order the second
Day of December, being the fift Day of the Weeke to be obserued and
kept as a solemn Day of Prayer and Humiliation; to supplycate the Lords
pardoning Mercye and Compasion towards this poor People; and for Successe
in our Indeauors for the repelling the Rage of the Enimy.” * * _Hazard’s
American State Papers_, ii, 537. The general Court of Mass., accordingly
on the next Day appointed a Day of fasting and Prayer. _Mass. Coll.
Records_, v, 69.--ED.

[2] Very.

[3] Several Quakers in Boston, were compelled to run the Gauntlet for
refusing to bear Arms during the Autumn of 1675. _Drake’s Boston_,
410.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 81.]


                                    At a Councell, Jan^y 17^{th}, 1675.[1]

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Dyre,
                    Mr. Fred. Philips.

Resolved to write to y^e Governo^r of Boston, to vindicate this Governm^t
from an Aspersion in a printed Paper of Decem^r the 7^{th} last past,
wherein they sett forth, that Philip in his Flight was supplyde with
Ammunition from Albany whereby he was enabled to prosecute his bloody
Designe against y^e English.

That it be despatched by an Expresse w^{th} the first Convenience.

Resolved, That there be a civill Letter of Thanks sent to y^e Govern^r
of Roade Island, in Answer to his two last to y^e Governo^r and a nearer
Correspondence accepted and concluded, in y^e best Manner for y^e
Preservacon of both Colonyes, according to y^e Extent of their Patents,
from all Invasions or Encroachments on them and particularly to accept of
a Mediation to compose y^e Difference betwixt them and the neighbouring
Colonyes concerning y^e Narragansett Country and other Territoryes upon
y^e Maine, all which Treatys to be privately managed by y^e Person or
Persons, who shall carry the Letter to Boston, who shall have a Letter of
Creditt and Instructions to that Purpose.

Resolved to let y^e Governo^r of Roade Island know, that any in their
Parts driven by the Indyans from their Habitacons or Plantations, shall
be welcome here and have Land assigned them upon this, Long Island or
Staten Island.

And to take away all Apprehensions from our present Inhabitants, or such
as shall come hither, it is likewise ordered, That all o^r Indyans on
Long Island not yet disarmed, viz^t Sequetauke, Seatauque, Unchechauge
and Southampton, be forthwith disarmed, as y^e others upon y^e Island
already are, and no Indyan there to be permitted to have any fire Arms in
any Case during y^e present Troubles.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] 167^{5/6}.




  _An Order for all Indyans on Long Island to be disarmed, in this
  Juncture of the Warre, and that none ramble from Place to Place, &c._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 174.]


  _By the Governour_:

Whereas I am informed from several Townes and Places on Long Island, of
the general Apprehensions of the People concerning any our Indyans being
armed at this Juncture, for w^{ch} though I hope there is noe Cause,
however by the Advice of my Councell I have ordered that all Indyans on
Long Island that have by the Favour of the Townes (as allowed) their
Armes still entrusted to them bee forthwith disarmed, and the said
Armes according to former Order to be safely laid up and kept in or
near the Block House or ffortification in the severall Townes: And that
all Indyans have Notice not to ramble or goe from Place to Place out of
the Bounds they live in without a Certificate from y^e Magistrate or
Constable to be showed to the like Officers at their Arrivall where
they goe, and have Leave to stay: But all Justice to be shewed to them
according to Law and Orders of y^e Court of Assizes, and concerning
ffortification. This Order to bee forthwith effectually put in Execution,
and a due Returne made to mee thereof by the severall Townes in whose
Precincts any Indyans live by the first Opportunity or Expresse, if
Occasion: Of which none to faile as they will Answer the Default at their
utmost Perills.

      Given under my Hand in New Yorke y^e 24th Day of January, in the
      27th Yeare of his Ma^{ties} Reigne, Annoq D^{mi} 1675.[1]

                                                                E. ANDROS.

  To the Justices of the Peace, Military Officers,
  Constables and Overseers of Southampton, &c.

  [The like sent to all the Towns on Long Island.]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] 167^{5/6}.




                    _Mr._ STANTON _about Indyan News_.

                    [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 77.]


These may certifie all whome it may conserne that the Pecoites[1] Indians
haue bene out with the English against the Naragansits and haue aproued
themselues uery faithfull to our English Interest the Enemy fled before
the Army and in the Pursute these Pequets Indians did uery good Serues:
we slewe in all neere about fouer score Persons and followed them neare
about thre score and ten Mille the Enemies hauing Noties of our Armyes
aproaching the Sechems fleed and their Wimen and Children and lefte
sixtye Patomtook Indians three hundred fitteing Men to way lay the Army
by the Ambuscadoes weare by the Prouidence of God timely discovered by
our Endyins. They wounded fiue English Men in the Rear of the Army after
they weare beaten in the Fronte by our English and our Endyans. We slew
at that Time fiue of the Uplanders and kiled on of there chefe Captaines
and the same Day took y^e Towne and layed there all Night, the next Day
burned the Towne and then marched to the Metropolitente Place and found
it deserted so fired nere fiue hundred Widgwames. This Scalpe cared by
the Bearer was a Endyon of greate Accounte and was taken with 25 Persones
more by the Pecoites Indyons upon their returning Home after they parted
with the English ... and his Men killed two Men nere Noradg and took away
a Boy alive this 6 Febrery. This is short but ... in large.

Febr’y 9: 1675.[2]

                          Your loving Friend,
                      [Illustration: John Stanton (copy of his signature)]


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Pequot.

[2] 167^{5/6}.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 85.]


                            At a Consultation held Feb^y 24^{th}, 1675.[1]

  Present, The Governour, and Councell,
           The Mayor and Aldermen.

       *       *       *       *       *

Mr. Matthias Nicolls, and Mr. Samuell Leete, being returned from Boston,
and having brought a Letter from y^e Governor and Councell there to y^e
Governor, which was not satisfactory.

Resolved, That for y^e Present no further Application be made to y^e
Government of Boston.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] 167^{5/6}.




  _The Examination of_ THO. WARNER, _that had been a Prisoner with the
  Indians_.

                                                         Feb. 25, 1675.[1]

                    [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, 81.]


Thomas Warner one of the two that came downe from Albany and had beene
Prison^r w^{th} y^e Indyans who arrived here this Morne, being examined,
saith, that he was one of y^e Psons that being sent out from Hatfield[2]
where the English Army lay, to discover the Enemy, but a Party of
Indyans way layd them, and shott downe 5 of their Company, and tooke 3 of
which he and his Comrade are two, the 3^d they put to death, the 9^{th}
was an Indyan that came with them, and escap’t away.

That the Indyans lay still two Dayes after they were taken, and then a
Party of about 30 with whom he was march’t to a River to the north east
from thence about 80 Miles called Oasuck, where about a Fortnight after
the Rest of the Army came to them, having in the meane Time burnt two
Townes: They kill’d one of the Prisone^{rs} presently after they had
taken him, cutting a Hole below his Breast out of which they pull’d his
Gutts, and then cutt off his Head.

That they putt him so to Death in the Presence of him and his Comrade,
and threatened them also with the like.

That they burnt his Nayles, and put his Feet to scald them ag^{st} the
Fire, and drove a Stake through one of his Feet to pin him to the Ground.
The Stake about the Bignesse of his Finger, this was about 2 Days after
hee was taken. They continued at Oasmuk sending out p’ys severall Days
and that about 5 Weeks agoe at one of their Meetings he saw 2100 Indyans
all fighting Men, [of?] which 5 or 600 French Indyans, with Strawes in
their Noses.

When hee was taken the p^{ty} were ab^t 600 Indyans.

That the Riuer Indyans rec^d those Indyans kindly, furnish’t them with
Provisions, and some of those Indyans were with them that ... him.

That there were 5 or 600 of the Indyans with Strawes in their Noses,
which they called the French Indyans.

That hee was made to tell the Number by y^e Indyans themselves, which hee
did 3 Times over.

That there were most young Men, the oldest not 40 Years old.

That they were supplyed with Powder from ... French Indyans.

That they s^d their Designe was in y^e Spring to goe to Hadley, Hartford
&c. and Conecticut Col., and having destroyed them to goe to Boston y^e
... and then after that they would destroy y^e Dutch, &c., but the French
and ...


FOOTNOTES:

[1] 167^{5/6}.

[2] On the 19th of October, 1675, the Indians having cut off the Scouts
that had been sent out to obtain Intelligence of any Enemies in the
Neighborhood, made an Attack upon Hatfield with a Force of 700 or 800
Men. The Place was garrisoned by two Companies, under the Command of
Captains Moseley and Poole, who were soon joined by a Reinforcement
from Hatfield under Captain Appleton. The Engagement was spirited and
obstinate, and ended with the Repulse of the Enemy, who retired in great
Haste and Confusion, having only Time to burn a few Barns and other out
Buildings and drive off a Number of Cattle. Ten Persons, including Thomas
Warner, the Deponent of the above Statement, are recorded as slain.
_Holland’s Hist. of W. Mass._, i, 105. It is probable that his Escape
was not known at Hatfield. This was among the last of their important
Efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the Country of the
Narragansets. _Drake’s Book of Indians_, 217.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 85.]


                                   At a Councell, Feb. 26^{th}, 167^{5/6}.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Dyre,
                    Mr. Fred. Philips.

Upon reading Governo^r Coddington’s Letter, and Consideracons of other
Letters, and Returnes of Messages from other Colonyes,

Resolved, That it is not adviseable at this Juncture to make any
Application, or send any friendly Message to y^e North Indyans, but if
they apply themselves not refuse hearing of them.

The other Colonyes, viz^t y^e Massachusetts Connecticott and Plimouth
principally engaged in y^e Warre, not having made us acquainted with
their Concernes, and some of them slighted our friendly Tenders, to
continue our Endeavors as Christians and y^e King’s Subjects, for y^e
Good of this Government without farther Application to the said Colonyes.

Resolved, That y^e Governo^r goe forthwith to Albany to settle Matters
there, it being of very great Import.

That y^e Wickerscreeke Indyans, if they desire it, be admitted with their
Wives and Children to plant upon this Island but nowhere else if they
remove, and y^t it be upon y^e north Point of y^e Island neare Spiting
Devill. The s^d Indyans to be protected comporting themselves as they
ought, and all our other Indyans round, doeing y^e like to be assured of
Protection.

