The Survey, Volume 30, Number 9, May 31, 1913

More children are employed in factories and mills under sixteen years of age in Pennsylvania than in any other state. For years efforts have been made to get better legislation to protect child workers, but every step has been won only after a determined fight.

This year the Pennsylvania Child Labor Association and the National Child Labor Committee have worked together to get a law that would put Pennsylvania on a par with the more advanced industrial states. The Walnut child labor bill drafted by the Pennsylvania Child Labor Association and sponsored by the Republican State Committee is based upon the uniform law adopted by the American Bar Association. The principal new features of this act are that no child under sixteen is permitted to work more than eight hours a day; all night work is prohibited for children under sixteen, whereas at present glass factories are exempt; provision is made for the regulation of street trading; and the age limit for night messenger service is put at twenty-one years. The age at which children may go to work still remains fourteen, but certain dangerous occupations are prohibited for children under sixteen.

So powerful has been the pressure to eliminate important features of the proposed law, that the Pennsylvania Child Labor Association has felt compelled to appeal for popular support. Herschel H. Jones of the National Child Labor Committee has spent most of the last two months traveling throughout the state, holding public meetings and interesting individually the influential people of the larger cities. With few exceptions the newspapers have taken up the campaign enthusiastically.

The opposition has come chiefly from two industries. The textile manufacturers complain that eight hours a day for children will disorganize their plants and compel the discharge of those under sixteen. This they assert would put them at a disadvantage with Massachusetts. In the Legislature in Massachusetts they are saying the same thing about Pennsylvania. The experience of New York, the largest manufacturing state and the third in textile production where no child under sixteen has been permitted to work before eight in the morning or after five in the evening since 1907, does not bear out this claim. In both Ohio and Illinois children are being used in certain industries in groups or shifts so as to keep the maximum amount of machinery in operation the full working time. The eight-hour provision in Illinois has been in force since 1903; in Ohio since 1908.

In the textile industry alone in Pennsylvania there are over 15,000 children under sixteen. Of this number, two-thirds are girls. Pennsylvania permits girls of fourteen and fifteen to work fifty-eight hours a week, or longer than most states permit adult women to labor.

The glass manufacturers assert that they must have boys on the night shifts else the men can not work. Advocates of the proposed law point out that in Ohio, Illinois, New Jersey and every other glass manufacturing state except West Virginia older boys and men are employed for the night work.

In an investigation of glass factories in western Pennsylvania made by Mr. Jones for the National Child Labor Committee in 1912 it was found that in many towns large numbers of boys between sixteen and eighteen were loafing until they grew big enough to work in the mines or coke ovens. At the same time the glass factories were taking boys of fourteen and using them on both night and day shifts.

Effort is being exerted to weaken the bill before it gets out of the Judiciary Special Committee of the Senate. This committee held a public hearing on May 14 on three important labor bills: the Bigger minimum wage bill which establishes a board to determine on a minimum wage for women; the Walnut woman’s bill drafted by the Consumers’ League and restricting employment of women to nine hours a day and fifty hours a week; and the Walnut child labor bill. Over 2,000 manufacturers came to Harrisburg for this hearing. The State Federation of Labor came to Harrisburg in a body to urge the passage of these bills.

In addition to the efforts to get better laws a step toward better enforcement has been taken by the passage of the law which establishes a new department of labor and industry. It resembles closely the law passed by the New York Legislature this year. The Bureau of Factory Inspection comes under the department. An industrial board is established to make rules and regulations and the inspectors are graded and required to have special qualifications.

NEW YORK CHARITIES IN CONFERENCE

Once more the May meetings of the New York City Conference of Charities were divided between Manhattan, Brooklyn and the country. The Colored Orphan Asylum at Riverdale was chosen this time for the final session.

Municipal needs was the first topic of discussion, and the speakers were O. F. Lewis and Frederick C. Howe, chairman of the committee appointed to study this subject. The latter dwelt particularly on the use of the school as a center for leisure. Edward M. Bassett and George B. Ford, lecturer on city planning at Columbia University, spoke on subways as a factor in distributing the population of a city. Mr. Ford suggested as a substitute for subways on some thoroughfares the noiseless elevated railroads found in Paris and Berlin. These, he said, should be placed only in the center of streets from 130 to 180 feet wide. Trees could be planted on either side to screen the structures.

Families, public institutions and the sick were the subjects on the following day. The chairman of the committee on families, Mrs. William Grant Brown, recommended the removing of one great cause of family pauperism by “following in the path already blazed by some of our western states, and legally restraining the marriage of those mentally deficient, delinquent or tainted by hereditary disease or crime.” One of the other speakers, Porter R. Lee, gave a good illustration of overlapping in relief work in a story of a poor woman in Chicago, who after receiving her fourth consecutive visitor in one afternoon went to the nearest settlement to express her gratitude because no one had called from there, remarking: “There doesn’t seem to be anything for the poor to do but to have office hours!”

On the live subject of widows’ pensions there was no discussion this year beyond the statement in Mrs. Florence Kelley’s address, which was read in her absence:

The discussion of public institutions centered around those for the sick. Sidney E. Goldstein, chairman of the committee on this subject, dwelt especially on the fact that while government, church and school are more and more affected by the social movement, the hospital and dispensary are as yet but dimly aware of the larger work that society can rightfully expect of them. Mr. Goldstein questioned whether the dispensary is organized and administered with the needs of the community foremost in mind, and stated that the time is not distant when neither hospital nor dispensary will be reception houses for the sick, experiment stations in medicine or apprentice shops for medical students.

After care and the prevention of insanity were treated in a paper by Everett S. Ellwood of the State Charities Aid Association. Fred M. Stein of the Montefiore Home showed by statistics that the large percentage of “graduates” of tuberculosis sanatoria die or become worse, and urged after care of patients in their homes by social workers connected with sanatoria as an essential part of the work of such institutions.

The session on the sick carried on the same themes. Louis C. Ager, chief of the medical staff of the Brooklyn Home for Consumptives, showed the inadequacy of present hospital facilities, especially those for contagious diseases. Richard C. Cabot discussed the “efficiency and deficiencies” of the hospitals and dispensaries, and Isabel Stewart of Teachers College spoke of the social service work in the homes done by these institutions, as a logical and necessary supplement to their indoor work. She recommended courses on the “sociology” of disease as part of a nurse’s training.

In her report for the Committee on Children Carolena M. Wood, president of the Colored Orphan Asylum of Riverdale, called attention to the fact that of the 25,000 city children in institutions, many are kept there for years so as to be near their parents when often their parents show no interest or are unsuitable because of health or morals to exercise any influence over them. The committee advised that such children be given a fresh start by being placed with families that can train them to be worthy members of the future state, even though this involves the dissolving of the family tie. Charles D. Hilles, president of the Board of Managers of the New fork Juvenile Asylum, and Robert W. Hebberd spoke on various aspects of education as a preparation for life. The report of the Committee on Delinquency, read by Patrick A. Whitney, commissioner of corrections, was an appeal for more and better institutions.

Throughout the sessions the subject of recreation came up, as when, for instance, Mrs. Brown supplemented the usual recommendation for recreational use of the school house by the suggestion that the armories could be used as music centers. Ernest A. Coulter, formerly clerk of the Children’s Court, held that the failure to provide [299]opportunities for play was largely the cause of juvenile delinquency.

One method of treatment of adult delinquency, the farm colony, was the subject of a paper by Franklin H. Briggs, superintendent of the New York Training School for Boys at Yorktown. Said Professor Briggs:

PROF. HENDERSON NOW HEADS CHICAGO’S UNITED CHARITIES

The United Charities of Chicago has made a strong rejoinder to the persistent attacks of the “investigating” committee of the Illinois Legislature which have included other philanthropic agencies and institutions as well as prominent individuals. In an editorial, How Not to Investigate, the Chicago Evening Post describes the methods pursued by this committee:

Accompanying the announcement of Prof. Charles R. Henderson’s election as president of the United Charities of Chicago the directors in a signed statement gave their answer to this method of attack. This defense applies also to other institutions and individuals now under fire. The value of the personal and social service rendered by modern philanthropy and the economy of present methods are summarized in this statement:

Professor Henderson’s acceptance of the presidency and the removal of the central office from the old outgrown building, to an entire floor in the advantageously located new Federal Life Insurance Building, 163 N. Michigan Avenue, is expected to effect a new era of progress in the Chicago United Charities under the superintendency of Eugene T. Lies.

THE STRIKE OF THE JERSEY SILK WEAVERS

The strike of silk workers in Paterson, N. J., which was chronicled in THE SURVEY of April 19, is still in progress. There has been very little breaking away on the part of the strikers, nor have the manufacturers on the other hand made any serious attempt to bring in strike breakers. The entire industry in this city of silk manufacturers has been practically at a standstill for three months.

Recently there have been some indications on both sides of a willingness to compromise. A number of the important mills have made direct overtures to their employes, and one small mill has actually effected a settlement and is in operation. In some of the outlying New Jersey towns where the Paterson strike has been duplicated on a smaller scale, temporary settlements, pending an agreement in Paterson, have been made including an eight-hour day, an increase in wages and non-recognition of the Industrial Workers of the World. In Paterson efforts to bring the manufacturers and the strike committee together have continued without avail. The most recent move was the appointment by Mayor Andrew McBride of a committee of twenty-five citizens with John W. Griggs, formerly attorney general of the United States, as chairman.