That a Letter be written to y^e Governo^r of Roade Island to acquaint him
w^{th} y^e Governo^{rs} going up to Albany to take Order there, having
Notice of y^e Maques Indyans being moved in a warrelike Manner against
y^e North Indyans. That y^e Governo^r hath not Time to write now in
Answer to y^e Particulars of his Letter, but shall have all due Regard to
them, of w^{ch} he shall give him an Acc^{tt} at his Returne.




  _The Governour’s Order to Lieut._ TEUNISE _to demand Christian
  Prisoners of the Indians_.

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 88.]


  _By the Governour_:

You are hereby authorized and required, with the Indian Guide ordered
w^t you, forthwith to goe eastward, to the furthest Part of the Goverm^t
or as farr as Coneticut River, to finde out Philep or other North
Indians, lately within this Governm^t, and lett him or other Sachems or
Commanders in Chief know; y^t haveing heard of there being in warlike
Posture, intruded and brought some Christian Prisoners in our Parts, I
have therefore sent you to demand the said Christian Prisoners, brought
by them vnto this Governm^t and to command and forewarne them, from, or
returning into any Pairt of the Government or Confines.

If they should be divided into severall Partyes or Parts, you are then
as you see Cause and have Opportunity, to goe to each, but to make no
longer Stay, in any, than to deliver your Message, and receive such
Prisoners as they shall deliver and refresh and rest yourself, and
without Delay to return and make the best of your Way to me.

      Given under my Hand and Seall in Albany, the 4^{th} March,
      167^{5/6}.

  To GERRIT TEUNISE,
  L^t to Capt. VOLKERT.

  Agrees w^{th} y^e Principall was signed,

                        [Illustration: E. Andross (copy of his signature)]

  Quod Attestor R. LIVINGSTON.




                   _Order to Confine_ WILLIAM LOVERIDGE.

                   [New York Colonial MSS., xxv, p. 90.]


        Copia Vera.

  _By the Governour_:

Whereas Mr. W^m. Loveridge did 2d Instant afore me Magistrates and cheef
Officers of these Pairts, alleadge and confidently affirm that the
North Indians have been lately now this last Winter, supplyed by the
(Dutch as he termed them) Inhabitants of this Place with Ammunition,
notwithstanding the Law and strict Prohibicon; but could not make it
appear by any Evidence, or Circumstance, or named any Persone, whatever,
he could suspect, and therefore was committed, and not haveing yett, and
it being a generall Imputation and Reflexion, you are in his Maj: Name,
further ordered; still to keep the said W^m Loveredge, untill he give
sufficient Security, at the Secretary, or Clerks Office, to answere y^e
same, at the next generall Court of Assizes, and to be in the mean Time
of good Behavior, for which this shall be your sufficient Warrant.

      Given under my Hand in Albany this 11^{th} Day of March 167^{5/6}

                                                   Was signed
                                                               E. ANDROSS.

  To M^r MICHEL SUTON, Sheriffe
  or Scout in Albany.

                                  This is a true Coppy examined by me,
                                                     Ro: LIVINGSTON, Secr.




  _An Order made at Albany about selling of Powder to the Indyans there._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 223.]


  _By the Governour._

Whereas I did in October last past, limite the Sale of Powder in these
Parts to be observed, but the Mahikanders coming now to live among us,
and nearer to this Place, I do hereby allow and order that the Commander,
or two of the Magistrates, may and do, from Time to Time, permitt such
Mahikanders as are already, or shall come to live by us, as above, to buy
and bee supplyd with Powder for their necessary Occasions, not exceeding
1-4 of a Pound at a Time as pr said Order which Leave or Permitts to bee
writt and given out either to Indyans or Christians for them, by the
Secretary or Towne Clarke ex officio gratis.

      Given under my Hand in Albany, this 27^{th} March 1676.

                                                               E. ANDROSS.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 87.]


                                   At a Councell, Aprill y^e 4^{th}, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           Capt. Anthony Brockholes,     The Secretary,
           Capt. William Dyre.           Mr. Fred. Philips.

The Governour returning yesterday from Albany he was pleased to shew to
the Councell severall Papers of the Proceedings above between his Hono^r
and the Maques Indyans, together with a Relation of the Message sent to
the North Indyans.

Resolved, That y^e Wickersecreeke and Long Island Indyans have speedy
Notice of y^e Governo^{rs} Arrivall, that they may bee spoke with.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 87.]


                                   At a Councell, Aprill y^e 8^{th}, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           Capt. Brockholes,      The Secretary,
           Capt. Dyre,            Mr. Philips.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ordered, That all Boates and Vessells that pass through Hell Gate do
take a Permitt from y^e Custom House by Reason of y^e Indian Troubles,
which Permitt (unlesse for Merchandize) to be given _Gratis_ and with all
Dispatch.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 90.]


                                                 Aprill y^e 10^{th}, 1676.

There was a Meeting of the Governo^r and Councell in the Morning upon
Occasion of the Arrivall of M^r Samuell Willis and M^r Will^m Pitkin
with a Letter from the Councell of Connecticott; The Letter being read,
it was not adjudged that the Gentlemen menconed therein were authorized
further than in Complement or for Advice. Thereupon they produced their
Instructions and read them, but no further Authority appearing, the
Governo^r proposed to them to deliver their Minds in writeing, to y^e
which he would likewise returne them Answer in writeing.

Afternoone, Mr. Willis and Mr. Pitkin delivered in their Proposalls in
writeing. To the which after a Consultacon of the Governo^r and Councell,
together with the Mayor and Aldermen, an Answer was made; and publikely
read to the Connecticott Gentlemen, y^e Governo^r and Councell, with
the Mayor and Aldermen being together, and divers Merchants and other
Strangers admitted to bee present.

Ordered, That a faire Copy of what was read be given to the Gentlemen as
an Answer both to the Letter and Proposalls.

The Tenour as follows.


  THE PROPOSALLS.

  To the Hon^{ble} Major Edmond Andros,
  Governo^r of his Highness’e
  Territories in America.

                              AN ANSWER

                              to y^e Proposalls of M^r Samuel
                              Willis, and M^r William Pitkin, in
                              the Name of the Councell of
                              Connecticut, from whom they
                              brought a Letter, dated the first
                              of Aprill most mistaken and ineffectuall.


  S^r. having presented to your
  Hono^r the Letter w^{ch} wee received
  from y^e Secretary of Conecticutt
  Colony, according to our Instructions
  and y^e Import of that Letter as
  Agents sent from the said Councell,
  wee do in their Behalf desire.

                              You are sent Agents to salute, but
                              not authorized or empowered to
                              treate or conclude, by said Councells
                              Letter, or otherwise that appeares.


  First. That y^r Hono^r will please
  to informe us of what Intelligence
  you have, as to y^e State and Place of
  the Enemyes of the Colony of Connecticutt,
  and what Correspondence
  y^e Enemy holds with y^e Maques and
  Sinnekes, and how y^e said Maques
  and Sinnekes stand affected towards
  the said Colony of Connecticutt,
  according as your Hono^r is advertized
  or knoweth.

                              1st. I know of no Commerce or
                              Correspondence w^{th} such Indyans,
                              butt upon the Rumor of your Warre
                              (having made fitting Preparations)
                              when s^d Indyans did approach our
                              Confines, were repulsed by our
                              Indyans, the Maques and Sinnekes,
                              and (as wee are informed) are retreated
                              beyond Connecticutt River,
                              but am ignorant if our Indyans have
                              any particular Knowledge of you,
                              which should bee best known to
                              yourselves.


  Secondly; That your Hono^r will
  advize us what is best to be done
  in exciteing the Maques and Sinnekes
  to prosecute their and our
  Enemys according, as is propounded
  in the said Letter, and what Present
  (if any) you will advize us to give
  them to that End.

                              2^d and 3^d. Having already taken
                              fitting Orders, hope the Maques &c.
                              will do their Dutye as they ought to
                              this Government, on all Occasions,
                              and cannot bee subject to two.


  Thirdly, if your Hono^r advize us
  thereunto, that you will please to
  afford your Aide and Conduct to us
  therein, and an Interpreter, with
  whatelse may in your Hono^{rs} Prudence
  best effectuate y^e same.

  Fourthly, what Liberty your
  Hono^r will grant us to passe to Albany,
  or any other convenient Place
  in your Governm^t to excite y^e said
  Indyans, according to our Instructions
  to proceed against our Enemyes.
     Yo^r hono^{rs} humble Serv^{ts},
           SAM^{LL} WILLIS.
           WILLIAM PITKIN.
     _New Yorke, April 10^{th}, 1676._

                              4th. Thinke it strange that you
                              should aske to treate with any Branch
                              of this Gouernment apart, and upon
                              your own Acc^t and notwithstanding
                              y^e Neighbourhood and all my Endeavours
                              unaskt, that you have hitherto,
                              and still keepe the Concernes
                              of your said Indyan Warre.
                                 _New Yorke, Aprill 10^{th}, 1676._




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 93.]


                                            At a Councell Apr. 23^d, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,       Capt. Dyre,
                       Mr. Philips.

  Before Noone.

The Matter under Consideracon was y^e Receit of two Letters, the one from
Councell of Boston the other from the Councell of Connecticut in answer
to what was sent by M^r. Willis and M^r. Pitkin.

Neither of them being plaine or satisfactory, the Returne of an Answer
was put off till afternoon.

  After Noone.

The Mayo^r being also present with the Governo^r and Councell, it was
concluded that an Answer should be sent by M^r. Daniell Burre (who
brought the Letter from Connecticutt) by Word of Mouth. To the Effect
hereafter written, viz^t:

Resolved, That the Letter of the 18^{th} Instant from the Councell
of Connecticutt, being only gen^{rall} and as formerly no suiteable
Returnes, nor any Trust reposed, it requires no Answer, but shall
continue our Duty without intrenching on our Neighbours.

That an Answer be likewise sent by Word of Mouth for the present to
Boston, by M^r. Richard Pattershall, who is upon his Departure. The which
was accordingly done, but with all Civility.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 94.]


       *       *       *       *       *

                                          At a Councell, May 5^{th}, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           Capt. Brockholes,       The Secretary,
           Capt. Dyre,             Mr. Philips.

Newes being brought from Roade Island by Mr. Joseph Carpenter, of the
great Number of People flockt thither from their Habitations destroyed by
the Indyans, insomuch that the Inhabitants are very much straitened by
their Numbers, and will quickly want Provisions.

It being proposed whether not convenient at this Juncture to send a
Sloope thither to offer them Transportation into this Colony, where they
may have Lands assigned them.

Ordered, That the Governours Sloope being ready, bee forthwith sent to
Rhode Island with Directions to bring as many Passengers as may bee, and
that the Sloopes belonging to Luycas and Christian now bound for Boston,
do call there likewise in coming back, and any other Sloopes to hasten
thither, and take in such Passengers as are willing to come.

Ordered, That upon this extraordinary Occasion of the Warre, and other
late Intelligences, the severall Townes upon Long Island be sent to, to
represent the same unto the Inhabitants in order to a Levy, and to know
what they will give towards a Supply.

       *       *       *       *       *




  _Orders sent to the Townes of the West and North Ridings, by Capt.
  William Dyre, May 8th, 1676._

                   [Warrants, Orders, Passes, iii, 193.]


  _Mr. Constable and Overseers_:

The Warre continuing eastward, in the Manner it is, of w^{ch} daily
sad Tidings, I am now necessitated to represent to you and the whole
Government, and how necessary it is to make a more than ordinary
Provision, to prevent the like Miseryes, ffor which, having already
been at a greater Expence then his Royall Highnesse Revenue in this
Place: I pray you’l take it into yo^r p’sent Consideracons to agree
and order such a suitable Supply for yo^r Towne, as may be proper, for
so an extraordinary Occasion, and that it bee in the Nature of a Rate,
designing to bee received in the same Manner and accompted for to the
Countrey at the Gen^{all} Court of Assizes.

                                        I am,
                                           Yo^r affectionate ffriend,
                                                                E. ANDROS.

This is by Cap^t William Dyre, who is ordered to receive and bring yo^r
Result.

                                              M.[ATTHIAS] N[ICOLLS,] Secr.

Warrants were issued May 13^{th} to the Constables and Overseers of
Hempstead and Flatlands, to appear and answer for Neglect of the above
Orders.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 97.]


                                            At a Councell, May 23^d, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           Capt. Brockholes,      The Secretary,
           Capt. Dyre,            Mr. Philips,
           Mr. Mayor,             Capt. Delavall.

The Matter under Consideracon was about a Letter to be writt to y^e
Governour and Councell of Boston, in answer to theirs of Aprill y^e fifth.

The Letter being read was approved of, and ordered to be sent by Mr.
Mayor, hee being bound for Boston.

       *       *       *       *       *

                                         At a Councell, May 28^{th}, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           Capt. Brockholes,      The Secretary,
           Capt. Dyre,            Mr. Philips,
           Capt. Delavall,        Capt. Salisbury.

Upon the Arrivall of the Governo^{rs} Sloope from Rhode Island, severall
Letters comeing to his Hono^r from thence, Martins Vineyard, and
Nantuckett, relateing to their present Condicon and the Report and
Probability of Boston, makeing a Peace with the North Indyans, upon their
own Account alone; Resolved, That Endeavours be made to putt a Stop to
the Maques farther prosecuting the North Indyans.

That an Order be issued forth for the Redelivery of the Indyans Armes
upon Long Island.


                                      At a Councill May y^e 29^{th}, 1676.

Whereas, being in Peace we have upon Acc^t of our Neighbours Warre,
disarmed all our Indyans upon Long Island, and prohibitted all Canooes
from goeing in the Sound, neither of which our Neighbours have as yett
done, and finding no Cause to continue the same; but rather the Contrary
by our Indyans good Comport, these are therefore to signify the same unto
you, and that you may and are at Liberty to redeliver all Arms taken from
your Indyans, unlesse you see or know Cause to the Contrary: In which
Case you are to detayne them and signify the same unto the Governo^r. But
in either Case to continue carefull Watch and Ward according to former
Orders.


  To the Justices of the Peace, Constables, and Overseers of any of the
  Townes upon Long Island.

Upon Application of Mr. John Pell (one of the Justices of the Peace,)
concerning the Indyans living upon his Land at Anne Hookes Neck, using
their Canooes, contrary to the Order of the Court of Assizes, presumeing
so to doe for that y^e Indians upon Long Neck (neare Stamford in y^e
neighbour Colony) have theirs, and never forbidden them, though in Warre.
Ordered, That Mr. Pell do make Enquiry of the Truth thereof and give an
Account of itt hither. In meane Time upon his Request, the Indians upon
his Land are to have Liberty to make Use of three Canooes about their
Occasions, and if the Justice upon Enquiry do find it practised as is
alleaged, upon his making his Returne thereof to y^e Governour, then they
are to have all their Canooes returned them againe.

Ordered, That all North Indyans that will come in, may be protected, and
a Stop to be put to the Maques further prosecuting s^d North Indyans.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 101.]


                                          At a Councell May 30^{th}, 1676.

Resolved, The Governo^r being intended for Albany the next Weeke
and Capt. Tho. Delavall being now goeing up, that he be desired and
authorized as soon as hee arrives there, to communicate it to Serj^t
Sharpe the present Command^r and with said Sharpe, by Means of Arnold the
Interpreter, send Word to the Maques and Sinnekes of y^e Governo^{rs}
said Coming, and that he desires and orders that some of them will meet
him there, and particularly Carriconty. The said Message to be sent by
a Maques from Albany, who is to be well paid, and no further Mencon to
any others, or Talke thereof at Albany: Also to send Word by some good
Mahicander eastward (who is likewise to be rewarded) that all Indyans
that will come in and submit, shall bee received to live under the
Protection of the Government, and that the Governo^r will bee there
as afore, where any of them may freely come and speake with him, and
returne againe as they see Cause without Molestation.


Memorand^m. That the ffrench do receive North Indyans under their
Protection, and its said that five hundred of them are already there.[1]

That the Governm^t of Conecticutt hath likewise made an Order, at
their late Gen^{rall} Court, that any Indyans that will come in shall
be received, have Land assigned them, and be protected under their
Government.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Emigration of Iroquois to Canada and Settlement at La Praire,
occurred about this Time.--ED.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 103.]


                               At a Meeting of the Councell in the Absence
                               of the Governour, June 10, 1676.

  Present, Capt. Brockoles,        The Secretary,
           Capt. Dyre,             Mr. Philips.

Mr. Pell having upon Enquiry made Returne that it hath been and still is
practised by y^e Indyans on Long Neck, &c., to have their Canooes, the
following Order was made.

The Wyckerscreeke Indyans having made Suite to the Governo^r that the
Restraint of their going into and passing to and fro in y^e Sound in
Canooes may be taken off, in regard to their planting on Mr. Pells Land
at Anne Hoockes Neck[1] or y^e Islands adjacent; Upon Consideration of
their good Comport, and also for that y^e Indyans in the neighbour Colony
of Conecticutt have hitherto beene, and are now permitted the Use of
their Canooes, it is Ordered, That our said Indyans of Wickerscreeke have
Liberty to make Use of their Canooes, in the Sound, or any other Part
within the Government, Long Island excepted.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] In the present Town of Pelham, Westchester County. _See_ _Bolton’s
Westchester_, i, 515.




                            _Council Minutes._

                  [Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 104.]


                                             At a Councell, July 26, 1676.

  Present, The Governour,
           The Secretary,         Capt. Dyre.

A Letter being brought from the Governo^r and Councell of Conecticott,
giving Notice of the North Indians tending towards Hudsons River,

An Answer was sent to it, declaring y^e Improbability of what was
suggested by them.




[Illustration: (decorative banner)]


                         Record of a Court Martial
                                  HELD AT
                      NEWPORT, R. I. in August, 1676,
                                  FOR THE
              _Trial of_ INDIANS _charged with being engaged
                        in_ PHILIP’S _Designs_.[1]

                                            Newport, August 24^{th}, 1676.

The Names of the Members of the Court Martiall.

      Mr. Walter Clarke, Governour,
      Major John Crayton, Dept. Governour,
      Mr. John Coggeshall, Assistant,
      Mr. James Barker, Assistant,
      Mr. John Easton, Assistant,
      Mr. William Harris, Assistant,
      Capt. Arthur ffenner, Assistant,
      Mr. Thomas Borden, Assistant,
      Mr. Joshua Coggeshall, Assistant,
      Mr. William Cadman, Assistant,
      Capt. Randall Houlden, Assistant,
      Mr. Samuell Gorton, Jun., Assistant,
      Edward Richmond, Secretary,
      Capt. Edmund Calverly, Attorney General,
      James Rogers, Gen. Sergeant,
      Henry Lilly, Marshall and Cryer.

      _Military Officers._

  Capt. Peleg Sanford,       Left. Latham Clark
  Capt. Roger Williams,      Left. ffrancis Gis
  Capt. Samuell Wilbore,     Left. Ireh Bull,
  Capt. John Albro,          Ensn. Weston Clark
  Capt. Edmund Calverly,     Ensn. James Barker
  Capt. John ffoanes,        Ensn. Caleb Arnold
  Left. Edward Richmond,     Ensn. Hugh Mosher,
  Left. John Green,          Ensn. John Potter.
  Left. William Correy,

I Edmund Calverly, Attorney Generall, in the Behalfe of our Soveraigne
Lord the King Charles the second, of England, Scotland, France and
Ireland, King, &c. Doe impeach the Quanpen otherwise Sowagonish, an
Indian Sachim, relating to the Narragansett Country in the Collony of
Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations in New England, for these sundry
Crimes following, namely: ffor being disloyall to his said Majesty sundry
Ways.

Videleset. ffor that thou hast not faithfully adheared to the Government
established in this said Collony by his said Majesty, but hast
rebelliously adheared to Indians of another Collony called Plymoth,
namely, Philip chiefe Sachem of the Indians in that said Collony,
whoe with his Indians did within sixteen Months past trayterously,
rebelliously, royetously and routously arm, weapon, and array themselves
with Swords, Guns and Staves, &c., and have killed and bloodely muthered
many of his said Majestys good Subjects, who lived peaceably under the
sundry Governments to which they did belong.