The grand jury, some weeks ago, returned indictments against the strike leaders, William D. Haywood, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Carlo Tresca and Patrick Quinlan, charging Haywood with unlawful assemblage and the others with inciting to riot. On May 7 the trials began, and, it having been agreed that the defendants should be tried separately, the case of Patrick Quinlan was the first to go before the jury. Quinlan was charged with having urged the strikers on the first day of the strike to go to the mills and get the remaining workers out and with using physical violence to accomplish that end. The jury reported on May 10 that they were unable to agree and were dismissed. Two days later, a new jury was secured and Quinlan’s second trial followed. Before the week was out, he was found guilty by this second jury on a charge of inciting to riot. It has been announced that sentence will not be pronounced upon him until after the trials of the other leaders. The maximum sentence which could be pronounced in this case is said to be seven years in the penitentiary.

The conviction of Quinlan has stirred up bitterness among the strikers. Their feeling against the police, upon whose testimony alone Quinlan was convicted, has run especially high. The week following the trial, some plain-clothes detectives and a court stenographer attending a meeting of the strikers in Turn Hall were threatened with summary violence if they did not leave. That evening the Board of Police and Fire Commissioners of the city of Paterson decided to close Turn and Helvetia Halls, the two meeting places of the strikers. Information received from the city authorities of Paterson is to the effect that the strikers will not be permitted to hold meetings in any hall in Paterson, but that they may hold out-of-door meetings on private property if they can secure the consent of the owners. Strike meetings, meanwhile, are being held in Haledon, a borough adjoining Paterson, where the Socialist mayor stands for “free speech.”

The trials of the other strike leaders have been delayed pending an appeal on the part of the strikers’ counsel to have a jury selected from outside Passaic county, because of the present feeling against the Industrial Workers of the World. On May 22 this appeal was granted by Justice Minturn, who decided that at the present time it would be impossible to secure a fair trial from a jury made up of citizens of the community.

Many arrests have been made by the police recently on account of the picketing of the Price mill, where a settlement has been made. Although the strikers on the picket line were not guilty of any violence eighty-five of them were arrested on Monday, May 19, and fifty-seven on the following day. Some of them were charged with disorderly conduct and were sentenced by Recorder Carroll to a fine of $5 or ten days in jail. Others were charged with unlawful assemblage and were held for action by the grand jury.

That the city planning idea has gotten beyond the experts and has “arrived” in the mind of the average citizen became evident at the Fifth National Conference on City Planning, held in Chicago May 5-7. The delegates, representing seventy or eighty cities and towns and a score of different states, included not only students and experts but real estate operators and business men. City planning as a civic asset was shown to have gained recognition when twelve important cities made earnest appeals for the conference next May.

It is significant that this new grip of the idea on the country accompanied an important shift of emphasis—from spectacular and elaborate schemes for reconstructing the heart of the city to practical details of city building. As Dr. Werner Hegemann of Berlin, whose stimulating contribution from European city planning proved a distinct feature of the conference, put it: “City planning should not be primarily for attracting the traveler, but for the people who live in the city. The spectacular captured our imaginations; we must turn the resultant impulse into the work of planning the every day living conditions of city dwellers.” “Psychologically it is quite justifiable,” said George B. Ford, “that American city planning began with the ‘City Beautiful.’ The ‘City Scientific’ would never have aroused such enthusiasm. However, after floundering around for a number of years we have now got our perspective and a sense of the proportion of things, and we know that considerations of health, convenience and efficiency are of fundamental importance.”

The emphasis on guiding the normal growth of cities was shown particularly in the report of the committee which has been at work a year on plans for the development of a typical tract on the outskirts of a growing city, and also in the discussion of transportation problems. The committee started with certain “given conditions.” The tract was assumed to be four miles from the center of a city having a population of 500,000; land cost was put at $2,500 an acre; costs of sewers and other fundamental improvements were fixed on the basis of business experience; and the topography, country roads, railroads and rapid transit lines were mapped. The development was assumed to be for a factory population. The committee presented nine plans prepared by nine groups of participants and these were accompanied by detailed figures covering all costs, interest on capital, profits and selling prices. In this careful attention to costs and financing of the development, the work of the committee has an especial value beyond the city planning competition of the Chicago City Club which also concerned the development of a residential tract in an outlying portion of the city. The prize plans in this competition were shown to the conference when it visited the Chicago City Club.

“No city can afford to build subways”—this was the bomb thrown into the discussion of transportation. And there was a surprising consensus of opinion that American cities have gone subway-mad. This point of view came out at a discussion at which the leading paper, written by Milo R. Maltbie of the New York Public Service Commission, was read and commented on by E. P. Goodrich, consulting engineer of the Borough of Manhattan.

Henry C. Wright of New York showed graphically that subways are predicated upon extreme congestion. The high cost of construction as compared with other methods of rapid transit does not warrant investment unless heavy traffic is assured by crowded tenements of three to four stories or more in height throughout the region served by the subway. He strongly recommended elevated structures or rapid transit lines running in open cuts, except in the most crowded down town sections of large cities. This point of view was reinforced by Dr. Hegemann who cited the experience with subways in English and continental as well as American cities.

Cheap land values and the consequent possibility of low rents were shown to depend upon cheap, though rapid and good and ramifying transportation. Without this factor it is impossible to secure a wholesome spread of city population.

How to pay the costs of the local improvements which city planning suggests received special attention in a paper by George E. Kessler, upon the development of parks in Kansas City. The system of local assessments was shown to secure practically all the results which could be obtained through the use of “excess condemnation,” with less trouble and with better co-operation on the part of all citizens, including real estate men who so often object to excess condemnation. The success of the Kansas City method was attested by a leading real estate man of that city, J. C. Nichols, who said that despite the fact that park boulevards and similar local improvements are almost entirely paid by local assessments, the property owners who have to foot the bills are now the first to demand these improvements.

Whether through modification of systems of local assessment or through the direct application of excess condemnation, the principle of financing improvements through the increase in value of the areas benefiting was felt by all to be an essential in accomplishing the realization of [302]city plans. Two points in this connection were much discussed—first, the distance to which local assessment should go back from the improvements and the proportion in which it should diminish; and second, the question of paying locally for improvements in outlying unimproved land. The conference seemed to feel in regard to the first point that it is impossible to make any hard and fast rule and that each case could be decided on its own merits. With regard to the second point, opinion seemed to be that the local assessment should be paid in small installments over a long period and that a much larger portion should be assessed on the city as a whole than in the case of improvements in the built-up sections.

An important paper by Edward M. Bassett of New York discussed the legal powers which a city should have to enable it to carry out city planning successfully. He particularly sought to show the necessity for removing the legal wrappings which retard a city from applying the principle of “excess condemnation.” Some of his illustrations of the way a real estate speculator can secure the values which ought to accrue to the whole city were most striking. In the Bronx, he said, a speculator obtained an award for a house lying in the way of a newly opened street, whereupon he moved it to the center of another street soon to be opened. He obtained another award, and so far as the law is concerned he may continue the process with each new street opened. The exercise of the police power was also shown by Mr. Bassett to be of the utmost importance in establishing regulations for public health and safety, and in dealing with such matters as the limitation of the height of buildings.

The National City Planning Conference, as its name implies, is not so much a convention for propaganda as a gathering of students. Each session was devoted to but one or two papers, of which advance copies were in the hands of delegates. There was thus opportunity for careful discussion.

The papers were characterized not so much by inspirational flights as by a hard-headed, common-sense attention to every-day facts and conditions, and the “humdrum human mechanism,” to quote Chairman Frederick Law Olmsted, “by which city plan visions are to be realized.” Mr. Olmsted’s address on A City Planning Program dealt with such prosaic things as the system of records whereby a city should know all the essential facts about its sewers, conduits and sub-surface pipes, its poles and wires, gutters, pavement, car lines, and character of buildings. He emphasized the importance of topographical, social, economic and legal surveys, and showed how a municipality’s future city planning “office” should have an equipment of such information and a co-operative relation with all the agencies, public and private, whose activities affect the problems and efforts of city planning.

A similar point of view was displayed in the paper by George B. Ford on The City Scientific. He discussed the various types of surveys which should be undertaken and showed how a body of data can be secured, so as to reduce such matters as street widening and extension and transportation almost to an exact science. He advocated a program survey which would lay out in order of urgency the matters which the local commission should undertake. Especially he urged that it is futile to attempt to get planning results from one expert but that at least three—representing the engineering and economic side, the aesthetic side and the social side—should work together harmoniously, calling in specialists along particular lines.

The organization and functions of a city planning commission was a subject on which there was much discussion, following a paper by Mayor William A. Magee of Pittsburgh.

The Chicago plan appropriately came in for consideration, and at the banquet a toast was drunk to the memory of Daniel H. Burnham, a fine portrait of whom appeared back of the speakers’ table. Charles H. Wacker, chairman of the Chicago Plan Commission, told of the efforts, methods and experience in rallying the whole citizenship of Chicago, even to the education of the school children through a manual on the plan. He referred to the wonderful civic spirit which reached a high tide when the western metropolis gave to the nation the glorious beauty of the World’s Fair “White City”; and he expressed the firm faith that around the vision of the Chicago plan the people would again rise to a practical idealism expressed in a nobler conception of what their city might become. At a previous session Edward H. Bennett, who was associated with Mr. Burnham in the designing of the Chicago plan, discussed various aspects of a newer interest in the scientific study of such elements as transportation and housing.