Butt more partikularly thou hast through thy wicked bloody Minde and
trayterous, rebellious, roietous and routous Acts, with Swords, Guns,
Staves, &c., in thy owne Person, within this his Maj^{ties} Collony, and
many great Companys of Indians with the, some of them yett unknowne,
armed and arrayed as aforesaid, didst doe great Damage to our soveraigne
Lord the King, by killing his Subjects, burning their Houses, killing and
driving away their Cattell, and many more Outrages of that Nature, have
been by the and thy Confederats done and committed, all against the Peace
of our soveraigne Lord the King, his Crowne and Dignity, for all which
Acts of thine, I doe on the Behalfe of his said Majesty, impeatch the as
a Rebell in the Face of this Court, and pray Justice against thee the
said Quanapen, otherwise Sowagonish, &c.

                                                  EDWARD CALVERLY,
                                                        Attorney Generall.

  Dated at a Court Martiall held in Newport,
  y^e 24^{th} of August, 1676.


Quanopen owned, that he among the Rest was in Armes against the English
Nation, and that he was at the swamp Fight, and that he had nothing to
say against the Indians burning and distroying Pettacomscutt, and that he
was at the Assaulting of Mr. William Carpenters Garisson at Pawtuxet,[2]
and that he was in Armes at Nashaway, and did asist in difsroyinge and
burninge the Towne, and takeinge and carrying away the Englifh Captives
to the Number of about 20.

Voted. Guilty of the Charge, and that he shall be shott to death in this
Towne on the 26th Instant, at about one of the Clock in the Afternoone.

An Indian with one Eye, Quanopens Brother saith his Brother Quanopen was
a Comander in the Warr, but he was not, he being soe defective in his eye
Sight, that he was incapable.

Voted, that at present Judgment is suspended.


  August 25^{th}.

Sunkeecunasuck upon his Examination owneth, that he was at the burning
and destroying of Warwick, and that Wenunaquabin, an Indian that is now
in Prison, was at the burning and distroying Warwick with him, at the
same Time, and that his Brother Quanopin, was the second Man in Comand in
the Narragansett Cuntry, that he was the next to Nenanantenentt.

And Nechett, an Indian, owned that he saw Sunkeecunasuck at Warwick, and
that he was instrumentall in chief in saveing his Life.

Voted guilty of the Charge, and to suffer Death, the same Time and Place
with his Brother.

Ashamattan, upon his Examination, owneth that his Brother Quanapin, had
some of the Wampanooage with him, and that his Brother Quanapin had many
Indians under his Comand, but Nenanantenentt was counted the chiefest of
the two, and that they had recrute of Powder latly from the Dutch.

Voted that present Judgement is suspended.

Wenanaquabin of Pawtuxett saith, that he was not at the wounding of John
Scott, but was at that Time living at Abiah Carpenters, and he could
cleer him. Abiah Carpenters being sent for, before his Face saith, that
he went away from their House some Time in May, 1675, and did not see
him againe, nor could heare of him till towards Winter, which he saith
is true. The laid Wenanaquabin further saith, that he did not come to
Warwick till Night after the Towne was burned, and after owned that he
saw Nechett an Indian there. The said Nechett, to his Face afirmed that
he saw him at Warwick at the burning the Towne with his Gun, about Noone.
The said Wenanaquabin also confesseth, that he was at the Fight with
Capt. Turner, and there lost his Gun, and swam over a River to save his
Life.[3]

Voted guilty of the Charge, and that he shall be putt to Death after the
same Manner, and Time and Place as Quanopin.

John Wecopeak, on his Examination saith, that he was never out against
the English, but one Time with other Narragansett Indians about the
Month of March last, against a Towne upon Conecticutt River called in
Indian Pewanasuck, and at that Time their Company burned a Barne and two
dwelling Houses, and killed two Englishmen, and that he was not at the
burninge of Pettacomscutt, but was at that Time with Indian John, William
Heiffermans Man, removeinge their Wigwams, but shortly after he was sent
downe by the Sachems to fetch off two dead Indians from thence, and saith
that Georg Crafts Wife was shott with a Slugg, and chopt in some Parts
of her Body with a Hatchett, and saith she did not crye hoe. Also saith,
that he was at the Fight with Capt. Turner, and run away by Reason the
Shott came as thick as Raine, but said alsoe, that he was at a great
Distance. Butt John Godfree and William Heifferman saith, that he the
said Wecopeak told them, that he saw Capt. Turner, and that he was shott
in the Thigh, and that he knew it was him, for the said Turner said that
was his Name.

Voted guilty of the Charge, and to dye as the others.

Anashawin of Narragansett denyeth, that he layed Hands on John Green of
Narragansett, occasioned about the Death of a dumb Boy, although afirmed
by three Witnesses to his Face, to wit: Mr. Thomas Gould, John Andra and
Daniel Green.

The Court adjourned till Thursday next at ten of the Clock in the
Morning, being the 31^{st} of this Instant.

Before the Court Martiall the 31^{st} of August, 1676.

Quonaehewacout saith, that he was informed that all the Sachims was at
the takeing and burning of Ireh Bulls Garrison.[4]

Manasses Molasses, called and answered to the Name, being examined
concerning Low Howland, kild at Pocasset[5] Side (being an Englishman)
and slaine or murdered by the Indians, and this Mollasses being charged
or suspected to have a Hand in the Crime, answers, that he did not kill
him, but being in the Woods, the Indians came and said such a one was
kild, and offered to sell the Coate of the Person soe murdered or slaine,
and that he the said Mollasses bought the Coate (of the said dead Man)
for ground Nuts, and further saith, that it was one Quasquomack kild the
said Howland.

This Deponent, John Cook, aged about forty-five Yeares, testefyeth, being
at Punckatest, in the Midle of July, or thereabout, did ask of severall
Indians, named as followeth: Woodcock, Matowat, and Job, whome they were,
that kild Low Howland, the fores^d Indians’ Answer was, that there was
six of them in Company, and Manasses was the Indian that fetcht him out
of the Water. ffurther this Deponant saith not.

This Deponant, John Brigs, aged thirty-five Yeares or thereabout,
testefyeth to the above written Testamony, and alsoe, that the said
Manasses shot at Joseph Russell, as the Indians, first above named
relate, and ffurther this Deponent saith not.

Taken before me this 25^{th} of August, 1676.

                                                      W^M. CADMAN, Assist.


This Deponant William Manchester, aged twenty and two Yeares, or
thereabout, being at Pocasset, asked of Peter Nonoet, the Husband of
Wetamoe, whoe it was that killed Low Howland, his Answer was, that
Manasses fetcht him out of the Water, and further saith not.

Taken before me, W^M. CADMAN, Asist., Aug^{st} 25^{th}, 1676.

Court adjourned until to-morrow Morning, eight of the Clock.


  Sept^r 1^{st}, 1676. The Court called.

Awetamoes Sister being examined, what she could say concerning the
killing of Low Howland, she saith, she was informed by one of those that
was at his killing, called Ohom, that this abovs^d Molasses was the
Person that fetcht Low Howland out of the Water, at the Time he was kild,
although the Indians that were with them perswaded him not to persue
him, and alsoe further saith, that she knoweth him the s^d Mollases to
be one of the 12, that was of that Company, that took and kild the said
Howland.

Mumuxuack alias Toby, being charged for Suspition of killing or
assisting, or being in the Company of them that killed John Archer. Upon
his Examination saith that he was one of four at the killing of John
Archer and his Sonn, but he was with one more, that was about tenn Rod
Distance, and that the other called whether they should shoot, or not,
but did shoot; but after, the said Mamuxack said, being over-perswaded,
and threatned by his Brother to carry away John Archers Head, he did doe
it to Awetamoe[6] by Reason his Brother threatened him, if he refused to
take off his Head, and that he carryed the Head to Awetamoe, and that his
Brother gave him a Shirt for soe doeing, for carrying the Head.

Jack Havens saith that he heard the Indians say, that John Archer had
like to have escaped, by takeing hold of Mamuxuats Brother called
Whaweapunet his Hatchett: but that he, the s^d Mamuxuat came behind the
s^d Archer, and struck him on the Head with his Hatchitt, and soe they
kild him.

Wechuncksum, alias Abram, saith, that he well knoweth the above s^d
Molasses, and that he heard at the Spring of the Yeare last, being then
at Wachusett,[7] there was then Information given, what Execution had
lately been done against the English, amongst which was afirmed, that the
above s^d Malasses had latly killed an Englishman at Pocasset.

Suckats Squa, that lives with Daniel Wilcocks, saith, that she heard the
above s^d Malasses say, being askt, or examined by the Indians at the
Spring of the Yeare last, towards Wachusett, whether he had latly killed
an Englishman at Pocassett, he answered that he had done it.

Whawinuckshin, Serj^t Roger’s Man, being examined saith that he was at
Thomas Gould’s Garrison, and the Occasion of his cominge was to bury his
Father, or help bury him, and there found severall Indians upon their
Gard, but stayed not long there, but emediatly came away.

Voted that Serj^t Rogers shall have his Indian Man home with him,
provided that the said Indian shall be brought forth, if required, which
the said Serj^t Rogers doe in the Face of the Court, engage to doe.

The Court adjourned till tomorrow Morning at eight of the Clock.


The following Record is, probably, a Copy of a Letter, addressed by the
Court Martial to Walter Clarke, of Newport, the Governour.[8]

                            (Place and Date, probably)
                                          Newport, R. I., August 31, 1676.

  “SIR:

  The Court adjourned till tomorrow Morning at eight of the C’ck. The
  Letter sent by the Governour of Plymouth to yourselfe, and by yourselfe
  to us bearing Date August 28, last past, purporating the Massachusetts
  and New Plymoths Demand of Indians on this Island, &c., an Answer
  to which Concerne in a speciall Manner yo^r selfe, and need of all
  Expedition for divers Reasons, besides Safety and Charge. Wee therefore
  pray your Presence at the usiall Place of Meeting this Day to consider
  what Answer, or to require a full Apearance of the Councell, or
  otherwise, as you please; with Speed doe what seems best to you; we are
  redy to doe our Service to the publick Peace and Safety.”