Faith in the civic idealism of the average man and woman, as expressed by Mr. Wacker, was a note which well followed a noteworthy address by Lawson Purdy. Rarely does the economic and the spiritual blend as it did when he showed that so material a thing as land value becomes, when we try to distribute it equitably and for the community welfare, the vehicle for a larger brotherhood of neighbors and citizens. And in discussing the relation of the public rights to the liberty of the individual, he brought it all to the test of the law of love, so well expressed—and the reference went straight to the hearts of those who treasure the memories of personal friendship with one of the most lovable “people’s men” of our generation—by Sam Jones, the “Golden Rule” mayor of Toledo.

THE GUARANTEE OF SECURITY

Amid such a confusion of “chance and change” as seems to be characteristic of our age in the various phases of its social life, it is not surprising perhaps to find that many persons, not over—given to timidity on ordinary occasions, are genuinely disturbed at the course which events are taking; and are asking of the agitators and reformers of the time, in terms more and more insistent, what guarantee they have to offer that their words and works do not spell destruction for the whole existing fabric of civilization.

Those of us who feel the thrill of the new movement of social transformation, and hail the advent of the new day with an exultation which leaves little place in our hearts for any regrets for the passing of the old, do not always realize, I imagine, how numerous are the revolutions of ancient custom which are involved in the demands which are being pressed upon every hand, and therefore fail to recognize the fears for the security of the nation, which are latent in many noble and devoted hearts. What with the indefinite extension of the machinery of our democracy by such devices as the initiative, the referendum and the recall, which may well seem subversive of that whole form of representative government which is at the bottom of our constitutional system; the multiplying assaults upon the integrity and authority of our courts, which have so long been regarded as the very bulwark of our institutions; the call for the active interference of the state with the administration of industry in such matters as workmen’s compensation, the eight-hour day for women and children, the minimum wage, etc.; the rapidly growing sentiment of our people in favor of the socialization of the resources of nature and of the public; regulation, if not ownership, of all means of production and distribution—the whole great movement, in a word, for an unfettered democracy upon the one hand and an unlimited social control upon the other—what with all these startling innovations sweeping down upon us at once, it is not surprising that many an earnest soul is wondering as to what the outcome of it all is to be and is seeking rather vainly for any evidence that these cures, which are being offered for our ills, do not mean the dissolution rather than the healing of the patient.

What guarantee can you give us, amid the utter chaos in which we are involved, that there is any real security for the future?

What assurance can you offer that this flood of reform, which is certainly destined to “bear [us] far,” will not break its bonds and thus sweep us to destruction?

What reasons can you present for believing that we may safely try these untested schemes of political and industrial revolution, and still have anything left of this great republic, which was founded in the blood and tears of the fathers, and was strengthened and extended by the undaunted labors of four generations of valiant sons? Is there anything which may even partially persuade us that this new movement really involves “the strength and stability of the times?”

These are the questions which are being asked today by many a restless heart, and they are questions which challenge a respectful answer.

There are some of us (of whom I beg to be counted one!) who find our all sufficient reply to these inquiries in our abounding faith in humanity. We believe that in a country where illiteracy is at a minimum, general education on the increase, caste barriers unknown, freedom of speech, press and assembly granted and practiced, religious liberty everywhere enjoyed, the people can be trusted to control their own affairs. This does not mean that the voice of the people is necessarily the voice of God in all places and under all conditions. But it does mean that the people, if given the privilege of responsibility and a due opportunity for self-knowledge and self-instruction, will quite as often decide for the right as for the wrong; and that in the latter case will learn from their experience of error the certain way of avoiding similar blunders in the future. Thus, by the very practice of their freedom do the people grow in wisdom and virtue. Thus, by the very fact of its operation does democracy perfect itself, as water purifies itself. Thus does the voice of the people become in course of time as if it were the voice of God. Which is all we mean by the ancient maxim that the cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy! It is such a faith in the people that gives to many of us, amid the political and industrial transformations of the time, the guarantee of security which must be had, and for any guarantee beyond this pledge of faith, we see no need.

It is obvious, however, that, to many minds, moral faith of any kind can give no guarantee of things material. Blind trust in human nature means nothing when we are talking about such matters as governments and economic systems. We must have something more tangible than this is the cry, if we are to believe that the new social movements of the age are anything more than so many heedless attacks upon the integrity of our civilization.

To this demand I am confident that a satisfactory answer can be given; and I find this answer, not in the field of ideals, but in the field [304]of method. The guarantee of security, amid the chaos about us, is to be found in the method of action characteristic of the true social reformer of the times, which is nothing less than the method of exact science. Visionaries, dreamers, agitators, blind propagandists, there are a-plenty in the social field today, and many are they who follow whithersoever they lead. But the reformer who really counts as an influence at this moment, and therefore may be regarded as typical of effective social progress, is nothing more, and certainly is nothing less, than a scientist who makes society his laboratory and who follows therein the expert’s well-approved methods of observation and experiment. The social leader of this new age is primarily an investigator, and only secondarily a reformer. His first demand is for facts; and only when these are gathered in sufficient numbers, are classified and tabulated and compared, and then at last made to tell their tale, does he draw his inferences, formulate his doctrines and lay down his program of reform. There is much of the prophet in the true sociologist—much of the poet, much of the humanitarian and lover of mankind. These qualities must never disappear, if the social movement is to remain wholesome, idealistic and thus genuinely beneficent. But at bottom, at least for the present, must be the scientist as the perpetual guarantee of sanity and safety.

What Darwin did with his barnacles and earth-worms; what De Vries did with his evening-primroses; what Professor Loeb is doing with his sea-urchins, and Dr. Carrel with his transplanted organs and revivified tissues; all this is the true social worker doing more and more with his tenement dwellers, child laborers, factory women, tuberculosis victims, immigrants, white slaves, and so on indefinitely through the social groups. More and more we have work which is primarily scientific, and which may fittingly be ranked, from the standpoint of scientific method, with any of the researches of the biologists, zoologists or astronomers of modern times. Well does a recent writer declare, “In recent years, this [altruistic] spirit, which began in a humanistic sentiment and hardly developed beyond the limits of kindliness, has become so infused with exact knowledge of social conditions ... that it has assumed the dignity of a scientific pursuit.”

Here now is the guarantee of security for which so many cautious persons of our time are vainly seeking. So long as we look upon the new moral and political movements, which are so characteristic of our age, as mere agitations, we may feel alarm for the future. It is when we look closer, and see that, behind the agitation for change, there is the accuracy, precision, and certainty of the scientific method, that we may feel that “all is well.”

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY IN NORTH DAKOTA

The Quarterly Journal of the University of North Dakota has recently published a reprint of an article by Professor Gillette of the Department of Sociology which is an extremely useful and interesting document.

The state has a board of control which administers its state institutions, but like most such boards, pays little or no attention to the county and municipal charities and correction nor to the voluntary philanthropic agencies. To remedy this defect of the state government, the Department of Sociology of the university compiled a most valuable report on Poor Relief and Jails, and that report was spread broadcast in the form of a reprint.

The report shows many facts that needed airing, especially as to the conditions of the jails, and the rapid increase (for such a young and progressive state) of the amount of pauper relief.

This it must be remembered is in a prohibition state, one in which probably one-half of the prisoners in the jail are “piggers,” which is the picturesque vernacular for people convicted of violating the prohibition law, or “running a blind pig.” In one jail, of twenty-four prisoners nineteen were “piggers.”

Most of the poor relief is “outdoor.” Only a few counties have poor farms, some of these being far from satisfactory. The county aids all poor and indigent who are in need according to laws of settlement, and the county commissioners levy a tax to this end. The overseers “allow and pay relief to needy persons of sound mind; also to poor parents of idiots and helpless children an amount common in such cases.”

The provision to pay relief to parents of idiots and helpless children reminds one of the celebrated relief by the state to the parents of idiots in Kentucky, which has been described as an act “to promote the propagation of idiots and imbeciles.” Since the report was issued, the Legislature of North Dakota has been in session. Among the new laws is one creating a state supervisory board to regulate the public relief of the poor. This is based on Professor Gillette’s findings and is a copy of the Indiana law on the subject, which Professor Gillette recommended as being the best code of the kind in this country.

Next year the Department of Sociology will present a similar report on the insane and feeble-minded. The University of North Dakota is only one of several—Wisconsin, Minnesota and Texas might be mentioned—in which the department of sociology is becoming an extremely practical and useful thing for the state.

CRIMINAL TRAFFIC IN COCAINE

We always have with us a considerable number of inhuman beings who are willing to make capital out of the weaknesses and sins of their neighbors. The illicit sale of cocaine is only one example of this fact. Similar conditions have always existed in the abuse of opium products, and the sale of alcohol to irresponsible persons has become so much a part of our vaunted civilization that we find it difficult to realize that this drug abuse dwarfs into insignificance all others combined.

We hear periodically of the “ether jag,” the “cologne drunk” and the “coke fiend.” It is the novelty of these habits that makes them good newspaper copy. The actual number of individuals addicted to these habits is exceedingly small, and their economic value to the community is practically nil. Normal, well balanced people do not acquire drug habits of any kind and it is only those of extreme mental instability who take to the more unusual practices.

Cocaine is at present receiving a large amount of advertising and its sale is therefore being boosted. Unfortunately there are always a number of people whose mental instability takes the form of having ready at a moment’s notice a sure remedy for any social evil that may be under discussion. Such people are fully as harmful to the community as the drug users, and sooner or later a society will learn to ignore them.

What are the facts about the abuse of cocaine in this country, and what ought to be done to eradicate the evil? Users of this drug are not perhaps numerous, but the number has undoubtedly increased during the past five years. It is generally accepted as a fact that the proportion of mental deficients in our population is also on the increase and the two naturally go hand in hand. It is also true that debased individuals have lately made efforts to encourage the use of this drug habit for their own financial benefit, and as a result cocaine has become more widely known than ever before.

All this ought to be corrected, but legislation alone will not accomplish it. Numerous bills were introduced into the recent New York Legislature and at one time it looked as though the Walker bill would become a law—in spite of the opposition of all reputable physicians and the fact that its complicated provisions violated professional privilege.

The proposed federal law is a simple, sane regulation based upon the internal revenue system. It provides graded licenses for the sale of the habit-forming drugs, with a complete supervision of their distribution. The purchase of a large amount by one individual would at once be noticed [306]and his disposal of it followed up. If his explanation were not satisfactory his license could be revoked. It is to be hoped that Congress will enact this law.

James Rawley had come to a parting of the ways. Time after time the court had overlooked his truancy and misdoings, but James had taken the pitcher once too often to the well, and the open doors of the state reform school stared him grimly in the face.

“It will be best for him in the long run,” commented the judge. “Each month of this wild life makes him a little less fit to keep his place in the community. He has had his last chance.”

Yet there was one ray of hope, for James lived in and out of Boston, which is fortunate in having the Newton Technical High School. Here let me say, by way of explanation, that the Newton Technical High School is a part of the school system presided over by F. E. Spaulding,⁠[1] a veritable wizard in the organization and direction of educational work. Among his many “queer” ideas, Mr. Spaulding believes that children of high school age should be in the high school, whether they have passed their eight years of grade work or not. An absurd theory? Well, perhaps; but the first year he put this theory into practice, Mr. Spaulding transferred seventy fifteen-year-old boys and girls from the seventh and eighth grades, where they had learned the art of failing, to the high school building, where they were to be taught success.

Grouped in special classes, these “grade-floaters” devoted more than half their time to technical work—cooking, sewing, shopwork and machine work—and the remainder to academic subjects. So prepared more than two-thirds of the youngsters entered the high school on probation in the same class with their former seventh and eighth grade school-fellows, who had spent all their time the previous year at academic work. Here was the test—could these children who had been devoting three-fifths of their time to technical activities keep pace with children from the regular grades?

At the end of the first quarter, when the marks of all the pupils in the school were analyzed, it was found that the 800 scholars had an average of .54 of one failure for each pupil. The twenty-seven girls who were promoted on probation had .17 of one failure each, only a third as many as the school at large. Of the seventeen boys promoted on trial, only one failed and in but one subject. The probationers had therefore made records which were, as a whole, far superior to the records made by the average pupils in the high school.

These facts, pretty generally known in educational circles in and around Boston, led James’ custodians to propose to the judge that he give James one more trial, this time in the Newton Technical High School. The judge agreed to the suggestion, and James, a dismal eighth-grade failure, entered the Newton Technical High School in one of the special transfer classes.

James began life badly. His mother died when he was young, and his father, a rather indifferent man, boarded the boy out during his early years with an aunt. She first spoiled him through indulgence, and then, inconsistently enough, hated him because he was spoiled. Growing up in this uncongenial atmosphere, James became entirely uncontrollable. He was disagreeable in the extreme, wild and unmanageable.

The people with whom James was boarding grew tired of his continued truancy, and he was placed on a farm near Boston. There, too, he was discontented, dissatisfied and disobedient. Time after time he ran away to Boston. He went from bad to worse, falling in with vagrants, learning their talk and their ways, acquiring a love for wandering, and a distaste for regularity and direction. Taken into custody by the juvenile court and placed on probation with a family outside of Boston, James again ran away, mingling with a crowd of his old associates in Boston. It was at this point that the court decided to send him to the reform school. Then it was that an understanding friend took him in charge, found him a home in Newton, and started his life anew in the Technical High School.

That was how the record stood a while ago. How does it stand now? Promoted to the regular freshman class on trial, James has renewed his interest in education and shows an entirely new trait. He does not exactly dote on all his work, but he is doing it and doing it well. He hated school before. The new deal is different, he even likes it at times.

He has found something to interest him. The boy was just bursting with the need of expressing his self, his personality. The street gave his worst half its chance. Now the better stuff that is in him is getting its opportunity and he is taking it.

Good and evil are always contending for the boy as for the man, and the function of education is to give the good the better chance. If there be stale pedagogues who do not understand, let them take notice, for after all the boy is the one to be considered.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See One Dollar in the Educational Market, The Survey for May 24, 1913.

THE NECESSARY EVIL

By Charles Rann Kennedy Harper and Brothers. 110 pp. Price $1.00; by mail of The Survey $1.08.

THE BLINDNESS OF VIRTUE

By Cosmo Hamilton. George H. Doran Co. 127 pp. Price $1.00; by mail of The Survey $1.07.

Charles Rann Kennedy has again in The Necessary Evil given us a strong though unpleasant play. It is an appeal to the young girl growing into womanhood to consider what the desecration of that womanhood means, and a demand that she refuse to allow herself to be sold either into the prostitution of the street or that of a moneyed, loveless marriage.

John Heron, a composer, living in his music, his daughter and in the memory of his wife, is a man apart from the problems of the day. His daughter, just entering womanhood, has been for years an invalid, living in her father’s music and her books.

We meet them on her birthday. They are waiting for her brother’s return from the outside world in celebration of the day. The girl, filled with wonder at the beauty of life, with thankfulness for her recovered health, stands looking out of the window while her father plays Brahms’ Intermezzo Op. 118, No. 6. A woman passing in the street attracted by the music looks up and their eyes meet. In the woman’s eyes is the misery of all the fallen women since the creation, and it seems to the girl to carry a direct appeal for help. The music stops, and to her questioning the father tells her of her mother’s life of sacrifice for these erring sisters and of her death from a broken heart. It is the girl’s first knowledge of evil. Just here her brother comes.

In her joy over his return the woman is forgotten, but while they are at the birthday supper the woman comes in with her message of the misery of the lives of her lost sisters; her plea for a union between man and woman that is mental and spiritual, beyond the physical, and her demand for the love and pity of the girl’s innocence for her companions.

Were this scene handled by any less masterly hand than Mr. Kennedy’s it would be impossible; but in his messenger we find again that same note of mysticism that has characterized his other plays. We cannot, however, but sympathize with the girl’s brother in his indignation that his sister should have the veil so ruthlessly torn from her eyes. Surely we can teach our girls the sanctity and beauty of marriage without taking away their joy in living.

Approach the problem, however, from whatever road we will, it always comes back to the one fundamental question—What right have parents to let their children grow to manhood or womanhood without the knowledge that is their right?

During the past few seasons we have had many plays on sex problems. Some of them have been strong, virile, excellently written, from both an acting and a literary point of view, but they have failed to waken in their hearers any sense of personal responsibility towards the problem presented. This is due mainly to the fact that they have dealt with unusual situations or a too sordid group. The average listener feels sorry for the victim with the same impersonal feeling that is aroused by the reading of similar horrors in the daily press.

But this is not so in Cosmo Hamilton’s strong play—The Blindness of Virtue. The scene is laid in the vicarage of a small rural parish outside of London—but it might as truly be outside of New York. The Reverend Harry Pemberton and his wife, lovable examples of the broad human element of the church, in their zeal to do their duty by God’s unfortunate children are leaving to a very lonely life their one child, a girl just reaching womanhood, anxious to try her wings, to be doing, to be helping, but sheltered by her parents from any conflict with the world and its problems.

Into this household comes young Archie Graham, sent down by his father, the minister of education, to read with the vicar. Archie is given a thoroughly bad character by this father, who has been too busy legislating for the education of the masses to have had time to help in the development of his motherless son.

By the second act a charming love interest has developed between the boy who, under the warmth of the vicar’s trust and companionship, has grown every inch a man, and the girl—unconscious on her part, realized on his as something to be worthy of.

In this act, Mary Ann Lemmins, a village girl, who was lost eight months previous, comes to see the vicar.

With his eyes opened to what a parent’s responsibilities should be, the vicar calls his wife and begs that she give Effie the knowledge which would protect her. The mother brings every old-time argument behind which false modesty has [308]hidden for years to prove that Effie should not be told. “Girls must learn for themselves. My mother never told me.” Only when he insists that if she does not tell Effie he will, does she agree to do so that night. She delays, however, and a few mornings later the father finds Effie in Archie’s bedroom, quite innocently come to hear of his trip to London the previous day. The vicar, refusing to believe that his daughter, knowing what he thinks her mother has told her, could have come to the room voluntarily, accuses the boy of having enticed her there. A violent quarrel between the two men ends the act. But in the last act the vicar learns that the young people have acted innocently, and it all ends happily.

The play is beautifully written, the characters so human, so lovable, that one feels grateful to Mr. Hamilton for having introduced us to them. It is by far the strongest and most convincing appeal for sex education that has yet been written for the stage. One cannot imagine any parent who has been blind to his duty, as had been the vicar, not crying with him, “My child might have been Mary Ann.”

The Blindness of Virtue should do much good. It might be considered the cause to effect as shown in Brieux’ Damaged Goods.

OPPORTUNITIES FOR VOCATIONAL TRAINING IN BOSTON

Some excitement has been aroused in the ranks of those who are interested in vocational guidance to youths by the conclusion of several students of the subject that young people between fourteen and sixteen need to be guided into further training rather than into gainful occupations. If this conclusion be correct a distinct service will be rendered by listing and analyzing existing opportunities for vocational training. Without committing itself to either point of view, the Women’s Municipal League of Boston has pioneered by compiling a handbook of such opportunities in that city.