The Letter of the Governor of Plymouth to the Governor of Rhode Island is
as follows:

  “These are to certefy all whome it may Concerne that Capt. Benjamin
  Church is authorized and fully empowered by the Authority of this
  Collony of New Plymoth, in the Name of the said Collony, and for their
  Use and Benefitt, to demand and receive of the Governo^r and Authority
  of Rhode Island, all such of our Indian Enemys, whether Men, Women,
  or Children, as whilst our forces were abroad ranging, the adjacent
  Parts of our Collony, in Pursute of the said Enemyes, were received
  by, and are entertained upon the s^d Island. And having received them,
  he is ordered to guard and conduct them to Plymoth afores^d and alsoe
  impowred to sell and dispose of such of them, and soe many as he shall
  see Cause for, there: to the Inhabitants, or others, for Term of Life,
  or for shorter Time, as there may be Reasons. And his actinge, herein,
  shall at all Times be owned and justefyed by the said Collony.

                                 [Plymoth]
                                      August 28, ’76.
                                             Pr. JOSIAH WINSLOW, Go^{vr}.”


Voted, That Malasses and Mamuxuat and Quanachuagat are ordered to be
delivered out of the Prison to Capt. Benjamin Church, and seven more to
be delivered to Capt. Anthony Low, whoe have engaged to transport them
out of the Collony, and that they shall not returne here againe, and one
more to be at the Dispose of Henry Lilly, which he receives in full
Satisfaction for his Attendance at this Court, and to be transported, as
the other to Capt. Low; and that, at or before the Delivery of these the
Mashall shall take all their Names, and give Returne thereof to the Clerk
of this present Court.

Whereas it is reported that divers Indians are now brought to Newport,
and severall upon the main Land, neer Shores of Rhode Island, wee doe
therefore declare, and in his Majesty’s Name require, that noe Indian,
either great or small, be landed on any Part of Rhode Island aforesaid,
or any Island in the Narragansett Bay, upon the Penalty, as formerly
imposed upon such Offenders; and they shall be taken as being contemney
of the Authorety of this Collony; Always, provided that bee, or may bee,
upon just Cause detected, he, or they, at all Times, shall be lyable to
be brought forth to answer the same, by Warrant from the Governor or
Dept. Govern^{or}, or any two Assistants.

  Dated at a Court Martiall held in Newport,
  on Rhode Island, August 24^{th}, 1676.

                                    Pr. EDW^D RICHMOND, Sec^{ry}
                                                             to the Court.

Voted, That the Dept. Governo^r shall have Copys of the Transactions of
this Court between this and the next Sitting.

Voted, That the Court is adjourned till the 25^{th} this Instant, except
the Dept. Governour shall see Cause to call the s^d Court in the Intrim,
between this and the 25^{th} of this Instant, as afores^d and upon any
such Occasion the Dept. Govo^r have full Power to call a Court Martiall
as aforesaid.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Narragansetts and Wampanogas, at first friendly to Rhode Island,
becoming exasperated against all the English by the Outrages committed
by the New England Troops upon defenceless Women, Children and old Men,
attacked Bull’s Garrison in South Kingstown, and afterwards Warwick and
Providence, wreaking their Vengeance upon all who fell in their Way. It
was accordingly decided by the major Part of the Government to hold a
Court Martial for the Trial of several Indians that had been captured by
the Rhode Island Troops. This Court was formed August 23d, in accordance
with the Powers granted in their Charter “to Exercise the Law Martiall in
such Cases as Occasions shall necessarily require, and upon just Cause,
to invade and destroy the native Indians and other Enemies of the said
Colony.”

The Course pursued by Rhode Island towards their Indian Prisoners, was
however lenient as compared with that of the other New England Colonies.

The Town Authorities of Providence on the 14th of August, 1676, disposed
of a Number of Indian Captives upon the following Conditions, recommended
by a Committee consisting of Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, Sen., Thomas
Angell, Thomas Field and John Whipple, Jun.

  All Indians under 5 to serve till 30.
  Above 5 and under 10, till 28.
  Above 10 to 15, till 27.
  Above 15 to 20, till 26.
  From 20 to 30 to serve 8 Years.
  All above 30 to serve 7 Years.

The Rhode Island General Assembly in March, 1676, forbade Slavery of the
Indians, and enacted a Law by which they could only be made to serve for
a limited Time, for the paying of Debts, fulfilling of Covenants and
defraying the Expense of bringing up.

We are indebted to Dr. David King of Newport, R. I., for this Record,
which is copied from the Original, and now for the first Time
printed.--ED.

[2] William Carpenter’s House was attacked by about three hundred
Indians, January 27, 1676. The House was fired, but the Flames were
extinguished by those within. The Indians drove off a large Amount of
Stock. _Drake’s B. of Indians_, 220.--ED.

[3] Capt. William Turner of Boston, having been but a short Time
stationed at Northampton, was on the 14th of March, 1676, attacked by the
Indians, but succeeded in repelling them. On the 18th of May, with Capt.
Samuel Holyoke, of Springfield, and 180 Men, he surprised a large Party
of the Enemy at the Falls above Deerfield, and succeeded in destroying
about three hundred with the Loss of only one Man. Upon returning, the
Party met with a Series of Disasters, and Captain Turner, with about
thirty of his Men were slain in crossing Green River. _Holland’s Western
Massachusetts_, i, 113-124. _Drake’s Boston_, 419.

[4] The Garrison of Mr. Jerah Bull was taken by the Indians, December 16,
1675, and all the People slain, seventeen in Number.--ED.

[5] Now Tiverton.

[6] Probably the same as Weetamoo, mentioned on Pages 13, 14. She was
found dead in Taunton River, August 6, 1676.--ED.

[7] Princeton, Massachusetts.

[8] Walter Clarke was a Friend, and with others of that Denomination, at
that Time quite large on Rhode Island, was opposed to the War against the
Indians. He felt a deep Interest in the Natives, and with his Friend John
Easton, believed that the Calamities of King Phillip’s War might have
been prevented by a Negotiation or Arbitration. Walter Clarke is said
to have incensed the People of Providence and Warwick, who were fierce
to fight, by refusing to issue military Commissions, or in the Language
of Friends, Commissions “to kill and destroy Men.” It does not appear
that he attended the Court Martial, and he probably, refused to sit in
Judgment on the poor persecuted and wronged Natives.

This Letter was probably addressed to Gov. Clarke, by the sitting Members
of the Court Martial, viz: the Deputy Governor, Major John Cranston;
seven out of the nine Assistants, viz: James Barker, Wm. Harris, Arthur
Fenner, Joshua Coggeshall, William Cadman, Randall Houlden and Samuel
Gorton, and probably the military Officers before mentioned. John
Coggeshall, John Easton and Thomas Borden, were the remaining three
Assistants. _Dr. David King, of Newport, R. I._




[Illustration: (decorative banner)]


INDEX.


  Abram, 185.

  Achter Call, 117.

  Affection, striking Display of, 28.

  Agents of Connecticut, 155, 156.

  Albany, 71, 90, 100, 101, 114, 120, 122, 125, 129, 136, 147, 151,
        152, 157, 167.

  Albro Capt. John, 174.

  Alderman, 142.

  Alexander, Philip’s Brother, 3, 13.

  Ambuscade, 25.

  Ammunition sent to Nantucket, 58.
    to Martha’s Vineyard, 59.

  Anashawin, 181.

  Andra John, 181.

  Andros Gov. E., 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 61, 65, 75, 77,
        78, 81, 88, 89, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 110,
        113, 118, 119, 125, 131, 139, 149, 151, 156, 162.

  Andros Gov. E., Letters of, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 56, 65, 67, 77, 80,
        88, 89, 100, 102, 104, 109, 113, 117, 119, 124, 130.
    Fac Simile of Signature of, 47, 53, 54, 59, 67, 81, 99, 108, 128,
        131, 148, 149.

  Anne Hooke’s Neck, 64, 94, 166, 169.

  Appeals to Gov. and Council, 57.

  Appleton Capt., 143.

  Arbitration, 8, 15, 62, 186.

  Archer John, 184, 185.

  Arms, the Indians taught the Use of, 9.

  Arms to be taken, 96, 97, 111.
    may be loaned for Hunting, 112.
    taken away, 9, 25.
    detained by R. I., 129, 130.
    given up, 8, 72.

  Army in Pursuit of Indians, 28.

  Arnold Benedict, Letters to, 33, 36.
    William, 54.
    the Interpreter, 166.
    Ens. Caleb, 174.

  Arrest of Alexander, 13.

  Ashamattan, 178.

  Aspersion of Boston Gov’t, 136.

  Assawomsett Pond, 2.

  Assistant of Rhode Island, 2.

  Assizes, Court of, 88, 90, 92, 94, 106.

  Attorney General of R. I., 2, 174, 177.

  Awashonks, 18, 20.

  Awetamoe’s Sister, 183, 184.


  Backsliding acknowledged, 133.

  Baker Mr., 117.

  Baltimore Charles, Lord, 124.

  Barker Ens. James, 173, 174, 186.

  Barrington, 12.

  Bayley Capt., 81.

  Bayly Joseph, 70.

  Beavers, Value of as Money, 115.

  Becher Mr., 86.

  Belcher Andrew, 51.

  Bible, Parts translated into Indian, 87.

  Biographical Notes:
    Alexander, 13.
    Easton John, 2.
    Easton Nicholas, 1.
    James Rev. Thomas, 87.
    Pynchon Major John, 100.
    Sassamon John, 3.
    Uncas, 42.

  Bishops and Ceremonies, 133.

  Block Houses, 74, 75, 82, 88, 92, 93, 94, 98, 107, 138.
    at Mad Man’s Neck, 107.

  Block Island, 33.

  Boats wanted, 16, 26.

  Bone broken, well set, strengthens the Limb, 38.

  Borden, Thomas, 174, 186.

  Boston, 8, 22, 26, 51, 54, 62, 84, 120, 121, 132, 136, 137, 142,
        145, 158, 159, 161, 164, 165, 179.
    Prisoner tortured at, 22.

  Boundary Controversy, 44, 51, 52.

  Boundary R. I. and Ct., 62.

  Bounties on Indians, 26.

  Briggs John, 182.

  Briggs Sergeant, 68.

  Bristol, 12.

  Broadstreet Simon, 133.

  Brockholls, Capt. Anthony, 9, 44, 64, 69, 71, 82, 100, 102, 119,
        153, 154, 158, 164, 169.

  Brookhaven, 65.

  Bull Capt., 44.