For the purposes of this book vocational training is defined as “any education the controlling purpose of which is to fit for profitable employment.” It is obvious that in any attempt to analyze and discriminate among agencies offering vocational education, the value of the work will be determined largely by the manner in which it is conducted. The investigations for this treatise were done mainly by students from Harvard, Radcliffe and Wellesley Colleges, from the School for Social Workers, and from Boston University. Their work, says the preface, was closely supervised. A tentative chart made from the written reports of the students was subjected to the comparative scrutiny of the heads of all the schools concerned. Before the final charts were made conferences were held with experts in each type of education listed.

Besides an alphabetical list of 292 subjects taught in vocational schools and classes in Boston, the book contains classified information regarding professional schools, commercial schools, industrial schools and schools for training in the household arts. Both public and private schools are included. Among industrial schools are included pre-vocational, manual training, trade, technical and other improvement schools. With regard to each school the book tells briefly its purpose, courses, admission requirements, tuition, season, and what the school undertakes in the way of placing its students.

A supplement lists organized opportunities for training for the physically handicapped in Massachusetts, opportunities for vocational training in settlements and other social centers and organized opportunities for finding employment.

SOCIALISM SUMMED UP

By Morris Hillquit. The H. K. Fly Co. 110 pp. Price $1.00; by mail of The Survey $1.06.

THE TRUTH ABOUT SOCIALISM

By Allan L. Benson. B. W. Huebsch. 188 pp. Price $1.00; by mail of The Survey $1.10.

SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE

By Samuel P. Orth. Henry Holt. 352 pp. Price $1.50; by mail of The Survey $1.62.

MY LIFE

By August Bebel. The University of Chicago Press. 343 pp. Price $2.00; by mail of The Survey $2.14.

FURTHER REMINISCENCES

By H. M. Hyndman. The Macmillan Co. 545 pp. Price $5.00; by mail of The Survey $5.20.

THE LARGER ASPECTS OF SOCIALISM

By William English Walling. The Macmillan Co. 406 pp. Price $1.50; by mail of The Survey $1.63.

The chapters of Mr. Hillquit’s summary of the principles of Socialism and the industrial conditions, which, in his opinion, make its coming inevitable, appeared in the Metropolitan Magazine. As its name indicates, this little book of 110 pages makes no original contributions to the subject; in it one of the best known of American Socialists presents in a style which, though dry, is easy to understand, the forces that have made Socialists; their aims; the program of practical reform through legislation favored by the party; something of the accomplishments of international Socialism; and a short resume of its history in America. Socialism, as presented by Mr. Hillquit, is a purely political movement. The best presentation of its immediate aims and its methods of accomplishing them is given in the chapter entitled Political Program.

Mr. Benson’s book, The Truth About Socialism, covers the same ground as Mr. Hillquit’s and was written originally for Pearson’s Magazine. It is more picturesque and readable in style, as Mr. Benson is magazine writer even before Socialist, and deals with the subject less methodically.

An introductory chapter covers the general principles of Socialism and succeeding chapters deal with the objections to Socialism. Further chapters take up its bearing on the vital questions of the day and contrast the radical and the Socialist plans of meeting these problems. As for [309]the practical method of attaining the industrial commonwealth, Mr. Benson appears to favor compensation for industries taken over by the government and the payment to employes in these industries of wages commensurate with their services.

Neither Mr. Hillquit’s nor Mr. Benson’s book are intended to cover the subject thoroughly or to do more than is the legitimate function of magazine articles—to arouse the reader’s interest so that he will himself attempt to learn more.

Mr. Orth in Socialism and Democracy in Europe, has presented a good review of the accomplishments of international Socialism under the dominance of an opportunist parliamentarian policy. He has well presented the relations, conscious and unconscious, of the practical evolutionary Socialism of today with the radical or liberal movements of the various European countries. The mass of facts which he has gathered together into small compass bear careful study. They cover the development of radicalism, political Socialism and syndicalism in France; of the co-operative and political sides of the Belgian Socialist movement as well as their frequent use of the direct action of the general strike to gain political rights; the development of the German Socialist movement in the political field and the German trade union movement; and the history of the Independent Labor Party and of the liberalism of Lloyd-George in England.

Such a book as Mr. Orth’s tends to confirm the more inflexible theorists of the class struggle in their contention that Socialism should, if it is to retain its separate existence as a revolutionary movement, be able to suggest the rough outlines of an industrial commonwealth of the future which shall be convincingly different from the bureaucratic “Socialistic” state toward which Mr. Orth evidently believes the Socialist and radical movements of the various European countries are moving. Constructive Socialism has, up to this time, meant the outlining of the successive steps in a program looking toward the Socialist state. Now that many of the “immediate demands” of Socialist platforms have been taken over by other parties, the next step for Socialists is to show what is the social structure toward which they are working.

In My Life, the first volume of his autobiography, August Bebel, the most prominent figure in the German Socialist movement, covers in Germany practically the same period that the first volume of H. M. Hyndman’s reminiscences, reviewed on this page, covers in England. It stops in 1878 with the beginning of the persecution of Socialists and with reform legislation by the government, dictated by the ideas of the Socialist Lasalle and prompted partly by the fear of Socialism, then at their height.

Autobiography is not history, but it throws an invaluable sidelight on history. Supplemented by the compact review of the history of that period of German Socialism in Professor Orth’s book. Bebel’s life becomes absorbingly interesting. It tells of his own development, of his practical work in the non-Socialist German labor movement and of his conversion to Socialism. Last of all comes his subsequent part in the struggle between the opportunist Socialism of Lasalle and the revolutionary Socialism of Marx, ending in that compromise between the two wings in 1875 which made the modern German movement. Equally interesting is the story of the first acts of Bismarck’s bitter persecution of Socialism, which had much to do with bringing these two wings together and which gave its greatest impetus to the growth of the party’s membership in Germany.

Some of the details of the persecution are worth repeating. In 1878 two attempts were made on the emperor’s life. Neither was by a Socialist but they were used, nevertheless, as an excuse for persecution. The first effort to suppress Socialism by legislation was a failure, but the government found other means of making it undesirable to belong to the party. Under laws of lese majeste and other laws, in the first half of 1878 the prison sentences of Socialists arrested in a certain section of North Germany amounted to 500 or 600 years. Bebel gives the following general account of conditions:

The pre-Socialist period of Bebel’s life is no less interesting than his part in the movement. His vivid account of the bitter poverty of his childhood—the days when his “highest ambition was to be able to eat his fill of bread and butter”—is almost enough to account for his subsequent development into a revolutionary Socialist. Throughout almost the whole period covered by this volume, indeed, Bebel combined a bitter struggle for the livelihood of his family with a keen and unrelenting fight to establish a state of society which should do away with poverty.

The second volume of the memoirs of that old warhorse of English Socialism, H. M. Hyndman, is as delightfully readable as was the first, published a year ago. It is not, like Bebel’s life, an orderly record of his activities as a Socialist propagandist, for this is but one, though the most [310]important, side of Hyndman’s life. From the time he lost his hereditary fortune because of his espousal of Socialism he has been a hard working but unfortunately not a very successful business man and at the same time an indefatigable Socialist agitator.

In his judgment of people and events he sometimes shows flashes of insight; though he is by no means judicial but always dogmatic, “opinionated,” and not infrequently wrong-headed. In his facts, though he has a marvelous store of knowledge—frequently indeed, inside information—he is often inaccurate.

In no affairs but those of America, however, are his facts fundamentally wrong, and this complete and amusing ignorance of American affairs he shares with a large part of the English press. Of those few American Socialists whom he happens to know personally his characterizations are interesting. Among them is William D. Haywood, who in his opinion is the “most thorough-going and one of the most determined working-class leaders I have ever met, and I have come across a good many.”

An illustration of Hyndman’s tendency to be “opinionated” is his attitude toward the worldwide movement of which Haywood is the American representative. “Syndicalism,” he says, “is scarcely worth criticizing,” and his whole criticism of the philosophy of the new labor movement runs in this vein. Nevertheless, he is appreciative of the personality and influence of the leading exponent of syndicalism in England, Tom Mann, whom he regards “as the boldest, most vehement, and most stirring agitator and organiser” he has ever known.

In the great English strikes of the last two years Hyndman was evidently less impressed than most observers by the solidarity of the workers, and he even appears to criticize the democratic control of those strikes which was their other distinguishing characteristic. Perhaps this is because he himself has always been somewhat autocratic in his leadership of the Social-Democratic federation, and thus tends to regard leaders as unduly important.

Of late years Hyndman’s name has been associated with his struggle, contrary to all Socialist precedent, for a large navy and a citizen army to handle a possible German attack on England. His defense of this stand, based largely on conditions existing at the time of the Franco-Prussian war, is not entirely convincing, especially in view of the aggressive action that the German Social Democracy has taken recently in preventing warlike preparations on the part of Germany. In this connection his appreciation of the leader of the German Social Democracy, who is the subject of the German autobiography just reviewed, is well worth quoting. “I have rarely met,” he says of Bebel, “any one who had done so much to be proud of who was so simple and modest in his private conversation, or who took so little upon himself in his every-day intercourse with his fellows. His influence over his own party was obviously quite unbounded. The voluntary respect paid to Bebel was in fact a tribute paid through him to their own organization and themselves, of whom he was the acknowledged representative.”

For the second time William English Walling has made a notable contribution to the literature of Socialism. In his earlier book, Socialism as It Is, he discussed the various and often contradictory lines of thought and policy which have crept in and divided the Socialist movement as organized in the political and economic fields. His contention there was that the struggle of Socialism today is not against capitalism but against bureaucratic State Socialism. Not the least important thing he attempts in the present volume, The Larger Aspects of Socialism, is to differentiate the philosophies underlying revolutionary Socialism and State Socialism.

This volume, like the earlier books, is not based so much on Mr. Walling’s own interpretation of “all the great modern forces, thought, science, art, religion and humanity’s conquest of the universe,” as on quotations from recognized authorities on these subjects. Mr. Walling shows how all modern thought is tending toward a new philosophy of civilization, without which political and economic Socialism could never be attained. Socialism: a New Civilization is his subject. Throughout all aspects of this subject he identifies the pragmatic philosophy with Socialism. This identification he supports by quotations not only from pragmatic but from the writings of the fathers of Socialism. Briefly stated, this philosophy holds man to be, for human purposes, not for purposes of abstract thought, the centre of the universe. Society in its view is meant for the protection of man, so that each individual shall be enabled not to “serve the state”—this is the State Socialist philosophy—but to be free and to reach his own fullest development. The various aspects of this idea Mr. Walling considers under the headings science, evolution, biology, morality and various aspects of sex. What he regards as the chief reactionary influences of the present civilization he considers in chapters on religion, education and the abuse of history, and he brings out strongly the charge that the class education of the present day is the greatest of impediments to the new civilization, and that the invasion of education—that is, the invasion of the minds of the mass of the people—by the new ideas is necessary before Socialism can prevail.

With the dominance of this new philosophy in all lines of human thought Mr. Walling believes that for the first time human society, bent upon the perfection of the individual, will be guided by other than involuntary forces. It will be determined not by natural forces or by the brute force of class rule, but by the creative intelligence of humanity exercised on environment purposefully for the good of its members. “With socialism,” he quotes Marx as saying, “real history begins.” For its contribution of a new social philosophy he holds Socialism, not as it is generally regarded, constructive of the future on the foundation of the past, but rather creative of a future society which has nothing in common with the past.

A SUNNY LIFE: THE BIOGRAPHY OF SAMUEL JUNE BARROWS

By Isabel C. Barrows. Little, Brown & Co. 323 pp. Price $1.50; by mail of The Survey $1.62.

This is the story of a rarely beautiful and many-sided life. It shows us the little boy becoming a wage-earner at eight to help his widowed mother; joining the church at fifteen and doing volunteer religious work among the sailors on the docks, who mounted the boy on a barrel to talk to them, and loved “the little barrel preacher”; becoming one of New York’s best short-hand reporters; at twenty-one taking the city editor’s place on the Tribune during the regular editor’s vacation; marrying at twenty-two; coming in close touch with great issues at the national capital as private secretary to William H. Seward, secretary of state; earning his way through the Harvard theological school by adventurous trips with General Custer and others as correspondent for the New York Tribune; pastor for four years of the historic First Congregational (Unitarian) Church of Dorchester, Mass.; editor for sixteen years of the Christian Register; congressman for one term, full of manifold service; finally secretary, for ten years, of the New York Prison Association, a leading penologist, securing important improvements in the laws, and doing more than any other one man toward changing American prisons from brutalizing dungeons to great reformatories.

The story of his life is vividly and lovingly told by the gifted wife who was the close associate of his labors for forty-three years. The book includes also extracts from his writings and letters; hymns that he composed, words and music; and a number of memorial tributes. It is enriched with sixteen photographs. This intimate narrative will have deep interest for all who knew and loved Mr. Barrows.

Mr. Barrows fought many good fights, but kept his sweetness and serenity through all. As Rabbi Wise said of him: “He was no man’s foe, but always the foe of wrong.” His legislative successes were won by hard, clean work.

He had a singular catholicity. As national prison commissioner, as representative of the United States at the International Prison Congress and the Interparliamentary Union for Arbitration, as a student of foreign prisons and an attendant at many national and international gatherings, he traveled widely and met all sorts and conditions of men, and he met them all on the same simple human footing, from a king or president down to the street gamins to whom he taught new games of jackstones while waiting for a belated car. He had friends of all nationalities, and carried a brotherly heart toward all races and colors. He knew a dozen languages, and kept on learning fresh ones after he was sixty.

He was many-sided, not only in his accomplishments, but in his devotion to good causes—peace, equal suffrage, temperance, social purity, kindness to animals, and justice for the Indian, the Negro, the persecuted Armenian, the Russian struggling for freedom. Full of talent, he “never had time to make money”; and he was fortunate in having a wife as variously gifted and unconventional as himself—one who could aid him in every way, from making a complete suit of clothes for him when he was a poor theological student, or carpentering a drawer to hold his music, to taking his place at the editorial desk in his absence, and going, after his death, to Paris as the representative of the United States government to explain his plans for the great International Prison Congress of which he was the president-elect. Never a rich man, he always led a rich life; and this record of it will go on helping humanity long after he has passed away from earth.

WHO?

THE WHITE SLAVE

[Concerning the reproduction, on the cover of the May magazine number of The Survey, of Miss Eberle’s sculpture of that name.]

I have to ask that you will remove my name and cancel my subscription to your publication, The Survey.

I was educated as an artist; have studied from the nude under Bonnat in Paris, and am by no means “squeamish;” but I am altogether unwilling to expose myself to the risk of having any such picture as appears upon the cover of The Survey for the week of May 3 sent into my home at the risk of its being seen by my four sons, the eldest of whom is a Methodist clergyman, and the three others of whom are under age.

I saw the statue of “a Gorilla carrying off a woman,” when it was first exhibited and much criticized, even at the time, in Paris—when it was first exhibited in the Paris salon.

The “idea” of this cover is, evidently, taken from that statue, but for offensiveness this goes it 500 per cent better.

As a subscriber and one who highly appreciates the work of The Survey, permit me to express my surprise and criticism on the lack of good judgment and good taste that permitted the design on the cover of the number just out, May 3. In my opinion, the aims and purposes of such a magazine as The Survey in endeavoring to meet and counteract the evils of the day are not furthered by such sensational eye pictures as this, and moreover, it has the characteristics of brutality and indecency, I am sure, from the point of view of a large number of your readers, and might have the result of lessening their opinion of your good judgment and taste in your manner of approaching this subject and others you are dealing with. I will offer no excuse for thus expressing my opinion sincerely, as I will assume that you desire to have such from your subscribers and readers.

In addition to an unusually valuable list of articles, permit me to thank you for the cover of the issue of May 3. The picture is profoundly educational, and those who have had some dealing at close quarters see in this picture of the White Slave a finished sermon on the subject.

For the enclosed, please send me a copy of your issue of May 3, with the White Slave picture on cover.

Allow me to congratulate you for giving that group just the prominent place you did.

As a regular subscriber, reader and admirer of your magazine and its valued work, I must earnestly protest against the outside cover of your May 3 issue. With several boys in my family, the only way I could lay the issue on my library table was after tearing off the cover, which is certainly glaringly offensive. We oppose (or should do so) indecent bill-board, newspaper advertising, etc., and therefore should not offend ourselves, no matter what the motive. Trust thee will be guarded for the future.

As friends of The Survey and of what it stands for, allow us to write our protest against placing such a subject as the White Slave on the outside cover of your issue of May 3, Vol. XXX, No. 5.

The publication of such a subject, treated in a sensational way with a conspicuous background, on the cover of any magazine seems to us ill-advised, and especially so on one which finds its way into private houses where decency and modesty are inculcated.

As your paper is to a certain degree technical, intended to be read chiefly by social workers who are cognizant of these conditions, the inside of its covers is excusable, but its outside, open to the observation of all, young and old, should to our minds be severely censured.

Thank you for the frontispiece on The Survey of May 3. The beast carrying the woman did effective service in the Atlanta campaign, but this picture of a low human brute hawking into slavery a poor little immature girl will, I believe, be yet more effective in rousing the sluggish consciences of our American people. If it is art to use the pencil or the graver’s tool to portray sin in such a manner as to apply the lash to conscience, then I prefer this, under the existing dreadful conditions of tolerance of vice, to the Venus de Milo, and I thank the courageous artist who so consecrates her talents to the highest possible service of humanity.

A picture of this kind will do more to instruct my daughters and my sons as to the dangers which surround them and their obligations to help the down-trodden daughters of the poor than many arguments. Thank God we have brought these reptiles out into the open where we can handle them with due violence, and we can now place the responsibility where it belongs—on our churches.

Can you loan me the original to make a lantern slide to use in my public talks on vice?

I cannot forbear making a protest against the horrible and suggestive picture, which you have printed on the cover of your issue of May 3, Vol. XXX, No. 5. It is a picture calculated to suggest ideas which the whole country nowadays is trying to suppress. Teaching young people the facts of life is one thing—doubtless necessary. Making public the fact that there are people wicked enough to pander to vicious men is also, I am sure, necessary for efforts to suppress this traffic; but it is very demoralizing to send out broadcast and publicly such pictures as this. It shows that the familiar speaking and writing of this white slave—so called—traffic has blunted the judgment as to fitness and decency that this picture is displayed in this public way.