  Bull Lieut. Ireh, 174.
    Garrison of, 173, 181.

  Burning of English Houses, 2, 19, 42, 177, 178, 179, 180.

  Burre Daniel, 158.


  Cadman William, 174, 183.

  Caggeshall John, 173.

  Callender, 29.

  Calverly Edmund, Att’y Gen. R. I., 174, 177.

  Canada, 124, 168.

  Cannon sent for, 82.
    belonging to Esopus, 104.

  Canoes seized, 19.
    taken away, 76.
    stopped, 109.
    to be laid up, 92, 94, 110.
    to take out Certificates, 91.
    to be restored, 165, 166.

  Canticos (see Kintecoy).

  Captives taken at Nashaway, 177.
    examined (Tho. Warner), 143.

  Carriconty, 167.

  Carpenter Abiah, 179.

  Carpenter Joseph, 160.

  Carpenter Wm’s Garrison, 177.

  Carterett, Governor’s Letter to, 48.
    Gov. Philip, 90.

  Catechism translated, 87.

  Cattle trespass upon Indians, 14, 15.
    killed, 16.

  Cavalry employed, 19.

  Chambers Capt. James, 91, 104.

  Chief Magistrates, 57, 59, 60, 61.

  Christian Prisoners, 148.

  Christianity opposed by Ind., 10, 42.

  Christian Indians 3, 10.

  Christ’s Teachings, 134.

  Church Benjamin, 18, 20, 187, 188.

  Clarke John, 62.
    Lieut. Latham, 174.
    Walter, 173, 186.
    Ens. Weston, 174.

  Coat of murdered Indian, 4.
    White, 182.

  Coddington Wm., Gov., 130, 135, 145.

  Coddington burial Place, 2.

  Codrington R., 63.

  Coggeshall John, 186.
    Joshua, 174.

  Collyer John, 49.

  Commissioners (see United Colonie).

  Compton, 18, 20.

  Conference with Philip, 5, 6, 7, 8.

  Confession of Prisoners, 4, 5.

  Connecticut, 26, 28, 42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 62, 64, 89, 100,
        111, 113, 143, 145, 146, 148, 155, 156, 157, 158, 168, 169,
        171, 180.

  Conspiracy formed, 14.

  Cook, John, 182.

  Corn given by Indians, with Instructions how to plant, 12.
    destroyed by Cattle, 14.

  Cornell Richard, 91, 107.

  Coroner’s Inquest, 1.

  Correy Lieut. William, 174.

  Council Minutes:
    July 4, 1675, 44.
    July 24, 64.
    September 10, 71.
    September 14, 72.
    September 15, 72.
    September 28, 82.
    October 23, 111.
    October 24, 114.
    November 8, 120.
    December 22, 129.
    January 17, 167^{5/6}, 136.
    February 24, 142.
    February 26, 146.
    April 4, 1676, 153.
    April 8, 154.
    April 10, 155.
    April 23, 1676, 158.
    May 5, 160.
    May 23, 164.
    May 29, 165.
    May 30, 167.
    June 10, 169.
    July 26, 171.

  Court of Assizes, 57, 88, 90, 92, 106, 139, 162, 166.

  Courts, General, 57, 162, 166.

  Court Martial, Newport, 173.
    may be called, 190.

  Craft George, Wife of, murdered, 180.

  Cranston Major John, 186.

  Crayton John, 173.

  Cruelties, 22.

  Cuddeback Gen., 20.

  Currency of the Colony, 115.


  Dances, Indian, 34, 126.
    (See Kintecoy).

  Dartmouth, 21.

  David, an Indian, 2.

  Death of Alexander, 12, 13, 14.
    of Sassamon, 2, 16.
    of Philip, 6.
    of Weetamoo, 184.
    of George Craft’s Wife, 180.
    of Capt. Turner, 181.
    of Low Howland, 182, 183, 184.
    of John Archer, 184, 185.

  Deerfield, 180.

  Deerskins presented to Governor, 76.

  Defection among Indians, 38.
    (See Plots, Rumors, &c.)

  Delaval, Capt. Thomas, 164, 166.

  Delaware, 54.

  Denton, 126.

  Deputy Governor of R. I., 2.

  Dobb’s Ferry, 109.

  Dogs Quarrels, 8.
    proposed to worry Indians, 28.

  Dragoons, 26.

  Drunkenness, 13.

  Duffels Coat of, given Indian, 76.

  Duke of York, 57, 84.
    Patent extends to Ct., 44, 51.

  Dumb Boy, 181.

  Dutch, 145, 150.
    charged with furnishing Powder, 179.

  Dyre Capt. Wm., 64, 71, 82, 111, 114, 120, 129, 136, 146, 153,
        154, 158, 160, 162, 163, 164, 169, 171.


  Easthampton, 56, 58, 72, 78, 79, 85, 87, 96, 117.

  East River, 64.

  Easton, John, 174, 186.
    Nicholas, 1.
    Peter, 1.

  Eclipse, Lunar, 19.

  Eliot, Indian Missionary, 3, 11.

  England, 133.

  English under one King, 10.
    trespass upon Indians, 14.
    the first Aggressors, 12.
    torture an Indian, 22.

  Epidemic among Indians, 12.

  Esopus, 91, 104, 115, 116.

  Execution of Indians, 4.

  Express from Nantucket, 47, 48, 49, 51, 53, 82, 101, 136.
    Major Pynchon, 122.


  Fac Simile Signatures, Edmund Andros, 47, 53, 54, 59, 67, 81, 99,
        108, 128, 131, 149.
    John Easton, 31.
    Fran Lovelace, 39.
    John Stanton, 141.

  Famine, 12.

  Fast proclaimed by New England Colonies, 132.

  Fences unknown with Indians, 15.

  Fenner Capt. Arthur, 174, 186.

  Fine imposed upon Philip, 8.

  Fire Arms (see Arms).

  Flatland, 162.

  Flushing, 77.

  Foanes Capt. John, 174.

  Fortifications to be made, 73, 74, 75, 88, 92, 98, 101, 107.

  Fort Neck, 117.

  Frauds in purchasing Lands, 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14.

  French, 145.
    receive North Indians, 168.


  Gardner Richard, 59.
    John, 59.

  Gauntlet, Quakers to run, 134.

  General Courts, 57.

  Ghekonna Counselor, 85.

  Gisborn Lieut. Francis, 174.

  Godfree John, 181.

  Gookin, 11.

  Gorton Samuel Jr., 174.

  Gospel sold, 31.

  Gould Thomas, 63, 181.
    Garrison of, 185.

  Governor and Council (see Council Minutes).

  Gratuities expected for Lands, 7.

  Great Neck, 107.

  Green Daniel, 181.
    John, 174, 181.

  Green River, 180.

  Greenburgh, 109.

  Greenwich, 89.

  Grievances of Indians, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15.

  Guns from a Wreck, 56.
    (see Arms).


  Hackensack, 76.

  Hadley, 102, 145.

  Hall George, 91.

  Halter broken at Execution, 5.

  Hampton, 1.

  Harlem, 109.

  Harris Thomas, 175.
    William, 174, 186.

  Hartford, 49, 89, 96, 101, 145.

  Harvard College, 3.

  Harvest Dance, 34.

  Hasley, 26.

  Hatfield attacked, 143.

  Havens Jack, 184.

  Heathen may be destroyed, 5.
    Apprehensions of, 36.

  Heifferman William, 180, 181.

  Hell Gate, 92, 93, 94, 154.

  Hempstead 76, 107, 119, 162.

  Hicks Thomas, 107, 119.

  Hireling Priests, 31.

  Holland, 133.

  Holyoke Capt. Samuel, 179.

  Horses trespass upon Indians, 14.

  Hospital prepared, 134.

  Hostages given, 14, 21, 64, 76.

  Hostilities commenced, 6, 16, 17, 40, 41, 46.

  Houlden Capt. Randall, 174.

  Houses burned, 2, 19, 42, 177, 178, 179, 180.

  House of Correction for Quakers, 134.

  Howell Capt. John, 77, 96, 97.

  Howland Low, 182, 183, 184.

  Hudson River, 109, 171.

  Huntington, 128.

  Hutchinson Capt., 40.


  Imprisonment of Wm. Loveridge, 150.

  Indians, one of the, found dead, 1.
    taught the Use of Firearms, 9.
    hung, 4.
    admitted as Jurors, 10.
    complain of Injustice, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 22.
    receive English kindly, 12.
    Grievances, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 22.
    Plots, 5, 6, 23, 33, 34, 36, 54, 68.
    one of Kings of to be Arbitrator, 9.
    Criminal Law of, 10.
    give Lands to the English, 7.
    oppose Christianity, 10, 42.
    one of beheaded, 28.
    one of decreped and borne off on Son’s Back, 28.
    desire Peace, 29.
    Festivities of, 34, 126, 127.
    disaffected, 38.
    Rebellion of, 49.
    Aggression upon, 51, 54, 57.
    not to be disturbed, 71.
    Visit the Governor, 76.
    cheated, 14 (see Frauds).
    intoxicated, 13, 15.
    injured by Trespasses, 14.
    Conspiracy formed, 14.
    Hostilities premature, 14.
    unaccustomed to Fences, 15.
    begin Hostilities, 6, 16, 17, 40, 41, 46.
    one of the, killed by a Lad, 16.
    a Queen among friendly, 17, 18, 20, 22.
    Expedition against, ineffectual, 19.
    escape, 19, 21.
    hold a Treaty, 20, 21.
    forced to a Treaty, 21.
    sold as Slaves, 21, 22, 25, 28.
    tortured, 22, 144.
    torture English, 22.
    Queen, 22.
    warn English of Danger, 24.
    wish not to begin the War, 24.
    attacked, 25, 27, 28.
    disarmed, 25, 64, 65, 66, 96, 97, 111, 137, 138.
    Forbearance of, 25.
    Bounties offered for, 26.
    to receive Justice, 73, 80, 81, 96, 97, 139, 147.
    deprived of Canoes, 76, 93, 94.
    receive Presents, 76.
    bring Presents to Governor, 76.
    one of the, sent as Express, 77, 78, 80, 83.
    Arms restored to certain, 79, 119, 165.
    idle Rumors concerning to be punished, 80.
    Express from Nantucket, concerning, 82.
    Strength of on Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard, 82.
    Sachem of Montauk, Memorial in Behalf of, 83.
    friendly to English, 83.
    desire Protection, 84.
    religious Teachings among, 86.
    Books translated for, 87.
    Rumors of Attack upon Hartford, 89, 101.
    rumored Attack, Nevesans, 90.
    Vote on selling Powder and Shot to, 91.
    Liquors to be withheld from, 91, 106.
    to obtain Passes, 94.
    to be protected, 96, 147.
    Powder may be sold to, 103, 152.
    in Arms in Stanford, 104.
    Powder to be withheld from, 106, 114, 115.
    Canoes stopped, 109.
    Mohegan, 114.
    at Esopus, fears of, 116.
    Rumors of Hostilities, 116.
    none live on Staten Island, 117.
    Susquehanna, 124.
    special Warrant for disarming, 126.
    Kintecoys of, 126.
    Revels of, 126.
    not to ramble from their Homes, 138.
    Pequot, 140, 141.
    pursued and slain, 140, 141.
    attack Hatfield, 143.
    torture a Prisoner, 144.
    French, 145.
    allowed to plant on Manhattan Island, 147.
    notified of Gov.’s Arrival, 153.
    Connecticut sends Agents with Proposals to engage, 156, 157.
    Canoes to be restored, 165, 169.
    summoned to meet Gov., 167.
    North River, received by French, 148.
    allowed to pass on Sound, 169.
    indicted, 174.
    sold for limited Period, 175.
    sentenced to be shot, 177, 178, 180, 181.
    Great Falls Fight with, 179.
    Prisoners demanded by Plymouth, 187, 188.
    transported, 188, 189.

  Indictment of Indians, 174.

  Infantry employed, 19.

  Innovations, 31.

  Instructions to Frank Lee, 60.

  Instructions to Mr. Welch, 53.

  Intercourse with Boston suspended, 142.

  Interview with Philip, 5, 6, 7, 8.

  Interpreter, Arnold, 166.

  Ipswich, 1.

  Iroquois, Emigration of, 168.

  Israelites destroyed for Wickedness, 5.


  Jamaica, 65, 76.

  James II, 57.

  James Rev. Thomas, 87.

  Jealousy between Whites and Indians, 5, 6, 8, 23, 24, 33, 34.

  Jesuit among Mohawks, 125.

  Job, an Indian, 182.

  John, an Indian, 180.

  Justice to be granted to Indians, 73.


  Kennebec, 57.

  King Charles II, 7, 29, 174.

  King Dr. David, 175, 186.

  Kingstown, 62, 63, 104.

  Kintecoy, 126, 127.

  Knapton Cæsar, 103, 114.


  Land, Frauds in purchasing, 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14.

  La Praire, 168.

  Lawrence James, 44, 64, 71, 82.

  Lead to be withheld, 114.

  Lee Franck, 60.

  Leete Samuel, 142.
    William, 111, 113.

  Letters from Gov. Lovelace, 33, 36, 38.
    from Gov. John Winthrop, 40.
    from New London, 42.
    from Gov. E. Andros, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 65, 77, 80,
        88, 89, 100, 102, 104, 109, 113, 117, 119, 124, 130.
    from Gov. Codrington, 62.
    from Lt. Gov. Brockholls, 68.
    from Rev. Tho. James, 86.
    from Gov. Coddington, 132.
    from John Stanton, 132.

  Levies of Troops, how made, 26.

  Lex talionis disapproved, 8.

  Liberty of Conscience, 133.

  Lilly Henry, Marshal and Cryer, 174, 188.

  Liquors sold to Indians, 15.
    given Indians, 76.
    prohibited Indians, 90, 106.

  Livingston Robert, 149, 151.

  Long Island, 33, 34, 49, 64, 65, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81,
        88, 91, 94, 98, 111, 137, 138, 139, 161, 165. 166, 170.

  Long Neck, 166, 169.

  Lovelace Francis, Letters of, 33, 36.

  Loveridge William, 150.

  Low Anthony, 188, 189.

  Luycas and Christian, 160.


  Mad Nan’s Neck, 107, 108.

  Magistracy subservient, 31.

  Mahicanders, 167.

  Mahycanders, 114, 115.

  Maine, 57.

  Malasses, 188.

  Mamuxack, 184, 185, 188.

  Manchester William, 183.

  Manasses, 182, 183.

  Manor of Pelham, 64.

  Maques, 103, 114, 124, 125, 153, 156, 165, 167.

  Martha’s Vineyard, 11, 57, 60, 82, 165.

  Martin’s Vineyard (see Martha’s V).

  Maryland, 124.

  Mashapeage, 117.

  Massachusetts, 11, 12, 20, 21, 26, 100, 124, 132, 133, 146.

  Massachusetts Indian, 3.

  Massachusetts Mediation, 7, 19.

  Massasoit, 12, 13.

  Match, 58, 59, 60.

  Mather Dr. Increase, 4.

  Matowat, 182.

  Mattashinnamy, 4.

  Mayhew Thomas, 57, 60.

  Mayhews labors of with Indians, 11.

  Mayor, 142, 164.

  Mediation offered, 6, 7, 8, 18.
    accepted, 137.

  Memorial of Montauk Sachem, 83.

  Merrimack, 25.

  Messenger sent to Philip, 6.
    to be seized, 66.

  Metropolitan Town of Indians, 141.

  Middleborough, 2.

  Militia may be called out, 118.

  Ministers denounced, 134.
    silenced, 133.

  Mob at Boston, 22.

  Mohawks (see Maques).

  Mohegans, 42, 109, 114.

  Molasses, 182, 183, 185.

  Money of Colony, 115.

  Montauks aid English, 84.

  Montauk Sachem’s Memorial, 83.

  Montauk ravaged by Narragansets, 84.

  Monugabongun, 85.

  Morton, Thomas, 9.

  Moseley Capt. 21, 143.

  Mosher Ens. Hugh, 174.

  Mossup, Sachem, 85.

  Mount Hope, 19, 20.

  Mumuxuack, 183.

  Murder of Geo. Craft’s Wife, 180.
    by Indians, 40.
    of Indian, 2.

  Murderers executed, 4.

  Muskets sent to Nantucket, 58, 60.
    to Vineyard, 59, 60.


  Nantucket, 11, 57, 58, 59, 60, 82, 165.

  Narragansetts, 6, 10, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 30, 33,
        46, 48, 62, 76, 79, 83, 84, 111, 140, 143, 175, 178, 180,
        181, 189.

  Narraganset Bay, 12, 18.

  Narraganset Country, 137.

  Narrow River, 21.

  Nashaway, 177.

  Natick, 3.

  Navesink, 90.

  Nechett, 178, 179.

  Nenecraft, 83, 84.

  Nenanantenentt, 178.

  Nesaquakes, 66.

  Nevasans, rumored attack upon, 90.

  Newark Bay, 117.

  Newasons, 90.

  Newburgh, 1.

  New England, 114, 124, 125, 175.
    Charter, 57.
    Money, 115.
    Troops, 173.

  Newesing, 90.

  New Jersey, 90.

  New London, 42, 52, 53.

  New Plymouth (see Plymouth).

  Newport, 2, 33, 175, 177, 186, 187, 189.

  Newport Court Martial, 173.

  Newtown, 76.

  New York, 6, 30, 57, 58, 61, 69, 90.
    Gov. Arbitrator, 9, 15.
    claims E. Boundary, 44, 51.

  Nichols Matthias, 142.

  Nicolls Col. Francis, 116.

  Night Watch, 16.

  Ninsecraft, 33, 34.

  Nonoet Peter, 183.

  Northampton, 179.

  North Hempstead, 107.

  North Indians, 114, 146, 147, 153, 165, 166.


  Oasuck, 144.

  Ohom, 183.

  Old Indian Chronicle, 17.

  Omen in lunar Eclipse, 19.

  Oracle, ambiguous, 24.

  Order, to reinforce the building of Blockhouses, 88.
    to disarm the Indians, 96.
    to all the Towns within the Government about reinforcing the
        Watch, 98.
    for Oyster Bay to fortify, 105.
    about selling Powder to the Indians, 106.
    for the Inhabitants of Mad Nan’s Neck to make a Blockhouse, 107.
    for all Indians on Long Island to be disarmed at this Juncture,
        and that none ramble from Place to Place, &c., 158.
    to Lieut. Teunise to demand Christian Prisoners of the Indians,
        148.
    to confine Wm. Loveridge, 150.
    made at Albany about selling of Powder to the Indians there, 152.
    sent to the Towns of the West and North Ridings, by Capt. Wm.
        Dyre, 162.

  Orgies, Indian, 126.

  Oyster Bay, 70.
    to fortify, 105.


  Palmer, William, 109.

  Pass to be taken by Boats passing Hellgate, 154.

  Patent of N. Y. extends E. to Ct., 44, 51.
    Encroachments repelled, 131.

  Pattershall Richard, 159.

  Pawtuxett, 179.

  Peace desired, 29.

  Peace to be made at Albany, 71.
    between Maques and Mohegans, 114.

  Peconic Bay, 65.

  Peirce Nehemiah, 120.

  Pell John, 64, 77, 91, 92, 94, 166, 169.

  Pelham, 64, 96, 169.

  Pemaquid, 57.

  Penalty for selling Powder, 115.

  Pennymans James, 120, 121, 123.

  Pequot, 42, 83, 140, 141.

  Persecution of Quakers (see Quakers)

  Pettacomscutt, 177, 180.

  Pettyquamsott, 21.

  Pewanasuck, 180.

  Philip, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20,
        21, 22, 23, 26, 34, 38, 40, 41, 102, 136, 148, 173, 175, 186.

  Philips Frederick, 71, 82, 111, 114, 120, 129, 136, 146, 153, 154,
        158, 160, 164, 169.

  Pilot, 58, 60.

  Pinnace, 77.

  Pitkin Wm., 155, 156, 158.

  Planting Ground injured, 6.

  Plots of Indians, 83.

  Plundering of Houses, 16.

  Plunder offered to volunteer Parties, 26

  Plymouth, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21,
        26, 29, 38, 46, 48, 54, 58, 62, 124, 146, 186.
    demands Prisoners, 187, 188.

  Pocasset, 13, 26, 183, 185.

  Pocassett Side, 182.

  Poggapanossoo, 4.