Miss Robins’ book, My Little Sister, is a true picture doubtless. She seems to affirm so with great confidence, but it will do more harm than good I fear in arousing evil thoughts and an unwholesome curiosity in the minds of young people in whose hands it falls. Published first in [313]a reputable magazine, and then hawked about in trains, etc., recommended in your magazine, which claims to be devoted to the improvement of morals, it will do a great deal of harm. At the rate you are going on in freedom of speech and discussion of filth which should not even be named when young and inexperienced people can hear, you will soon be advising a moving picture of what goes on in the dens of vice in order to teach young people what they should not do.... This artist must have allowed her imagination to go deep into the haunts of vice before she made this statue.

I do wish to express my extreme regret that you should have made public such a picture as appears on the cover of your issue of May 3. It ought never in my opinion to have been allowed to pass through the mail.

The readers of The Survey do not need any such reminder of the horrors of the white slave traffic, and to others, especially to young people and indifferent persons who are likely to pick up the magazine at random, such a picture with its unmistakable suggestions cannot fail to be demoralizing.

As a subscriber to The Survey and as one who has always tried to further its influence and increase its circulation, I beg to gravely remonstrate against your cover design of the issue of May 3.

Had you seen fit to place this most loathsome picture within the pages of your magazine, it would possibly have served a sufficient purpose, but to place it where it cannot fail to be seen by innocent children makes this issue unfit to appear in any home and appears to be, therefore, not only an instance of bad taste, but of bad morals.

Such lurid and outrageous efforts to excite the hysterical side of public opinion, pitifully defeat their aims and appear to be most unworthy of The Survey’s standards.

Kindly send to us C. O. D., twenty-five copies of The Survey, cover page of which contains the cut of a figure portraying the white slave traffic. The date and number cannot be furnished as the magazine has been loaned and we do not know to whom it was given.

We hope to secure, from the distribution of this issue among the ladies who are interested in social service, quite a number of subscriptions.

One or two of these protests are so unrestrained that the temptation is strong to reply without mincing matters. Others are so moderate that they must provoke the respect of people who hold different opinions. In the same way we trust that those who break with the editor of The Survey on the reproduction of Miss Eberle’s statue, or on its use as a cover, will regard that use as a considered act.

Unquestionably there is a cleavage of judgment in the matter of public education as to the social evil and its prevention. It is not The Survey’s purpose to overemphasize the vice situation. But it is a part of our regular service in the field of preventive social measures to keep our readers thoroughly alive to the movements to protect girls and boys from ruin and disease, for that, as we see it, is of the very essence of the present discussion of commercialized prostitution.

In Miss Eberle’s statuette, the White Slave, and in Elizabeth Robins’ book, My Little Sister, art and literature have this spring added fire and conviction to the abolition movement against prostitution—that “twin of slavery, as old and outrageous as slavery itself and even more persistent,” to use Miss Addams’ phrase.

So we printed a photograph of the White Slave on our cover as a challenge to public conscience searching. And we printed a review of My Little Sister, in which Mrs. Laidlaw brought out the American aspects of the story of the sheltered little English girl who was kidnapped.

In the same issue was a ringing report of how the newly enfranchised women of San Francisco forced a reluctant Legislature to pass a bill which will close the notorious “red light district.” More than that, these women of the California Civic League and the Women’s Christian Temperance Union are caring for the helpless girls thrown out of the segregated district, befriending them and putting them on their feet again. It was the kind of story that led a subscriber to write the other day: “Every time I read an issue of The Survey I feel like getting right up and doing something worth while for somebody.”

On another page, A. Leo Weil, the militant president of the Pittsburgh Voters League, entered a plea for a special body of men in every city to deal with vice. And a physician in a New York village told how the local doctors, aghast at the amount of social disease among the young people of their little community—their own sons among the rest—banded together to wipe it out.

Up to the time of going to press it had been expected that Mr. Kneeland’s incisive analysis of commercialized prostitution in New York, made for the Bureau of Social Hygiene, would have been released by the Century Company by May 3, so that his findings could be added to this group of articles.⁠[2] All this was in The Survey’s spirit of facing hard facts for the sake of the future, and in line with its editorial policy with respect to this special subject: i.e. of banking up material rather than stringing it along.

Here, then, in a field to which The Survey bears special obligation, at a time when we were handling a group of articles interpretative of that obligation, was a piece of sculpture with the same message—with a thought-compelling quality which “linked it as a social force,” as Miss Merriman rightly pointed out, “with, say, the dispassionate but terrible report of the Chicago Vice Commission.”

Of course, the strength in such a challenge to public conscience-searching lies in its exceptionalness—repetition would dull its edge. There is no prospect of another such cover in the months ahead; we know of no “sermon in stone” of like calibre. For the same reason, when such an exceptional work does appear, our course is clear: we should bring it out.

Those moralists who feel that the work was suggestive read into it something which is not there. It is not unclean.

Those artists who have criticised the group on the ground that the woman’s figure alone should have been done—that, in other words, the sculptor should have abstracted all the pathos and beauty possible from the situation, but not the horror—miss its social message.

Those parents who protest against it as opening a dark world to sheltered members of their households must make the same protest against the sermon which would do more than skim the surface of the moral needs of a community; against the general periodical which would broach these things in ways specific enough to be helpful; against the play like Damaged Goods, which puts the consequences of evil living in human terms; for in all these audiences are there likely to be young people. And after all, in all these fields, we are not at this stage faced with the choice between home education and public education, but of rousing the home.

While the leaders in sex hygiene are bound to have a difficult task on their hands in restraining unscientific and slap-dash agencies who assume to give public instruction, the fact remains that the larger and most difficult task of those leaders is still that of arousing the public, a general and wide-spread process of education both as to the things that should be known and as to the need for knowing them. The reason for this is that the old policies of reticence have failed—failed so far that not only has America contributed nothing to the solution of a world-old problem, but has imported new commercialized phases of it and let them become rampant, to bring destruction and disease to thousands.

At such a juncture The Survey must give respectful hearing to those whose outlook is personal, but must draw its counsels rather from those who bring larger measure of social experience to the question—from superintendents of orphanages,⁠[3] who know what the old policies of ignorance have cost in the lives of boys and girls; from neurologists, who see the after consequences of that same ignorance; from reformatory heads; from educators; from physicians.

Without the fact of commercialized vice such a searching piece of work as Miss Eberle’s would lack truth; without the added fact that such vice exists, not merely because of the greed and lust of men, but because of the inertia, the reticence, the acceptance of things as they are by people who, if they aroused themselves, could put an end to it, it would lack occasion.

If such conditions exist, then it has blazing truth and insistent occasion and like Nast’s cartoons it may well be looked back upon as a crashing social force breaking through the crusts of toleration and neglect.

If such conditions exist—if they exist because the public does not know, or knowing, does not act; if the public’s ignorance or inaction is due in whole or in part to the benumbing effects of these same policies on journalism, on the church, and on the other channels of enlightenment—then it is the part of The Survey of all journals, standing as it does midway between the doctor, the social investigator, the criminologist and the general public, to bring out the truth and to bring it out in ways that will strike fire.

If under such promptings The Survey uses the White Slave, then it should use it in such a way as to cleave through to the widest circle of its audience. Hence the cover. Probably in all his long pastorate, Henry Ward Beecher was never more criticized than when he emphasized the auction of two fugitive slave girls at the Broadway Tabernacle. Those who in his day were shocked at what they felt to be sensationalism and the desecration of God’s temple have given way in the passage of time to those who see that the desecration was mankind’s in the toleration of slavery itself.

In the Brooklyn Eagle of April 21 appeared a powerful sermon by Dr. Hillis from Dr. Beecher’s old pulpit on social diseases and heredity, in which such strong language as the following was used in speaking of the “conspiracy of silence”: “It is a guilty, cruel, dastardly, damnable silence on the part of preacher, teacher and parent.”—Ed.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] See Rockefeller Report on Commercialized Vice. The Survey, May 24, p. 257.

[3] See Post-graduates of the Hired Man, by R. R. Reeder, superintendent of New York Orphanage, Hastings on Hudson, who is the educator and foster father to 250 boys and girls. The Survey, March 8, p. 816.

THE PATERSON STRIKE

For a number of years I have been a reader and subscriber of The Survey and it both shocks and pains me to find that The Survey has apparently taken a biased view of the strike here in Paterson. I understand that several Survey investigators have been to Paterson before preparing the news items on pages 81-82 and 83 in your issue of April 19. These investigators did not call upon those in our city to whom it seems to me they should naturally have turned, the Charity Organization Society. If they had, they would not have made some of the glaring and ill-advised statements contained in your editorial.

They would have been better posted as to the type of looms which they have called multiple or automatic looms throughout the article. Both names so far as applied to silk are erroneous. All broad silk looms with few exceptions are supplied with either side or center filling stop motions. This stops the loom when the thread in the shuttle breaks. This has been common for years and does not constitute an automatic loom. Some looms have been equipped with warp stop motions, stopping the loom when a warp end breaks. This does not constitute an automatic loom. An automatic loom is one in which either the shuttle, which has already been filled with new thread, or quill or bobbin changes automatically. It would also very likely be equipped with both warp and filling stop motions. Such looms as last mentioned have never proven satisfactory on silk.

In the article you make certain statements but have not made them clearly. As your paper is read by many charitable and philanthropic people, it is hardly fair to the charitable and philanthropic people of Paterson to have such statements as you have made concerning Paterson go forth to the world without objections on our part. You have not made clear the meaning of the three and four loom system. The word system, as used here, has an arbitrary meaning and means one weaver to three or four looms. You state that Paterson is “importing” the four loom system. This is not true because there is nothing to import.