  Poisoning alleged, 13, 14.

  Pokanoket, 6.

  Poole, Capt. 143.

  Port established, 47.

  Potter Ens. John, 174.

  Powder to be sent to Nantucket, 58.
    to be sold to Indians, 71.
    to Indians, Vote concerning Sale of, 91.
    to be sold freely to Maques, 103.
    to be withheld from Indians, 114, 115.
    Letter of N. Pierce concerning, 120.
    sold by N. Pierce, 121.
    Camplaint against Sale, 122.
    Quantity sold, 122.
    to Indians, Letter to Governor R. I. concerning, 130.
    Vessel detained on Account of, 129.
    to Indians Aspersion repelled, 136.
    furnished by French, 145.
    said to be procured from Dutch, 179.

  Prence Thomas, 38.

  Presents to Indians, 16.

  Priests, 24.
    Indian, oppose Christianity, 10.
    New England, 30.

  Princetown, 185.

  Prisoners sold as Slaves, 21.
    exported, 21.
    Narrative of, 143.
    tortured, 144.
    Order for, 148.

  Proclamation of War not made, 27.
    to be issued, 73.
    sent, 78, 80.
    about Blockhouses, 74, 88, 92.
    about Canoes, 94.

  Proposals of Agents of Ct., 156.

  Providence, 62, 173, 175, 186.
    Plantations, 175.

  Punckatest, 182.

  Pynchon Major John, 100, 122, 190.


  Quabaug, 26.

  Quakers, 1, 30, 70, 186.

  Quakers persecuted, 134.

  Quanachuagat, 188.

  Quanpen, 175, 177, 178, 180.

  Quasquomack, 182.

  Queen, Indian, friendly, 17, 22.

  Queens County, 76, 107, 117.

  Quincy, 9.

  Quonachewacout, 181.


  Raritan River, 90.

  Rates to be levied, 162.

  Rebellion, what to constitute, 44.

  Refugees from their Homes received, 137.

  Religious Intolerance, 1.

  Religion among Montauks, 86.

  Report of Indian Hostilities to be made, 74.

  Revenues of his Royal Highness, 162.

  Rhode Island, 1, 7, 12, 16, 18, 20, 22, 29, 30, 33, 36, 52, 53, 62,
        129, 130, 132, 135, 136, 137, 147, 160, 173, 174, 175, 187,
        188, 189.
    Indians sent off from, 27.
    People confer with Philip, 5, 7.

  Richmond, Edward, Sec., 174, 189

  Riotous Conduct of Morton, 9.

  River Indians, 114, 145, 146.

  Rockaway, 76, 117, 126.

  Rogers James, Gen. Serg., 174.

  Rogers Sergt., Man owned by, 185, 186.

  Royal Highness, 45, 46, 49, 51, 130, 156, 162.

  Rumors of Ind. Hostilities, 6, 33, 36, 38, 70, 72, 73, 77, 80, 89.

  Russell Joseph, 73, 74.


  Saconet, 26.

  Sagamack, ordered to disperse, 127.

  Salisbury Capt., 164.

  Salmon Clement, 123.

  Sanford Capt. Peleg, 174.

  Sassamon John, 3, 5, 14, 16.

  Savage Major, 20.

  Schoolcraft Henry R., 126.

  Scott, John, 179.

  Seabrooke, 49, 53, 55, 64.

  Seatalcott, 68, 77.

  Seatauque, 137.

  Seaquatalke, 126.

  Seekonk, 12.

  Secretary of New York, 44, 64, 71, 82, 111, 114, 120, 121, 136,
        146, 153, 154, 158, 160, 164, 169, 171.

  Seconot, 18.

  Sentence of Indians, 177, 178, 180, 181.

  Sequetauke, 137.

  Setauket, 65.

  Sharpe Thomas, 103.
    Sergt., 166.

  Shelter Island, 72, 79, 96.

  Shot Vote on selling to Indians, 19.

  Sickness, 12.

  Silvester, William, 54.

  Sinnekes, 103, 114, 124, 125, 156, 167.

  Skins presented, 76.
    for Clothing, 85.

  Slavery limited, R. I., 175.

  Slaves, Indians sold as, 21, 22, 25.
    Indians may be sold as, 188.

  Sloop sent to R. I. for Refugees, 160, 161.
    sent eastward, 54, 58, 60.
    to cruise in Sound, 77, 78, 80.
    to Esopus, 104.
    to Rhode Island, 130.
    used in transporting Wounded, 132.
    returns from R. I., 164.

  Smith Richard, 40.

  Smith Mr., 66.

  Sogkonate, 18.

  Southampton, 58, 65, 79, 86, 96, 137, 139.

  Southold, 54, 57, 61, 78.

  South Kingston, 173.

  Sowagonish, 175, 177.

  Sowams, 12.

  Spain, 22.

  Spiting Devil, 147.

  Sprague Capt., 21.

  Springfield, 100, 102, 122, 129.
    Ruin of, 102.

  Stamford, 104.

  Stanford, 166.

  Stanton John, 140.

  Staten Island, 117.

  Stirling, Earl of, 57.

  Stony Brook, 66.

  Strongholds for Women and Children, 73, 74, 75, 88, 92, 98, 105.

  Suffolk Co., 65, 66.

  Sunkeecunsuck, 178.

  Superstition on account of Eclipse, 14.

  Surrender of Saybrook refused, 49.

  Susquehanna Indians, 124.

  Suton Michael, 151.

  Swamp Fight, 28, 177.

  Swansea, 6, 17, 19, 20.

  Swanzea, 12.


  Tappan, 76.

  Taunton, 6, 8.

  Taunton River, 184.

  Terry Thomas, 34.

  Tetticut Indian, 2.

  Teunise Lieut. Gerret, 148, 149.

  Thenford, 65.

  Tobias, 4.

  Toby, 183.

  Tom, an Indian, 76.

  Topping John, Letter to, 77.

  Topping John, 91, 96, 97.

  Torture of Indians, 22.
    of a Prisoner by Indians, 144.

  Townsend, Henry and Richard, 70.

  Transportation of Indians, 188, 189.

  Treaties, 20, 137.

  Tribute of Wolves’ Heads, 9.
    paid by Long Island Ind’ns, 34.
    paid to Narragansets, 72, 76, 79, 83.

  Troops, 26.
    arrive, 19, 21.
    sent for by Nantucket, 82.
    desired, 132.

  Turner Capt. Wm., 179, 180, 181.


  Umpire, 8, 15, 29, 30.

  Uncas, 42.

  Unchechauge, 126, 137.

  Unquechauge, 65.

  United Colonies, 8, 23, 25, 132.


  Volkert Capt., 149.

  Vote on selling Powder to Indians, 91.


  Wabino, 126.

  Wachusett, 185.

  Wamsutta, 13.

  Wampanogas, 12, 173.

  Wanpanooage, 178.

  Wampum, Value of as Money, 115.

  War, Law of Arms violated, 31.
    begun before proclaimed, 27.
    began, 6, 16, 17, 40, 41, 46.
    declared by United Colonies, 26.

  Warrant for disarming Indians, 126.

  Warren, R. I., 12.

  Warner, Thomas, 143.

  Warwick, 173, 178, 179, 186.

  Wassasamon, 3.

  Watch kept on R. I., 16.
    to be kept, 58, 64, 75, 78, 80, 82, 88, 98, 166.
    to be continued, 118.

  Wechancksum, 185.

  Weckquaskecks, 109.

  Wecopeak John, 180, 181.

  Weetamoo, 13, 14, 26, 183, 184.

  Weghqueghe, 109.

  Welch William, 52, 53.

  Wenunaquabin, 178, 179.

  Westchester, 109.

  Westchester County, 94, 109, 169.

  Whaweapunct, 184.

  Whawinuckshin, 185.

  Whipple John Jun., 175.

  Wichquaesqueecks, 109.

  Wicker’s Creek, 109, 147, 153.

  Wildbore Capt. Samuel, 174.

  Will, Indian, 85.

  Will, Philip’s, 3.

  Willet Capt., 13.

  Williams Roger, 1, 10, 175.
    Capt. Roger, 174.

  Willis Samuel, 155, 156, 158.

  Wilson, Mr., 121.

  Windsor, Ct., 102.

  Winslow Josiah, 26, 188.
    Governor, 23.
    Major, 13, 14.

  Winthrop Major, 52, 53, 54.

  Winthrop John, Gov., Letter of, 40, 51, 52, 54, 62.
    Letter to, 46.

  Witherly, Mr., 41.

  Wolaston Capt., 9.

  Wolves’ Heads as Tribute, 9.

  Wonolancet, 25.

  Woodcock, 182.

  Woodhull Richard, 65.
    Mr., Letter to, 78.

  Wounded received, 132, 134.

  Wreck, Guns from, 56.

  Wuttauntoquim, 85.

  Wyckerscreeke, 169, 170.

  Wysquaqua, 109.


  Young, Capt. John, 54.


[Illustration: (decorative icon)]




  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

  Pg iv: The reference in the Erratum was 'Note 2, Page 9'. This has
  been changed to 'Note [14], Page 9'.

  Some printer's errors in the 1858 book have been noted below and
  corrected in this etext. Otherwise the spelling in the original
  1858 printed text has been retained.

  Pg xxiii: ‘the Christan Indians’ replaced by ‘the Christian Indians’.
  Pg 5: ‘reported Sausimun’ replaced by ‘reported Sansimun’.
  Pg 26 Footnote [29]: ‘Plans an Individuals’ replaced by ‘Plans and Individuals’.
  Pg 38 Footnote [1]: ‘Note on Page ’ replaced by ‘Note on Page 6’.
  Pg 48 Footnote [1]: ‘P   arteret’ replaced by ‘Philip Carteret’.
  Pg 97: ‘wherein yuo seem’ replaced by ‘wherein you seem’.
  Pg 124: ‘theirs aid Enemyes’ replaced by ‘their said Enemyes’.
  Pg 128: ‘particular Acc of’ replaced by ‘particular Acc^t of’.
  Index.
  Pg 191: ‘Arms to to be taken’ replaced by ‘Arms to be taken’.
  Pg 205: ‘of Ind. Hostlities’ replaced by ‘of Ind. Hostilities’.
  Pg 206: ‘Supersttion on account’ replaced by ‘Superstition on account’.



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