You further made a statement that competition between Pennsylvania and New Jersey is over. This is not so, it is just as keen today as ever. You further make a statement that great factories are equipped with automatic looms in Pennsylvania, four of these looms being operated by one boy or girl.⁠[4] Can you name a single mill where this is so? I have been fifteen years calling on the silk mills and I have yet to learn of an automatic loom being used to weave silk or where four looms are operated by a boy or girl. You further make a statement that weavers are required to tend three looms. I think this is wrong. There is no question but that they could operate three to four looms of their own free will, but there is no compulsion about it.⁠[5]⁠

In quoting from the Paterson Evening News you infer that an additional strain is placed on a weaver in taking care of three or four looms. If this is so, it remains to be proven. I have talked about this with a number of weavers and they state that they have not noticed this fact, if it is one. You further imply that it will change the character of work in Paterson if the three and four loom system is put in operation. I think this is a mis-apprehension because only about 40 per cent of the looms of Paterson, of which there are about 16,000 would be affected in any way by this so-called three and four loom system. As you quoted, in a statement made by the silk manufacturers, only a percentage of these would be affected because many plain looms have jacquards mounted over them and the manufacturers have never attempted to run more than two looms of this nature to one weaver, nor does the so-called three and four loom system reduce the wages. I know of one mill in this town that is in operation today despite the fact of the strike where sixteen looms are being operated by three weavers. One of these weavers in this particular mill has been operating four looms since last October and her earnings have averaged over $75 every two weeks.

Further along you say the multiple looms are large and equipped with automatic devices and can only be installed in large mills. This is absolutely incorrect. There is nothing to prevent a small mill from using any loom that is now manufactured. The smaller mill, in only a few cases, has so far taken over jacquard weaving which is the most intricate of all the weaving, and requires the most skill, and as intimated, is largely confined to the large factories. The smaller mills are mostly equipped with plain looms. Quite a few of these are mills running three to four looms to a weaver.

In making your contrast of the average wages paid in Paterson and the average paid in Pennsylvania, have you been fair? According to the reports which I have, the weavers of Paterson earn on an average about $12.55 a week and I am afraid in taking your Pennsylvania average you included all classes of textile workers, including the very low paid help in throwing mills, so cutting the average Pennsylvania wage down.⁠[6]⁠

The employers have not refused to confer with their employes except that they have rightly refused to treat with the Industrial Workers of the World agitators towards this settlement. You have not made clear the doctrines or propaganda of the Industrial Workers of the World whom you have called Industrial Socialists. The Socialists as you know have repudiated Haywood. Your statements in regard to the arrest of William D. Haywood and his subsequent release when arrested on March 30 are correct. I sincerely hope that you will immediately send other investigators to Paterson who will call on the Charity Organization Society and the ministers who formed the committee invited to the aldermanic meeting, Rev. A. H. Stein, Rev. D. S. Hamilton, Rev. W. C. Snodgrass, Rev. J. F. Shaw and Dr. Jones. I would also suggest some of the business men of the town whose stores you could enter along Main street or Market [316]street. I would suggest William Wieda; John C. Mason, Quackenbush & Co.; A. P. Van Saun, Van Dyk Furniture Co.; Ex-Judge Francis Scott; Ex-Judge James Inglis; John W. Ferguson; H. H. Parmelee; Hamilton Trust Co.; Edward T. Bell, First National Bank; and Wm. H. Blauvelt, Second National Bank.

I would suggest that you call attention to the articles in The Survey of May 4, 1912 and April 6, 1912 telling about the Industrial Workers of the World. I am also enclosing an article written by Lincoln Steffens in the Globe and Commercial Advertiser of March 29, 1912.

Will you kindly publish this letter in fairness not only to Paterson but to the “things” The Survey stands for, as your news items contain so many technical errors which have a vital bearing to a certain extent on this strike?

FOOTNOTES:

[4] See Note A below.

[5] See Note B below.

[6] See Note C below.

[The Survey is more than willing to accept Mr. Kinkead’s corrections as to looms and textile processes, for his business is mill machinery. It does not quite agree with him, however, as to the importance of the matter, since the technical terms were incidental merely to the subject of the strike.

As a matter of fact, such a staff inquiry as Mr. Kinkead suggests has been in progress and in the June magazine number The Survey will publish an article by John A. Fitch.—Ed.]

DRAMATIZING THE PATERSON STRIKE

Seizing on the suggestion that some master of pageantry ought to give symbolic expression to the mass strike, a leader of the Paterson strike proposed that the silk workers should themselves present to the public the meaning of its chief incidents. Within a few days Madison Square Garden had been rented for June 7, and large committees, composed in no small degree of volunteers from the 10,000 silk strikers in New York city, were at work on the details of the arrangements.

A pageant of six episodes has been planned by John Reed, a magazine writer who was himself arrested on the Paterson picket line a few weeks ago.

The episodes, as interpreted by the pageant committee, divide themselves into two groups: the one representing the struggle of the strikers against economic and legal tyranny; the other, the democratic government of the strike by the workers.

Brief titles of the episodes are: The Mills Alive—The People Dead—The Strike; The Mills Dead—The People Alive—The Picket Line and Arrests; Forty Pickets before an Irresponsible Judge; The Strike Victim’s Funeral; The Striking Mothers Send their Children to Strike Mothers in New York; The Legislature of the Strikers in Helvetia Hall Passes the Eight Hour Law. The strike leaders, in this last scene, will give propaganda speeches addressed to the audience. Their speeches are to be the only monologues in the performance.

A thousand strikers will march from Paterson to New York to take part in the pageant. The music will be furnished by their mass singing and by their bands which now play at all large strike meetings. Both the actors and singers are being trained by John Reed.

CITY FATHERS TO FOREGATHER

At Binghamton on June 5-7 the mayors and other municipal officials of New York state are to hold their fourth annual conference. Each of the forty-eight mayors is to tell in five minutes what is the greatest problem of his city.

VACANT LOT GARDENING IN TORONTO

Toronto has joined the ranks of the cities in which there is an active vacant lot gardening movement. Over thirty parcels of vacant land in the business section of the city have been loaned to the Playgrounds Association and prepared for gardening by the Plowmen’s Association of York Township.

Early in this month the actual tilling began and the start of the new venture was celebrated by a dinner to the plowmen on the evening of that day. Seeds and implements have been promised so that the children will have everything necessary for successful gardening.

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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Survey, Volume 30, Number 9, May 31, 1913

The Survey, Volume 30, Number 9, May 31, 1913

THE COMMON WELFARE

CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION FIGHT IN PENNSYLVANIA

NEW YORK CHARITIES IN CONFERENCE

PROF. HENDERSON NOW HEADS CHICAGO’S UNITED CHARITIES

THE STRIKE OF THE JERSEY SILK WEAVERS

CITY PLANNING AS A CIVIC ASSET

EDITORIAL GRIST

THE GUARANTEE OF SECURITY

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY IN NORTH DAKOTA

CRIMINAL TRAFFIC IN COCAINE

FINGER PRINTS
A BIT OF EVIDENCE

FOOTNOTES:

BOOKS

THE NECESSARY EVIL

THE BLINDNESS OF VIRTUE

OPPORTUNITIES FOR VOCATIONAL TRAINING IN BOSTON

SOCIALISM SUMMED UP

THE TRUTH ABOUT SOCIALISM

SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE

MY LIFE

FURTHER REMINISCENCES

THE LARGER ASPECTS OF SOCIALISM

A SUNNY LIFE: THE BIOGRAPHY OF SAMUEL JUNE BARROWS

COMMUNICATIONS

WHO?

THE WHITE SLAVE

FOOTNOTES:

THE PATERSON STRIKE

FOOTNOTES:

JOTTINGS

DRAMATIZING THE PATERSON STRIKE

CITY FATHERS TO FOREGATHER

VACANT LOT GARDENING IN TORONTO

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Survey, Volume 30, Number 9, May 31, 1913

The Survey, Volume 30, Number 9, May 31, 1913

THE COMMON WELFARE

CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION FIGHT IN PENNSYLVANIA

NEW YORK CHARITIES IN CONFERENCE

PROF. HENDERSON NOW HEADS CHICAGO’S UNITED CHARITIES

THE STRIKE OF THE JERSEY SILK WEAVERS

CITY PLANNING AS A CIVIC ASSET

EDITORIAL GRIST

THE GUARANTEE OF SECURITY

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY IN NORTH DAKOTA

CRIMINAL TRAFFIC IN COCAINE

FINGER PRINTS A BIT OF EVIDENCE

FOOTNOTES:

BOOKS

THE NECESSARY EVIL

THE BLINDNESS OF VIRTUE

OPPORTUNITIES FOR VOCATIONAL TRAINING IN BOSTON

SOCIALISM SUMMED UP

THE TRUTH ABOUT SOCIALISM

SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE

MY LIFE

FURTHER REMINISCENCES

THE LARGER ASPECTS OF SOCIALISM

A SUNNY LIFE: THE BIOGRAPHY OF SAMUEL JUNE BARROWS

COMMUNICATIONS

WHO?

THE WHITE SLAVE

FOOTNOTES:

THE PATERSON STRIKE

FOOTNOTES:

JOTTINGS

DRAMATIZING THE PATERSON STRIKE

CITY FATHERS TO FOREGATHER

VACANT LOT GARDENING IN TORONTO

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE

FINGER PRINTS
A BIT OF EVIDENCE